What is happening to democracies across the globe? Neoliberalism and the rise of authoritarianism are moving together and, by dismantling social harmonies and states, are threatening democracy’s very existence. In fact they are combining and consolidating in different forms, of which three look more remarkable.

First, there is the rise of nationalist populism. The success of Donald Trump in the USA, Narendra Modi in India, Boris Johnson in Britain, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Turkey, Jair Messias Bolsonaro in Brazil and many others is not only an example of the symptoms but also the result of a democratic deficit in the present world. Old political forces are losing ground (for instance traditional conservative, liberal, and social democratic parties) and, following Gramsci, “the field is open for violent solutions, for the activities of unknown forces, represented by charismatic ‘men of destiny’[1].”  Local, national and international politics is increasingly driven by ethnic, racial and religious conflicts in Asia, Africa, the Americas, Europe, and the Middle East; examples are the wars in Kashmir and Myanmar, or the ‘proxy’ wars between Saudi Arabia and Iran. The populist upheavals have not changed the old-world order; they are rather reinforcing it more vigorously, by imposing a harsher neoliberalism and creating an illusion of welfare only for the national/religious/ethnic community of choice[2]. Religious fundamentalism, national glory, lawlessness, vulgar wealth and huge inequalities are five common features between old and modern world. They have laid the foundations for reactionary nationalism and authoritarian capitalism across the globe;democracy and states have become tools of such a dangerous worldwide process.

Together with nationalist populism, the world has witnessed the rise of two other types of authoritarian political form. In Europe, the continental union has increasingly imposed its rules as a technocratic infrastructure mainly aimed at incorporating Eastern and later Southern European countries into a neoliberal (more specifically, or do liberal) system in which democratic choices are marginalised in the name of a repressive ideology of austerity masked as ‘technocracy.’ Far from being a neutral instrument for the common good, rule by experts has proved instrumental to the wishes and interests of Western European corporations, their supporters in ‘core’ countries (especially Germany), and their allies in the so-called ‘periphery.’ The third type of authoritarian neoliberalism has emerged in countries where authoritarianism was already a reality (for example, China, Russia, Central Asian states), and in which it has taken on more nationalist, protectionist, and repressive features, mostly as a response to pressure coming from the neoliberalising West. Russia and the various ex-Soviet -stan have embraced more authoritarian forms after being catapulted to neoliberalism in the 1990s. China has become more authoritarian in reaction to its growing engagement with the global economy, and also to defend the economic benefits, if limited, its hundreds of millions of citizens have earned over the last four decades.

Authoritarianism, in short, is spreading in a variety of forms.

The pioneers of globalisation and lovers of free market argued that they would bring peace and prosperity by ending war and conflicts. They also argued that it would help in the growth and establishment of vibrant and multicultural democracies, and even put an end to history itself. In reality, globalisation has expanded the conflicts and old world inequalities. The rich have become richer and the poor, poorer. The class, gender, race, caste and regional fault lines continue to grow. The neoliberal capitalist project has out manoeuvred the ideal alternatives of the October and French revolutions and the promises of anti-colonial struggles. All idealisms are in a downward spiral. How do we analyse these upheavals? Is it a sign of the Westphalian nation state’s end?

It is impossible to offer alternatives for a better tomorrow without understanding the present predicaments and their history.

Lineages and transformations of the state

The democratic deficit of the state is embedded within the history of the capitalist and Westphalian nation state. The peace Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 set the conditions for the emergence of capitalist forces by establishing states based on the idea of territorial sovereignty. It helped to end thirty years of savage war in Europe and complemented the changes leading to the industrial revolution in Britain[3]. Together with later peace treaties (for example, Utrecht in 1713), it also helped Europe plunder other continents with colonial rule in different parts of the world. The resources of the colonies were used to establish different institutions of economic development and democratic governance in Europe.

Therefore, ‘Westphalian’ states are innately colonial, capitalistic and authoritarian by nature but dressed up as democracies. Their democratic deepening depended to a large extent on the exploitation of vast regions of the world, clearly a non-democratic process. The referendum results and debates over Britain leaving the European Union (EU) are a classic example of democratic deficit and its relationship with European capitalism as embodied by the EU.

The post-colonial states emerged after the success of anticolonial struggles. The post-colonial states promised democratic governance based on ideals of liberty, equality, justice and welfare of all their citizens. Nehru’s India or Nkrumah’s Ghana are just two examples of a variety of new political forms that attempted to combine liberty and equality, national unity and non-Western ideas of cosmopolitanism. The anticolonial struggle had positive influence on European states. It transformed the nature of the states in Europe by making them more democratic, secular and multicultural in terms of citizenship rights with welfare orientations. Similar processes occurred in the USA, where the 1960s where the age of the ‘Great Society’ and witnessed the struggle and emancipation of women, African-Americans, and other minorities. Yet since the late 1970s the neoliberal Washington consensus has led to the universalisation of neoliberalism by ending ideals of democratic welfare state. The centralisation and securitisation of state became the order of the day to uphold the interests of the private capital which has grown enormously since the implementation of neoliberal policies of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation.

We live in a world where Vox Populi, Vox Dei (the voice of the people is the voice of God) is replaced by the order of capitalism where market and money dominate the social, economic, political, cultural and even religious sphere. It is within this context that democracy and the state face challenges. Neoliberal authoritarianism emanates from a political and economic project that creates a culture of democratic deficit and a privatised state. The legitimacy crisis of the state creates the vacuums where ruling and non-ruling elites control the masses and all the resources with the help of securitised, centralised and authoritarian states. The ideological narrative of neoliberalism was based on individual freedom but in reality, we live in a society where people are in free prisons of market where prices are independent and free. It means the dead capital is free and lively labour in chains.

The quest for an alternative manifesto

The crisis created by democratic deficit, neoliberal authoritarianism and rise of reactionary right wing politics is a global phenomenon. Local and national contexts are important in the search for alternatives, even if the current political and economic crisis needs international solutions. It is imperative to develop a pluriversal praxis that is applicable to the world today. With this aim, four steps are particularly important.

The first step is to dismantle the structures of the Westphalian capitalist state system and all its affiliated supranational and international organisations. This is only possible by creating a solidarity of all grassroot movements for alternative democracy, for peace, the environment, development and prosperity as inalienable citizenship rights. International institutions should become fully democratic and inclusory, starting with those dealing with peace and development such as the United Nations and the European Union. It is also important to have a continuous solidarity of struggles to develop conditions for non-discriminatory, pluriversal and inalienable rights based on progressive and scientific ideas.

The second step is to develop conditions where local communities can control and manage their local resources based on their needs and desires with egalitarian distributive mechanisms. For example, Kurdish communities in Northern and Eastern Syria are currently at the heart of a system in which private property serves the needs of communities and is complemented by strong elements of cooperation and egalitarianism.
The third step is to develop local, national and international struggles against all conflicts, wars and industries affiliated with them including nuclear weapons. The defence industry (the ‘military-industrial complex’, still existent despite the end of the Cold War thirty years ago) creates wars to expand its profits. According to SIPRI, the USA spends on the military a staggering 649 billion dollars annually, more than the sum of the other nine top spenders. At the same time, the USA ranks 35 out of 37 OECD countries in terms of poverty and inequality.

The fourth one is a continuous struggle against all forms of authoritarianism and all forms of discrimination in every sphere of life. Racism, gender-based discrimination, persecution of LGBT groups, and disrespect for any diversity have regained ground in the West and much beyond it. International institutions should fight them more effectively and promote inclusion at all levels.

[1]Gramsci A (1971) Selections from the Prison Notebooks. London: International Publishers.

[2]Nordensvard J and Ketola M (2015) Nationalist Reframing of the Finnish and Swedish Welfare States – The Nexus of Nationalism and Social Policy in Far-right Populist Parties. Social Policy & Administration 49(3): 356-375.

[3]Teschke B (2003)The Myth of 1648. Class, Geopolitics, and the Making of Modern International Relations. London: Verso.

Bhabani Shankar Nayak, Coventry University, UK
Ernesto Gallo, Regents University, London

Courtesy: Counter Current

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In the last five years communalism has reached unprecedented heights. Dissent is repeatedly squashed by the government. Those who raise their voices against communalism or the government are consistently threatened. We wish that the results will put an end to governance that functions contrary to the well-being of dalits, adivasis, Muslims, Christians, and other marginalised groups.

When it comes to party manifestos, we are usually sceptical that the parties will fulfil all the promises made by them. Yet with these elections, the manifestos of those parties that aren’t right-wing seem promising.

The Congress at the national level appears to have drafted their election manifesto in consultation with various stakeholder regional parties. There are admirable features in their manifesto, such as the re-assigning of education to state governments, exemption of states, that so choose, from NEET (National Eligibility cum Entrance Test), and the recovery of seized Panchami Land(which is land that is earmarked for dalits), and its redistribution to those it belongs to. As a member of the Queer community who identifies as a gay male, I have a reason to look forward to these elections.

This will be the first election to be held after IPC Section 377, which criminalised same-sex relations, was struck down in 2018. Given this, there is an expectation that political parties will be meeting the demands, or at least discuss, the rights and needs of the LGBTQIA community. For the reasons of, either owing to this pressure or recognising the need to do so.

The Communist parties were ahead in this regard and have been talking about gay rights for a few years now. But when they have been in power at the Centre or in some states, they have failed to change anything.

In the case of Tamil Nadu this last February the DK (Dravida Kazagham) – the parent movement from which DMK (Dravida Munetra Kazahgam) and AIADMK (All India Anna Dravida Munetra Kazhagam) were formed, released its manifesto. The DK made its demands known much before either the DMK or the AIADMK did, (please note: the DK is a social movement and the ideological forebear of the Dravidian parties. It is not a political party. The DMK broke away from the DK in late 40s to enter electoral politics). Even though the DK’s progressive demands for gay and transgender rights and civil union for those of legal age may not directly impact electoral politics, it is believed that it will exert pressure on Dravidian parties contesting the elections.

The Indian National Congress that has made an alliance with the DMK in Tamil Nadu, in its manifesto, sought to replace the 2018 Trans Bill introduced by the Modi Government, with a Private Members Bill introduced in 2014 by DMK Rajya Sabha MP Tiruchi Siva. This is a commendable move. The manifesto also says that the party will make efforts to recognise both civil unions and marriages of same-sex couples. It is undeniable that the manifesto of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) is impressive and succinct.

As a member of the gay community, these manifestos make me glad. Despite living in a democracy that claims to grant equality to all citizens, a section had been living a life in which their rights were taken from them and for the first time, these rights are being talked about in electoral politics. The manifestos reflect the possibility of change for those who have been denied their rights, in the name of religion, notions of gender, tradition, and culture.

There are many expectations from Congress if they come to power. I hope that it will not stop with just the manifesto. Right to Education and Employment need to be assured. Education, in its current form, does not help adolescent members of the LGBTQIA community understand their own sexuality. This needs to change. There should be reservations for Transgender people in higher education, in both public and private institutions. New acts need to be passed to protect gay and lesbian people from forced marriages. Their right to dignity needs to be ensured.

Those in government, at both the Centre and state level, have to be made aware of what exists apart of heterosexuality. The Police need to be trained to sensitively handle cases of discrimination. Members of the LGBTQIA community need to be involved in the making of policies which are in their interest. Every state needs to have welfare associations for them, which need to be run only by government officials who have a holistic understanding of the needs of the community and not through NGOs. Schemes such as NREGA have to be inclusive of members of the community. Laws governing marriage, inheritance, adoption, domestic violence need to also be inclusive. Welfare schemes for Transgender people must include making surgery easily accessible, straightforward methods of changing their names and sex on official documents and more.

For the first steps towards such schemes, the Congress-led alliance needs to first come to power. Tamil Nadu has been a state that has fiercely protested against governments that disregard democracy and the rights of citizens. As early as 2009, DMK set up a Transgender Welfare Board. MP Kanimozhi promised her support to the LGBTQIA community when Section 377 was struck down. It feels like a charade as these sentiments have not been reflected in their current manifesto. Yet, let us go towards these elections in the hope that the DMK and its allies in Tamil Nadu, such as Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), will carry the conversation forward.

Courtesy: Indian Cultural Forum

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For centuries now we, the Adivasis, fisherfolk, hill, forest dwellers and others who are the original inhabitants of the Indian sub-continent have been systematically pushed off our ancestral lands  and forcibly confined to small, remote and increasingly vulnerable corners of the country. In this process we have been subjected to unspeakable atrocities bordering on genocide by successive regimes ruling what has been styled as the ‘world’s largest democracy’.

In these seven decades millions of our people have been displaced by destructive development projects and robbed of their resources by one government after the other. The forces of the Indian State have violated our human rights repeatedly, murdered our menfolk, raped our womenfolk and thrown countless youth from our communities into prison on false charges. In other words we have been reduced to less than third class citizens in the Republic of India, the alleged land of ‘non-violence and peace’.

We have never accepted these policies of loot and plunder and will resist them to our last breath. We have never begged or asked for anything. We only assert our rights to what is ours and has been taken from us. In recent years, we have taken up many struggles against forcible attempts by the Indian government, acting on behalf of foreign and domestic business interests, to take away our forest, sea, land and water resources.

Due to our struggles the government was forced to pass the Forest Rights Act in 2006 and recognise some of the forest rights due to the Adivasi and traditional forest dwellers. However, till date none of these rights have been truly implemented and as a result, the rights of forest workers to their natural resources are being denied, leaving women and children to face the maximum burden.

The Coastal Zone Regulation Notification of 1991, another product of our struggles, has also been violated repeatedly and is now being replaced by business-friendly legislation. Such attempts to dilute these existing laws are being made in order to benefit multinational companies and the corporate world.

On the eve of the Indian Republic’s general elections we the Adivasis, forest workers, fisherfolk and people of the hills have decided to issue our own Election Manifesto as both a mark of our aspirations as also a document of our demands from India’s political parties and institutions.
We demand that all Indian political parties pledge to:
 

• Set up Autonomous Councils for self-governance in all Adivasi, forest dwellers, fisherfolk and hill people majority areas.
• Stop destroying our environment, livelihood and way of life in the name of development.
• Stop denying access to the forest and sea resources to our people or displacing them under the pretext of conservation. Respect our right to food sovereignty and our historical role in protecting biodiversity.
• Implement the Forest Rights Act 2006 in a manner that the community and its individuals both have control over the management of its natural resources.
• Stop setting up SEZs and STZs in coastal areas.
• The gram sabhas in Adivasi areas should be delineated and defined as the immediate habitat not the cluster of villages defined under different panchayat laws.
• The gram sabha should be the supreme political, legal, social and cultural institution to decide the management of natural resources, which includes forests, land, waterbodies, minerals, all criminal and civils disputes including inheritance and marriage disputes
• Gram sabha should be the final authority for deciding matters related to excise duties.
• The PESA Act should be extended to the contiguous Adivasi villages and territories of non-5^th Schedule Areas
• The 5^th Schedule Area should enjoy the autonomy and power granted to 6^th schedule areas
• The areas declared as critical tiger habitats should be repealed
• The management of sanctuaries and national parks should handed over to the gram sabhas.
• The new draft forest policy and CAF Act, along with the 1927 Indian forest Act should be scrapped
• Stop promoting tourism as a part of development policy and stop neglecting the ecological destructiveness of tourist projects.
• Re-delineate gram panchayat constituencies to give greater representation to coastal people.
• Make Tourism Impact Assessments, with participation of the communities, compulsory for existing tourism projects. Ensure that maximum benefits of existing tourism projects go to communities.
• Stop dumping of domestic and industrial waste in inland water sources. Place severe restrictions on the emission of fuels and pollutants by industries and vehicles that cause climate change and environmental degradation.
• Put an end to Free Trade Agreements that destroy our food sovereignty and sustainable farming practices.
• Set up a separate Ministry of Fisheries. Provide basic infrastructure like marketing sheds, water and toilet facilities to fish vendors.
• Stop sexual exploitation of women and children in tourist, coastal and forest areas.
• Stop using Maoism as an excuse to kill, rape, assault and imprison people and communities resisting the corporate and state takeover of their resources.

 
We also call upon our people to:
 

• Select the representatives whom we elect to government from within our communities.
• Force all political parties to represent the interests of local communities and expose their corporate or business interests. We must use our voting power to put pressure on legislators for our issues to be discussed in parliament.
• Prevent any individuals and organizations from misrepresenting our community or profiting from this misrepresentation.
• Building up a political consciousness of unity among Adivasis and all people dependent on forests and natural resources to implement the Forest Rights Act including the community rights which we feel are vital for our cultural and physical survival.
• Start a “Quit Forest” agitation to end the control of the Forest Department and rebuild gram sabhas as a means for forest management and conservation of biodiversity by our communities.
• Do our own survey on FRA implementation by putting together the input from our own forest dwelling communities by training ourselves to map and survey the land and resources required for the community to sustain itself and its customs.
• Prevent government officials who come to survey land prior to acquiring it from entering our areas. Resist the use of Aadhar or the UID card to get information from our communities.
• Counter the narrative pushed by conservationists that tribal control of forests will lead to its destruction. We were born in the forests, we depend on the forest, and we have taken care of the forest despite being pushed away from them by deforesters, corporates, the government, forest department and conservationists.
• Actively preserve and take forward our diverse cultural and agricultural traditions and value systems. We will say no to genetically engineered seeds, pesticides, fertilizers, patenting of seeds and medicines and the menace of government-sponsored sale of liquor.
• Say NO to commercial tourism and other destructive development projects.
• Unite locally so that all peopledependent on and culturally connected to natural resources in our communities fight together unitedly for our rights to those resources.
• Mobilize at the village, then district, state and national levels, with people coming together from everywhere to support each other’s struggles.
• Strengthen local institutions of governance and establish our control over them, both through our traditional Adivasi gram sabhas, and through implementing PESA and strengthening the primacy of gram sabhas as custodians of resources such that no resources can be diverted without their consent.
• In the face of repeated failure of the so called democratic institutions of the Republic of India to ensure justice to us we endeavour to create a “parliament” parallel to the government structure to represent the voices of Adivasis, Dalits, hill and forest dwellers, fisher folk, and other communities dependent on natural resources, and to implement our aspirations.

Courtesy: Counter Current

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picture from facebook page of Dalit Adivasi Andolan

The Safaikaramcharis who are mostly manual scavengers lead pathetic lives in sub-human conditions and as many as thousands have even lost their lives due to occupational hazards. Yet no political party has taken up their issue to ensure safety measures or suitable compensation or their right to a life of dignity.

The manifesto begins with a demand for an unconditional apology from the Prime Minister for the historic injustice done through manual scavenging.

And to release every individual whether it is a child, man or woman from this labour in a time bound manner. The manifesto also demands that the sewerage deaths of the safaikarramcharis should be recorded and brought out in public along with the measures taken by the Government to stop these deaths.

Demand for 1% budget allocation exclusively for the welfare of Safai Karamcharis from the Union budget; a special session in the parliament to stop sewer deaths and liberation and rehabilitation of persons engaged in manual scavenging are another two demands in the manifesto.

The manifesto even demands a separate Ministry to release and rehabilitate manual scavengers headed by the Prime Minister.

In order to increase the accountability the district magistrate should be held responsible for every sceptic or sewer death.
Compensation on the death of a worker should be enhanced to 1 crore a one time payment and subsequent grant of 50 lakhs for rehabilitation.

Courtesy: Two Circle
 

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A child miseducated is a child lost – John F Kennedy

Plight of Children
According to data collated by National Health Survey 2005- 06 , the all india average for malnourished children is 47%. Every second child under 5 years of age is malnourished.( Status of children in India, Some findings of NFHS -3, azadindia.org). Literacy rates among SCs and ST girls is 42% and 35% respectively lower than Muslims literacy rate of 50%. In general too only 30 of 100 girls complete primary education. Even quality of education is pathetic. Report by ASER states that half the children who are in schools are nowhere near their class- age appropriate learning levels. (Status of Primary Education in India: Strides and Challenges, July 17, 2013, by Vijay Kulkarni, educationinnovations.org). There is a lack of quality education in the country.

According to ASER 2012 report, 96.5% of rural children between 6-14 were enrolled in schools. Another report of 2013 stated that 229 million children were enrolled in rural and urban accredited schools. (Education in India,en.m.wikipedia.org). Though nearly 96 percent children enter primary schools, just 40% attend secondary schools( grade9-12) . Thus, many drop out.

Major hurdles
Most children do not get standard education and eventhough they pass out, their learning and knowledge capacity remains low. Many high school students find difficulty reading primary text books, basic mathematics and general awareness. This is due to lack of trained teachers, low awareness among rural parents, improper curriculum and promoting methods and lack of infrastructure facilities for teaching. Many schools in rural areas run with a single teacher and many classes are clubbed together for want of space. Poverty and helplessness drives children to drop out and work as child labourers.

Manifesto for children
Since the state of child education is pathetic, educators, activists and people in general should demand political parties to include in their manifesto, measures for imparting the children standard education and adherence to compulsory education as prescribed in the constitution. The allocation for education should be steeply increased. Huge vacancies of teachers should be filled up urgently. The parents who are voters must exert pressure on the parties to spell out precise steps in giving top priority to primary and secondary education.

So far, there has been little talk of reforming education system. The present ruling party has not only taken backward step in the field of education by cutting allocations, but also tried change the syllabus and mould it in its own ideological way. Child education has not progressed in the last four years. Unless the importance of primary education is not realized, the standard of students may not match international standards.

This is the time to press for a comprehensive new education policy and commitment from the politicians to seriously address the core issue of education in an objective way for a better future

Sheshu Babu is a political commentator

Courtesy: Counter Currents

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