The 2010 Memorandum between UIDAI and West Bengal when CPI-M ruled the state may be read here.

On Sunday, February 18, media reported how Mamata Banerjee, chief minister (CM), West Bengal had lashed out at the Union Government on cases of thousands of Bengal residents receiving letters from branch offices of the UIDAI “de-activating their Aadhaar cards. Sanmarg a portal had also carried reports on Saturday.

Today, Tuesday, February 20, Dr Gopalkrishna, in an open letter to Mamata Banerjee has, while welcoming her move urged how and why, after the Supreme Court’s verdict of September 26, 2018 and November 13, 2019, in the aftermath of the Aadhaar Act, 2016 (as amended in 2019), there is a logical and legal compulsion for States to un-sign their MoUs with UIDAI.

The professor points out that these MoUs were signed in the pre-Aadhaar Act era and continued to operate in the era when unconstitutional Sections like Section 57 of Aadhaar Act was recognised and declared as unconstitutional and illegitimate by the Supreme Court’s verdict of September 26, 2018 and by the deletion of Section 57 by the amendment of 2019 in Aadhaar Act. The verdict of November 13, 2019 recognised that the entire Act is unconstitutional.

Section 57 of un-amended Aadhaar Act, 2016 stated that “Nothing contained in this Act shall prevent the use of Aadhaar number for establishing the identity of an individual for any purpose, whether by the State or anybody corporate or person, pursuant to any law, for the time being in force, or any contract to this effect”.

Section 25 of the Amendment Act 2019 states that Section 57 of the Aadhaar (Targeted Delivery of Financial and Other Subsidies, Benefits and Services) Act, 2016 has been omitted with effect from July 24, 2019.

This MoU signed between the West Bengal government & UIDAI “is outdated and it imperils the autonomy of the State and the citizens. Your considered intervention will pave the way for other States to act on this MoU which is facilitating unlimited and indiscriminate mass surveillance and mass spying at the behest of World Bank’s eTransform Initiative and its partners since 2010. “

Citizens Forum for Civil Liberties (CFCL) welcomes your letter to Hon’ble Prime Minister on the subject of “Aadhaar is becoming inactive” in defence of the natural and fundamental rights of fellow citizens.

Dr Gopalkrishna’s Open Letter to CM West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee:

“I submit that a 7-judge Constitution Bench has been constituted to declare it to be so in order to adhere to judicial discipline. The fact remains no sane person will wait for formal announcement of poison to desist from consuming poison.

Aadhaar Act is a poisonous law.

“It is a black law akin to the colonial law which was bitterly resisted by Mahatma Gandhi’s first Satyagrah. Our Hon’ble Chief Justice of India has declared this law to be a fraud on the Constitution of India in his order dated September 26, 2018. He has reiterated it on at least two more occasions. In this backdrop, constitutional, legal, judicial and political imagination creates a logical compulsion to resist this law which creates an architecture of unlimited government based on 360 degree surveillance. It is eroding the constitutionally mandated autonomy of States beyond repair.

“I submit that West Bengal’s Home Department signed the attached MoU with UIDAI on July 1, 2010. Shri A.G. Ghosh, OSD & ex-officio Special Secretary signed it on behalf of Home Department, West Bengal Government and Shri Nirmal Kumar Sinha, Deputy Director General, UIDAI, Planning Commission signed it on behalf of UIDAI.

“This MoU is outdated and it imperils the autonomy of the State and the citizens. Your considered intervention will pave the way for other States to act on this MoU which is facilitating unlimited and indiscriminate mass surveillance and mass spying at the behest of World Bank’s eTransform Initiative and its partners since 2010.

“Citizens Forum for Civil Liberties (CFCL) welcomes your letter to Hon’ble Prime Minister on the subject of “Aadhaar is becoming inactive” in defence of the natural and fundamental rights of fellow citizens.

(Source: https://www.livehindustan.com/national/story-why-aadhaar-is-becoming-inactive-west-bengal-mamata-banerjee-wrote-a-letter-asking-for-reply-from-pm-9346756.html)

Reference articles by Dr Gopalkrishna:

“India’s First Metadata case: Supreme Court’s Constitution Bench to decide illegitimacy of Aadhaar Act amid Great Data Robbery” (https://mainstreamweekly.net/article13958.html), “India’s First Metadata Case and Pegasus – Part 2” (http://mainstreamweekly.net/article14053.html) and India’s First Metadata case: Mass Surveillance, Mass Spying and Unending Census Part 3 (http://mainstreamweekly.net/article14196.html) provides robust argument in this regard.

Having worked on the subject since 2010, I will be happy to share more details regarding the illegitimacy of Aadhaar Act. ”

Background provided by Dr Gopalkrishna (excerpted from his articles):

Metadata ability to redefine human existence in ways which are yet fully to be perceived. Justice DY Chandrachud, in the November 2019 judgment before he assumed office as CJI, drew on the paper of Christina Moniodis titled “Moving from Nixon to NASA: Privacy’s Second Strand- A Right to Informational Privacy”. Dr. Chandrachud cites her with approval. He states that metadata “results in the creation of new knowledge about individuals; something which even she or he did not possess. This poses serious issues for the Court. In an age of rapidly evolving technology it is impossible for a judge to conceive of all the possible uses of information or its consequences.”

Also drawing from the Yvonne McDermott’s paper “Conceptualizing the right to data protection in an era of Big Data”, Dr. Chandrachud observes, “The contemporary age has been aptly regarded as “an era of ubiquitous dataveillance, or the systematic monitoring of citizen’s communications or actions through the use of information technology”. It is also an age of “big data” or the collection of data sets. These data sets are capable of being searched; they have linkages with other data sets; and are marked by their exhaustive scope and the permanency of collection.”

The (2019) verdict refers to the decision of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) Tele2 Sverige AB vs. Post-och telestyrelsen (2016) wherein it was seized with the issue as to whether in light of Digital Rights Ireland, a national law which required a provider of electronic communications services to retain meta-data (name, address, telephone number and IP address) regarding users/subscribers for the purpose of fighting crime was contrary to Article 7, 8 and 11 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. The CJEU struck down the provision allowing collection of such meta data on grounds of lack of purpose limitation, data differentiation, data protection, prior review by a court or administrative authority and consent.

Here are some reasons for scrapping Aadhaar databases scheme and repealing Aadhaar Act (as enunciated by Dr Gopalkrishna):

1. The majority order of the Supreme Court’s 5-Judge Constitution Bench on September 26, 2018, has pointed out that the UID/Aadhaar Number project and NPR project are part of the one database convergence scheme. NPR has been mentioned at least on eight occasions in the order to underline the same. A centralized database is the most vulnerable entity in the digital world. The leakage of the database of UK’s children has revealed the old maxim, “If you have nothing to hide, you have nothing to fear, has been given a very public burial”. This has been thoroughly debunked. This maxim is attributed to Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels. Database State, a report from the UK, states: ‘In October 2007, Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs (Department) lost two discs containing a copy of the entire child benefit database.’ Only blind faith in a Utopian State can persuade people to think that they have nothing to fear after trusting their personal sensitive information to a Database State and non-State actors like Safran, Ernst & Young and Accenture.

2. One of the earliest documents that refer to UIDAI, a 14-page document titled ’Strategic Vision: Unique Identification of Residents’ prepared by Wipro Ltd for the government envisaged the close linkage that the UIDAI’s Aadhaar would have with the electoral database. The use of the electoral database mentioned in Wipro’s document remains on the agenda of the proponents of UID/Aadhaar.

3. The 41-page Wikileaked document titled ’Creating a unique identity number for every resident in India’ that declared itself to be a ’Confidential- property of UIDAI’ reveals that from day one the Union government wanted to create a file on each of “1.2 billion residents”, the division of work between Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA)’s NPR and Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MEITY)’s UID/Aadhaar was/is merely an attention diversion tactics to outwit citizen’s scrutiny.

The ongoing merger of the electoral database with UID/Aadhaar number debunks UIDAI’s claim in the confidential document that UID/Aadhaar number “will not contain intelligence” and “the location of the person. “From these disclosures, it seems that the government has adopted an adversarial role vis-a-vis Indians and acting beyond its constitutional mandate in order to pander to the interests of the commercial czars, non-state actors and foreign intelligence companies.

4. In an RTI reply dated October 25, 2013, UIDAI shared a truncated contract agreement with Ernst & Young. The contract agreement states that “the Unique ID will be a random 12-digit number with the basis for establishing uniqueness of identity being biometrics”. It announces that “we will provide a Unique Identity to over 113.9 crore people.”

This is evidently a fraudulent announcement because UIDAI with which the agreement has been signed had the mandate to provide Unique Identity to only 60 crore residents of India, and not to 113.9 crore people.

It is evident that while the government kept Ernst & Young informed about its motive, it kept states, citizens, the parliament and the Supreme Court in the dark. The contract agreement reveals that “biometric systems are not 100 % accurate” and “uniqueness of the biometrics is still a postulate.” This admission pulverizes the deceptive edifice on which MEITY’s UID/Aadhaar and MHA’s NPR rests.

5. Section 57 of un-amended Aadhaar Act, 2016 stated that “Nothing contained in this Act shall prevent the use of Aadhaar number for establishing the identity of an individual for any purpose, whether by the State or anybody corporate or person, pursuant to any law, for the time being in force, or any contract to this effect”.

It implies that UID/Aadhaar of “over 113.9 crore people” has been shared with foreign private body corporates like Ernst & Young. It is only after the horse had escaped the barn that the door was closed through Section 25 of Aadhaar and Other Laws (Amendment) Act, 2019 in compliance with the Court’s order dated September 26, 2018.

Section 25 of the Amendment Act 2019 states that Section 57 of the Aadhaar (Targeted Delivery of Financial and Other Subsidies, Benefits and Services) Act, 2016 has been omitted with effect from July 24, 2019.

6. At paragraph 8 of the majority order authored by Justice A K Sikri, it is recorded that “a Processes Committee was set up on July 03, 2006, to suggest the process for updation, modification, addition and deletion of data and fields from the core database to be created under the Unique Identification for BPL Families project.

This Committee, on November 26, 2006, prepared a paper known as ’Strategic Vision Unique Identification of Residents’. Based thereupon, the Empowered Group of Ministers (EGoM) was set up on December 04, 2006, to collate the National Population Register under the Citizenship Act, 1955 and the Unique Identification Number project of the Department “of Information Technology.

Subsequently, “a Committee of Secretaries was formed. The said Committee gave its recommendations which were discussed by EGoM. After approving the Aadhaar Scheme in principle, it instructed the Cabinet Secretary to convene a meeting to finalise the detailed organisational structure of the UID.

After considering the recommendation of the Cabinet Secretary, Notification No. A-43011/02/2009-Admn.I was issued on January 28, 2009, by the Government of India which constituted and notified the UIDAI.” Annexure 1 of this notification that constituted UIDAI deals with the Role and Responsibilities of UIDAI. The fourth point in this notification reads: “implementation of UID scheme will entail” taking “necessary steps to ensure collation of NPR with UID (as per. approved strategy)”.

7. The minutes of a meeting of the Committee of Secretaries held under Chairmanship of Cabinet Secretary November 23, 2015 talks of “integrating the twin approaches under NPR and Aadhaar.”

The “integrating the twin approaches under NPR and Aadhaar” which is referred here is the same as taking “necessary steps to ensure collation of NPR with UID (as per. approved strategy)” underlined in the notification mentioned in the Aadhaar Act.

8. A Ministry of Home Affairs communication dated July 19, 2019 states that “The National Population Register (NPR) thus prepared, was seeded with Aadhaar number during its updation exercise in 2015 along with a collection of demographic details of new household members. Approx. 60 crores Aadhaar numbers have been seeded in NPR Database.”

This communication discloses that “It has now been decided by the Ministry of Home Affairs to update the existing NPR database during April 2020 – September 2020 along with House listing & Housing Census phase of Census 2021. While updating the NPR, the Aadhaar number of all the individuals whose Aadhaar number is not available in the NPR Database will also be collected along with various other items. Necessary notification for updating NPR in 2020 will be issued shortly.”

9. The Court’s order reveals that “A core group was set up to advise and further the work related to UIDAI…The core group, inter alia, decided that it was better to start with the electoral roll database of 2009 for undertaking the UIDAI project.” If an UID/Aadhaar-enabled Biometric Attendance System is indeed a ‘digital equivalent’ of an ‘age-old attendance register,’ why did the National Human Rights Commission object to a radio collar which can also be argued by sophists to be a ‘digital equivalent’? It may be recalled that the Union Ministry of External Affairs had agreed with the NHRC’s assessment. The Union minister of external affairs informed Parliament that some 18 students were detained and released in the US with radio monitoring devices on their ankles, pending completion of investigations for possible involvement in irregularities. ’We have also strongly protested the radio collars as unacceptable, which should be removed immediately.’ If the ‘digital equivalent’ means biometric equivalent as well, then radio collar and DNA-based identity and attendance will also be deemed equivalent to ‘age-old attendance register.’ It is quite evident that such claims are deeply misleading.

10. The reference to ‘such other biological attributes’ in Section 2 (g) of Aadhaar (Targeted Delivery of Financial and Other Subsidies, Benefits and Services) Act, 2016, and the definition of ‘biometrics’ under the Information Technology (Reasonable security practices and procedures and sensitive personal data or information) Rules, 2011 under section 87 read with section 43A of Information Technology Act, 2000 underlines that it includes ‘the technologies that measure and analyse human body characteristics, such as “fingerprints”, “eye retinas and irises”, “voice patterns”, “facial patterns”, “hand measurements” and “DNA” for authentication purposes.’ It is abundantly clear that the plan of UID/Aadhaar-based surveillance does not end with the collection of fingerprints and iris scan, it goes quite beyond it.

The confidential document of UIDAI reveals that “One way to ensure that the unique identification (UID) number is used by all government and private agencies is by inserting it into the birth certificate of the infant. Since the birth certificate is the original identity document, it is likely that this number will then persist as the key identifier through the individual’s various life events, such as joining school, immunizations, voting etc.” Notably, there has never been any occasion wherein there was an all-party meeting to seek the consent of all the political parties with regard to merger of UID/Aadhaar database with “electoral roll database”. It is evident that the provision of Electoral Bonds in the Companies Act, 2013 and the merger of Voter-ID Number and Aadhaar Number through amendment in Aadhaar Act is an exercise in merger of electoral database and Aadhaar database which will lead to extinction of political and civil rights of present and future generations.

According to Dr Gopalkrishna, Justice Sikri authored order of Supreme Court’s Constitution Bench missed the opportunity to save present and future Indians from the dictatorship of faceless donors created through Finance Act 2017 and Finance Act 2018 which has compromised national security and almost all the public institutions. He has made citizens and natural persons residing in India naked and transparent in a legal system in which artificial persons, the opaqueness of body corporates has been legalized. The order committed a Himalayan blunder by ruling that right to have natural and human rights of citizens can be made conditional. This is being done by the government at the behest of the beneficial owners of ungovernable technology companies who have turned ruling political parties into puppets through their limitless and anonymous transnational donations.

This creates a compelling reason for the States to un-sign the MoUs they have signed with UIDAI and discontinue both UID/Aadhaar and NPR exercise. This is required to resist the emergence of an unlimited government, unlimited by the Constitution of India and Constitutionalism. Aadhaar database scheme is an unlimited census in disguise. It is naturalising mass surveillance and mass spying in myriad disguises and through diverse kinds of fish baits.

There is a compelling logic for setting up a High Powered Commission of Inquiry to probe the ongoing bartering of citizen’s databases and transfer of national data assets to foreign entities. In the face of assault on citizens’ rights and the emergence of a regime that is making legislatures and judiciary subservient to automatic identification, big data mining and artificial intelligence companies, the order of Justice Sikri undermined the Constitution and the sovereignty of the citizens who framed it. If the flawed order is not reversed by the 7-judge Constitution Bench, India’s social policies will be guided by biometric and genetic determinism and eugenic thinking of beneficial owners of unaccountable and admittedly undemocratic institutions.

In a country where no intelligence chief or official has been held accountable for the assassination of three of its Prime Ministers and for betraying the nation’s secrets, can it be hoped that all those who have compromised India’s data security will be made liable for their treacherous acts of transferring the sensitive data of present and future citizens including ministers, legislators, soldiers, and judges?

(The author, Dr. Gopal Krishna is a lawyer and law and philosophy researcher. He had appeared before the Parliamentary Committee that examined the National Identification Authority of India Bill, 2010 that was withdrawn in 2016 and enacted later as Aadhaar Act 2016)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia

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The post Logical, Legal Compulsion for West Bengal, other states to un-sign MoUs with UIDAI: Expert to Mamata Banerjee appeared first on SabrangIndia.

“There are so many Bengal cadre officers working for the Centre; if we confront like this, what will be the future of this country, Mr Prime Minister? Mr Busy Prime Minister, Mr Mann Ki Baat Prime Minister… what, do you want to finish me? Never, ever…. As long as people give me support, you cannot… 

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee in Kolkata, in response to the orders against her chief secretary issued by the Centre in Delhi.
 (The Telegraph Online, June 3, 2021)

Former West Bengal chief minister for more than three decades and CPM legend, Jyoti Basu, had once termed the BJP “barbaric and uncivilised”, soon after the Babri Masjid demolition at Ayodhya, led by the top leaders of the BJP-RSS and the sangh parivar on December 6, 1992. Some years later he was quoted in the Tribune on November 22, 1999. He had said, categorically. “Even now I say it (BJP) is uncivilised and barbaric.” Stating that his remarks were not in reference to any individual, he said “what do you say if at the end of 20th century you break up somebody else’s prayer house -Babri mosque…”  He said this at a press conference in New Delhi.

One of the multiple reasons why the CPM in Bengal has not picked up its scaffoldings from its mighty past has been the denial of the post of prime minister to Jyoti Basu when his name was floated by the leaders of a victorious umbrella coalition in Delhi in 1996. Not only the CPM as a party in Bengal, the whole of Bengal felt shocked, let-down and heart-broken that the party, led by a certain group of rigid and dogmatic hardliners, did not allow him to head that loose coalition government of Left and democratic forces in Delhi.

Indeed, it would have been the first time that a Leftist, and that too of the stature of Jyoti Basu, would have become the prime minister of India. The Left, under his leadership, could have initiated a different kind of national and international discourse — secular, egalitarian and progressive, and initiated much-needed radical reforms in crucial social sectors like the economy, health, education, labour, agriculture, women’s issues, the justice system, human rights, among other areas, it was widely argued.

Both the Central Committee and the Politburo of the CPM overwhelmingly opposed the proposal that Jyoti Basu should head the United Front government. The CPM then had 32 MPs in the Lok Sabha of 1996, and this was considered too small a number to provide a CPM prime minister the clout or power to undertake crucial initiatives. Years later, Jyoti Basu called this party diktat a “historic blunder”.

Most of Bengal and large sections of progressive and Left supporters agreed with him, then, as they would agree with him even now, retrospectively. And this would perhaps include sections of even those who would politically disagree with Jyoti Basu and his party, as vehemently as ever.

After his death, when the entire city of Calcutta and its neighbourhood poured out on the streets in mourning and homage to their leader, Sitaram Yechury was quoted in The Economic Times (January 18, 2010), explaining the two versions behind the decision. (Since they had very few MPs) — “We would have to implement many things that we had opposed. Credibility would suffer. This was the argument by those not inclined in favour of Basu becoming PM,” Yechury said. “On the other hand, those in favour had argued that even with small numbers, but Basu as PM, the party could fashion many pro-people initiatives. Left’s credibility would have gone up,” Yechury cited the other point of view.
 

This angst and the memory are resurrected, because Jyoti Basu was never really a lackey of Delhi’s power structure, nor did he have any interest in the goings-on in its power corridors. Of the three decades plus in unilateral power at the Writers’ Building in Calcutta, he led a party and Left front, with all its apparent mistakes, which overwhelmingly and consistently exercised its constitutional federal autonomy, and independence. With Congress and Indira Gandhi ruling the roost in Delhi and most of India, Jyoti Basu stood as a strong symbol of defiance when it came to the Centre. He was, also, therefore, an important icon in the opposition alliance against the Centre and the Congress. The BJP was a weak player at that time, restricted to certain urban areas in the Hindi heartland and Gujarat, and almost treated like a pariah in the national mainstream for its communal politics.

The Centre-state conflict thereby always played its role in the political dynamics of the state, and despite 40 per cent plus vote share, the Congress just could not break the CPM citadel – despite the repeated allegations of “scientific rigging, muscle power and extra-constitutional structures, often violent, ruling the roost in the interiors of Bengal”. The anti-establishment, anti-Centre plank almost always played a big role in electorally defeating and out-manouvering the Congress in West Bengal.

In the current circumstances, post May 2, 2021, after a protracted, tiring and hard battle in the heat, amidst the distress and despair of the pandemic, the Modi-Shah regime in Delhi has once again played into this archival cycle of old memory, anger and angst, giving Mamata Banerjee just the handle she wants to counter what she repeatedly calls the ‘autocratic’ (referring to Hitler and Stalin) power apparatus of the ruling party in Delhi.

The elections itself became a kind of referendum between Didi, as a mass woman leader and street fighter on a wheel-chair, and the prime minister and his best buddy, the union home minister, who had literally parked themselves in Bengal, pumping in muscle, money, media, and pomp and show as a ritualistic public spectacle, while eating into the party structure of the Trinamool Congress with organized defections of its leaders. That the BJP did not have a cadre, or ground-level organization worth its name, or a credible and popular regional leadership, was exposed from day one.

The Trinamool campaign that ‘outsiders’ driven by hate politics and a sectarian agenda are out to capture and destroy the revolutionary, progressive, spiritual, pluralist and secular cultural and intellectual inheritance of Bengal, struck a decisive chord from the beginning in the political consciousness of Bengal. This factor played a crucial role as the campaign played out.

That the BJP was targeting Didi unilaterally, a secular mass leader, twice elected chief minister, and the only woman chief minister in India, was apparently taken with a big pinch of salt in Bengal, especially by women, especially women in rural Bengal, as the results have clearly proved. In popular perception, here was a secular street fighter who defeated the might of the CPM arising from the mass movement of ‘Ma Maati and Manush’ from Nandigram and Singur, and who has created an enduring and worthwhile social welfare infrastructure in rural and urban Bengal in just about 10 years as the chief minister; that she was being attacked day in and day out by the two men from Gujarat, obsessed with their one-dimensional and absolute power,  plus Yogi Adityanath from UP with his hate politics, was not really appreciated by the largely secular people in Bengal.

The more Narendra Modi and Amit Shah targeted her, the more Suvendu Adhikari used misogynistic and hate language, the more they communally polarised and created non-existent, existential phobias, the more the collective sense and instinct in Bengal united against the BJP and its two supremos on their helicopters. Not done, was the simmering feeling. They don’t understand Bengal. They are outsiders. They will ravage the peaceful state with its communal politics and destroy its historic and progressive culture, was an underlying feeling on the ground, unexpressed, but, nevertheless, moving in an invisible spiral. The success of the ‘Not one Vote to the BJP’ campaign only signified this uncanny and restless political unconscious across the urban and rural landscape.

Hence, the targeting of the state and its chief minister and chief secretary, post May 2, earlier followed by the arrest of two of its ministers and two senior leaders, is being seen as part of the same method in the madness. The whole state and the country are now aware of the script which had been played out at Kalaikunda post-Cyclone Yaas.

Mamata Banerjee has clearly stated her version in graphic detail, caught as she was in the midst of serious administrative relief measures soon after the cyclone. Micro details of the event, what followed it and preceded it, the arrival and departure of the aircrafts etc, the delay and hassles in flight control and timing, etc, the presence of a BJP MLA and the governor in the PM’s meeting with the chief minister – all this is becoming an uncanny script in public folklore. Legalities are being invoked, aspersions are being cast, the fear and threat of punishment, to the topmost bureaucrat in Bengal, has been circulated as a hypothesis and as law– even as he was on the verge of his retirement. 

The entire episode reeks of bad faith in bad taste – what could otherwise have been smoothly resolved within an amicable, flexible and consensual paradigm, with an aim to find the best solution for the state and the nation. That, obviously, did not happen; nor did it seem was the intent.

So much so, sensing the mood in the state, the CPM and Congress leaders too have criticised the manner in which the chief secretary is being humiliated/hounded. Even within the BJP, there are apparently serious rumblings in the manner the Centre is botching up its public image in the state. Among other former IAS officers and veteran bureaucrats, several have voiced their astonishment and unhappiness at the turn of events – after all, the chief secretary of West Bengal was only following the orders of his chief minister!

Speaking to The Indian Express, former Home Secretary G K Pillai said that the episode sets a bad precedent and would demotivate civil servants. “This is perhaps the first time in the history of independent India that a Secretary-level officer is being posted at the Centre one day before retirement. The order is totally irregular. And to say that a Secretary-level officer must report to Delhi by 10 am (on a particular day) is just unheard of. The joining time is normally six days plus travelling time for all bureaucrats. That the DoPT Secretary agreed to issue such an order says a lot about the state Indian bureaucracy is in.”

On her part, Mamata Banerjee has not been mercurial or confrontational. She has stated her version and it is widely assumed that her version is correct. She has, indeed, appealed to the prime minister repeatedly: “I humbly request you to withdraw, recall, reconsider your decision and rescind the latest so-called order in larger public interest. I appeal to your conscience and good sense, on the behalf of the people of West Bengal,” she said in her letter to the PM… “With unilateral and non-consultative orders being issued, the federal system is gravely endangered and severely undermined. If a chief secretary of a state can be asked to be relieved like this how can the lower bureaucracy take, obey and implement orders in their letter or spirit from the chief minister, other ministers and officers… I presume and hope that you do not want to damage the federal amity… and destroy the morale of all the All India Service officers working in various states…”

Indeed, the politeness and rationale logic, mixed with her defiant and stoic resilience, makes a heady cocktail in Bengal politics. Certainly, the best and only card the Modi-Shah duo can and should play in Bengal right now is to let things cool down and let the chief minister get on with her job in such difficult times. That would be strategically an ideal and wise choice. Or else, undoubtedly, she will yet again inherit the legacy of Jyoti Basu, and this time it will be many times potentially more powerful and popular than what it was in the distant past.

Surely, in contemporary Bengal, Mamata Banerjee knows her mind: “We will fight the battle. Ours is a pro-people government, they cannot stop us from working for the people… They have no idea about us: we were born and raised in struggle, forged in mass movements…”

(Concluded)

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The post Bengal Redux: ‘They have no idea about us: we were born and raised in struggle, forged in mass movements…’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Since May 2, when the BJP lost Bengal despite all its hyperbole, led by its two unilateral supremos from Gujarat, it’s like a silly C-Grade horror movie being enacted day after day with its poor script missing the wood from the trees. Even for their fanatic fans, indeed, this is truly a lousy movie, and it gets more depressing and predictable by the day.                                                                         

The great secular, pluralist, egalitarian and democratic victory on May 2 – the whole of Bengal celebrated quietly, discreetly, with dignity, and peacefully. Even while a certain kind of inevitable and localised violence across groups flared up, and only in some areas, some of them unidentified, some identified. A certain infamous ‘IT cell’ predictably circulated fake and old videos from different geographical locations, trying to sell the propaganda that Muslims were targeting Hindus in Bengal. There were diabolical WhatsApp campaigns of fake Hindu exodus in some areas, as if a reverse partition has re-visited contemporary post-poll Bengal. This was a low, nasty and dirty game played abjectly and brazenly, and exposed soon after, as abjectly and brazenly.

This sinister project was proved for what it was in a few hours, even while the other mournful narrative became apparent that they just cannot digest their defeat in Bengal and the huge victory of the Trinamool Congress. A peaceful transition to power of a duly elected government was seemingly not acceptable to them.

Mamata Banerjee was blamed for the violence even while it was still the Election Commission which called the shots in Bengal, and the central forces were still out there in full force soon after May 2. There was an orchestrated, high-decibel campaign from Delhi, oh, look at Bengal, oh, look at the violence, etc. Even a central team was dispatched. Inevitably, and predictably, the Governor joined in.

Nothing worked out. It all turned out to be fake. A sinister project which was bound to fail in a state which peacefully voted secular across the caste and class spectrum, across the rural and urban spectrum, especially women, especially women in rural Bengal. Besides, the entire city of Calcutta defeated the BJP, and Trinamool won from all kinds of unexpected places in vastly different geographical and demographic terrains.

Mamata Banerjee took over as chief minister for her third term in a simple Covid-appropriate ceremony, and declared the Covid crisis as her principle priority. She said no violence will be allowed henceforth, whosoever may be involved, and distributed compensation to the families of the victims, with no bias towards any particular political group. Since then, no such political violence has happened in Bengal, and no such violence has been allowed to happen by the state government. All this happened as lockdown was declared, the entire machinery geared up to fight the second surge of the Covid 19 virus and to help all the people cope during the lockdown with ration and food at their doorstep. The focus has been the daily-wagers and working class and all this went hand in hand with pr-emptive evacuation and other measures in preparation for Cyclone Yaas, which was looming over the horizon in the Bay of Bengal, and which had a fierce, deadly, landfall on May 26.

It was a huge victory in the face of yet another massive and over-funded, cynically orchestrated campaign which started in early 2021. The campaign line ran: the BJP would conquer Bengal this time, come what may! Led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, now sporting a huge white beard – for alleged reasons of ‘image management’, according to hardcore cynics. Not Tamil Nadu or Kerala, not even Assam, the PM and his home minister, Amit Shah, along with the entire RSS-Sangh Parivar hydra-headed organism, wanted Bengal – and only Bengal, at any cost.

That they lost their sweetest dream of all appears to have brought on the onset of recurrent insomnia in bad faith and ritualistic bitterness. Both reactions are in bad taste. These have been manifest in brazenly vengeful actions, often defying basic political wisdom or diplomatic finesse, all becoming ugly public spectacles with the entire country bearing witness. These have also broken both historic protocol and convention, which determine smooth and efficient relations between the states and Centre, a constitutional pre-requisite that outlines the “union of states” in a federal paradigm.

Since then, two senior ministers and two senior leaders of Trinamool have been arrested by the CBI on charges involving an old sting operation, even while two top Trinamool turncoats, now in the BJP, who also face the same charges, appear completely untouched by the drama. Law enforcement and especially CBI (that reports directly to the PMO) have ensured that they have nothing to worry about at all. This stark contest too, is brazen.

The target was and is transparently clear and there was nothing to hide – to unnerve, punish and harass the new government led by Mamata Banerjee. The C-Grade horror movie has continued with its unhinged and morbid narrative.

And, now, the chief minister’s chief secretary, the senior-most bureaucrat in the state, who is handling the serious issues of both the Covid crisis and the post-cyclone disaster management, has been under the Centre’s radar. While he is on the verge of retirement. Yet again, to push the chief minster to the wall!

Has this succeeded?

No.

So what happened?

The chief minister has emerged stronger. She has acquired, yet again, national stature of great defiance and stoic courage. She remains, even more so, both a mass leader and street-fighter, greatly admired for her guts all over Bengal. She has yet again taken on the revengeful establishment in Delhi with a lucid and consistent determination not witnessed in recent times in contemporary politics in India.

Bengal has yet again seen through this badly played screenplay and theatre of the absurd. And once again the entire state is totally aligned behind its brave and resilient chief minister who has, for the umpteenth time, has openly defied the Centre led by Modi and Amit Shah.  Interestingly, Mamata Banerjee brought in two hated figures from the history of fascism and Soviet Russia in her acerbic rejoinder: “PM, Amit Shah, are behaving like autocrats such as Hitler, Stalin,” she was quoted in The Telegraph online.

Bengal will not crawl. This is the message which has spread across the pandemic and lockdown landscape. Bengal never crawls. Bengal will write a new narrative of defiance. Bengal will re-write the writing on the wall. 

Bengal had earlier taken the landslide victory of secular forces with discrete dignity, an understated and inward joy, and a quiet personal and collective celebration indoors, assured that the cultural, political and intellectual inheritance of the state will not henceforth be destroyed at the hands of polarising and communal forces who are out to capture it with sheer money and muscle power, propaganda and fake news dispensed by a supplicant media, organised mind games, and a lot of pomp and show, even while there was clearly no Hindutva wave on the ground from day one. Indeed, the BJP campaign had started much earlier, even while their ‘poriborton yatras’ flopped across the state, and rally after rally, with their top leaders exported from Delhi, Gujarat and UP,  including the big one at Brigade Ground  in Kolkata with Modi as star, turned out —all of them–to be a super flops.

Somehow, despite the ambiguity and people holding their cards close to their hearts, there was an uncanny feeling that ‘Jai Shri Ram’ was just not clicking in a land where people worship Durga and Kali, among others — their goddesses with infinite passion, devotion and commitment, and where the inherited secular, spiritual, revolutionary and cultural legacy of Rabindranath Tagore, Kazi Nazrul Islam, Subhas Chandra Bose, Ramkrishna Paramhans, Chaitanya Mahaprabhu, Master Surya Sen, Khudiram Bose, among others, still ruled supreme in the deepest core of the  Bengali consciousness.

This was best exemplified in the urban terrain with the huge success of the ‘No Vote to BJP’ campaign, rather, ‘Not one vote to BJP’, combined with videos made by independent filmmakers caricaturing their BJP drew lakhs of hits. At the fag end of the campaign, singer Kabir Suman came out with short, stimulating videos with the same message: ‘BJP ke ektao vote deben na’ — don’t give even one vote to BJP. Defeat the fascists, he sang.

This was followed by actors, artists, singers and celebrities of Bengal sticking their neck out fearlessly yet again: coming out with a fabulous video song and dramatic enactment, reaffirming the pluralist and secular ethos of Bengal, implying yet again that Battleground Bengal, this time, was a life and death question. 

Besides, women, across the spectrum, especially in rural Bengal, voted overwhelmingly for Didi. There was a social engineering dimension where people across the spectrum, in rural and urban areas, across caste and religion, and within those in the margins, including vast number of women across the kaleidoscope, came out and voted for Didi and her party. Behind this overwhelming support was not only the secular plank, or the fact that the social welfare schemes for people, especially girls and women, like Kanyashree for the education of girls, cycles for women, health insurance of Rs 5 lakh for women, free ration and food all through the lockdown – and now at the doorstep, free, subsidised and high quality public health care including public sector hospitals, hostels for girls in small towns and colleges, roads and infrastructure, among other schemes, had endeared the people to Didi’s government.

Most crucially, the people of Bengal just did not like the manner in which the two men from Gujarat, one, the prime minister, and the other, the union home minister, literally parked themselves in Bengal for months, hopping in and out of the state on expensive helicopters, targeting Mamata Banerjee, a woman leader, day in, day out. This was added to by Yogi Adityanath spreading his own brand of hate politics in a peaceful state where no such pronounced hate exists among communities, despite simmering tensions from the past.

This was like the entire State machinery from Delhi with its huge money and muscle power was out to capture Bengal at any cost, and reduce the only woman chief minister in India into a daily object of ridicule and hate. Their spin masters and pseudo psephologists spun a tale very early, even before the campaign had begun, that anti-incumbency, corruption and a massive, hidden, subaltern uprising would decisively swing the elections and “BJP will sweep the polls”. This was pure figment of imagination and a mind-game propaganda, and proved as bogus from day one. Seasoned journalists were quick to notice this on the ground quite early in the campaign.

Indeed, the macho taunt by the PM, ‘Didi Oooooo Didi’, was a blunder, for which the BJP paid a heavy price. Not only women, the whole of Bengal felt disgusted and angry at this ‘PMspeak’, and the disgust was surely expressed in the ballot box across the state.

Besides, the Election Commission added to the nightmare of the lurking Covid, while the PM praised the huge crowds in the last phase in Bengal – in the backdrop of the Kumbh with millions gathered welcomed by Modi and the BJP-led Uttarakhand government. Even while other states folded up their election scenario quickly, as in Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Assam and Pondicherry, the Bengal polls dragged on for a dreary long month in the heat and amidst the pandemic, precisely because, as Trinamool leaders and critics pointed out, to help the BJP spread its campaign and stretch its formidable machinery and leaders from outside, especially because they lacked a cadre or a party machinery on the ground. Besides, the BJP seemed to be bursting at its seams with leaders hijacked or usurped from other parties – so much so, the ‘original’ BJP leaders and cadre seemed to be suffering from serious heartburn and alienation.

Indeed, whatever the BJP wanted was accepted by the EC, the Trinamool complained, even while the Trinamool’s requests were turned down repeatedly. For instance, without an all-party meeting, the EC accepted something unprecedented, a BJP demand – booth agents from outside the local area were allowed.  Trinamool immediately pointed out that the BJP did not have their own local booth agents and that is why this new and biased twist in the tale – hence they might get ‘outsiders’ to become booth agents, breaking a tradition established since long. More so, the Trinamool request to club the last phase of the polls in one phase, due to the second surge in Covid, was turned down by the EC.

It’s been just about one month since the new government has taken over in Kolkata. But the harassment is relentless and continuous. However, the main thing is that every time the Centre plays a revengeful card in Bengal, it only proves how it’s still not able to accept a legitimate electoral victory.

Besides, such a card often badly boomerangs. As in this case of the chief secretary, with Mamata Banerjee now riding high on yet another popularity wave in Bengal. And it seems, it’s a wave which will only fly on the wings of more victories in the days to come.

(Part One, to be Concluded)

Related:

Battleground Bengal: It’s Indian democracy at stake!
Battleground Bengal: Manipulation of votes and EVMs will not be allowed, Mamata declares war on BJP
Battleground Bengal: Is BJP’s Poriborton Yatra failing to take off?

The post Bengal Redux: BJP’s Revenge Card Boomerangs appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Mamata Banerjee is still going strong, refusing to bow to pressure from the ruling regime, governing her state on her own terms. The latest instance of her defiance comes in the form of her letter in connection with the order issued to West Bengal Chief Secretary Alalpan Bandyopadhyay. On May 28, the Centre had passed and order asking Alapan Bandyopadhyay to report to Delhi on May 31 by 10 A.M.

That deadline has come and gone. Here’s a copy of the May 28 order:

The timing of the order was interesting given how Bandyopadhyay was all set to retire on May 31, but was given a three-month extension by the Centre on May 24 at the request of the state government. It is believed that calling Bandyopadhyay to Delhi was a move by Delhi to chastise Banerjee for raising objections to the presence of a local BJP MLA at a meeting convened by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Kalaikunda.

Bandyopadhyay himself did not react to the sudden order to report to North Block as he was engaged in relief activities related to Cyclone Yaas. But West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has now written to the Prime Minister saying that she was “shocked and stunned by the unilateral order” of May 28, and that the order “came without any prior consultation with the Government of West Bengal”.

Banerjee said, “The unilateral order / directive is legally untenable, historically unprecedented and wholly unconstitutional.”

Banerjee highlighted how her state was not only dealing with a deadly second wave of the Covid-19 pandemic, but was also recently ravaged by Cyclone Yaas.

Then true to her style of never mincing words, Banerjee wrote, “I really and sincerely hope that this latest order is not related to my meeting with you at Kalaikunda. If that be the reason, it would be sad, unfortunate and would amount to sacrificing public interest at the altar of misplaced priorities.”

The entire letter by Mamata Banerjee to PM Modi may be read here:

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Mamata Banerjee demands payment of arrears to farmers under central financial schemes 

The post Untenable, unprecedented and unconstitutional: Mamata Banerji on WB Chief Secy’s transfer order appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Dubbing the Centre’s announcement for a “universal vaccine policy” as “hollow, without substance and a regrettable show of evasion of responsibility” Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee wrote a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi on April 20, 2021.

“When the number of cases in the second wave of Covid is spiralling like anything, the Centre has chosen to tactically indulge in empty rhetoric and shy away from its responsibility for making available vaccines to the people,” said Banerjee in the letter.

She condemned the lack of clarity regarding the quality efficacy, stable flow of supply of required vaccines by manufacturers and the price at which vaccines are to be purchased by state governments. Experts like TISS professor R. Ramakumar have also raised concerns about unscrupulous mechanisms in the market, including market-based vaccine prices that will put common people under huge financial burden.

Another concern is that the vaccine supply will become erratic because vaccine manufacturers will not be prepared to increase production capacities as per national demand.

“I would like to mention once again that required vaccines are not presently available in the market and request that steps may immediately be taken to ensure availability of vaccines at the earliest,” said Banerjee.

Earlier, the Chief Minister wrote to Modi on February 24, requesting that state governments be allowed to purchase vaccines directly from state resources and give free vaccines to the people. However, Banerjee said the central government had failed to reply to the request.

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Manmohan Singh offers advice to PM Modi on how to fight Covid-19
UP: Former District Judge blames administration for Covid affected wife’s death
Covid continues to claim more lives, as many state gov’ts find themselves overwhelmed

The post Centre is shying away from its responsibility towards vaccine provision: Mamata Banerjee appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Even as he was on his way out, Sunil Arora, whose term as Chief Election Commissioner ended on April 12, 2021, issued an order banning West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee from campaigning for 24 hour hours starting 8 P.M on Monday.

This is an unprecedented move against a sitting Chief Minister and suggests that the order was issued at the behest of the vindictive regime at the Center. The ban on campaigning comes in the middle of assembly elections where violence has been escalating with each passing phase. Indeed, phase four was the bloodies with four people being killed in firing by paramilitary forces and a fifth person gunned down by unknown assailants in Sitalkuchi in Cooch Behar district.

The reason for issuing the 24-hour campaign ban against Banerjee as stated in the EC order is her non- response to two notices, both dated April 8, 2021, issued to her in connection with two separate complaints:

–        When she allegedly appealed to Muslims to ensure their vote does not get divided

–        When she allegedly asked women to gherao (surround) personnel belonging to paramilitary forces if they try to disrupt voting

Mamata Banerjee paints a picture of defiance

At the very outset, Banerjee called out the EC for targeting her and announced plans to protest the move saying, “To protest against the undemocratic and unconstitutional decision of the Election Commission of India, I will sit on dharna tomorrow at Gandhi Murti, Kolkata from 12 noon.”

To protest against the undemocratic and unconstitutional decision of the Election Commission of India, I will sit on dharna tomorrow at Gandhi Murti, Kolkata from 12 noon.

— Mamata Banerjee (@MamataOfficial) April 12, 2021

True to her word, Banerjee arrived at the Gandhi statue and sat quietly in her wheelchair. After some time, she started painting.

“Great protests are great art works”- Diego Rivera#BlackDayForDemocracy pic.twitter.com/tjAwmQw6GJ

— Didi Ke Bolo (@DidiKeBolo) April 13, 2021

Dear Emperor, She’ll draw your destiny on her canvas.. #BlackDayForDemocracy pic.twitter.com/YQLEpucD76

— Debangshu Bhattacharya Dev (@ItsYourDev) April 13, 2021

Banerjee left the protest spot at around 3 P.M. According to The Telegraph, she is expected to resume campaigning after the ban ends at 8 P.M, but has to wind up by 10 P.M as tonight is the last phase of campaigning for phase five of the Assembly elections for which polling will take place on April 17.

But tomorrow, Banerjee is expected to visit the Mathabhanga sub-divisional hospital where three people who were injured in the Sitalkuchi firings are receiving treatment. Banerjee had showed images on her phone of bullet injuries sustained by people in their upper bodies during a press conference after the shooting. She had asked at that time, “This was genocide. The central force just sprayed them with bullets. They fired at the upper part of the body,” adding, “They should have fired below the waist, but the bullets were fired at the neck and the chest.”

Is the regime using EC to intimidate Mamata Banerjee?

Earlier too, the EC had issued orders to transfer police officials and public servants deemed close to Mamata Banerjee.

On Friday, April 9, just a day before voting was to take place for phase four, the EC removed Asoke Chakraborty, an SP rank officer posted in Mamata Banerjee’s security detail. The reason given was security lapse that led to Mamata Banerjee getting injured in Nandigram on March 10. In fact, on March 14, the EC, in an unprecedented move, had suspended Vivek Sahay IPS, Director Security for Mamata Banerjee and directed that charges be framed against him for his failure to protect a Z+ protectee (Mamata Banerjee). The EC had also directed that a Committee of Chief Secretary and DGP shall identify “the other proximate security personnel below Director Security, who failed in their duties to prevent the incident and protect the Z+ protectee VVIP and take suitable action for their failure under intimation to the Commission”. This move is noteworthy, as these “proximate security personnel” have been working with Banerjee for years. It thus appears to be a rather sensitive step, given how it is basically a move directed at taking Banerjee’s trusted inner circle of security personnel away from her.

The decision to suspend and transfer senior officers was taken based on a report and recommendations by Special General Observer Ajay Nayak and Special Police Observer Vivek Dubey. The same Vivek Dubey whose report in the Sitalkuchi matter insists that CISF personnel “fired in self-defence”.

Also, on April 9, the EC transferred Bhangar police station inspector-in-charge Shyam Prasad Saha alleging he was “playing a partisan role to help the Trinamul candidate.”

On Wednesday, April 7, the EC removed three District Magistrates: Nikhil Nirmal of South Dinajpur, Enaur Rehman of East Burdwan and Purendu Maji of West Burdwan. While polling will take place in East Burdwan in two phases: Phase 5 on April 17 and Phase 6 on April 22, both West Burdwan and South Dinajpur will go to polls during the seventh phase on April 26.

Action against BJP

As far as action against members of the BJP goes, Suvendu Adhikari was served notice for calling Banerjee “Begum” and alleging “She will turn Bengal into mini-Pakistan”. On Tuesday, Rahul Sinha has been barred from campaigning for 48 hours following his remarks that more people ought to have been shot dead in Sitakuchi. He reportedly said, “Eight, not four people should have been shot,” at an election rally in Habra. The ban starts on April 13, at 12 noon and ends at 12 noon on April 15.

Meanwhile, a notice has been served to Dilip Ghosh who openly threatened to replicate the Sitalkuchi shootings in other locations if “naughty boys” failed to fall in line. He has been given time till Wednesday morning to explain his remarks. The notice was in response to a complaint filed by the TMC.

Addressing a rally at Baranagar, Ghosh had dubbed the victims of the firing as “dushtu chhele (naughty boys)”. He went on to say, “Aar jodi barabari korey, Sitalkuchitey dekhechhen ki hoyechhe. Jaygaye jaygaye Sitalkuchi hobey (If they cross the limits, you’ve seen what happened in Sitalkuchi. There will be a Sitalkuchi everywhere).”

However, there has been no response to the allegations of bribing voters using Rs 1000 encashable coupons in Raidighi. There has also been no response to attack on a female TMC candidate outside a voting booth during phase three.

Are the BJP’s intimidation tactics backfiring?

Mamata Banerjee is no novice. She has faced violence first-hand in a political career spanning forty years. In fact, she has developed quite a reputation as an indomitable streetfighter who refuses to bow down to threats or even violence.

Even though the Central government has allegedly targeted her using different agencies such as the CBI and EC, she has never backed down or appeared even remotely compliant to their agenda. She did not allow action against her top police officers, she refused to bow to pressure when her nephew Abhishek’s wife was implicated in a case of allegedly stealing coal, and when the CBI was allegedly used to re-examine cases in the Saradha scam for amounts as little as Rs 5,000.

Even after being injured on March 10 in Nandigram, an attack Banerjee alleges was carried out at the behest of the regime, she has been making appearances in her wheelchair, holding marches, protests, rallies… and perhaps getting extra attention for the same.

Related:

Battleground Bengal: Five killed in Sitalkuchi, EC and Central forces under scanner again
Battleground Bengal: Was BJP attempting to bribe voters?
Why has CAPF man on poll duty, accused of molesting EC a minor not been arrested yet?
Battleground Bengal: Security adviser’s powers seized
Battleground Bengal: Unprecedented action by ECI
CBI reinvests vigorously in WB chit-fund case investigations

The post Battleground Bengal: Campaign ban on Mamata Banerjee parting shot by outgoing CEC? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Helmet-clad and placard adorned West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee rode pillion on an electric scooter on February 25, 2021 to lead a rally against rising fuel prices, reported The Indian Express. Sitting behind State Minister and Kolkata Mayor Firhad Hakim, Banerjee travelled 5 kms from Hazra More to the state secretariat in Nabanna, where she slammed the central government for making false promises about fuel prices.

“We are protesting the fuel price hike. The Modi government only makes false promises. They have done nothing to bring down fuel prices. You can see the difference in petrol prices when the Modi government came to power and now,” she told media persons.

The Chief Minister went on to say that Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah will “sell the country” with their “anti-people government.”

Petrol and diesel prices in West Bengal rose to Rs 91.12 per litre and Rs 84.20 per litre, respectively. Meanwhile, LPG, cylinder prices increased to Rs. 25 on Thursday changing state prices of LPG cylinders Rs. 820 per litre from Rs 795 per litre. To alleviate people’s burden, the state government announced a reduction of tax by Rs. 1 per liter on petrol and diesel on February 21, effective midnight.

In response, the Union government said that oil retailers in India were forced to increase prices because global crude oil prices rose by more than 50 percent to over $63.3 per barrel since October.

According to the Scroll, the government has failed to restore taxes that are record high while global rates rebounded with a pick-up in demand.

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The post Mamata Banerjee rides electric scooty to protest rising fuel prices appeared first on SabrangIndia.

During his latest visit to the poll-bound state of West Bengal, Prime Minister Narendra Modi promised “Asol Poriborton” or real change, taking a dig at Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s original promise of “Poriborton” or change that helped her come to power in the state. But in light of the growing communalization of the election campaign, one wonders if as far as the BJP and the Modi government are concerned, the more things change, the more they remain the same?

For example, take a look at the tweet by BJP’s minder for Bengal, Kailash Vijayvargiya on Saturday where he said, “West Bengal’s equation! Pirzada Abbas Siddiqui is TMC’s deputy chief minister. The chief minister of the Congress-CPM alliance is Abdul Mannad. Calcutta’s mayor is Firhad Hakim. Which way is Bengal heading? Bengal’s people will have to think!”

पश्चिम बंगाल का समीकरण !!!

पीरजादा अब्बास सिद्दीकी टीएमसी का उपमुख्यमंत्री

कांग्रेस और सीपीएम गठबंधन का मुख्यमंत्री अब्दुल मनाद

कोलकाता का मेयर फिरहाद हकीम

किधर जा रहा है बंगाल!
बंगाल के लोगों को सोचना होगा।

— Kailash Vijayvargiya (@KailashOnline) February 20, 2021

Though he did not say it outright, the communal undertones of the tweet are evident and resonate with BJP’s age-old allegation that the Banerjee government engages in minority appeasement.

But that’s not all. Last Thursday, union minister and BJP heavyweight Amit Shah visited the Bharat Sevashram Sangha’s head office to pay tributes to its founder Yugacharya Swami Pranavananda Maharaj. He was accompanied by state BJP chief Dilip Ghosh, senior leader Mukul Roy and Kailash Vijayvargiya himself. Interestingly though, last year it was Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee who had inaugurated the 125th year birth anniversary celebrations for the spiritual leader.

The BJP has also flagged five ‘Poriborton Rath Yatras’ in the state in five zones of the state covering 294 constituencies. While BJP President JP Nadda flagged on three, Shah himself flagged off two. But The Telegraph reports that the response from local residents has been rather underwhelming. “The turnout was less than expected on Indira Maidan on Thursday. Empty patches of the field reminded party leaders of the lukewarm response the flag-offs received at Tarapith, Nabadwip and Lalgarh.,” reported the publication.

Shah had also paid a visit to the Kapil Muni temple and promised to make the Uttarayan Mela (Gangasagar) a part of the international tourist circuit. Shah also flagged off three cycle rallies in the state. 300 cyclists divided into three teams named after freedom fighters: Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, Rash Behari Bose and Khudiram Bose, would reportedly cover 900 kilometers over 30 days purportedly to visit homes of 400 unsung freedom fighters in the state.

But BJP might have pushed their luck, when Dilip Ghosh questioned the antecedents of Goddess Durga, a beloved deity in West Bengal. Speaking at the India Today Conclave, Ghosh had said, “Lord Ram was an emperor. Some consider him an avatar (incarnation). We know the names of his ancestors. Do we know the same about Durga? So, he is considered as maryada purushottam. Here [in Bengal] we have the Bengali version of Ramayana too. So Ram is an adarsh purush, maryada puroshottameven Gandhiji spoke about Ram Rajya.”

This is a throwback to when Mamata Banerjee and her supporters refused to chant “Jai Shri Ram” and instead responded with “Jai Maa Kali” or “Jai Maa Durga”. Ghosh’s comments did not go down well with people in the state, where some of the biggest festivals are dedicated to Goddess Durga or one of her avatars. Also, pitting one religious deity against another appears to be in poor taste. Given how both deities belong to the same religion, this is yet another unnecessary divisive tactic, one that could divide the very vote bank BJP is trying to consolidate.

Coercive tactics at play?

Meanwhile, on the night of February 17, TMC state Minister and Jangipur MLA Jakir Hossain was severely injured when unidentified men hurled a crude bomb at him at Nimtita railway station in Murshidabad district. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has alleged that Hossain was being pressured to switch parties, and attacked because he refused.

Speaking to media persons after taking stock of Hossain’s condition at the SSKM Hospital where he was admitted in the Trauma Care Unit, Banerjee had said, “It was a preplanned attack on minister Jakir Hossain. It is a conspiracy.” She added, “Some people were pressuring Jakir Hossian to join them for the last few months. I don’t want to disclose anything more as investigation is on.” The matter is being investigated by the state Crime Investigation Department (CID).

Interestingly, the BJP used the incident to blame the Banerjee government for the deteriorating law and order situation in the state. BJP president Dilip Ghosh told The Telegraph, “The incident shows that West Bengal is not safe even for ministers. The government has failed to control the law and order.”

On February 20, he accused TMC workers of “hurling bombs” at his rally. He tweeted, “#PoliticalTerrorists of TMC attacked and hurled bombs today at our #PoribortonYatra held at Minakha, Basirhat (North 24 Parganas zela). An orchestrated and planned attack to create terror in people’s mind. People of Paschim Banga will put in their mandate at the right time.”

#PoliticalTerrorists of TMC attacked and hurled bombs today at our #PoribortonYatra held at Minakha, Basirhat (North 24 Parganas zela).

An orchestrated and planned attack to create terror in people’s mind.

People of Paschim Banga will put in their mandate at the right time.

— Dilip Ghosh (@DilipGhoshBJP) February 20, 2021

Meanwhile, despite the fact that election dates have not been announced, there has been heavy deployment of central forces in the state. The Election Commission of India reportedly intends to deploy a total of 125 companies of central forces in West Bengal by February 25 for the upcoming assembly elections citing a senior official. These would include 60 companies of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), 30 companies of the Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) and five companies each of the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) and the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP). Of these, according to NDTV, at least 12 companies of the Central Armed Police Force (CAPF), have already arrived in the state. EC officials told NDTV that last week, two companies of the central forces reached Durgapur by train, one company got down at Burdwan. Five companies reached Dankuni in Howrah. Meanwhile, four companies reached the Kolkata railway station in the Chitpore area by train.

But that’s not all. Abhishek Banerjee, who is seen by many as his aunt Mamata Banerjee’s political heir apparent has found himself in the BJP’s crosshairs. His wife Ruchira is being investigated by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) in a coal smuggling case.

Abhishek tweeted a copy of the CBI notice and said, “At 2pm today, the CBI served a notice in the name of my wife. We have full faith in the law of the land. However, if they think they can use these ploys to intimidate us, they are mistaken. We are not the ones who would ever be cowed down.”

At 2pm today, the CBI served a notice in the name of my wife. We have full faith in the law of the land. However, if they think they can use these ploys to intimidate us, they are mistaken. We are not the ones who would ever be cowed down. pic.twitter.com/U0YB6SC5b8

— Abhishek Banerjee (@abhishekaitc) February 21, 2021

Mamata fights back

Meanwhile, addressing a rally in Hooghly on February 24, Mamata Banerjee called Modi the “biggest Dangabaaz” and said that a ”fate worse than Donald Trump” awaited him. Banerjee was speaking at the same location where Modi had held his rally a few days ago. She shot back at the BJP saying, “I will be the goalkeeper in the assembly polls and BJP will not be able to score a single goal.” 

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Image Courtesy: indianexpress.com

Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav on Tuesday spoke out in support of West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and claimed that the country is being destroyed by “two and a half men” in an open letter.
 
“Two and a half men, and a media that has been corrupted by their sycophantic portrayal are destroying our nation and everything it stands for,” he said in the letter addressed to “all my fellow Indians.” Many believe he was talking about PM Narendra Modi, BJP chief Amit Shah and Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, the half.
 
“Today the attack on the state of Bengal is not only an attack on the values and tenets of the Constitution but also an attack on the dreams of our founding fathers. In fact, all of the founding fathers stood in direct opposition to the views espoused by the BJP and their ideological forefathers, the RSS,” said Yadav in the letter, which he shared on his Twitter account.

Asserting that developments in Bengal are a cause of concern for all citizens, regardless of their political affiliation, he said, “The country’s sovereignty and natural resources are sold to famous few industrialists, who fund the BJP.”
 
Yadav said, “BJP delivers policies that benefit them. Every minority in the country lives in fear of lynch mobs fuelled by rumours spread by BJP’s IT cells-Internet Terrorist cells.”
 
In his letter, he further alleged that the BJP’s formula is to get “unfriendly politicians embroiled in legal battles, buried under false charges, attacked as anti-national and seditious” to stay in power for 50 years.
 
“This is just one of many nakedly political attacks being orchestrated across the country by two and a half men who run this country,” he said.
 
“You may well believe that we need a strong man in charge of this country and that this type of person can deliver us from corruption and chaos but our Prime Minister is far from a strong man. To quote his own Cabinet minister and colleague Mr Nitin Gadkari, ‘one, who cannot manage his home, cannot manage the country,” he wrote in the letter
 
“The formula is simple-unfriendly politicians in power are to be embroiled in legal battles, buried under false charges, attacked as anti-nationals and seditious, and their states set aflame using sectarian methods at the disposal of the government,” added Yadav.
 
Yadav also gave a call to administrative officials and different national institutions to ‘fight with integrity.’ “I call upon our judiciary, the CBI, the IAS, the IPS, and all our other national institutions to prevail against the constant attacks on them and fight with integrity,” he said.
 
“I call upon them to stand up for due process so that they do not act as an election agent for a particular party. I call upon our fellow Indians who work at these institutions to stand up and be counted and I pray that our fellow Indians who work in the media will speak the truth without fear or favour,” he said.
 
“I believe it is time for all Indians, regardless of their politics, their religion, their caste or the region they belong to, to agree to two things: that the rule of law requires strong institutions, not weak officers who are weaponised against political opponents; and that elections should be fought at the polling booth, not using midnight raids, trumped up charges and lies,” he wrote.
 
Concluding his letter, he appealed to the people of India. “You can disagree with me, you cast your vote for the person who can represent you best but please do not allow this motley group made up of two and a half men to erode the very basis of our country,” he said.
 
West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, started a dharna on Sunday against the CBI’s attempt to arrest Kolkata Police Commissioner Rajeev Kumar and ended it on Tuesday. She said that she would take her fight against the Central government to Delhi next week.
 

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In a terrible, and cynical fallout of the Ram Navmi celebrations, that have this year at least taken an aggressive and violent turn, Rosera (division of Samastipur) and Munger in Bihar and Raniganj in Bengal are experiencing tensions close on the heels of arms filled processions that were ‘allowed’ in both states. While administrations of both states under varied political dispensations have been stating that these processions were ‘authorised’, the issue that remains is whether processionists should be allowed to brandish weapons and also raise provocative slogans, unstopped. Asansol in Bengal was also affected by the communal violence until the district administration brought things under control.

The Hindu reports that three persons have died and several others injured over the past two days after provocative behaviour by processionists organising the Ram Navmi processions in west Bengal. Incidents are reported to have taken place in Raniyan (west Bardhaman district), Kankinara in North 24 Par ganas and Beldi in Purulia district. On late Monday night’s incident at Raniyan, one person died and 30 persons, including six police officials were injured.

 Pictures from Rosera, a division of Samastipur, Bihar

Pictures from Raniganj, Bengal

Late night reports and photographs coming in from all areas report that police had to resort to firing to dispel mobs on the rampage, themselves spreading rumours. Internet was disconnected by the police at Rosera and Munger and both areas were tense till late in the night. Local residents in Bihar, however, did not rise to the bait though the atmosphere remains tense.
 
Violence was sought to be provoked  in Rosera of Samastipur today and about stray shops are reported to have been attackrd.Though reports cold not be confirmed, no serious damage or loss of life occurred. Photographs of minor damages to the  Zeya Ul Uloom Madrassah of Rosera are available on social media. Rosera was once represented by Ramvilas  Paswan. Munger town also reported disturbances till late last night and though firing had to be resorted to, the armed Ram Navmi processions was still doing the rounds. Both Munger and Rosera are market towns in Samastipur.
 
Munger or Monghyr is hometown of Shri Krishna Sinha (1887-1961), the first chief minister of Bihar. It is also the hometown of Maulana Wali Rahmani and Tariq Anwar of NCP too belongs to Munger though he was and MP Katihar
 
Raniganj (West Bengal), not very far from Munger, also had violence where several dozen shops a lot of shops belonging to the minority community have reportedly been burned it is alleged, between today and yesterday. Violence had briefly even spread to Asansol where the violence was thereafter brought under control. Taj Shoes and Leatherworks is one of the establishments gutted.
 
Comments on Facebook were and are telling:
https://www.facebook.com/jitendra.narayan.7
भाजपाई राज का आनंद समस्तीपुर वासियों को भी दिया जा रहा है…
मोबाइल इन्टरनेट सेवा बंद करके…!!!
#जलता_बिहार

Raniganj, Bengal:
जो खबरें आ रही हैं वह बहुत ही बुरी है चुंकी पश्चिम बंगाल का रानीगंज कल आग में जल रहा था, तो आज आसनसोल जल रहा है। क्या अब त्योहार का दूसरा नाम दंगा है? हमारी अपील है की आसनसोल “सिटी ऑफ ब्रॉदरहुड” के आवाम दंगाइयों को दूर रखें। अमन चैन बना कर दंगाइयों के मकसद को विफल करें।
 
Two days ago, The Times of India had reported how at least 20 shops were gutted in fire and more than seven persons got injuries after a communal clash broke out in town area of Aurangabad district after stone pelting took place on a Ram Navami procession at Nawadih area. In the Aurangabad violence, the provocative role of union minister swini Chaubey and his kin has been pointed out. The New Indian Express had reported on this aspect of the provocations casued by elected representatives and his son. The procession, consisting of bike borne youths, was passing through Nawadih Colony under Town police station when some reports said, miscreants pelted stone on it.In Kaimur, some bike borne youths who were going to attend a Ram Navami procession, raised objectionable slogans in front of a mosque at Mughalpura under Chainpur police station area after which clashes took place on Sunday.

Later in retaliation, at least 20 shops located at Ramesh Chowk were gutted in fire by the agitating mob. The chowk is hardly a kilometre away from the spot where stone pelting took place on the procession.Aurangabad DM Rahul Ranjan Mahiwal said that prohibitory ordered under Section 144 of Cr.P.C. were issued as precautionary measures in town area and situation was under control.

“The procession was authorised and was passing through pre-determined route in presence of magistrates and security personnel  when stone pelting took place on it,” he said adding more than seven persons were injured in the violenceDM Mahiwal also said that stone pelting took place between two groups and an agitating mob torched some shops at Ramesh Chowk.
Patna zonal IG Nayyar Hasnain Khan said that district armed police personnel were deployed in the area and the situation was brought under control. “At least five rioters were arrested and several others were detained,” he added.IG Khan said two persons received minor injuries and the situation was immediately brought under control.

While in Gaya, miscreants pelted stones on a Ram Navami procession under Kothi police station area while it was retreating on Sunday. Stone pelting took place between two communities after which huge number of police personnel were deployed.

“No arrest had yet been made in the Kaimur and Gaya incident,” Khan added.Meanwhile in Siwan, communal clash took place when a group of   people stopped a Ram Navami procession at Nizam pur village under Mazharulhaq Nagar police station area on Saturday night.Siwan ASP Kartikeya Sharma said that the procession was “authorised” and it was passing through pre-determined route when it was stopped. The question is whether an ‘authorised” procession should have processionists carrying arms that imply agression and intimidation and should be ‘permitted to raise provocative slogans?

In the state Assembly, the Opposition RJD and Congress attacked the Nitish Kumar-led NDA government over the March 17 communal clashes in Bhagalpur’s Nathnagar and the present Aurangabad clashes. Nitish Kumar assured that the government is doing its best  to maintain communal harmony and urged Opposition leader Tejashwi Yadav not to “over-emphasize the clashes” in order to let violent sentiments die down.“The government is giving empty assurances as Union minister Ashwini Choubey’s son Arjit Shashwat is yet to be arrested for causing the clashes in Bhagalpur. Give me permission and four constables and I will have him arrested,” said Yadav to journalists.

Arjit Shashwat moved an anticipatory bail application at the ACJM’s court in Bhagalpur on Monday. The court had issued arrest warrants on Saturday against him and eight others accused of inciting violence at Nathnagar during a procession in a Muslim-dominated area on March 17.
 

“While administration was involved in negotiation, miscreants damaged a school building and its vehicles owned by person from minority community in neighbouring Rampur village,” he said adding couple of shops and a vehicle was damaged due arson attempt. The ASP said the central forced have been deployed in the area.
 

The home department and state police’s special branch had separately published advertisements in newspapers on Sunday especially for Ram Navami urging people not to share objectionable posts on social media, not to raise slogans and display pictures which would hurt religious sentiments.
 
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