“Around 50 Aadhaar cards have been rejected in Burdwan’s Jamalpur. Similar things are happening in Birbhum, North 24 Parganas, Burdwan and several other districts,” Banerjee said while speaking at a programme in Birbhum.

Banerjee, was also warning people against the CAA. She said, “During elections, you (BJP) are shouting for CAA. Once Aadhaar cards of people get rejected, bank accounts will get delinked and you will not get back your citizenship before five years. You are already citizens of this country.”

She warned the populace to stay away from the “citizenship trap”, saying everyone is already a citizen of the country and has Aadhaar cards, voter identity and ration cards. “Now, if Aadhaar cards get rejected, people will not get money in their bank accounts from the state in various state-run schemes. This is the ploy of the Centre to stop our funds reaching the common people,” Banerjee said while expressing her apprehensions. She directed the administration to create a portal where people, whose Aadhaar cards have been rejected, can register. “We will look into the matter and the administration will take necessary steps. We will send the money to the beneficiaries at any cost,” she asserted.

Aadhar De-Activation

CJP received several panic calls from West Bengal on Saturday, February 17 when about 60 persons from Jamalpur in Burdwan district reported that their Aadhar cards had been unilaterally, without notice been de-activated. This action was reported by the Sanmarg portal and was taken by the Ranchi branch of the UIDAI on Jamalpur block In Burdwan.

The portal reports that as many as 50 residents of the Jamalpur block’s Abujhati Gram Panchayat have received such letters as also Jogram. This de-activation would seriously affect rations, banking access etc. The letters reportedly stated that it is as per Rule 28 that the de-activation has taken place. The fact that the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) had made an announcement on “implementing CAA before the elections” has doubled citizens’ concerns.

Related:

West Bengal Assembly next in line to pass resolution against CAA

After Kerala, Punjab Assembly passes resolution against CAA

WB becomes first state to declare it will skip NPR meet in Delhi

Kerala passes resolution for withdrawal of CAA

The post Mamata Banerjee attacks Union Govt, says Aadhaar cards being rejected en masse in Bengal appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Protests and harmony on the streets:

Around 1 pm, a protest rally organised by members of Bandi Mukti Committee, Hawkers Sangram Committee and around 200 other organisations was organised against the “fascist rule” and “divisive politics” of the BJP-led Centre. The said rally was joined by many eminent personalities such as State Education Minister Bratya Basu, TMC MP Samirul Islam, human rights activist and journalist Teesta Setalvad, columnist and researcher Harsh Mander, Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader Dipankar Bhattacharyya and local activist Binayak Sen. Thousands of people from different districts participated in the said rally, highlighting issues such as unemployment and joblessness which were being ignored by the ruling party. The protestors raised several demands including the immediate implementation of the Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014.

Around 5 pm in the evening the day of the consecration ceremony of the Ram temple, visuals from the interfaith rally being held by West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee in Kolkata started emerging on social media. In the first emerging videos from the rally, titled as the ‘Sanghati Yatra’, CM Mamata Banerjee could be seen walking towards Park Circus, a minority-dominated pocket in east Kolkata, with representatives from all faiths and religions walking beside and behind her. These visuals, starkly contrasting to the Hindu and PM Modi dominated pictures that were coming from the Ram Temple inauguration, served as a powerful rhetoric to the Hinduvta exclusive and anti-minority stance being promoted by the Bharatiya Janata Party. As per a report of the New Indian Express, Mamata started the march from Hazra crossing in south Kolkata after offering prayer at Kalighat temple. As per the report, CM Mamata visited a gurdwara, mosque and church, giving out a message of inter-faith and inter-religious harmony.

The video can be viewed here:

VIDEO | West Bengal CM @MamataOfficial commences her ‘Sampriti Rally’ in Kolkata. pic.twitter.com/nFat9OPMqH

— Press Trust of India (@PTI_News) January 22, 2024

CM Mamata was not the only opposition leader protesting and celebration January 22 in her own way. The day started with the Indian National Congress leader Rahul Gandhi sitting in protest in Assam, with the participants of Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra, at being denied entry to visit the birthplace of iconic Vaishnav saint Srimanta Sankardeva at Batadrava in Nagaon. It is essential to highlight here that Sankardeva is an Assamese saint-scholar, social religious reformer, poet, playwright and a towering figure in the cultural and religious history of Assam from the 15th-16th century. Gandhi was stopped at Haibargaon, around 17 km away from Batadrava, which prompted him and the other party leaders to sit on a dharna. The protestors could be seen singing songs such as ‘Raghupati Raghav Raja Ram’ which promoted secularism and pluralism, reminding us of the Gandhian principles of harmony and togetherness.

Interfaith rituals performed:

A gesture truly evident of the pluralistic values of India also came forth from Koppal city of Karnataka where Hindus and Muslims were seen offering special ‘puja’ together at a local Lord Ram temple. Hate Detectors posted on ‘X’ (formerly Twitter) showing pictures from the said ritual. As per the social media post, leaders from both communities gathered at the said temple in Bhagyanagar locality of Koppal city and participated in the worship with devotion. It has been further stated that Muslims stood with the Hindu leaders and took ‘aarti’ and ‘prasada’ after the worshipping with devoutness. The gesture was appreciated and hailed by the people across the state. The photos and videos in this regard have gone viral on social media.

The post can be viewed here:

Hindus and Muslims offered special ‘puja’ together at a local #ShriRamTemple in #Koppal city of #Karnataka on Monday.

The leaders from both communities gathered at #ShriRamMandir in #Bhagyanagar locality of Koppal city and participated in the worship with devotion. #Muslims… pic.twitter.com/ddCqAJL4VA

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) January 22, 2024

Preamble- the symbol of justice and hope on social media:

Hours before the inauguration, celebrities from the Malayalam film industry shared images of the Preamble of the Indian Constitution on their social media handles. The move was a silent reminder to the ruling BJP party of the secular, socialist, and democratic values enshrined and forms the basic structure of the Constitution of India. Amongst these Malayalam film personalities were several well-known actors such as Parvathy Thiruvothu, Rima Kallingal, Divya Prabha, Rajesh Madhavan, Kani Kusruti, directors Jeo Baby, Aashiq Abu, Kamal KM, Kunjila Mascillamani, and singer Sooraj Santhosh. Bollywood actress Sushmita Sen also shared the picture of the Preamble on her Instagram. Apart from celebrities, the Preamble became a symbol for all those that stood against the construction of the Ayodhya structure after demolishing the Babri Masjid. 

Student-led protests at colleges:

At Delhi’s Jamia Millia Islamia, a group of students staged a protest on the university campus against the demolition of Babri Masjid on the day of the inauguration ceremony at Ayodhya. During the protest, the students raised slogans such as “RSS down down” and “Strike for Babri”. Many videos of the protest went viral on social media and were circulated widely. In one of the videos, two students were seen holding placards with photos of demolished masjids and raising slogans, while campus security personnel tried to stop them. A protestor could also be heard shouting, “We shall never forgive, and we shall never forget this incident. We will continue our strike and boycott the class.” As reported by ANI, the Jamia officials are probing the matter. 

The video can be viewed here:

Students of Jamia Millia Islamia boycotted classes under the banner of the Fraternity Movement to commemorate the Babri Masjid demolition on day of Ram temple consecration.

During the protest, they raised slogans such as “RSS down down” and “Strike for Babri.”

Watch: pic.twitter.com/7TYkinTxYJ

— Maktoob (@MaktoobMedia) January 22, 2024

Another student led protest was organised at the Film and Television Institute of India (FTI). The students’ association of the FTI raised banners with the message ‘Remember Babri’ inside the campus premises as the inaugural ceremony was underway in Ayodhya. As per the report of Siasat, a special screening of Anand Patwardhan’s award-winning documentary ‘Ram ke Naam’ was also screened along with a photo exhibition. The said photo exhibition was in remembrance of December 6, 1992, when a mob of Hindu nationalists led by then-senior BJP leaders including the late Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, LK Advani and Uma Bharati to name a few, demolished the 16th-century Babri Masjid. The said demolition had resulted in country wide anti-Muslim riots, leaving at least 2000 dead.

The picture can be viewed here:

Students at Jawaharlal Nehru University read the Preamble at different places inside the campus of the University. 

The post can be viewed here:

JNU reading preamble at different places. pic.twitter.com/aLbw8krrRm

— Nitish Kumar (@nitishkjnu) January 22, 2024

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Five states report communal incidents following the inauguration of the Ram Temple in UP

Eve of Ram temple inauguration sees “clashes”, planting of saffron flag atop Church

The making of “Ram Ke Naam”: a Hinduism that is the mirror opposite of Hindutva

How and why the Ram Temple is just a political tool for the BJP  

The post Preamble, banners, slogans of solidarity, inter-faith rallies and protests – symbol of undying secularism on January 22 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee hit back at the Centre for using verification of Aadhar as a means of implementing the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in West Bengal. She has categorically refused to comply with the same.

This is in reference to the letter sent by the Central government to eight states including West Bengal instructing them to identify illegal Aadhaar cards and those people who do not have Aadhaar cards. The letter also specifies the areas where this exercise should be carried out. In Bengal, the Centre has identified the areas of North-and South-24 Parganas for implementing these checks. Banerjee said that the government was reviving the citizenship overdrive ahead of the General Election next year.

She was addressing a press conference when she said, ““I am directed to refer to ongoing exercise for verification/updation of illegal Aadhaar cards in the selected districts and to forward a list of the specific location of exact pockets of settlements of illegal foreigners in those selected districts to enable UIDAI to be more focussed in the exercise for the elimination of illegal Aadhaar cards.”

The letter was sent to the chief executive officer of the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) from an under-secretary in the Union home ministry, reported The Telegraph.

As per Census 2011 data, South 24 Parganas has 35.57% Muslim population while North 24 Paragans has 25.82% Muslim population. Banerjee further said, “They want to eliminate a particular community from their rights of citizenship through this drive. The plot is to declare all those people ‘foreigners’ if their Aadhaar card is detected as illegal with any lack (of information). It means they are again playing with the NRC card”.

They have also mentioned specific areas in South24 Parganas namely Baruipur, Canning, Sonarpur and Malikpur; also Barasat, Hasnabad, Bongaon, Petrapole, Barrackpore, Naihati, Jagatdal and Khardaha in North 24-Parganas.

“I am not going to take part in the NRC-like exercise. I will not allow them to play with the NRC card here. I think that all who live in Bengal are already citizens of our country,” she added, as reported by The Telegraph.

The nexus of CAA-NRC-NPR is not a figment of Banerjee’s imagination. Neither is it a political ploy to target the regime. It is a matter of fact which the Union government has vehemently denied from time to time.

Citizens for Justice and Peace has analysed this toxic cocktail of CAA-NRC-NPR in January 2020 when the debate on CAA was boiling (which later subdued due to COVID-19 pandemic). The analysis brought forth how this will affect not just the Muslim community but the marginalised communities at large. The detailed analysis may be read here.

How NPR was the first step towards a nation-wide NRC was clearly explained on the basis of existing legal provisions by CJP in this article, in the form of FAQs. The FAQs explain how as per the preparation methodology prescribed in Citizenship (Registration of Citizen & Issue of NC) Rules 2003, it is from the NPR that data will be taken for Updation in the Local Register of Indian Citizen (i.e. part of NRC) after Scrutiny and Verification.

The exercise of NRC in Assam whereby the (supposedly) final list was released in August 2019 left a population of 1.3 crore impoverished and socially disbarred by being interminably denied citizenship. The process of NRC has not yet culminated in Assam as there has been alot of back and forth on the finality of the August 2019 NRC thus leaving the status of citizenship of those excluded from that list in limbo as their status of citizenship has not been determined and they have no means to prove the same unless official process is started by the concerned authorities in the state. Looking at the state of the residents of Assam, the rest of the country feared its repercussions on them and hence, the opposition to CAA-NRC-NPR was so strong.

West Bengal, under Banerjee has been the loudest voice against CAA and the Centre’s intention of bringing in NRC through NPR.

Related:

NPR-NRC – FAQs

CAA-NPR-NRC: The Law Is Being Weaponised Against …

Why the CAA+NPR+NRC is a toxic cocktail for everyone

The post Identifying fake Aadhaar, a plot to bring in CAA-NRC? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

New Delhi: West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has warned people of the state to ensure that their names are on the electoral roll to avoid getting sent to detention camps under the garb of enforcing the National Register of Citizens (NRC). She was speaking on Wednesday, November 23.

 Her remarks were made while addressing a programme organised by the state government to distribute land ‘pattas’ (documents) to marginalised families from all districts.

“Ensure your name is there on the voter list or else you will be sent to detention camps in the name of NRC. It’s a shame, shame and shame,” news agency PTI quoted Banerjee as saying.

The NRC, coupled with the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), 2019, has long since been a point of serious controversy between the Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress (TMC) government in Bengal and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led Union government. Now, with panchayat elections looming in the state, the issue assumes new importance.

According to some media reports, the TMC is set to face a tough challenge, particularly in the state’s rural areas, due to allegations of widespread corruption and a lack of employment opportunities. These  polls have, in recent years, also been seen as a sign of things to come vis-a-vis politics in the state as a whole.

Therefore, Banerjee’s remarks on the NRC are noteworthy as they reiterate her long-standing opposition to the BJP’s efforts to implement it in conjunction with the CAA.

Notably, the BJP has gradually softened its stance on NRC implementation in Bengal. While assembly elections were going on in the state last year, Kailash Vijayvargiya, national general secretary of the BJP said that if the party came to power in the state, it would not implement the NRC and that the ruling TMC was wrong to accuse the saffron party of taking away the rights of the people.

Vijayvargiya did, however, say that the CAA would be implemented, but the Union government is yet to notify the rules for the legislation. Investigations by Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) however reveal that in several states special window clearances for specifically named minorities from neighbouring countries have already been opened thtough MHA’s executive diktat without Rules for the 2019 amendment being passed.

“So many people came here from Bangladesh after losing everything. Those who came here before March 1971 are considered citizens of this country. But sometimes people are fooled. They are branded as not citizens of this country,” the media quoted Banerjee as saying on Wednesday.

“If the refugees are not citizens then how come their votes were counted as valid? One cannot call them not citizens of this country after being elected to the government with the help of their votes. This is just a way to disrespect them,” the chief minister continued.

Mamata also told the voters gathered that letters were being sent to the prime minister every day “to stop funds for welfare projects… From 100 days’ work to other schemes,” – an ostensible reference to the leader of the opposition in West Bengal, the BJP’s Suvendhu Adhikari, who reportedly wrote to Prime Minister Modi in August and alleged that the TMC government was diverting Union government funds meant for welfare schemes.

“Those who are doing this are trying to stop the economic growth of the state. We were also in the opposition once but never tried to stop the development of the state,” Banerjee continued, according to the Express, adding that the Union government is “running on the party’s instruction” without specifically mentioning the BJP. 

Banerjee at the programme handed over 4,701 land pattas. She also referred to incidents of “forcible takeover of land by the railway and airport authorities”, 

“No eviction will be allowed in Bengal without proper compensation and rehabilitation,” she said. “[Start] protests if your land is forcibly taken and the state will be with you”.

(With PTI inputs)

Related:

Is the GoI’s database linkage plan a precursor to NRC?

“Claims Look Legitimate”, AG to Supreme Court on plea seeking Aadhaar Cards for those included in the NRC list

Yet another NRC reverification plea moved before SC

Reviving the NRC brawl

The post ‘Ensure your name is on voters’ list or you’ll be sent to NRC Detention Camps,’ Mamata warns people appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A team of the Kolkata Police arrested vlogger Roddur Roy from Goa on Tuesday, June 7, Tuesday, on charges of criticising Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and her nephew, Trinamool Congress MP Abhishek Banerjee, in foul language during a Facebook Live session.In the live broadcast, Roy had blamed the Banerjee administration for alleged mismanagement at singer KK’s last concert at Nazrul Mancha in the city. The popular singer had collapsed, shortly after his performance at the auditorium, and was declared ‘brought dead’ by doctors.

“He [Roy] was arrested this afternoon by our officers in Goa. He will be brought to Kolkata on transit remand. Our officers will produce him at a local court there for the remand,” a police officer told PTI. The FIR was lodged at the Chitpur police station on June 4, after a complaint was filed by TMC spokesperson Riju Dutta.

Roy is known for his use of expletives in social media posts. His Facebook Live video – for which he has been arrested – has been removed from the social networking site by authorities.

In addition to the chief minister and her nephew, Roy blamed TMC leaders like Kolkata mayor Firhad Hakim and Madan Mitra, along with the Kolkata Police Commissioner for the death of the singer. Local media reports that this is not the first complaint against Roy’s content, even though this is the first time police have acted on a complaint.

Interestingly, BJP leader AnupamHazra, reacting to the development, sought to know why the police had taken no action against the vlogger when he used foul language for national figures like Rabindranath Tagore.“Now that the chief minister and Abhishek Banerjee were abused, the police swung into action. Why should it be so?” he asked.

In April 2012, the Kolkata Police had arrested Jadavpur University chemistry professor, AmbikeshMahapatra, for allegedly forwarding an email containing a cartoon of the chief minister.

The post Kolkatta police arrest Vlogger from Goa for Criticising Mamata Banerjee, TMC Leaders in ‘Foul Language’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Undoubtedly, it was a great and overwhelming victory in the whole of Bengal. Against the entire might of the Central government, the financially and politically powerful Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) electoral machinery, with an Election Commission apparently toeing its line, accused by the Trinamool of open bias and prejudice. And with all the money and muscle power, pomp and show, led by the two biggies of the BJP-led regime in Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah.

Both of them literally parked themselves in Bengal, their helicopters eternally hovering over the sky in the rural and urban landscape, like a sign of their unprecedented power and privilege, though the crowds at their fledgling rallies became thinner and thinner, especially in rural areas. Indeed, the rallies by Yogi Adityanath were a damp squib, empty chairs and empty maidans, in once case only cows hanging out.

And Prashant Kishore, yet again, proved to be right. A management and electoral strategist par excellence, he had predicted much before the campaign began, that the BJP will not cross 100 seats in the Bengal assembly polls. All astute ground reporters, who were not overwhelmed by the hype and hyperbole of the BJP propaganda, as some high-profile journalists from Delhi on quick visits to the state were so prone to, soon found out that the ground reality is quite in contrast to the high voltage campaign and sloganeering by the Hindutva party.

Reporting for SabrangIndia, this reporter covered the rural interiors and observed and listened to the people, especially women. He found that their hearts were beating in a different manner in rural Bengal, and the BJP deception was just what it was – organised deception.

Indeed, while not playing the prophet psephologist, SabrangIndia reported that the ground was slipping everyday from under the BJP’s feet, and Mamata Banerjee on a wheel chair was succeeding on the planks of her massive welfare and development programmes, especially in rural areas, and especially among women, the marginalized working class, and the minorities.

Indeed, across Bengal, in both rural and urban areas, the secular stream within Bengal’s intellectual, radical and progressive inheritance, retaliated very strongly against the BJP propaganda of hate politics – branding people from Bangladesh as infiltrators and outsiders. Almost all the celebrities – actors, writers, filmmakers, artists and academics rallied against the politics of hate. Videos and songs reasserting the radical, secular and aesthetic inheritance of Bengal was resurrected, reaching out to millions.

Surely, Bangladesh, formerly East Bengal, was never considered an enemy nation in West Bengal, with its shared cultural, political and social history, and the deep bonds of nostalgia and longing which continues beyond the Partition. Surely, refugees were never treated as outsiders in Bengal, neither during the 1971 war of liberation in Bangladesh, nor thereafter. Instead, they were reintegrated and respected for their dogged stoicism, hard work and resilience in a new land, with its inherited history and shared borders and collective consciousness, especially by the communists in post-Independence India. The anti-Muslim propaganda among the post-1981 refugees, now legitimate citizens with proper papers, was therefore only marginally successful in a state where the secular ethos has been entrenched even during the pre-colonial times.

Truly, Prashant Kishore’s analytical prediction proved right in the final analysis. So did the ground reportage of SabrangIndia. Women were the key, especially rural women. Modi’s crass ‘Didi-o-Didi’ call not only boomeranged, but was also viewed with huge disgust and repulsion by the women in Bengal. Even the entire city of Kolkata voted overwhelmingly against the BJP – they could not win even a single seat in the mahanagar. The Left and Congress were decimated, even in traditional Congress strongholds like Malda. Khela Hobe was finally and fully victorious, despite bad and biased umpiring, and hate politics was roundly defeated – showing the secular way to the entire country.

Showing the way, that is what the farmers and their leaders asserted collectively at the packed Press Club of Kolkata before the campaign began in the state. They said that the freedom fighters and revolutionaries of Punjab and Bengal, among other regions, fought against the repression of the British; only they, therefore, can bring down the BJP. “Destroy its arrogance. Bring it to its knees. If Bengal defeats the BJP, the farmers’ struggle will get a big boost. And the entire country will find a way to win the battle in 2024. Bengal should show the way,” said the farmer leaders.

Predictably, the entire country rejoiced the victory of the secular forces in Bengal. When Mamata Banerjee visited Delhi for the first time after the victory, she was greeted overwhelmingly, including by the secular media. There arrived a sudden buzz that she, alone, with her street fighter’s instinct, guts and fearlessness, and her steadfast and straight fight against Modi, can defeat the formidable BJP machinery backed by the corporates, in 2024. That she, indeed, should lead the opposition alliance.

Journalists said that even in the bureaucracy and among the corporates there was a hush-hush whisper that Mamata will mark the nemesis of Modi. That a rattled, solitary and ageing Modi has lost all ground and credibility, and that people are really looking for a real, authentic, fighting and honest secular alternative. And Mamata fits the bill in a general scenario comprising the TINA factor – there is no alternative!

Meanwhile, Prashant Kishore, still working with Trinamool Congress, declared that he will leave his established and successful trade of electoral battles and strategic management and marketing of political parties during the polls. It was quite surprising given that he has had a reasonably impressive track record of success with successive political parties, from Nitish Kumar’s JD(U), Jagan Reddy’s YSRC in Andhra Pradesh, to Amrinder Singh’s Punjab, among other political parties. He was the key in masterminding the victory of Narendra Modi in 2014 in the parliamentary polls with his innovative poll gimmicks.

Come to think of it, he was truly a brilliant mercenary, hitting the jackpot with his team and sheer electoral acumen, getting the correct pulse on the ground, winning one poll after another. Ethics and ideology can be damned.

That is why it came as a surprise when he joined JD(U), in alliance with the BJP in Bihar, with Nitish Kumar way behind in terms of his number of MLAs when compared to the BJP’s, and thereby playing second fiddle, despite being the chief minister. This, when this same man marked another brazenly opportunist U-turn by going against the BJP in the earlier assembly polls, because he wanted to suddenly cultivate the secular image yet again— he was given the impression that he is prime ministerial material and can take on Modi. He even refused to join Modi on a dias of political leaders in the NDA alliance.

Despite claiming to be a so-called socialist, true to his shifty character, he had earlier betrayed Laloo Yadav’s RJD, by toppling the secular government in alliance. Nitish was junior partner in terms of numbers and yet Laloo gave him the CM’s chair. Surely, Laloo, despite the hounding, arrests and long terms in prison under the Modi regime, has not compromised ever with the Hindutva party. He, along with the communists and Congress, remain the only three formations which have refused to align with the BJP or NDA at any cost over the years.

Even in alliance with the BJP, the JD(U) seemed decimated with a rising Tejeshwi Yadav leading the opposition battle, and they really would not have won against the RJD’s Mahagatbandhan, if those disputed last few seats had gone to the RJD alliance. Clearly, there were unconfirmed reports and allegations that these last few seats were given away to BJP, often with very thin margins, due to some covert hanky panky. 

In these circumstances, Prashant Kishore joining the party of Nitish, and that too as vice-president, with Nitish giving him certain conspicuous powers, while showering public praise, reflected for the first time the political ambitions of this poll strategist. Sources said that Amit Shah recommended him to Nitish. In the course of this sudden shift, he lost his way; he criticized the CAA and Nitish dropped him. He was sacked.

Soon after the decisive victory against the BJP in Bengal, he openly criticised Amit Shah, saying that his electoral skills are overestimated, and that he has lost one election after another where he has called the shots. And then came his secret and high-profile meetings with the Gandhis: son, daughter and mother.

Apparently, he gave a powerful and effective presentation of how the party can be revived organisationally in the grassroots. And that he will do it if given extraordinary powers and if he is admitted in a top position in the hierarchy. Besides, he should have a decisive say in ticket distribution.

The project did not take off – insiders, including veterans, did not agree. A man without ideology cannot suddenly become a big leader in Congress, it was stated, though how many such big leaders in the Congress really stick to an ideology is a matter of dispute – considering the defections to the BJP all around, and the total failure of the old guard in countering the fascist forces, with Rahul Gandhi single-handedly taking on the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

Then began the saga of revenge. A miffed Prashant Kishore went to town saying that Rahul Gandhi does not know the ropes and Modi and the BJP are going to be formidable electorally for a long, long time, and Modi is here to stay and that he is not going to go away so easily. The Congress did not respond.

His next move was predictable. In the good books of Mamata Banerjee as a trustworthy master strategist, he made a grandiose plan of projecting her as the only real leadership alternative to the Congress and a possible alliance leader. That is, as a future prime minister leading a rainbow coalition. Besides, he convinced her to spread her footprints outside Bengal, something she had tried earlier too, but was not able to succeed.

Hence, from the airport in Dabolim to the remote end of Arambol in Goa, you can see a series of huge hoardings of Mamata Banerjee and ‘Goa Trinamool Congress’. Same is the story across the scenic landscape beyond Calangute, Vagator and Anjuna beaches on the other end. An influential former chief minister from the Congress in Goa was made the Trinamool vice president. Several other alliances with local parties, and defections, including from other parties, Congress and independents, were engineered; a buzz was created in the state, especially among the Christians, that the Trinamool is the now the sole alternative which can defeat the BJP. Mohua Moitra, very modern, very secular, and fluent in English, was posted in Goa as party-in charge.

Behind this new social engineering outside Bengal, one could see the mind of Prashant Kishore operating. He had sensed the total disgust with the incumbent government of the BJP in Goa, with shifting chief ministers, and currently a lame duck and ineffective chief minister with no mass base at the helm. He had also seen that AAP, despite its lofty promises, including freebies and free pilgrimages, was still on a weak wicket in the state – Christians did not trust its secular credentials. And most crucially it was transparent that the Congress was in tatters – despite winning the maximum number of seats in the last assembly polls (as in Manipur) they just did not have the skills or will to muster up a majority government. The BJP, as in Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh earlier, and later in Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka, engineered a stream of defections from the elected MLAs of the Congress.

So why should people vote for the Congress, when its ideologically opportunist MLAs could so easily defect to the BJP? That became a strategic propaganda tool in the hands of the Trinamool, which has put forth its secular agenda with a mix of old-style pluralism and soft secularism. For instance, given the fact that the Hindu electorate is still 60 per cent and above in Goa, despite the strong presence of the Christians, there is still doubt that a section of them will not vote for the BJP. So, in the last rally in the state, Mamata Banerjee was reciting ‘Chandi Path’ and other Hindu mantras and scriptures, which she is very good at, even while castigating the BJP for its communal politics, and asserting that her party makes no distinctions between various religions and communities, and is truly secular.

Tripura became a battle ground in recent times because the Trinamool has a real chance to score big here in the long run. With a majority Bengali population, closely aligned to the cultural, social and political ethos and inheritance of Bengal, with a shared history and language, and with a totally discredited BJP regime led by an ineffective and immature chief minister, which has failed on all its lofty promises, the Trinamool entered Tripura in a big way after its victory in Bengal which had strong repercussions in Tripura. While Manik Sarkar is still hugely respected, the CPM seemed weak, and the people seem to be sick and tired of the BJP.

The Tripura government reacted in panic. It blocked the entire team of Prashant Kishore in a hotel. It indulged in violence against visiting Trinamool leaders from Bengal. It filed false cases against a Trinamool woman youth leader from Bengal – a rising star. It even attacked the CPM offices in desperation.

Not only that, communal polarisation was done before the local elections. Muslim localities and mosques were allegedly vandalised. The VHP etc seem to be given a tacit clearance to go ahead and do what they like. Local journalists were terrorised or subverted or cajoled with advertising revenue, as the Editors Guild of India report has clearly. Several cases against journalists and social media users were filed who were writing about the violence in Tripura. And journalists from Delhi and elsewhere were hounded, even detained and arrested, for no rhyme or reason, on preposterous charges.

Indeed, as the Editors Guild fact-finding report said, there are two predominant fears of the BJP regime in Agartala. The media from Delhi and elsewhere, reaching the state to report objectively and with no partisan intent; and the rise of the Trinamool Congress in the state. That is why this desperate resort to communal polarisation and violence against the Muslims, using the Durga Puja violence in Bangladesh as a plank.

The Tripura government clearly forgot that Bengal did not react in the same manner, and that the Bangladesh government retaliated with an iron hand against assorted Islamic fundamentalists, while assuring the Hindu community of total protection and safety – and this secular response was led by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, her cabinet, and her entire party on the ground. Indeed, the ruling party of Awami League declared that they will take on the fundamentalists on the streets of Dhaka and other cities and towns.

However, coming back to Prashant Kishore and his revenge politics, after much painstaking and time-consuming efforts, he was able to break the opposition Congress in Meghalaya. At least 12 of its MLAs and its legislative leader defected to the Trinamool. This was a war declared against the Congress.  The Congress top leadership, still, chose silence, barring sundry leaders.

In her first visit to Delhi after her victory, Mamata Banerjee had made a high-profile courtesy call to the residence of Sonia Gandhi, with whom she apparently shares an old bonding, based on her long stint with the Congress as a fiery youth leader. The next time, she refused to meet her, even while she met other leaders of political parties.

During her visit to Mumbai, she met Sharad Pawar and Aditya Thackeray. And she made a controversial statement: that the UPA does not exist, implying that the Congress does not deserve the leadership or an important role in a future opposition alliance. Not only that, she passed a snide remark against Rahul Gandhi. The Congress, still, refused to react.

This is when Sharad Pawar stepped in. The wily old veteran politician, who has stitched up a secular and reasonably steadfast alliance against all odds with the Shiv Sena against the BJP in Maharashtra, stated openly that there can be no opposition alliance without the Congress. Sanjay Raut, Udhav Thackeray’s right-hand man, and the editor of Shiv Sena’s mouthpiece ‘Saamna’, came to Delhi to meet Rahul Gandhi. He said Rahul and Priyanka are trying their best to revive the Congress at the grassroots and need all the support. He also said that Mamata Banerjee should rethink her position vis-à-vis the Congress, and that opposition unity is a must to defeat the BJP.

Meanwhile, in the south, the DMK, in alliance with the Congress in Chennai in a DMK-led majority government, categorically declared that there cannot be any alliance of the opposition without the Congress. The signals were sharp and clear for both Prashant Kishore and Mamata Banerjee — that opposition disunity for personal ambitions will only help Modi and the BJP.

Since then, a kind of silence has fallen like a shadow over the revenge politics of Prashant Kishore. Mahua Moitra has announced that they are open to welcoming Congress in their alliance in Goa. A superbly grounded, brilliant politician and mass leader, with a sharp sense of reality, Mamata Banerjee has since then stopped using the same language against the Congress. Besides, she might have been informed of the buzz in Delhi from her close confidants in the media and in her party stationed there.

Unlike her first visit after her victory, when there was a huge buzz of deep appreciation and affirmation in Delhi circles, including in circles within the bureaucracy and in the media, that she is a possible PM contender and therefore should be backed, this time there was angst and anger. Why this sudden arrogance, instead of flexibility and consensus? Why this unbridled ambition after such a huge outpouring of goodwill? Why this immature move against the Congress, which still has a solid vote base in India, when the fight against Hindutva and Modi is so crucial and the future is still uncertain?

The possibility of Pawar having instilled good sense in Didi is a sign of hope. The possibility that the happenings in Goa or Meghalaya will not destroy the larger opposition unity in Delhi is real. The possibility that the wind is shifting decisively and Modi is becoming weaker by the day is also real.

All the signs are out there. Modi and Yogi seem to be at loggerheads in UP, they seem unsure and uncertain, and they are clearly on a sticky wicket with the farmers in Western UP and Punjab pitched against them, and no communal polarisation on the ground, among other factors. The economy is in severe distress, and almost millions of people or more are jobless, with the poverty line increasing by over 75 million, and a huge chunk of the middle class becoming poor or getting into the lower income groups.

Even in these dire circumstances, with a lame duck puppet of a finance minister without independent vision or economic strategy, unlike for instance Joe Biden, Modi is refusing to pump in any investment in the economy, neither in the public sector, nor in job creation, even while the vast unorganised sector is in acute suffering, bordering on semi-starvation and trapped in mass unemployment.

The promise of full and double vaccination by December, 2021 has failed, despite reasonably good success in the first and second dose vaccination across the nation by a better and efficient Union health minister. Demonitisation and GST have been a total failure, while the small-scale industry has all but crashed.

Besides, India’s foreign policy has gone for a total toss, even while most of the neighbourhood has turned hostile or distant, or aligned economically and strategically with China. China has been so aggressive in usurping Indian territory that it is only matched by Modi’s passive response to this aggression – so, pray, whatever happened to the red eyes and the 56-inch chest when it comes to China?

With the Democrats wary of Modi who backed Trump, he is seen as a right-wing, sectarian, undemocratic PM within the White House establishment and in the American media. And with the Western nations not really in awe of him, Modi seems to have no friends in the advanced bloc, or even in the Middle-east, as in Saudi Arabia. All the millions spent on all the numerous foreign trips have really come to naught, when it comes to a successful foreign policy with Modi at the helm.

And with his best Right-wing supremacist buddies in a bad shape – it is all bad news internationally for Modi – Bolsonoro in Brazil, mired in corruption charges, is on his last leg; Benjamin Netanyahu has been defeated and dumped; Boris Johnson is struggling to stay afloat amidst serious backlash from his own party; and Donald Trump has lost it all – despite denying Covid and opposing vaccination, and now taking a booster shot! And dictators Vladimir Putin and Xi Jin Ping care two hoots for the current regime in Delhi.

Besides, veteran journalists point out that all is not seemingly well with the big guns in big business who have been backing Modi and reaping huge benefits in return. There are reports that things are not quite hunky dory for the BJP when it comes the powerful tycoons within the corporate sector.

Within this big perspective, the vast arena of empty chairs in a Punjab rally to be addressed by the PM, and the drama of security breach etc, are clear indicators of a pessimistic and sad finale of a Hindutva icon who appears to be on his last phase. Even Satyapal Malik, holding a constitutional position as the governor of Meghalaya, quoting Amit Shah on Modi’s mental frame, is a kind of bitter reality check, and tells more than it hides. Significantly, there has been no official denial on this from either the PMO, or home ministry or the BJP.

In these circumstances, with his staunchly fanatic and fundamentalist support base restricted to 31 per cent and above, Modi is just trying to retain this last remaining bastion at all cost, even while all is quiet in the BJP and RSS inside circles. There are unconfirmed speculations that the RSS might not consider him as a leader in 2024.

In these circumstances, the Prashant Kishore doctrine bestowing political and electoral immortality to Modi might not be so prophetically correct. In these circumstances, Mamata Banerjee, as much as the Congress and the Opposition, will have to play its cards more carefully, tactfully and with much nuance and discretion. Surely, it is qualities like maturity, wisdom, flexibility, consensus and strategic insight to defeat the enemy – that are crucial. Not blind ambition.

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Assembly election dates announced for five states

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The recent victory of the BJP in 70 plus seats in the assembly, while emerging as the main opposition, and its stupendous and surprising gain of 19 seats in the last Lok Sabha elections in 2019, have been attributed to the effective grassroots mobilization of the RSS in both the electoral and non-electoral arena in the state.

It is believed that the RSS worked quietly, but efficiently, especially during the first pandemic/lockdown, and in the aftermath of Cyclone Amphan, and its presence was felt in many areas, thus helping the BJP penetrate many new areas electorally. Indeed, the RSS/BJP positioned itself in spaces where the Left had declined decisively, while constantly improvising its tactics. So much so, a sizeable section of the Left support base, which considered the Trinamool Congress as the main enemy, switched over to the BJP.

However, the Trinamool Congress’ landslide victory in the recent assembly polls, despite the BJP’s two ‘Gujarati supermen’ unleashing huge money, muscle and media power to capture Bengal, has exposed the hype about ‘the rise and rise’ of the RSS-BJP in Bengal. While the RSS is credited with providing relief in some areas during the last two years of social, economic and health crisis in the state due to the pandemic and recurrent lockdowns, its efforts have been no match for the Mamata Banerjee government’s highly popular social and economic welfare schemes, especially at the grassroots.

“In West Bengal, the RSS works secretively and in the remote interiors. They remain in the shadows. This was their pattern even when they were not so strong during the Left Front rule. This largely continues to be their pattern now under the rule of the Trinamool Congress, though they are politically more stronger, and have the backing of the Centre.  If they have done relief work during the pandemic, it must have been done secretly, and only in their core areas among their core support base,” said a social activist.

There is no doubt that the RSS has grown in the last few years, after the decline of the Left forces, and especially in the interiors, from Jangalmahal to Cooch Behar. For instance, the RSS has been very active among the tribal communities in Jangalmahal – namely, Bankura, Purulia, West Midnapore and Jhargram, close to Jharkhand. Ironically, this area became the hotbed of the Maoists during the last phase of the CPM rule, and in the early days of the Trinamool’s rise. That short phase is now all but over.

The RSS has also successfully made inroads among tea plantation workers and other communities in North Bengal, even while Darjeeling has been their victorious Lok Sabha constituency with remarkable consistency. The BJP had earlier penetrated the Gorkhaland agitation, and despite the splits in the movement, it still retains a stronghold on the ground.

Significantly, after the assembly polls recently, certain BJP leaders have given a contentious call for the division of West Bengal, and the creation of a different state or union territory of North Bengal. Its top leaders in Kolkata and Delhi, while overtly not supporting the demand, have been tacitly playing a double game on this controversial issue.  BJP MP from Alipurduar, John Barla, has demanded that a new union territory should be with certain districts of North Bengal. The BJP won seven of the eight Lok Sabha seats in North Bengal in the last Lok Sabha elections in 2019.

According to a news report in the Hindustan Times, the various fronts of the RSS and Sangh Parivar operated around 40 help desks across Bengal during the first lockdown in the cruel summer of 2020 when the mass exodus of thousands of migrant workers from their work places began – on foot – across the streets and highways of India. Almost 121 unions affiliated to the Sangh Parivar distributed food and sanitisers among 1.60 lakh families at 665 locations in 23 districts, according to reports, while tarpaulins, food and relief material was provided in Amphan-hit areas as well. The National Medicos Organisation (NMO), allegedly aligned to the RSS, along with volunteers, held 80 medical camps in East Midnapore and the South and North 24 Parganas, which were hit by the cyclone. Around 25,000 people got medical care, with the help of 80 doctors, 250 volunteers and the BJP medical cell, while masks and medicines were distributed.

Social activists claim that since the RSS chooses to work in the interiors, often in tribal areas, it is not always easy to document their work. For instance, their schools, known as Shishu Mandirs, are active across North Bengal, and they have made significant inroads into the tea gardens, despite the presence of other mainstream parties in the region, including the CPI-ML (Liberation) and the CPM. They often use social philanthropy and community activity to influence and capture mass support on the ground, even while ideological indoctrination of Hindutva among children starts early.

For instance, in the heart of the Naxalite movement in North Bengal, in Naxalbari, they have set up a flourishing school on a sprawling campus — the Sarada Vidyamandir. From the 1990s, till this day, the school has attracted both parents and children of local communities, even while it is well-known that the RSS runs it. A journalist points out that one can clearly see a pattern – the rise of the school’s prestige often moves in tandem with the RSS-BJP spreading its social and political wings in the area. And its best indicators are their political gains in elections – as much as huge increase in vote percentages. Indeed, in the recent assembly elections, the BJP candidate won the Matigara-Naxalbari constituency in this area with a big margin.

A similar phenomenon can be seen in the Jangalmahal region of Bengal, which is largely inhabited by tribals, and which, until the Left rule of more than three decades, suffered huge deprivation, stark poverty, underdevelopment and marginalization. This phenomenon has changed in the last 10 years with the Trinamool government at the helm, and the social and human development index has changed for the better.  However, the RSS continues to be active here, though it did not reflect in the elections this time in a decisive manner.

However, for a secretive, ‘cultural organisation’, with a sectarian and polarizing civilizational and political agenda, which reportedly had its first ‘shakha’ in the neighbourhood of Maniktala in Kolkata in March 1939, the high has always been marked with an equally pronounced low. Indeed, its record in public spaces has been very modest, though now it has reportedly around 1,800 shakhas across Bengal.

Since that first ‘shakha’ directly under the physical presence and leadership of its principle ideologue, MS Golwalkar, RSS, the original fountainhead of Hindutva which controls the BJP, and all its fronts, has not really made massive headway in Bengal, especially in urban spaces, or, in the cultural, educational and intellectual terrain. (The BJP, for instance, lost in all the constituencies of Kolkata in the recent assembly polls).

Social activists are of the view that the RSS never really could capture the political, cultural and intellectual imagination of the people in Bengal before and after Partition. Even in the recent assembly polls, the slogan of ‘Jai Shri Ram’ just did not click in a state where people are so passionately ‘shakti-worshippers’ (Durga, Kali, Saraswati etc), and followers of the Bhakti-vaishnav tradition of Chaitanya Mahaprabhu and the secular spirituality of Ramkrishna Paramhans.

The RSS tried its best to penetrate the refugee colonies of the homeless people who came from across the ‘East Bengal’ border after Partition, during and after the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War, and, later, in the 1980s. However, they simply could not succeed among these displaced, but stoic and resilient people, who started their life anew from scratch in various refugee colonies in tough and difficult conditions.

These hard working communities remained staunchly secular supporters of the Left in essence and spirit, and the Left protected and helped them find a new beginning in West Bengal. There was never any sectarian division between the people of East and West Bengal historically – instead, there have always been dominant reasons for enduring cultural, linguistic and social unity. Even among smaller sections of the new Hindu refugees, the RSS-BJP’s gains, using hate politics and communal discourse, have been minimal. However, they have succeeded in a big manner in places like Coochbehar which borders Bangladesh.

Political observers also point out that among certain sections of Bengali refugees, including those who have become upwardly mobile and educated, a simmering communal and sectarian feeling continues to remain entrenched. Over the years it could not find social and political expression, especially during the Left rule. Now, with the rise of the BJP, this sectarian instinct has resurfaced and is reflected in the growth of the BJP.

One of the biggest difficulties which the RSS-Sangh Parivar fronts have faced is that since the Trinamool  Congress government has acquired power, the party and the administration has moved in massively and decisively in the social sector, especially in the sectors of health and education, and  especially among women and girls, which has directly helped families and communities in basic sustenance and aspirational growth. Even during the long phases of the lockdown and the pandemic, the West Bengal government has provided ration and food to the working class and low income groups across Bengal. The reporter is witness to people across the rural and small town areas testifying that the state government provided rice, wheat, cooking oil, pulses etc, every month to every family – which helped them cope with longs spells of unemployment during the pandemic.

Said a woman selling puri-sabji near Panchphota in South 24 Pargana, “Me and my husband have started this food cart providing hot breakfast to people. We could only do this because we got ration every month free of cost – given by the government.”

Even in Kolkata, in an area like Kumortuli, which is the epicenter of artists and sculptors who make the famous statues of goddesses during the festivals, there are several very small scale industries, running in ‘little factories’ with extremely low budgets. Almost everyone around this area said that there was organized and regular distribution of ration and food presided over by the local Trinamool MLA even during the most difficult phases of the lockdown when everything was shut. Not only food, during the lockdown, medical help and hospital beds were arranged by the local MLA. No wonder, the popular and accessible MLA, Dr Shashi Panja, has won yet again from the area.

After the formation of the new government in May 2021, food and ration is actually being distributed at the door-step, and this process was on during the lockdown as well even as the second wave surged. This reporter witnessed this promise made by Mamata Banerjee in her last rally in Nandigram before the polls. This also follows the ‘government at your door-step’ scheme which unfolded months before the polls.

The latest popular scheme which has drawn good response among the poor and low income groups in Bengal, especially among women, yet again, is the ‘Lakshmi Bhandar Scheme’, which too was part of the Trinamool Congress Election Manifesto. The welfare scheme, announced by Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, allows female heads of economically weak families to receive a monthly allowance of Rs 500. Families belonging to Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) communities are eligible to receive Rs 1,000 per month. The scheme is run by the Department of Women & Child Development and Social Welfare.

Indeed, among the several welfare programmes run by the West Bengal government, those involving women, and especially in the health and education sectors, have been a roaring success. For instance, all district government hospitals have given free medical treatment during and before Covid. The specialized hospitals like MS Bangur and Beleghata Infectious Diseases (ID) Hospital in Kolkata too have provided state-of-the-art medical treatment free of cost.

Indeed, their remarkable work during the first and second wave has drawn international attention for these two hospitals, especially for the Beleghata ID hospital, which has outstretched its brilliant record in terms of research and professional expertise in dealing with Covid in just about two years. Besides, both the hospitals are being credited with the most dedicated doctors, nurses and frontline health and sanitation staff, along with medical services, perhaps among the best in India. In fact, the daily meals provided to Covid patients in Beleghata hospital is a good example of its outstanding record: Tea and biscuits twice in the morning and evening, eggs, toast, apples and bananas for breakfast, fish, egg curry, rice, chapattis, vegetables and fruits for lunch and dinner. Plus, filtered water, hair oil, soap, comb, washing powder and sets of new cotton pyjamas and shirts, among other things.

In the health sector, the Swasthya Sathi health insurance scheme has been a big success, especially in rural Bengal and among economically weaker sections, though it covers the entire population.  It’s a basic health cover of Rs 5 lakh for the secondary and tertiary care for every family, per annum. Women who are guardians or are heading the family, will be given the insurance card, though it will cover the entire family, including her own parents if she is married and has shifted to another household. All government and private hospitals are included in this scheme whereby patients will get free, cashless treatment. This has been a huge relief for women in rural Bengal, and among the poor, even while the card is held by the women guardians of the family.

Said a Dalit woman in Nandigram, “Not only me, you can check out across the village here. All women have got this card. It’s a big help and a big security for people like us, especially during such uncertain and insecure times like the pandemic.”

Besides, two other famous social sector schemes continue to help and inspire girl students across rural and small town Bengal, though schools have not opened. One is ‘Kanyashree’, which is one of the original flagship programmes started by Mamata Banerjee, and which has got international recognition. It helps girls financially over a long period of time, to go through primary, secondary, and, finally, higher education, and thereby get out of the trap of marriage, social bondage or compulsive child labour. This has been clearly reflected in the higher enrolment of girls in schools with their drop-out rates decreasing rapidly. Indeed, Bengal has a very high literacy rate, and, now, girls are one of the biggest catalysts in this upward swing.

Besides, the ‘Sabooj Sathi’ scheme has been a roaring hit — thousands of cycles have been distribute to girl students from Class 9 and 12. Indeed, 90 lakh plus cycles have been distributed for girl students. Hence, it is a normal sight in villages and small towns of Bengal to see girls and working women on cycles, which is a big step forward in terms of mobility and empowerment.

“Yes, my daughter too has a cycle gifted by the Trinamool government. Like the other school girls here, she loves her cycle. We are happy when she goes out to school cycling,” said a BJP supporter of the Namashudra Matua community in Thakurbari in North 24 Pargana.

Courtesy Covid Response Watch, Countercurrents

Amit Sengupta is Executive Editor, Hardnews and a columnist with Sabrangindia, currently based in Kolkata

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West Bengal Chief Minister has secured yet another victory in her battle against the Central regime by managing to hold on to Alapan Bandyopadhyay. The Chief Secretary has now retired in accordance with his previously scheduled superannuation and Banerjee has appointed him her Chief Adviser for three years. This probably puts an end to high drama that has been ensuing over his forced transfer to Delhi.

On May 28, the Centre had passed and order asking Alapan Bandyopadhyay to report to Delhi on May 31 by 10 A.M. The timing of the order was interesting given how Bandyopadhyay was all set to retire on May 31, but was given a three-month extension by the Centre on May 24 at the request of the state government.

Banerjee told The Telegraph, “We wanted Alapan only for three months to take care of the pandemic situation, but see how they behaved…. Now I have managed to keep him for three years,” adding, “It was proven one more time that they cannot dictate to or browbeat Bengal.”

It is believed that calling Bandyopadhyay to Delhi was a move by Delhi to chastise Banerjee for raising objections to the presence of a local BJP MLA at a meeting convened by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Kalaikunda.

Banerjee had then written to the Prime Minister saying that she was “shocked and stunned by the unilateral order” of May 28, and that the order “came without any prior consultation with the Government of West Bengal”. Banerjee had said, “The unilateral order / directive is legally untenable, historically unprecedented and wholly unconstitutional.”

She had also addressed the elephant in the room saying, “I really and sincerely hope that this latest order is not related to my meeting with you at Kalaikunda. If that be the reason, it would be sad, unfortunate and would amount to sacrificing public interest at the altar of misplaced priorities.”

Alapan is a 1987 batch Indian Administrative Services (IAS) officer and Banerjee’s latest move in retaining him is expected to inspire confidence among the state bureaucracy that she stands by her team and is not afraid of going the extra mile for them. She has displayed similar loyalty toward several top police officers in her state. In her first action after taking oath on May 5, Mamata Banerjee had transferred as many as 29 IPS officers and one IAS officer. Banerjee also brought back Virendra as Director General of Police (DGP) and Javed Shamim as Additional Director General (ADG) Law and Order. Both men had been shunted out by the Election Commission (EC).

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 Mamata Banerjee transfers IPS, IAS officers shortly after taking oath

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After taking charge once again as Chief Minister of West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee is not wasting any time. She has shot off a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi reminding him of unpaid amounts under financial assistance schemes to eligible farmers in the state.

Banerjee referred to her letter dated December 31, 2020, addressed to the Union Minister of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare in which she had asked for benefits provided under the PM-KISAN scheme to farmers in West Bengal. “Several communications were also made from the State Government, Department of Agriculture. However, no concrete response has yet been received from the Ministry on this,” she wrote.

Banerjee went on to list all steps taken by the state government to appoint necessary officials, open bank accounts, monitor registration of farmers for the scheme. She also mentioned efforts made under the state government’s Krishak Bandhu scheme which she said was better than the PM-KISAN scheme as it covered all farmers, while the Central scheme excluded share-croppers, self-declared farmers and others.

She also reminded him of his promises to release arrears that Modi made during election campaign rallies. Banerjee said, “I would further impress that during your recent visit to the state, you gave repeated assurances on releasing the arrear amount of Rs 18,000 to each farmer, but till date no fund has been received by the State of West Bengal or the farmers.”

Banerjee ended by asking Modi to direct the concerned Ministry to release funds due. The entire letter may be read here: 

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The post Mamata Banerjee demands payment of arrears to farmers under central financial schemes appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In her first action after taking oath on May 5, Mamata Banerjee transferred as many as 29 IPS officers and one IAS officer. Banerjee also brought back Virendra as Director General of Police (DGP) and Javed Shamim as Additional Director General (ADG) Law and Order. Both men had been shunted out by the EC. They replaced Nirajnayan who was DGP and has now been moved as DG (Fire Services) and Jagmohan who is now DG (Civil Defence).  

On Wednesday, the MHA had written to the West Bengal government accusing it of failure to maintain law and order. But the newly elected administration under Mamata Banerjee refuted the Centre’s claims saying that law and order had deteriorated when the elections were underway and the Election Commission (EC) was incharge. Moreover, most instances were reported from BJP strongholds.

Meanwhile, the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) has deputed a team of four bureaucrats to investigate instances of post-poll violence in Bengal. The team left on Thursday morning and is supposed to carry out a fact-finding operation in the next 48 hours.

At least 14 people were reported killed including members of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Communist Party of India – Marxist (CPIM) and even the newly elected Trinamool Congress (TMC) that romped home with a landslide victory in the recently concluded assembly elections. 

But as it was discovered, there were also several instances of fake news being deliberately spread to spark violent conflagration. Fact-checking websites and even the West Bengal police had revealed such instances of fake and hate-inducing content spread using social media.

Incidents of violence continued with TMC leader Udayan Guha getting injured in an attack in Dinhata in North Bengal. Guha whose arm was broken in the attack and is recuperating in a hospital blamed the BJP for assaulting him and his security guard.

Meanwhile, the convoy of Union Minister of State for Home Affairs and BJP leader V Muraleedharan was attacked while passing through the Panchkhudi area of West Midnapore. He shared a video of some people throwing sticks and stones and chasing his car and alleged that the attackers were “TMC goons”.

TMC goons attacked my convoy in West Midnapore, broken windows, attacked personal staff. Cutting short my trip. #BengalBurning @BJP4Bengal @BJP4India @narendramodi @JPNadda @AmitShah @DilipGhoshBJP @RahulSinhaBJP pic.twitter.com/b0HKhhx0L1

— V Muraleedharan (@VMBJP) May 6, 2021

Muraleedharan was visiting Bengal to look into the instances of post-poll violence being reported from across the state.

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