Over the years, I became a keen globetrotter. Every trip was preceded by a study of the region’s geography, rivers and mountains, the location of its cities, and distances. I would spend hours poring over the Atlas and, later, Google Maps. The map of the region would be imprinted in my head so much so that when asked about my itinerary, I would whip out my index finger and air-draw the map of the country and the route.

But, the five of those seven sisters continued to stay lumped together in my head as somewhere in the extended eastern arm of the country. Until last week.

A message from the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS) had pinged on my phone. It was about their new publication, titled Peace Eludes Manipur. The description informs that it is a fact-finding report about the ongoing violence in Manipur since 2023. The CSSS team, comprising Director Irfan Engineer and Executive Director Neha Dabhade, had visited the districts of Imphal and Churachandpur in Manipur to gather first-hand data on the situation and the impact on the people and the land.

Over the last year and a half, I have seen articles in mainstream news media on the violent attacks tucked away in between the election news, the U.S. Presidential campaign, endless analysis of wins and losses of the Indian cricket team and other topics that claim our attention. There have also been mentions in my social media feed, but not enough to have stuck. The book’s description sheds reasons on why. One, ‘it has been largely ignored in mainland India’. Two, ‘the complete abdication of the State and Central government’.

I first became aware of CSSS a couple of years ago when I took on a proofreading job of their report on a Citizens’ Tribunal they had conducted. The Tribunal had been conducted along with the South Asia Forum on Freedom of Religion or Belief (SAFFORB), India, to hear cases ofviolations of freedom of religion or belief that took place between 2019 and 2022. The number of instances of communal violence that the Tribunal had heard was shocking, but my ignorance of the incidents was more so. I had considered myself well-informed, so where was the root of this unawareness buried? Was it that these acts were in towns so far-flung away that on my school political map, they would have barely registered as a speck? Or was the number of affected citizens too insignificant in a country racing towards the 1.5 billion mark? Or was it because the headline had not popped out during my quick morning sweep of the daily newspaper?

The report was a revelation. CSSS’ fact-finding report on Manipur Violence promised to be one, too,

What is that foul substance?

Allan Sealy, in his novel Trotternama, asks,

This foul substance is called what?

The foul substance is called history.

Any attempt to make sense of Manipur’s current situation would be half-baked without some throwback into the State’s past. The report starts with a brief history of the region and traces the possible origin of the two sparring sides in the current situation, the Meiteis of the valley and the Kukis of the hills. It then flashes forward to the British era and the role that the Kukis played in India’s fight for freedom. This becomes relevant later as claim and counter claims to origin and belonging are among the root cause of the conflict.

Until 1949, the various indigenous groups and others that inhabited the region coexisted peaacefully. The Meiteis lived in the valley, and the Kukis lived in the hills. They followed their individual lifestyles and customs without impeding the others’.

When India gained Independence, Manipur was designated a sovereign democratic nation with the King as its head and its constitution. India handled its foreign affairs, defence and communications. But, in 1949, the King signed the ascension instrument, and Manipur was merged with India. This did not go down with the people of Manipur, and separatist movements emerged. The Nagas’ demand for autonomy also spilt over into Manipur, where, after Meiteis and Kukis, they are the third largest community in the region. With the unrest refusing to simmer down, the Indian government evoked the Armed Forces (Assam and Manipur) Special Powers Act in 1958. The Act allowed for the use of extreme measures in situations which did not necessarily warranty them. Matters only compounded over the next few decades. Various groups emerged, each with a varying agenda and list of demands. The AFSPA gave the army the free-hand to apply itself in quelling the violence and fear that cloaked the region. This high-handedness came with its own set of troubles.

The history lesson is critical to the report as without a view of the past; it is impossible to see the current scenario with clarity.

The Difficult Child

A few days ago, I met a friend for coffee while her kids, ages 7 and 12, entertained themselves in a playzone next door. Her older kid was giving her trouble. Trouble beyond the odd tantrum or not doing errands. Things had begun to escalate and had started to affect the couple’s marriage. The school suggested counselling and testing for behaviourial disorders. While that process pans out, the child has been placed in the generic group of ‘difficult children’ by teachers, relatives and friends. Meanwhile, the child at the brink of teenhood is fighting for his space and identity while being poked and prodded for reasons he cannot fathom. His problem is specific, but the generic label of ‘difficult’ means that no one quite knows what to do with him.

Manipur reminds me of that kid. The state has been grappling with its identity within the country for decades. This has resulted in numerous skirmishes and conflicts. But, instead of parents and well-meaning parents trying to get to the root of the problem and treat it, it became the hunting ground of political vultures. Be it appeasing various factions or inciting them against each other, the governments that came to power held their interest at the forefront and ignored what Manipur needed. Since 2017, divisive tactics have been at the forefront. Various narratives have been created to feed into the insecurities of both communities. Support for one narrative goes against the rights of the other group and thus builds fear and insecurity. The report chronicles the events that have aggravated the equation between the previously coexisting Meiteis and the Kukis in the last few years.

The simmering tension overflowed when the High Court of Manipur directed the State Government to recommend that the Union government grant Scheduled Tribe Status to the Meiteis. This did not go down well with the Kukis, as it would afford the already-advantaged Meiteis more benefits and allow them to impinge on the rights of the Kukis. To oppose this order by the High Court, the All Tribals Student Association of Manipur (ATSUM) organized a rally in Churachandpur at 10 a.m. on 3rd May.

Reports and witness accounts claim that the Meiteis had begun to preplan an attack on the rally on 2nd May. Like in most outbursts, no one knows who tossed out the first expletive or hurled the first stone. But, the rally turned violent. What followed was finger-pointing and more violent acts. Targeted violent acts. Members of particular communities in specific localities came under attack. Homes were ransacked and burnt to the ground. Churches, mosques and temples were desecrated. Murders. Rapes. Brutality.

As per the official numbers the last fifteen months have claimed more than 220 lives and displaced 70000 people. Refugee camps have been set up at multiple locations. Unofficial guarded borders with checkpoints have been forced within the state to demarcate the land of the Meiteis, the valley, and that of the Kukis, the hills. These borders are as strictly guarded as those between two countries at war. The CSSS team went through intense interrogation and frisking in order to cross through. Kukis and Meiteis, found to be attempting to cross them, have been murdered. The Constitution of India allows its citizens the freedom to move freely throughout the country, but currently, in Manipur, the Kukis must travel eight hours to Aizawl in Mizoram to reach the nearest airport. The border stands as an uncrossable chasm between them and the airport in the valley, which is an hour away.

Manipur violence is among the most unprecedented conflict in India and has placed the state in a war-like situation. Yet, the report states that there has been no constructive move by the State or the Central government. The only steps that have been taken target the Kukis and pacify the Meiteis. This further boosts the narrative propagated by the Meiteis and adds to the fear amongst the Kukis. Thus, the pot refuses to simmer down. And the fear of boiling point is very real.

Restoration of pece to this region lies firmly with the state. A political solution is the only means to start the treatment of the decimated-Manipur and its wounded people. But, no healing can emerge from apathy. And, this reader can only hope that CSSS’ report will create enough noise to drum up support that will prompt action to bring peace to Manipur.

Too optimistic? Perhaps.

But, it did prompt this reader to commit to memory its location on the Indian map without the incentive of an additional mark in the geography exam.

So, there may be hope after all.

To read the excerpt from the CSSS report, Click Here

This Article was first published in The AIDEM. Reproduced with kind permission.

The post Somewhere in the North-East appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Internet services, including mobile data, lease lines, VSATs, broadband, and VPNs, have been halted in the valley districts of Imphal West, Imphal East, Thoubal, Bishnupur, and Kakching. Initially, the suspension was set for the entire state, but it was later amended to cover only these five districts. The Manipur Home Department cited concerns that social media could be used to spread inflammatory content, incite public unrest, and damage public and private property. The decision was made to counteract the activities of those spreading false rumours and hate speech. In addition to the internet suspension, indefinite curfews have been imposed starting at 11:00 am on September 11 in Imphal East and Imphal West, restricting movement except for essential services and the media. According to the orders by the Manipur government, the internet ban will continue till September 15. Notably, Thoubal district has also enacted a similar curfew.

The opposition Congress has urged Union Home Minister Amit Shah to intervene, calling for decisive action by security forces to restore order. The state education department has ordered the closure of all schools and colleges on September 11 and 12. Exams scheduled by Manipur University have been postponed until further notice.

Drastic measures have been employed by the government after last week, when violence erupted in Manipur’s Jiribam district, leading to the deaths of six people, not for the first time. When protestors took to street and clashes took place, prohibitory orders were issued. These incidents have taken place in the state despite an agreement between representatives of Meitei and Hmar communities to restore normalcy and prevent further arson during a meeting held on August 1 at a CRPF facility in Assam’s Cachar district. The meeting, moderated by Jiribam district administration, Assam Rifles, and CRPF personnel, included representatives from the Hmar, Meitei, Thadou, Paite, and Mizo communities of Jiribam.

For the past 16 months, ethnic violence has ravaged Manipur, a state of around 2.85 million people. The conflict has claimed 235 lives, left thousands wounded, and displaced hundreds of thousands. What started as a clash between the majority Meitei community and the tribal Kuki groups has now deepened into bitter, seemingly irreparable divisions within Manipuri society.

What led to the eruption of violence?

On Saturday, August 31, large-scale protests erupted across Manipur’s Churachandpur and Kangpokpi districts as members of the Kuki-Zo community took to the streets demanding a separate administration. These rallies, which also spread to other regions, were organised in response to what the Kuki-Zo community described as “genocide and ethnic cleansing,” reinforcing their call for autonomy through a separate administration.

The protests were particularly intense in areas like Leishang (Churachandpur), Keithelmanbi (Kangpokpi), and Moreh (Tengnoupal). In Churachandpur, the protest began at the Anglo-Kuki War Gate and proceeded to Peace Ground in Tuibong, covering about 6 km. The rally led to the closure of markets and schools, and government offices saw notably low attendance despite the state government’s appeal for institutions to remain open. In Kangpokpi district, hundreds of protesters marched from Keithelmanbi Military Colony to Thomas Ground at the district headquarters, covering approximately 8 km.

The said protests had been sparked by viral audio clips, allegedly featuring Chief Minister N. Biren Singh making inflammatory comments related to the ongoing conflict in Manipur. The 48-minute recording, purportedly made during a meeting with Chief Minister Singh, allegedly reveals his “partisan complicity” in the ongoing violence. As per the report of The Wire, the voice said to be of the chief minister can be heard making light of the crime against the two Kuki women, who had been paraded naked and had survived sexual violence, and berating Meitei civil society groups for not coming out and “asserting boldly, with pride” that “it is we, the Meiteis who saved them from the mob”. “How badly we were shamed! We should have taken credit for saving them, clothing them and sending them home,” the recording captured the speaker as saying. 

The Kuki-Zo organizations submitted several memoranda to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The memoranda submitted by the Kuki Students’ Organisation (KSO) in Kangpokpi demanded action against the chief minister, the strengthening of buffer zones with Assam Rifles, and an immediate political solution under Article 239A.

A day after the protest, violence erupted across the region. SabrangIndia reached out to locals on the ground to understand the underlying causes of this September unrest. Speaking on condition of anonymity, several sources suggested that the recent surge in violence was a deliberate attempt to mask Chief Minister Biren’s failure to manage the deteriorating situation in the state. According to these sources, CM Biren has been seeking to shift the focus away from growing calls for his resignation by requesting control over the unified command of state security forces from the union government. They allege that Biren, fully aware that this request would likely be denied, is positioning himself to shift blame onto the central government for the ongoing chaos. Furthermore, the Kuki-Zo communities express deep concern that, if granted control over both state and central forces, CM Biren could use this power to further his agenda of eliminating the Kuki community from Assam.

Details of the violent episodes in the past week:

Since September 1, eleven people have been killed in various incidents across Manipur, prompting large-scale student protests in Thoubal and Imphal. Among those killed is a former serviceman. The killings span multiple regions across the state – five people died in Jiribam, which shares a border with Assam, and the former army man was killed in Sekmai, a town close to Imphal which is roughly 250 kilometres from Jiribam.

The violence erupted on September 1, when bombs were thrown for the first time in the Koutuk Kadangband village. An alleged drone attack killed a woman and injured nine others, including an 11-year-old, igniting protests and further clashes, as people took to the streets.

It is essential to highlight here that sources from the ground have alleged that the news of using drones and bombs is false, and that bullets were the cause of the death of the deceased woman.

On September 2, a day after the drone attack, the CM’s convoy was stopped while he was on the way to Koutruk and Senjam Chirang in Imphal West to meet a victim who was injured in the incident. Union Home Minister Amit Shah advised him to turn back, citing the risk of further attacks due to his presence in the area

Protesters, who had set up camp overnight in Imphal’s Khwairamband women’s market, issued a 24-hour ultimatum demanding the removal of central forces, the state Director General of Police (DGP), and the Security Advisor. They also called for Chief Minister N. Biren Singh to assume control of the unified command of state security forces and for the suspension of agreements with Kuki-Zo militant groups.

Despite an imposed curfew, protesters moved towards high-security zones in Imphal, including the Raj Bhawan and the Chief Minister’s residence, leading to confrontations with police and security forces. The clashes, which involved the use of tear gas by security forces, resulted in over 60 protesters being injured and taken to RIMS Imphal West for treatment.

On September 4, arson erupted in Jiribam district after suspected ‘tribal village volunteers’ set a house on fire early Wednesday morning. The three-room house at Jakuradhor in the district belonged to a retired police officer. Describing the incident, the police stated that armed men struck around 3.30 am, taking advantage of the darkness to burn down the house, located 28 km from Jiribam district headquarters, near Hmar-dominated Pherzawl district. The police had provided that the family had vacated the property following previous violence in the district.

On September 6, a 78-year-old man was killed and six others sustained injuries as suspected militants, which news reports are suggesting to be from the Kuki community, targeted former Chief Minister Mairembam Koireng’s residence in Bishnupur district by lobbing a “powerful bomb”. According to police, the alleged bomb was lobbed from a long range fell on the compound of former Chief Minister Koireng’s residence, killing the elderly man on the spot. Koireng and his family members were not in the house during the alleged bomb attack. It is essential to note that in some media reports, the bomb attack has been described as a rocket attack.

A report of the Hindustan Times provided that senior officers have described the alleged bomb/rocket fired to be at least four-feet long. “It seems the explosives were filled in a galvanised iron (GI) pipe. The GI pipes with explosives were then fitted in a country-made rocket launcher and fired simultaneously. For the projectile to travel a longer distance, the militants have to change the volume of the explosives. It seems they have been practising this during the months of lull,” the officer had provided.

The deceased, identified as R.K. Rabei was preparing for some local religious ceremony when the bomb exploded. Six others, including a 13-year-old girl, suffered splinter injuries and were shifted to the hospital. The “powerful bomb”, which was detonated remotely, fell at a spot that is around a few km from the Indian National Army (INA) headquarters.

On September 7, another wave of violence was reported from Serou, Moljol, Rashidpur and Nungchappi villages in Jiribam district, adjoining southern Assam. As per the details provided on social media, suspected militants, which reports suggest were from the Kuki community, had been attacking different areas of the Jiribam district throughout the week, during which an elderly Meitei resident was killed while the victim was sleeping. As per the state police, after the death of the elderly man, who was an ex-serviceman, the police in “retaliation” killed four alleged militants. However, there is no clarity from the police who conducted the “retaliatory attack”. However, Kuki tribal leaders have claimed that the slain cadres were not militants, and were only “Village Volunteers”.

As per a report of Hindustan Times, an officer of a security force posted in Manipur had provided that “A gunfight started in the morning after militants entered a village and killed a man. The killing was part of the ethnic clashes. The gunfight is on. We have reports that the ones who died are from both Kuki and Meitei communities.”

Subsequently, armed assailants engaged in a heavy exchange of fire in the Nunchapi area, leading to the deaths of three allegedly armed Kuki men and one allegedly armed Meitei man. Tension escalated also at Sugnu in Kakching district, from where gunfire and bombing were reported.

On September 8, a former army jawan, belonging to Kuki community, was allegedly beaten to death at Sekmai, a Meitei-dominated area in conflict-hit Manipur’s Imphal West. Kuki organisations said the victim, Limlal Mate, was attacked after he reportedly drove his car into the area by mistake on Sunday night as per the Hindustan Times. The body of Mate, a resident of Sharon Veng in Kuki-dominated Kangpokpi district, was found in a pool of blood on Monday. Sources in a Kuki organisation said he was a former army person. Mate had lost his wife a few years ago and was living with his son, a source said.

Protests by Meitei groups urging to union government to take action:

Hundreds of Meitei students took to the streets on September 9 in Meitei-dominated Imphal Valley, protesting against the drone attacks and demanding a change in the leadership of the state’s unified command responsible for security. According to a police statement, protesters threw stones and plastic bottles near the main gate of the state governor’s residence. In response, police deployed tear gas and stun grenades to disperse the crowd, resulting in around 45 protesters sustaining minor injuries, a police officer reported as per Reuters.

Around 6pm, 10 students accompanied by social activist Rohan Philem were allowed inside Raj Bhavan. Student leader Ch Victor Singh said that protesters gave Governor Lakshman Prasad Acharya 24 hours to respond to a list of demands, which includes the removal of the top police official in the state and the security adviser for their failure to control the violence, the Press Trust of India news agency reported.

The Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI), an umbrella organization of civil society groups, issued an ultimatum on Saturday, giving Central security forces a five-day deadline to “either take decisive action against Kuki militant groups or withdraw from the state.” In a statement, COCOMI expressed the growing distrust of the people of Manipur towards the central forces, particularly accusing the Assam Rifles of aiding Kuki extremists in their attacks on indigenous communities.

COCOMI also announced that the “public emergency” declared on September 6 will remain in effect indefinitely. As part of this emergency, all public and private institutions, including markets, business establishments, and banks, are to remain closed. Roads will stay open only for emergency services, essential movements, and religious activities. Additionally, women’s groups and local clubs have been urged to prevent the movement of central armed forces in civilian areas and border zones if they fail to act against the alleged Kuki extremists.

Kuki-Zomi community protests against Assam Rifles withdrawal, demands union territory status

The Kuki Inpi Manipur, the apex body representing Kukis in the state, refuted claims made by the Manipur police on Tuesday regarding the use of drones to drop explosives. “Contrary to these allegations, the Kukis have never used drone bombs. It was, in fact, the Meiteis who first deployed drones in an attack on T Lailopjhai village on February 20, 2024,” the statement read.

On September 9, thousands of Kuki-Zomi tribe members took to the streets of Kangpokpi District in protest against the proposed removal of Assam Rifles battalions. Organised by the Committee on Tribal Unity (CoTU), the rally underscored the community’s growing security concerns amidst recent violence. The protesters demanded political and territorial separation from the Meitei community, advocating for Union Territory status with its own legislature.

The demonstrators in Kangpokpi District Headquarters opposed the withdrawal of the 9 and 22 Battalions of Assam Rifles stationed in Kangpokpi and Churachandpur, warning that their removal would further destabilize the region. After the rally, the protesters convened for a massive public meeting, where they mourned the deaths of four Kuki-Zomi people killed in Jiribam on September 7.

The meeting culminated in a powerful five-point declaration, wherein the Kuki-Zomi community vowed to defend their ancestral lands with unwavering determination. They pledged to respond forcefully to any attacks on their villages or people, making clear that future aggressions would be met with equal retribution.

The Kuki-Zomi community also voiced strong opposition to any policies implemented by the Manipur government, which they accused of marginalizing them politically, socially, and academically while favouring Meitei groups. They rejected the government’s eight-point demand, viewing it as a threat to their survival. Reaffirming their non-negotiable demand for political and geographical separation from the Meitei community, the Kuki-Zomi tribe called for Union Territory status, a demand they declared unyielding.

Manipur govt launches major combing operation amid escalating violence and drone attacks, security forces on high alert:

A major combing operation has been launched in Manipur, following fresh violence in Jiribam district on September 7. Briefing reporters, inspector general of police (Intelligence) K Kabib had provided that a robust anti-drone system had been deployed in the tense areas and police are in the process of buying additional weapons to counter the attacks on civilians.

“The state force is closely monitoring the situation and senior officers have been deployed on the ground. Due to the recent drone attacks, an anti-drone system has been deployed and the state police are in the process of purchasing additional anti-drone guns, which will be deployed soon,” he said, as per Economic Times.

The union has formed a committee of top officers from the police, army and paramilitary forces to examine the use of explosive-bearing drones. The committee is now preparing a report that it will submit by September 13.

As per the media reports, the security agencies have recovered large caches of weapons in a significant arms haul in the state. The seized weapons include sniper rifles, pistols, guns, short- and long-range mortars, grenades, and long-range rocket bombs, among other ammunition, according to the India Today report.

As per the report of Hindustan Times, a total of 92 checkpoints have been set up across various districts in Manipur, both in the hills and the valley. So far, the police have detained 129 individuals for violations in different districts of the state.

Manipur Governor Lakshman Acharya’s office also issued a statement on September 10 expressing “deep concern.” A statement issued by the Raj Bhawan read, “The Governor has said that violence is not the solution to any problem. In his bid to solve the problem with the help of the public, the Hon’ble Governor is constantly speaking to public leaders, students and the people.”

On September 11, IGP (Administration) K. Jayanta Singh described the situation as critically serious, stressing that security forces are needed to address attacks in fringe areas. Singh noted that the ongoing student protests have forced the deployment of additional resources to manage the agitators, detracting from efforts to protect vulnerable areas.

“During such difficult times, when security forces are needed to commit to protecting lives and properties in fringe areas from attacks, miscreants and anti-socials are taking opportunities of such an agitation to target security forces,” Singh said.

Congress MP from Inner Manipur A. Bimol Akoijam wrote to Union Home minister Amit Shah and called for a “thorough investigation into allegations of involvement by illegal immigrants, foreign elements, and the illicit drug mafia in the ongoing unrest.”

Manipur CM urges Union to “safeguard territorial integrity amid rising violence, rejects Kuki-Zo demands for separate administration”

On Sunday, September 8, Manipur Chief Minister N. Biren Singh reportedly called on the central government to take firm steps to protect the state’s territorial integrity. He also urged the Centre to reject demands from Kuki-Zo groups for a separate administration.

Following the latest bout of violence, security was heightened across Manipur. Officials described the situation as tense but under control. Chief Minister Singh met Governor Lakshman Prasad Acharya twice over the weekend, the second time on Sunday morning. During the meetings, Singh called for targeted operations by central security forces against militant camps in the hill regions.

A source close to the matter told The Hindu that Singh emphasized the need for a more “professional approach” to the crisis, which has been exacerbated by a drone attack in Imphal West on September 1. He also suggested that “subject experts” should be involved to address the situation more effectively.

Following the clashes on September 7, Singh convened a meeting with ruling party legislators, which includes members of the BJP, Naga People’s Front, National People’s Party, and Janata Dal (United). According to a report in The Indian Express, the state government decided to press the Centre to take decisive action against insurgents. Singh, along with several Ministers and National Democratic Alliance (NDA) legislators, held a closed-door meeting with the Governor and submitted a memorandum, though its content has not been made public. Despite rumours, sources denied that Singh was considering resignation, stating that the meeting was intended to show unity and reassure the public that the government was working to manage the crisis.

The escalation in violence, including a rocket attack, has intensified calls for stronger action. BJP MLA Rajkumar Imo Singh, son-in-law of Chief Minister Biren Singh, had earlier written to Home Minister Amit Shah, criticizing the central forces as “mute spectators” and questioning the effectiveness of their presence in restoring peace.

Opposition leaders, such as Manipur Congress President Keisham Meghachandra Singh, have been vocal in their criticism of the Centre’s handling of the crisis. Meghachandra noted that the recent attacks have involved sophisticated weapons and bombings, and claimed that the state government’s powers have been effectively nullified, comparing the situation to an informal enforcement of Article 355. He questioned why the central government has not taken more decisive action to end the violence.

Related:

Manipur on Edge: Violent Clashes Erupt on the day following Kuki-Zo Protests Demanding Separate Administration, action against state CM based on leaked tapes

Anguish of Manipur reverberates in Lok Sabha as Congress Manipur MP speaks against PM Modi’s “silence”

Supreme Court comes down heavily on Manipur government for failing to take undertrial to Court owing to his ethnic Kuki identity

Manipur: Violence surges as do displacements, CM Biren Singh finally admits that Centre & State are not meeting public expectations

The post Manipur plunges into deeper turmoil amid fresh violence and drone attacks since early September appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The order issued by the Manipur government’s general administration department on Wednesday, March 27, said Saturday (March 30) and Sunday (March 31) will be working days for all government offices, public sector undertakings, autonomous bodies, societies under the state government “for the smooth functioning of offices in the last few days of the financial year (2023-24)”.

The figures of the 2011 census are telling: Christians constitute 40.1% (2.8 million) of Manipur’s population, and most of them belong to Kuki, Zo, and Naga communities.

There was an immediate reaction. Hindustan Times reported that, the Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum (ITLF), an umbrella body of tribal groups, said the order is to hurt the sentiments of the Christian community. “There are many Christians in Manipur. Sunday is a day of rest and we have Easter Sunday,” said ITLF spokesperson Ginza Vualzong to the newspaper.

On a similar note, Poumai Naga Tsiidoumai Me, an apex body of Naga student groups, also issued a statement requesting the government to withdraw the order.

The initial order has once again reopened the old faultlines drawn between Hindu-majority Meiteis and Christain majority Kukis and Nagas. The ethnic violence which broke out on May 3 last year has so far claimed over 200 lives and has displaced over 50,000 peop

By 4 p.m., the state government had to backtrack and a second order was issued declaring March 31, Sunday to be a holiday.

Related:

Manipur conflict continues as two killed and many injured after protest

Moreh, Manipur: CCTV footage supports claims of locals, show men in uniform indulging in arson, Assam Rifles personnel standing as mute spectators

The post Back & Forth, Manipur govt’s decision to declare Easter Sunday a working day sparks outrage, govt backs down appeared first on SabrangIndia.