Central to this crisis was the looting of state armouries and the empowerment of militias such as Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun, which transformed localised protests into a full-blown conflict. The Tribunal highlights sharp disparities in relief and rehabilitation between valley-based Meitei camps and tribal camps in the hills, deepening inequality and resentment. It exposes the intimidation of media, manipulation of information, and prolonged internet shutdowns, which deprived citizens of accurate reporting and curtailed accountability. Sexual violence was deployed as a weapon of war, yet survivors continue to face barriers in accessing justice.

The IPT prescribes urgent corrective measures. It recommends the establishment of a Supreme Court–monitored Special Investigation Team (SIT) to investigate crimes, an audit of weapons looted from armouries, and the publication of all reports of the Gita Mittal Committee and the Justice Ajai Lamba Commission. It calls for survivor-centric justice mechanisms, equitable relief and rehabilitation, reintegration of the health workforce, disarmament of militias, and the creation of a peacebuilding architecture rooted in dialogue, reparations, and truth-telling. This report is both a condemnation of state complicity and paralysis, and a roadmap for rebuilding constitutional order in Manipur.

Background and mandate of the Tribunal

The People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), alarmed by the scale and persistence of violence in Manipur, constituted the Independent People’s Tribunal in March 2024. The Tribunal was conceived as a people’s forum of accountability in response to the limitations of official commissions of inquiry. Its mandate was broad: to document rights violations, examine the role of state and non-state actors, identify systemic failures, and propose remedial measures consistent with constitutional principles.

The jury included some of India’s most respected jurists and administrators: Justice Kurian Joseph (former Supreme Court judge), Justice K. Kannan (former Punjab and Haryana High Court judge), and Justice Anjana Prakash (former Patna High Court judge). They were joined by senior bureaucrats, academics, activists, and experts in public health, gender studies, law, and conflict resolution. This multidisciplinary composition ensured that the Tribunal’s findings combined legal scrutiny, social analysis, and humanitarian perspective.

The Tribunal’s authority rested not on statutory powers but on moral legitimacy, independence, and its ability to centre the experiences of survivors. It deliberately sought to amplify voices that had been marginalised in official narratives, particularly those of displaced communities, women survivors of violence, and minority groups.

Methodology

The Tribunal undertook an extensive process of documentation. Between May and June 2024, jury members and experts spent nearly two weeks in Manipur, visiting affected districts, relief camps, and conflict-affected villages. They met survivors across communities—Meitei, Kuki-Zo, Naga, and Pangal—as well as service providers, lawyers, doctors, journalists, public officials, and security personnel.

The Tribunal held follow-up sittings in Delhi and conducted virtual hearings through September 2024. It reviewed hundreds of pages of affidavits, photographs, video evidence, and documents submitted by survivors, civil society organisations, and independent observers. The process was marked by careful triangulation: testimonies were cross-verified with documentary evidence and field observations.

The Tribunal faced limitations inherent to a conflict setting. Severe polarisation and mistrust made testimony collection difficult. Many survivors were reluctant to speak openly due to threats or fear of reprisals. Journalists faced intimidation, and access to certain districts was restricted by security blockades. Despite these obstacles, the Tribunal’s findings rest on a robust evidentiary base, ensuring credibility and accuracy.

Historical and political context

Manipur is an ethnically diverse state with deep-seated historical grievances. The Meiteis constitute approximately 53% of the population and are concentrated in the valley. The Kukis, Zos, and Nagas make up a significant share of the hill population, with the Nagas around 24% and Kukis and Zos around 16%. While the Nagas were not a direct party to the conflict, they too were affected by its fallout.

The immediate trigger of the violence was the March 27, 2023 order of the Manipur High Court, directing the state to recommend Scheduled Tribe (ST) status for the Meiteis. This decision was perceived by tribal groups as a direct threat to their rights over land and resources, since ST status would enable Meiteis to purchase land in the hills. In response, tribal organisations organised a solidarity march on May 3, 2023. The march was peaceful until rumours and orchestrated provocations turned it into large-scale violence.

The Tribunal notes that this was not an isolated communal clash but a conflict shaped by three distinctive factors: first, the politicisation of the state apparatus, which failed to act neutrally; second, the rise of non-state militias like Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun, which carried out targeted campaigns of violence; and third, the looting of state armouries, which gave armed groups access to modern weaponry. These factors combined to transform temporary clashes into systemic violence and ethnic cleansing.

Patterns of violence

The Tribunal found overwhelming evidence that the violence was orchestrated rather than spontaneous. Militias such as Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun mobilised youth, armed them with looted weapons, and coordinated attacks. These groups suppressed dissent within their own communities, enforcing ethnic conformity through intimidation.

Repeated raids on state armouries between May 2023 and 2024 supplied militias with automatic rifles, machine guns, and explosives. These weapons were deployed in assaults on villages, churches, and civilian populations. The Tribunal highlights that the failure to prevent armoury raids, despite the deployment of large numbers of security personnel, reflects systemic complicity or negligence.

Religious persecution was a defining feature of the violence. Over 250 churches were destroyed or desecrated, particularly in the valley. Survivors recounted the burning of places of worship, desecration of sacred objects, and threats directed at pastors and priests. The Tribunal interprets these attacks as deliberate attempts to erase minority identities.

By late 2024, the violence had created stark ethnic segregation. Kukis and Zos had been expelled from the valley, while Meiteis had been driven out of the hills. The state was effectively divided into ethnic enclaves, with movement between districts restricted and controlled by informal ethnic borders.

Humanitarian impact

The human toll has been catastrophic. Around 260 people were killed, and between 50,000 and 60,000 were displaced. Displaced families were forced into more than 350 relief camps scattered across the state. These camps varied in quality: valley-based camps, predominantly housing Meiteis, received relatively better facilities, while tribal camps in the hills were overcrowded and under-resourced.

Survivors in tribal camps reported inadequate shelter, poor sanitation, scarcity of food supplies, and limited access to healthcare and education. Children faced prolonged disruption of schooling, and women bore disproportionate burdens of care. Many camps, originally conceived as temporary, have now become semi-permanent, deepening despair among displaced populations. The Tribunal stresses that the absence of a comprehensive rehabilitation plan has entrenched displacement as a permanent condition.

Gender-based violence

Gender-based violence emerged as a weapon of war in this conflict. The Tribunal documented dozens of cases of sexual violence across communities, although the true scale is likely far higher. Survivors testified to gang rapes, sexual assault during displacement, and threats of sexual violence used as a form of intimidation.

Justice mechanisms failed survivors. FIRs were delayed or not registered, medico-legal examinations were denied or improperly conducted, and survivor protection measures were absent. The Tribunal emphasises that accountability must go beyond individual perpetrators. Command responsibility must be established, holding state officials and militia leaders accountable for enabling or failing to prevent sexual violence. Fast-track courts and survivor-centred justice frameworks are urgently required.

Health and mental health crisis

The conflict devastated Manipur’s health system. Hospitals became inaccessible to communities displaced across ethnic lines. Tribal survivors reported being turned away from valley hospitals out of fear or hostility, while Meitei patients avoided hill hospitals. This led to preventable deaths from untreated conditions.

Mental health needs were acute. Survivors described chronic anxiety, nightmares, and depression, while journalists and aid workers also exhibited signs of trauma. With no dedicated trauma-care infrastructure, the psychological scars of the violence remain untreated. The Tribunal recommends reintegration of health services across ethnic divides, the establishment of trauma-informed care protocols, and the embedding of mental health services in relief camps.

Media and information disorder

The conflict was aggravated by information disorder. Local media often adopted partisan narratives, depicting Kuki-Zo communities as “illegal immigrants.” This framing was dangerous and misleading, given the absence of a refugee law in India and the complex citizenship histories of borderland populations.

Journalists who sought to report independently faced intimidation, arrests, and smear campaigns. The state repeatedly suspended internet access, cutting off communities from communication and depriving journalists of vital tools. Harsh laws like the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act were used to suppress dissent. The Tribunal concludes that such practices not only undermined accountability but also enabled violence to spread unchecked.

Case Study: Jiribam, November 2024

The Tribunal highlights Jiribam as a microcosm of the conflict. In November 2024, the killing of two men, the gang rape of a Hmar schoolteacher, and the disappearance of a Meitei family sparked retaliatory violence. The CRPF’s killing of ten Kuki insurgents further escalated tensions. Retaliatory attacks targeted Meitei farmland and houses, deepening displacement and undermining food security.

The Jiribam case illustrates how tit-for-tat dynamics operate in the absence of credible law enforcement. Each incident triggered counter-violence, fuelling a cycle of retaliation. The state’s inability to protect citizens or prosecute perpetrators ensured that impunity became the norm.

State and institutional response

The Tribunal is unequivocal in its conclusion that the State of Manipur failed to uphold constitutional governance. Despite the deployment of over 100,000 security personnel, the state failed to prevent the looting of armouries, protect vulnerable communities, or restore normalcy. Survivors consistently questioned the neutrality of the police and administration, alleging partisan conduct.

The Justice Ajai Lamba Commission and the Gita Mittal Committee were constituted to investigate aspects of the conflict. However, their reports remain unpublished or only partially disclosed, undermining transparency and accountability. The state has also failed to announce any credible plan for rehabilitation, safe return, or reconciliation, leaving displaced populations in limbo.

Risk outlook

The Tribunal warns of two interconnected risks. First, the prolonged residence of IDPs in camps risks cementing ethnic segregation into a permanent reality. Without structured plans for return and rehabilitation, displacement will harden into apartheid-like separation. Second, the continued availability of looted arms and the empowerment of militias sustain the potential for renewed violence. Without disarmament and accountability, Manipur will remain a tinderbox vulnerable to fresh outbreaks.

Recommendations of the Tribunal

The Tribunal’s recommendations span multiple domains. It calls for a Supreme Court–monitored SIT to investigate crimes, supported by witness protection schemes and independent prosecution units. It urges the publication of all reports of the Gita Mittal Committee and the Justice Ajai Lamba Commission. It recommends fast-track courts for conflict-related crimes, especially sexual violence cases.

In terms of relief, the Tribunal calls for a judicially monitored Special Committee to survey camp needs, ensure equitable resource distribution, and prepare time-bound rehabilitation plans. It stresses the importance of reintegrating health services across ethnic lines, embedding trauma care, and protecting mental health. It also insists on an audit of all weapons looted from armouries, the recovery of arms, and the disarmament of militias.

For peacebuilding, the Tribunal recommends inclusive dialogue forums involving women, youth, and faith leaders, truth-telling initiatives, reparations, and the establishment of a National Peace Commission. It proposes the creation of a Manipur Peace Index to monitor progress. In the media domain, it calls for the end of blanket internet shutdowns, protection of journalists, and active monitoring of hate speech. Land and livelihood disputes must be addressed through impartial tribunals and transparent development policies.

Implementation timeline

The Tribunal outlines a phased roadmap. Within 30 days, the Supreme Court should establish an SIT, the state must initiate camp surveys and weapons audits, and all commission reports should be made public. Within 90 days, fast-track courts must begin operations, indictments should be filed in emblematic cases, and healthcare reintegration pilots launched. Within six to twelve months, displaced populations must begin safe return, truth-telling forums must commence, and the first Manipur Peace Index should be published.

Conclusion

The Independent People’s Tribunal provides a damning indictment of governance failure in Manipur. It documents how state institutions enabled impunity, allowed militias to flourish, and abandoned vulnerable communities. At the same time, it provides a roadmap for recovery grounded in constitutional values, transitional justice, and comparative experiences from global conflicts. Unless corrective measures are taken swiftly, Manipur risks becoming a permanently divided society, where segregation and violence replace democracy and rule of law. The urgency of implementation cannot be overstated.

The complete report may be read below.

Related:

Manipur 2023: Violence unaddressed eight months after conflicts erupt

Snapshot of Manipur Govt’s coercive actions against citizens: 2023

When the Manipur High Court stepped in

How and when the Supreme Court moved on Manipur: 2023

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According to reports from the Superintendent of Police, the attack took place around 9:00 am on April 22, when most villagers were away in their fields for cultivation work. Taking advantage of their absence, unknown assailants set multiple homes ablaze, triggering panic and displacement in the already fragile region. In response, Kamjong District Magistrate Rangnamei Rang Peter invoked Section 163(1) of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), 2023, to issue emergency prohibitory orders.

The curfew prohibits the movement of all persons outside their homes and bars any activity that could disturb peace and public order in the affected areas. Only personnel involved in essential services and law enforcement have been exempted. Anyone wishing to organise processions for weddings, funerals, or religious or cultural events within the restricted zones must obtain prior written permission from the District Magistrate or the Superintendent of Police. To ensure on-ground implementation and oversight, Hungyo Yurreikan, Sub-Divisional Collector of Sahamphung, has been appointed Executive Magistrate for the affected village jurisdictions, as per a report of India Today NE.

The incident has been widely condemned by tribal civil society groups. In a joint statement, five Kuki-Zo-Hmar organisations, including the Kuki Inpi Manipur (KIM), denounced the attack as a targeted assault on innocent Kuki civilians. “These heinous acts of arson have devastated lives, destroyed homes, and terrorised a community already grappling with ethnic tension and insecurity,” the statement read, as per The Tribune.

The organisations described the attack as part of a disturbing pattern of systemic violence, displacement, and discrimination against the Kuki-Zo people. They criticised the Government of India for its continued failure to uphold constitutional duties and protect vulnerable communities in the state. “It is deeply alarming that such acts of terror persist under the government’s watch, at a time when the region demands urgent, just, and sensitive intervention,” they said, the report of YesPunjab said.

In addition to condemning the violence, the tribal bodies called for the immediate rehabilitation of affected families and the deployment of neutral and adequate security forces in Gampal and Haiyang to ensure safety and deter further attacks. As of now, no group has claimed responsibility, and an investigation into the incident is ongoing. With tensions running high and the threat of escalation looming, residents have been urged to remain indoors and extend full cooperation to security personnel patrolling the area.

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Supreme Court seeks forensic report on audio recordings alleging Manipur CM’s role in ethnic violence

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Singh was accompanied by BJP’s northeast in-charge Sambit Patra, state party president A Sharda, and 19 MLAs. Patra remained in Imphal to assist in selecting Singh’s successor. His resignation came after a meeting with Union home minister Amit Shah in Delhi on Saturday, amid growing pressure from both BJP legislators and opposition parties. Reports suggested that several BJP MLAs had threatened to sit in the opposition during the no-confidence motion if Singh continued as chief minister.

Supreme Court intervention and allegations of instigating violence

Singh’s resignation followed a Supreme Court directive ordering a central forensic laboratory to investigate leaked audio recordings that purportedly feature the chief minister admitting to having instigated the ethnic violence in Manipur. These tapes, allegedly recorded by a whistle-blower, have been at the centre of fresh legal scrutiny. The Supreme Court, while refusing to draw immediate conclusions, has asked for a forensic report by March 25.

The opposition seized on this development to criticise both Singh and the BJP’s handling of the crisis. Congress leaders accused the BJP of acting only when political survival was at stake rather than addressing the root causes of the ethnic conflict. Senior Congress leader Rahul Gandhi stated on X (formerly Twitter) that Singh had “instigated division in Manipur” while Prime Minister Narendra Modi allowed him to continue despite the violence and loss of life. Gandhi accused Modi of turning a blind eye to the suffering in Manipur, saying, “The people of Manipur now await a visit by our Frequent Flier PM who is off to France and the USA—he has neither found the time nor the inclination to visit Manipur in the past twenty months.”

Congress MP Udit Raj also criticised the delay in Singh’s removal. “When the Congress was demanding his removal at the right time, he was not removed. Now, after everything has been ruined, it makes no sense,” he said. Manipur Congress chief K Meghachandra Singh called the resignation a “belated decision” and argued that Singh’s failures had led to “anarchy and a crisis of governance” in the state.

The opposition also pointed to the BJP’s political compulsions as the primary reason behind Singh’s resignation. Congress leader Jairam Ramesh noted that the BJP removed Singh not out of concern for Manipur’s people but to avoid embarrassment in the assembly and prevent a government collapse. Meanwhile, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)] issued statements condemning the BJP for allowing Singh to remain in power for so long.

Ethnic conflict, polarisation, and Singh’s role

The resignation also deepened divisions between the Meitei and Kuki communities, both of whom reacted differently to Singh’s exit. Singh, a Meitei leader, was criticised by Kuki groups for his alleged role in the ethnic violence that began on May 3, 2023, and led to over 250 deaths and the displacement of thousands. The Kuki-majority Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum (ITLF), which had been demanding Singh’s resignation since the violence erupted, said his exit was long overdue. However, the ITLF reiterated that their agitation would continue unless the union government granted a separate administration for the Kuki community. ITLF spokesperson Ginza Vualzong stated, “We believe he knew he would be voted out in the no-confidence motion, and to save his face, he resigned.”

In contrast, Meitei nationalist groups lamented Singh’s resignation. Jeetendra Ningomba, former coordinator of the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (Cocomi), argued that Singh’s exit was ill-timed. “I don’t think it was the right moment for Singh to step down. His resignation will only strengthen Kuki separatist forces in Manipur,” he said.

BJP’s internal rebellion and legislative fallout

Singh’s position within the BJP had been eroding for months, with several MLAs distancing themselves from his leadership. The BJP holds 32 seats in the 59-member Manipur assembly, but it had been losing allies and internal support. Reports suggest that 5-10 BJP MLAs, including ministers, had resolved to switch to the opposition rather than continue backing Singh. Some of the BJP’s own Kuki MLAs, who had withdrawn support for Singh earlier, welcomed his exit. BJP MLA Paolienlal Haokip bluntly reacted to the news, saying, “Good riddance.”

Singh’s rigid stance on the conflict had also alienated the BJP’s partners within the North-East Democratic Alliance (NEDA). Meghalaya Chief Minister Conrad Sangma’s National People’s Party (NPP) withdrew support for Singh’s government in November 2024, citing its “complete failure to restore normalcy.” Mizoram Chief Minister Lalduhoma went further, declaring Singh a “liability” for both Manipur and the BJP, even suggesting that President’s Rule would be preferable.

With the loss of support from its allies and internal rebellion brewing, Singh’s resignation became inevitable. His departure averted what would have been a politically damaging no-confidence motion for the BJP government. Following Singh’s exit, Governor Bhalla issued a notification cancelling the budget session of the assembly.

Manipur’s uncertain future and lingering security concerns

Despite Singh’s resignation, tensions in Manipur remain high. On the night of his departure, unidentified gunmen raided an India Reserve Battalion (IRB) outpost in Thoubal district, looting several SLR and AK rifles. The attack underscored the fragile security situation in the state, where armed groups continue to operate amid the ethnic conflict.

The Supreme Court’s investigation into the leaked tapes adds another layer of uncertainty. If the tapes are authenticated, Singh could face legal consequences, further complicating Manipur’s political landscape. The opposition has vowed to continue pressing for accountability, with Congress leaders reiterating their demand for a Special Investigation Team (SIT) probe into Singh’s alleged role in instigating violence. (Detailed report on Supreme Court’s proceedings may be read here)

While Singh’s resignation marks a turning point, it does not resolve the deep-rooted ethnic tensions and governance failures that have plagued Manipur. The BJP now faces the critical task of appointing a new chief minister who can navigate the complex political and ethnic landscape, restore stability, and prevent further deterioration of law and order. However, with unresolved demands from both the Meitei and Kuki communities and an emboldened opposition, Manipur’s political crisis is far from over.

Related:

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“Leaked Intelligence report” on alleged Kuki militants entering Manipur from Myanmar sparks panic, later retracted by authorities

The post Manipur Chief Minister N Biren Singh resigns amid political turmoil and ethnic unrest appeared first on SabrangIndia.

(Detailed report on the said leaked audio may be read here)

Dispute over audio authenticity and its implications

Senior advocate Prashant Bhushan, representing the petitioner, argued that the recordings were previously analysed by a private forensic lab, Truth Labs, which concluded with over 93% certainty that the voice in the tapes belonged to the Chief Minister. The recordings, according to Bhushan, allegedly feature Biren Singh admitting that he permitted Meitei groups to loot state armouries and assured their protection from legal consequences. He emphasised that these statements, made in a closed-door meeting, were secretly recorded and later leaked, exposing a severe case of incitement and abetment of communal violence.

In response, Solicitor General (SG) Tushar Mehta, representing the State of Manipur, raised preliminary objections, contending that the petitioner should first approach the High Court before directly moving the Supreme Court. The SG further informed the bench that an FIR had already been registered regarding the matter and that an investigation was underway. Authorities had also contacted the Twitter accounts that had uploaded the audio clips to verify their authenticity, and the tapes had been sent to the Central Forensic Science Laboratory (CFSL) for examination. Additionally, the SG criticised the petitioner’s motives, arguing that the organisation harboured a “separatist mind-set” and was attempting to “keep the pot boiling” despite the state’s efforts to restore normalcy following the ethnic clashes in 2023 and 2024.

“Petitioner has ideological inclinations.. Separatists sorts.. There is a report by the three-judge committee. Only to keep the pot boiling (such petitions are filed),” SG Mehta saida, as per a report in LiveLaw.

Judicial proceedings and future course of action

CJI Khanna, while refraining from commenting on the veracity of the recordings, inquired about the status of the forensic examination and requested that the FSL report be submitted within six weeks.

“The State (Manipur) is limping back now (after witnessing ethnic clashes in 2023 and 2024). We have to also see if this Court should hear this or the High Court should,” CJI Khanna said, as per the report in LiveLaw.

The bench directed that the report be filed in a sealed cover before the next hearing. The court also left open the preliminary objection raised by the SG regarding jurisdiction, implying that it would be addressed in due course.

“I have not gone into the contents and veracity of the recordings, when will SFL reports come?” CJI Khanna asked.

During the proceedings, Justice Sanjay Kumar disclosed that he had previously attended a dinner hosted by the Manipur Chief Minister upon his elevation to the Supreme Court. He openly invited the petitioner to express any concerns regarding his participation in the case. However, Bhushan stated that the petitioner had no objections to Justice Kumar continuing to hear the matter.

Previously, a bench led by former Chief Justice of India D.Y. Chandrachud had asked the petitioner to furnish material substantiating the authenticity of the recordings, following which the Truth Labs report was submitted. With the Supreme Court now awaiting the forensic findings from CFSL, the next hearing on the matter has been scheduled for 24th March 2025, where the court is expected to decide on the further course of action based on the report’s findings.

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Several cases of targeted attacks on the Pangals have been effectively silenced during the violence, especially sensing the sentiments of the fragile raged sentiments of the Meiteis and the Kukis. However, the most recent incident on January 5, 2025 seems to have crossed the thresholds of humanity and ethics. A teenager from the Pangal community Akhter Tampakmayum, 18 years, is alleged by Aramabai Tenggol, an armed Meitei militia, to have molested a girl from the Meitei community. According to the boy, “he and his lady co-worker of Kafya Café were summoned by the militant outfit’s Heingnag Unit (34), the reason for which as reported was a case of a proposal got misunderstood by the girl. At the Arambai Tenggol unit’s premise, he is reported to have been tortured, beaten, and force-fed ‘raw-pork’; while also forcing him to give a statement falsely accusing the Muslim Imams of promoting hatred against the Meiteis. The boy was reportedly nailed on his hands and feet by Arambai Tenggol’s leader Korounganba Khuman who then coerced him to say that Imams of mosques encourage Pangal youths to develop relationships with Meitei girls, to help increase Pangal’s population and to erase the Meiteis from Manipur”, the later part of which was video recorded and widely circulated on social media platforms. The boy was reportedly handed over to the police by the Arambai Tenggol and released on the same day. Such acts of the Arambai Tenggol, for that matter its Heingang Unit, is but an outright provocation to the wider Pangal community, a serious act to hurt the sentiments of the people following the Islamic faith. This not only explains their underlying wider intentions against the Pangals, a small minority Muslim community in Manipur but also invites serious questions on the nature of activities of this armed group with relation to the state’s and national security, communal harmony, and public order.

If the allegation of molestation is found true, the boy could have been punished in accordance with the law of the land. The Arambai Tenggol’s extra-judicial and extra-Constitutional act, not only by taking the matter into their own hands but also by trying to insult and provoke the whole community and its Islamic faith, is highly condemnable. This only invites more trouble in a state already mired by tumultuous violence and chaos. At the same time, it won’t be wrong to also say that the prejudicial targeting of the Islamic faith comes with their intentional second-class treatment of the Pangals. Thus, the Arambai Tenggol’s violent and extra-judicial nature of activities acts as the catalyst to create distinct fissures and polarisation between the communities, with a huge potential to create not only distrust but also an ominous atmosphere that has a latent energy to spark violence any time in the state.

While there has been a long list of hateful targeted attacks by certain sections of the Meiteis on the Pangals in the post-independent Manipur despite an unhindered peaceful co-existence in the history of the state, a more evident anti-inter-community marriage or relationship campaign had started prior to the breakout of May 3, 2023, after which it has been witnessed to be profoundly promoted by armed militias in particular and the masses in general. This is being done to ensure the purity of “Meitei blood” and the continuity of an undefiled Meitei race. Mass campaigns have been organised by the Arambai Tengol, the armed militia to school the public in general and the Meitei women in particular about the need for maintaining a “pure Meitei race”, often associating with a mass pledge in the name of God to not pollute their blood. This kind of mass campaigns by armed and radical organisations with widespread public support, often associating hatred and rhetorical diatribes against the Pangals using social media platforms are largely responsible for creating distinct communal enclaves in the state.

The concern, therefore, lies in the governments’- both the Union and the state’s failure to contain the militias operating in the violence-hit Manipur and giving them a free hand, while the state watches the inhumane and unethical acts of hateful crimes from its “protected thrones”. The incident mentioned above is not the first time that the Arambai Tenggol has inflicted hate crimes on the Pangals, even if, in the almost two years that Manipur has been in turmoil, these have remain largely uncounted, unnoticed. There were several incidents- both reported and unreported, but side-lined through some sort of negotiations wherein the Pangals, sensing that this was the need given the situation that the state has been in. It is the Pangals who have had to compromise every time against the might of the militias supported by the government. However, as part of their continuous provocation and insults, taking the opportunity of a Pangal boy proposing to a Meitei girl, the Arambai Tenggol has seized this one incident, escalated its campaign to further intimidate a miniscule minority community, while also at the same time deeply hurting their religious sentiments and faith.

To the utter blindness and silence of the governments in all these happenings right in front of them, it becomes pertinent to question the following-

1. Have the Union and the state governments ceased to exist in Manipur?
2. Have the governments handed over the due rights for law enforcement, and to manage the state’s law and order in Manipur to the armed militias, like the Arambai Tenggol and others?
3. What is Arambai Tenggol’s objective in relation to co-existence in Manipur?
4. Are human rights and freedom to profess a religion of one’s choice, as enshrined in the constitution of India still available to the people of Manipur?
5. Is Arambai Tenggol a superior authority over the government in the state of Manipur?
6. If there is a government for the people in Manipur, what are its agendas for the state against such hateful targeted attacks?
7. If there is a people’s government, how is it going to counter hate crimes?
8. Is the Meitei as a community wholly supporting the Arambai Tenggol’s act of terror and insult to the faith of and against the Pangals? If not, how are those supporting peaceful co-existence going to counter such hateful terrors and insults undermining the history of togetherness?

The governments and the people of Manipur alike, need to wake up from their deep slumber, face reality, and counter —for the goodness of humankind and for the sake of upholding the integrity of Manipur—and respond. Both the Meitei-Kuki conflict and the Arambai Tenggol’s acts of terror and insults on the Pangals are equally detrimental to the well-being of the Manipur society. One must fight back to ensure substantive justice with the same intent in both cases. Calling for justice for survivors of the inter-ethnic conflict between the Meitei and Kuki, while ignoring and promoting the Arambai Tenggol’s continuous provocations on the Pangals is but a myopic meaning of ‘justice’. All right thinking persons from within all communities, be it the governments or the people, need to come out of our self-imposed cylos and isolation. Open our eyes wide, and fight against the sections of militias propagating communal hatreds and violence and to bring back and ensure our history of peaceful co-existence. With the governments lying in a determinedly shameless deep slumber that renders their writ non-existent, the onus lies even more on the people of Manipur to stop these hate-filled communal acts and targeted crimes against the Pangals.

(The author is a Ph.D. from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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2024: Peace, a distant dream for Manipur

Divided & strife-torn Manipur: intensified violence, abdication by state & union governments, demands of accountability from BJP MLAs

Fresh violence grips Manipur: Clashes in Jiribam and widespread protests after rape and brutal killings

The post Arambai Tenggol: champions of Manipur’s ‘integrity’ or a Meitei communal militia? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Role of the security forces in the conflict:

Table – 1: Number of people killed

Table – 2: Number of persons injured

In all, 81 persons, including women and children were killed and 214 persons were injured in the Meitei-Kuki conflict in Manipur in the year 2024, as reported in the 5 newspapers monitored by the CSSS – The Times of India, The Indian Express, The Hindu, Inquilab and Sahafat.  Among the 81 killed, 19 were from Meitei community, while 15 were from Kuki community, 12 were security personnel, and 4 were Hindu migrant workers. Community of the rest 31 persons was not reported. Among the injured, 65 were from Meitei community, 1 injured was from Kuki community, 40 injured were security forces and the community of 106 injured persons was not reported. Two migrant Hindu workers were also injured. While some Meiteis were injured from gunfire from the hills in Kangpokpi district on the bordering villages in the valley, most were injured during protests in the Imphal Valley and in Jiribam district due to firing by the security personnel. Both – Meiteis and Kukis were killed in the conflict, and at least one Kuki woman was raped and brutally assaulted. Kuki militants’ fire on Meitei villages appeared to be with the intention to disturb the “peace” to force political negotiations around their demand of separate administration. At times, they appeared to be revenge killings.

Several houses and vehicles were burnt down, including those of unarmed members of both communities, and that of the MLAs in the valley. Five churches, a fuel pump and 272 Kuki houses and 62 Meitei houses were burnt during the year 2024. Till date, 258 people have been killed and 386 religious places have been vandalized. There are 60,000 internally displaced persons living in inhuman conditions in relief camps. 39 persons are missing since the conflict. It is also noteworthy that the CM Shri Biren Singh condemned attacks on Meiteis, he seems to have maintained silence when Kukis were killed or injured.

While no efforts worth the name were made to resolve the ethnic conflict in Manipur, 90 additional companies of the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) were deployed. With these deployments, the total CAPF deployed in the state totalled 288 – 165 companies of CRPF, 104 of BSF, 8 of RAF, 6 of SSB and 5 of ITBP. These are in addition to the deployment of Assam Rifles, which is under the Army’s operational command. With more than 60,000 armed CAPF in addition to the state police, for a population of about 3 million, Manipur must be the most militarized state in India after J&K. This level of violence has led to very high levels of polarization of the two ethnic communities. Lt. General (Retd.) Rana Pratap Kalita stated that polarization along ethnic lines has spread to government officials and police. According to him, there was easy availability of weapons and sustained misinformation by all stakeholders. The Manipur Police with overwhelming majority of Meiteis allegedly favour their community. There is one incident though, in which one Meitei ex-serviceman who was specially appointed, was suspended when the force led by him in Jiribam district fired on protesting Meiteis, leading to the death of a Meitei. Security personnel also had to pay a heavy price in this conflict.

There was a huge conflict between the Meitei police commandos posted in Kuki dominated Moreh town bordering Myanmar, in January 2024, and the Kuki community. The Kuki women agitated against posting Manipuri police with Meitei commandos in which several people were killed. CSSS had prepared a detailed report on this conflict. Likewise, the Assam Rifle are alleged to be partisan towards the Kukis. However, when we talked to the Commandants of the Assam Rifle, they not only denied the allegation, they also provided data suggesting that more Kukis have been at the receiving end of their bullets, arrests, and seizure of weapons than the Meiteis.

The approach of the state towards the conflict seems to be limited to attempts to suppress it, without making any serious attempt to find a resolution. Either the Biren Singh led BJP state government has no solution, or perhaps aims to derive political benefit from the conflict, viz., strong consolidation of Meities, which form nearly 54% of the state’s population and inhabiting in the valley. The valley elects 40 out of 60 MLAs in the Manipur state legislature. However, the strategy does not appear to have worked as in the Lok Sabha elections, both the MPs elected from the state belonged to the Congress Party. The Meiteis also seem to be running out of patience for non-resolution of the conflict for over 19 months. The Meiteis are also suffering losses in the conflict. The attack on houses of the MLA, including the BJP MLAs, ministers and the CM, shows the frustration of Meiteis. Also, the Conrad Sangma led NPP, a coalition partner of NDA, with 7 MLAs withdrew their support to the Biren Singh Government, although it did not lead to the fall of the BJP led government, as the BJP has majority in the state legislature on its own. Eleven BJP MLAs did not attend the meeting called by Biren Singh and were served show cause notices.

No justice to the victims:

The wheels of justice are moving extremely slow. 42 SITs have been constituted by the Supreme Court to investigate 3,023 FIRs filed. In all, 11,892 FIRs had been filed. However, they were later consolidated into 3,023 FIRs. According to the information shared by the CM and reported in The Times of India on 1^st August 2024, 11,133 houses were burnt and 4,569 others were destroyed in the conflict. Farmlands belonging to 5,554 farmers had been hit. Till 18^th December 2024, according to a report in The Hindu, chargesheets had been filed only in 192 cases of heinous crimes pertaining to rape, sexual offences against women, arson, loot and murder, which constitutes only 6% of the cases investigated. Till November 20, 2024, 742 suspects had been identified, after examining 11,901 witnesses. 574 persons have been charge-sheeted, while 384 persons had been arrested. The SITs have seized 501 weapons and 13,464 ammunitions out of about 6,000 weapons ‘looted’ from the police, most of them in the valley. Although charge sheet has been filed, trial had not begun till 18^th October in the case of two Kuki women mass raped and paraded naked on 4^th May 2023, the day after the conflict began.

Growing power of the armed militants:

This level of conflict has strengthened the armed militants on both sides of the divide. The communities do not trust the security apparatus of the state to protect them. This has led to sprouting of bunkers manned by armed community volunteers to ensure no one from the ‘enemy’ community intrudes into ‘their’ area. Arambai Tenggol, a militant Meitei organization has armed itself with the help of over 6,000 arms ‘looted’ from the police armoury and others it might have obtained from across the border. State police apparatus seems to indulge them and look the other way in all their illegal actions. Arambai Tenggol even abducted Additional Superintendent of Police and vandalised his home and property after he arrested 6 members of the militant outfit on 27^th February 2024 (ibid). The militant organisation issued summons to all the MLAs, Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha MPs to assemble on January 24^th, 2024, at Kangla Fort in Imphal, and they were made to take an oath that they would work for the interest of the Meitei community and their demands, including delisting of the Kuki community from the ST list, deportation of Kukis, withdrawal from the SoO agreement with Kuki militants and other such partisan demands (ibid). That the elected representative could not have disobeyed the summons shows how powerful these armed militants have become.

The Kuki armed militants also command similar obedience from the community. House of Michael Lamjathang Haokip, a BJP spokesperson in Churachandpur, belonging to Thadaou tribe, was burnt down in August by Kuki ultras, after he asserted that the Thadous are not within the Kuki family and wanted reproachment with the Meiteis. The guns of Arambai Tenggol and Kuki ultras terrorise, have eliminated, all moderate voices within their respective communities, and none in the Kuki and Meitei communities can go against or dissent from the positions taken by the militants.

The doctrine which prevailed in the conflict was that of deterrence, and not justice. Security of the community, according to this doctrine, lies in inflicting equal, if not more, damage to life and property of the rival community in order to deter them from attacking one’s own community. In Jiribam district, the cycle of revenge killing was more apparent. 22 persons were killed in Jiribam alone in 2024. Unarmed members of both the communities were targeted by armed groups to ‘send a message’ to the armed militants of the rival group and to demonstrate their prowess. The state appeared too weak to uphold democracy, protect the citizens and run the writ of democratic institutions and seek to do justice. The state found extremely challenging to ensure transportation of essential goods from the valley to hills and vice versa, in spite of heavy presence of armed security forces. The Meitei police commandos posted in Moreh town had to be flown by helicopter to avoid transporting them through Kuki dominated territory. Assam Rifle commandant told us that he had to remove his uniform and put it in his bag as he was approaching the checkpoint monitored by Meitei militants. Another AR commandant was asked to produce his ID card issued by the army which he took it as an insult to his post and refused to do so for checking by (Meitei) civilians. However, the negotiation took a long time for him to be allowed to proceed without showing his ID.

The issues that triggered violence were:

1) Demand of the ‘integrity of Manipur’: while the Meiteis staunchly defend the ‘integrity of Manipur,’ the Kukis were equally firm about their demand of ‘separation of administration’, which they defined as creation of a Union Territory with legislature as the only solution to the resolution of the conflict. The exchange of population now having been complete, and no Kuki left in the valley, they are strong votaries of separation of state.

2) Claim over the Thangjing hill range in Churachandpur district: while the Meiteis have their sacred deity and perform pilgrimage in Thangjing hill range according to their Sanamahi faith, the Kuki National Front renamed the place as Thangting, and put up a gate declaring it as “Thangting Camp of the Kuki National Front – Military Council”. The intention was to reclaim the hill exclusively and prevent pilgrimage by Meiteis.

3) ST status of both the communities remained contentious. The Arambai Tenggol administered oath to elected representatives from the valley that they would work for the withdrawal of ST status of Kukis. One of the Meitei demands is that they should be enlisted as a Scheduled Tribe community as otherwise they are confined to about 10% of Manipuri territory in the valley, and do not have right to own land in the hills. The Kukis and Nagas are opposed to their demand.

4) There were accusations of partisanship of security forces, and consequent reliance on armed militants to protect the community. Posting of Meitei police commandos in Kuki dominated Moreh town became very contentious. The police commandos had killed three Kuki women, even though not a single Meitei living in Moreh was killed on 3^rd May, when the conflict had started. Similarly, suspension of a Kuki head constable in Kuki dominated Churachandpur also triggered protests and violence. There is complete lack of trust on the Assam Rifles in the valley and similar lack of trust on the Manipuri police force in the hills.

5) Both communities nurtured prejudicial attitude towards and nurtured mistrust and hatred towards each other. Meitei community think that the Kukis are intruders and illegal immigrants, which would be proved by preparing NRC. Being illegal immigrants, they should be deported. Kukis are alleged by them to be narco-terrorists, growing poppy. Although, according to Vrinda, a former IPS officer residing in Imphal, everyone is involved in the poppy trade, and drug was promoted by the Indian state in the 1970s and 80s to get the youth hooked and dissuade them from join the separatists and armed militants demanding independence of Manipur from the Indian state. The Meiteis also accuse the Kukis of nurturing a desire for Zalingam or greater home land for Kukis. For the Kukis, the Meities would deprive them of their homeland, grab land their hills, grab their jobs, livelihood, and funds for the development of the hill districts.

Neither the Meitei armed organisation – Arambai Tenggol, patronised by some ruling party politicians, nor the Kuki armed militants seemed to be gaining any ground in this conflict. The Kukis have not been able to move any further in their demand of separate administration, nor the Arambai Tenggol and Sanamahi extremists have been able to gain more hegemonic position over the Kukis than they already were in – attaining ST status to buy land in the hills, monopolise state jobs, get Kukis deported from the state. None party in the conflict seemed to have moved an inch towards their objective. Both are tiring each other out. These levels of conflict are harmful to both communities, and indeed, to human society and to the country in general. The Central government and the government of Manipur have to undertake serious and urgent efforts to establish and facilitate a dialogue between the two communities and resolve the conflict. It is their Constitutional responsibility and duty. Representatives of both the communities must also realise that these levels of conflict cannot be sustained and are self-destructive. Conflict fatigue does not seem to have set in. The marginalised and poorer sections in both communities are suffering more. Civil societies, human rights organisations must also take initiatives to promote a dialogue between the two communities at various levels. The state needs to create jobs for Kukis and the Meiteis. There is imbalance in development of the Valley and the hills, which need to be addressed in terms of infrastructure like roads, educational institutions, universities, health infrastructure, including multi-speciality hospitals, markets for agricultural produce, financial infrastructure etc. The hill district area councils need more autonomy, regular functioning, and higher budgets for development of the hills. These could be the first steps.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

Related:

Divided & strife-torn Manipur: intensified violence, abdication by state & union governments, demands of accountability from BJP MLAs

Fresh violence grips Manipur: Clashes in Jiribam and widespread protests after rape and brutal killings

“Leaked Intelligence report” on alleged Kuki militants entering Manipur from Myanmar sparks panic, later retracted by authorities

The post 2024: Peace, a distant dream for Manipur appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Educational institutions to remain closed until November 23: As a precautionary measure, the Manipur government has ordered the closure of schools, colleges, and universities in the Imphal Valley until November 23. An official notification issued by Daryal Juli Anal, Joint Secretary of the Higher and Technical Education Department, cited concerns over the safety of students, teachers, and staff amid the ongoing curfew.

The decision was influenced by the widespread violence in several districts, particularly Imphal East and Imphal West, following the recovery of the missing bodies on November 15 and 16. The government decided to prioritise safety, suspending all educational activities in government and government-aided institutions, including state universities, in the affected districts.

The letter by elected MLAs may be read here

Timeline of escalating violence in Manipur following Jiribam attack

The recent cycle of violence that engulfed Manipur from November 7, 2024, began with a harrowing incident in Zairawn village, Jiribam district. A Hmar woman, a schoolteacher and mother of three, was allegedly raped, shot in the leg, killed, and set ablaze by unidentified attackers. The Hmar community, a subgroup of the Kuki-Zo ethnic group, was devastated by this act, and Kuki civil society groups quickly attributed the crime to Meitei militants.

The initial attack and looting: In the aftermath of the incident, the assailants reportedly torched 19 houses, looted cash, stole mobile phones, LPG cylinders, and six two-wheelers, and even killed village dogs. Some residents alleged negligence on the part of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) stationed in Zairawn, accusing them of failing to intervene despite being capable of protecting the village. The violence escalated when suspected Kuki militants retaliated by targeting Meitei individuals in the district.

Retaliatory killings and unrest in Bishnupur: On November 9, the violence intensified as a Meitei woman working in a paddy field in Bishnupur district was allegedly shot dead by suspected Kuki militants. Two days later, on November 11, the CRPF killed 10 suspected Kuki militants in a confrontation in Jiribam. According to police reports, the militants were armed with automatic weapons and a rocket-propelled grenade (RPG) and had attacked the Borobekra police station and a CRPF camp in Jakuradhor. These assailants were believed to have travelled from Kuki-dominated districts such as Churachandpur and Pherzawl.

Displacement and missing persons: During the same encounter, three women and three children, including an eight-month-old baby, went missing. These individuals were among 13 displaced Meiteis seeking refuge in a relief camp located near the Borobekra police station and a CRPF post. Their disappearance further fuelled ethnic tensions in the region.

Jiribam, a district with a multi-ethnic population comprising Meitei, Kuki-Zo, Naga, and other communities, had remained relatively peaceful until June 2024. However, tensions erupted earlier this year when the body of a Kuki teenager was discovered in a river, allegedly killed by Meitei armed groups. Shortly after, the body of a Meitei man was found, reportedly in retaliation by Kuki militants.

Discovery of bodies and public outrage: On November 15, three bodies—those of a woman and two children—were discovered floating in the Barak River in Assam’s Cachar district. These were confirmed to belong to the missing family. The discovery triggered widespread protests in Imphal, with enraged mobs ransacking the homes of three legislators, including R.K. Imo, a BJP MLA and son-in-law of Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. Protesters also targeted the residences of Y. Khemchand, the Minister of Municipal Administration, and L. Susindro Singh, the Minister of Consumer Affairs, prompting security forces to use tear gas to disperse the crowds.

The unrest escalated further when protesters marched toward Manipur CM Biren Singh’s ancestral home in Luwangshangbam, only to be stopped by security forces.

Continued violence and accusations: On November 17, the bodies of another woman and child from the missing family were recovered in Lakhipur, bringing the total to six victims—all from the same family. The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF), a prominent Kuki-Zo organisation, accused Meitei assailants of setting fire to five churches, a school, a petrol pump, and 14 tribal homes in Jiribam.

Meanwhile, in Imphal, a mob targeted the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) office in Haraorok, Imphal East, and later attacked the BJP and Congress offices in Jiribam town. Police reportedly opened fire to disperse the mob, resulting in one fatality.

Erosion of public trust: The violent attacks on political offices and leaders underscored deep public disillusionment with the state’s governance and leadership. The widespread violence has not only deepened the ethnic divide but also exposed the fragile state of law and order, leaving a trail of devastation and mistrust in its wake. The authorities face mounting challenges as they attempt to restore peace while addressing the grievances of the affected communities.

Manipur administration’s measures to address spiralling violence

In response to escalating violence in Manipur, the state administration has implemented stringent measures, including the suspension of mobile internet and data services across seven districts in the Imphal Valley, the imposition of curfews, and the re-enforcement of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in six police station areas, including the violence-hit Jiribam, Manipur. To strengthen security, the central government deployed 20 additional companies of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs)—comprising 15 from the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and five from the Border Security Force (BSF)—bringing an additional 7,000 personnel into the state.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has also taken up investigations into three key cases linked to the recent violence: the murder of a woman in Jiribam, the attack on a CRPF post, and the arson and killings in Borobekra. These steps aim to address the unrest, but significant challenges remain.

Civil society groups express scepticism: Despite these measures, civil society groups have raised concerns about the lack of a unified and effective approach to the crisis. Khuraijam Athouba, spokesperson for the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI), a Meitei civil rights organisation, urged state representatives and MLAs to hold comprehensive discussions and take decisive action to resolve the ongoing conflict.

Divergent demands from the warring communities underscore the complexities of the crisis. While Meitei groups have called for the removal of AFSPA, Kuki groups have demanded the withdrawal of CRPF personnel from Kuki-dominated areas, reflecting the deepening rift over security arrangements.

Calls for leadership accountability: Prominent voices have called for accountability from the state government. Rights activist Irom Sharmila urged Chief Minister N. Biren Singh to take moral responsibility for the unrest and step down.

Political fallout- NPP withdraws support: The crisis has also led to political repercussions. The National People’s Party (NPP), the BJP’s second-largest ally in the state, formally withdrew its support for the government, accusing it of failing to restore law and order. In a letter to BJP President J.P. Nadda, NPP leader Conrad Sangma criticised the administration’s inability to resolve the crisis. However, the withdrawal does not pose an immediate threat to Chief Minister Biren Singh’s government, as the ruling NDA coalition holds a strong majority with 46 MLAs in the 60-member Manipur Legislative Assembly.

Curfews, internet bans and relaxation amid ongoing law and order concerns

Internet suspension extended: The Government of Manipur extended the suspension of mobile internet services in seven districts for an additional three days, citing the prevailing law and order situation. According to a state Home Department order issued on November 20, this decision aims to maintain communal harmony and prevent the spread of misinformation through social media platforms.

Initially imposed on November 16 for two days, the suspension was subsequently extended on November 18 and again on November 20. The affected districts include Imphal West, Imphal East, Bishnupur, Thoubal, Kakching, Kangpokpi, and Churachandpur. Commissioner (Home) N Ashok Kumar stated in the order that the extension would be effective from 5:15 PM on November 20 to 5:15 p.m. on November 23, with exemptions granted only in specific cases, such as government operations. Separately, internet services in Jiribam and Pherzawl districts were also suspended from 11:45 AM on November 19 for two days. However, exceptions were made for leased lines and fibre-to-the-home (FTTH) connections used by government offices or individuals with state-approved exemptions.

The suspension follows heightened tensions after the discovery of six bodies—three women and three children—who had been missing since an encounter on November 11, in which security forces killed ten armed militants. The recovery of the bodies sparked protests, prompting curfews and increased security measures.

Curfew relaxation announced for essential activities: In light of the ongoing curfew imposed in several districts, authorities announced a partial relaxation to allow residents to purchase essentials. The curfew, in effect across Imphal West, Imphal East, Bishnupur, Kakching, and Thoubal districts, was relaxed from 5:00 AM to 12:00 Noon on November 21. On the previous day, November 20, the curfew had been relaxed from 5:00 AM to 10:00 AM.

An order issued by K. Jadumani Singh, Additional District Magistrate of Imphal West, stated that the restriction of movement was temporarily lifted to facilitate the purchase of necessities, including food and medicines. The order also specified that no public gatherings, protests, or rallies would be permitted without prior approval.

Essential services such as healthcare, electricity, water supply, telecom, banking, and media were exempted from the curfew restrictions. Additionally, individuals traveling to and from the airport with valid permits and contractors/workers with airport entry permits were allowed to move freely beyond the relaxation hours.

District magistrates from Imphal East, Bishnupur, Kakching, and Thoubal issued similar directives, ensuring uniformity in the implementation of curfew relaxation across the affected areas.

Union government’s calculated response: The union government has faced consistent criticism for its callous approach to the Manipur crisis. Despite growing calls to either replace Chief Minister Biren Singh or impose President’s Rule, the Modi administration has refrained from taking decisive action. Analysts believe this reluctance stems from political considerations.

As a Meitei leader with considerable influence in the Imphal Valley, Biren Singh is pivotal to the BJP’s electoral strategy. Of the 60 assembly seats, 40 are concentrated in the Meitei-dominated Imphal Valley, making Singh’s leadership crucial for maintaining the BJP’s political base. His removal could destabilise the party’s standing in the region and further polarise the state’s fragile social fabric.

The imposition of President’s Rule is also seen as a politically risky move. In Manipur’s complex socio-political environment, such a step could be interpreted as overreach by New Delhi, potentially alienating local stakeholders. Moreover, it would signal an admission of governance failure, a narrative the Opposition would readily leverage on a national stage. Internationally, instability in Manipur, which borders sensitive regions like Myanmar and China, could have strategic ramifications. Any hasty decision by the Centre risks emboldening insurgent groups or inviting external interference.

A state in crisis: As the conflict in Manipur deepens, the state and central governments face mounting challenges in balancing security, governance, and public sentiment. The unrest has laid bare the complexities of managing ethnic tensions and the consequences of political inertia. While immediate measures like troop deployment and AFSPA enforcement have been implemented, long-term peace and stability will require inclusive dialogue and meaningful reconciliation between the deeply divided communities.

Kuki-Zo MLAs condemn “one-sided” resolutions by Manipur government

On 19 November, a group of 10 Kuki-Zo MLAs in Manipur issued a sharp critique of resolutions adopted during a meeting chaired by Chief Minister N. Biren Singh on 18 November. The meeting, attended by 26 National Democratic Alliance (NDA) MLAs, sought to address the recent violence in the state, including the November 11 Jiribam incident, where three women and three children from a Meitei family were abducted and killed. The Kuki-Zo MLAs accused the state government of exploiting the incident to suppress the tribal community and push a one-sided agenda.

Kuki-Zo MLAs: “Government exploiting tribal community”

The 10 MLAs, comprising seven from the BJP, one Independent, and two from the Kuki People’s Alliance, released a joint statement alleging that the state government has consistently acted against the interests of the tribal community.

“Time and again, the one-sided state government has taken undue advantage of the Jiribam incident in suppressing and curtailing the rights of the disadvantaged tribal community,” their statement read.

They criticised the government’s resolution to act decisively if certain demands were not implemented promptly, interpreting it as a veiled threat to the Central NDA government. The resolution had called for reviewing the exemption of AFSPA in six police station areas of the valley. The Kuki-Zo MLAs, however, countered this demand, asserting that AFSPA should be reimposed in all 13 police station areas of the Meitei-majority valley, which currently enjoy exemptions.

Demand for comprehensive mass operations: The BJP MLAs also criticised the state government’s demand for “mass operations” against Kuki militants, labelling it as biased and unfair.

“Mass operations must be conducted all over the state to recover all illegal arms from all militia groups,” the MLAs declared, calling for an impartial crackdown on armed elements across both hill and valley regions.

While the government sought to hand over three specific cases, including the Jiribam killings, to the National Investigation Agency (NIA), the Kuki-Zo legislators demanded a broader scope. They called for all cases of civilian killings in both the valley and the hills to be investigated by the NIA.

Call for balanced accountability: The MLAs criticised the selective labelling of Kuki militants as responsible for the killings, arguing that a fair process should be applied. They urged the government to precede any declarations with the designate on of Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun as Unlawful Organisations under relevant laws. They further alleged that youth volunteers defending their villages against militant attacks were being unfairly targeted.

“Village volunteers are not an organisation, but youth defending their villages from murderous attacks by Arambai Tenggol, the so-called G5 (a conglomerate of five underground Meitei outfits) aided by the state police and, in the case of Jiribam, by the CRPF,” the statement read.

Appeal for peaceful dialogue and condemnation of mob attacks: The Kuki-Zo MLAs also highlighted the need for peaceful dialogue as the path forward, urging the government to prioritise negotiations over escalations. Additionally, they condemned the mob attacks on the homes of Meitei legislators, which occurred following public outrage over the November 11 incident.

The statement underscored the need for balanced governance, expressing concern over the deepening divide and calling on authorities to ensure justice for victims of violence, regardless of their community.

“It is imperative that the state moves towards reconciliation and equitable justice, avoiding actions that could further marginalise the tribal community,” the MLAs asserted.

The Kuki-Zo legislators’ response highlights the continuing ethnic and political tensions in Manipur, as communities and their representatives remain divided over issues of accountability, security, and governance. Their critique underscores the urgent need for inclusive and impartial measures to restore trust and peace in the state.

Congress calls for resignations of Home Minister Amit Shah and CM Biren Singh over Manipur violence

At a press conference held on 19 November 2024, the All India Congress Committee (AICC) in New Delhi demanded the resignation of Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Manipur Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. The party accused them of failing to control the ongoing violence in Manipur and called for immediate intervention by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The press conference was led by Keisham Meghachandra, Congress’s Manipur president, along with Jairam Ramesh, the party’s general secretary in charge of communications, and Girish Chodankar, Congress’s Manipur in-charge.

Addressing the media, Keisham Meghachandra referenced Prime Minister Modi’s 2017 remark that leaders who cannot maintain peace in the state have “no right to govern Manipur.” Meghachandra questioned whether this principle applied to the current BJP-led “double-engine” government in Manipur, given the ongoing ethnic violence and governance failure.

Congress’s five-point charter of demands: During the press meet, Congress outlined a detailed five-point charter of demands aimed at addressing the crisis:

1. Prime Minister Modi must visit Manipur: Congress insisted that Modi visit Manipur before the winter parliamentary session, scheduled to begin on 25 November. The party urged Modi to engage with residents of relief camps, consult local leaders, and assess the ground situation.
2. Engagement with delegates from all parties: The Congress demanded that the Prime Minister meet delegations comprising representatives from all political parties, including the BJP and Congress, as homes of legislators from both sides have come under attack amidst the violence.
3. Appointment of a dedicated governor: Highlighting the absence of a permanent governor, Congress called for the appointment of a full-time governor for Manipur. The post has been held in additional charge by Assam Governor Laksman Acharya since July 2024, after the departure of former governor Anusuiya Uikey.
4. Accountability from HM Amit Shah and CM N. Biren Singh: The party criticised the alleged “jugalbandi” between HM Amit Shah and CM Biren Singh, accusing them of prioritising political survival over public welfare. The Congress further alleged favouritism and questioned the BJP government’s failure to address drug-related cases in the state.
5. Immediate action on Supreme Court concerns: The Congress demanded swift action on the Supreme Court’s observations about the state’s constitutional collapse. The apex court had previously flagged the breakdown of law and order in Manipur, which Congress claimed remains unaddressed.

BJP’s inaction under fire: Congress’s Manipur in-charge, Girish Chodankar, criticised the BJP for focusing on protecting Chief Minister Biren Singh instead of restoring stability in the state. “For the past 18 months, the Prime Minister has done nothing but protect the Chief Minister of Manipur,” Chodankar remarked as per India Today, accusing the BJP of neglecting the state’s welfare.

Chodankar reiterated the Congress’s commitment to restoring peace, asserting that “We have tried every possible way to bring stability, but this government has failed. The Prime Minister must respond immediately.”

Rising violence and administrative inaction: The ethnic conflict in Manipur, which began in May 2023, has intensified recently, with 20 deaths reported in November alone, according to some estimates. The violence is rooted in long-standing tensions between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities, which have led to physical segregation enforced by buffer zones patrolled by security forces.

Despite Home Minister Amit Shah’s earlier promise of compensation for victims’ families, the Congress criticised the Union Home Ministry for failing to disburse sufficient funds to cover the 226 lives lost, as per official figures.

Congress urges swift action: The Congress party concluded its press conference by demanding urgent measures to address the crisis and restore normalcy in Manipur. The party emphasised that failure to act decisively risks further destabilising the state, worsening the humanitarian crisis, and eroding public trust in governance.

Manipur CM issues notices to MLAs over absence at key meeting amid political turmoil

On November 18, 2024, the Manipur Chief Minister’s Secretariat issued notices to 11 MLAs, including ministers, for failing to attend a crucial meeting convened by Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. The meeting was called to address the worsening law-and-order situation in the state, which has been grappling with persistent ethnic violence.

Among those who did attend the meeting was Manipur’s Rajya Sabha member, Leishemba Sanajaoba, who has been aligned with the ruling BJP. However, seven Kuki-Zo MLAs from the BJP, who have been residing outside the Imphal Valley since the ethnic clashes began on 3 May 2023, were notably absent. This reflects the continuing ethnic divide and the reluctance of Kuki-Zo representatives to participate in valley-centric governance activities.

NPP legislators under scrutiny after party withdraws support: The list of MLAs served notices includes Sheikh Noorul Hassan of the National People’s Party (NPP), representing the Kshetrigao constituency. His absence follows the NPP’s formal withdrawal of support for the BJP-led government on 17 November 2024.

Meanwhile, the NPP has also issued show-cause notices to three of its seven MLAs who defied the party’s decision and attended the meeting. These MLAs are:

• Mayanglambam Rameswhar Singh (Kakching constituency)
• Thongam Shanti Singh (Moirang)
• Irengbam Nalini Devi (Oinam)

An NPP leader based in the Imphal Valley claimed that a signature purportedly belonging to the party’s Tamenglong MLA, Janghemlung Panmei, was forged to suggest his attendance at the meeting. The leader added that the NPP’s State Committee had informed its national president and Meghalaya Chief Minister, Conrad K. Sangma, about the breach, prompting the issuance of show-cause notices.

Most absentees belong to the BJP: Aside from Sheikh Noorul Hassan and Sapam Nishikanta Singh, an independent MLA representing Keishamthong, the remaining MLAs served notices are members of the BJP. Among them are:

• Khumukcham Joykisan (Thangmeiband)
• Md Achab Uddin (Jiribam), both of whom had previously defected from the Janata Dal (United).
• Two other NPP MLAs – N. Kayisii (Tadubi constituency) and Khuraijam Loken Singh (Wangoi) – were notably absent from the meeting but did not receive notices, unlike Mr. Hassan.

Political signals in low attendance: The meeting, attended by only 26 NDA MLAs apart from the Chief Minister, has sparked criticism and raised questions about the BJP’s standing in Manipur. The Manipur Assembly has 60 seats, and the BJP-led NDA coalition held 46 MLAs after the NPP’s withdrawal. However, attendance at the meeting revealed cracks within the ruling coalition.

Prominent Congress leader Jairam Ramesh commented on the development, posting on social media platform X:

“The Manipur Assembly has 60 MLAs. Last night, the CM of Manipur called a meeting in Imphal of all MLAs belonging to the NDA. Other than him, only 26 showed up. Of these 26, 4 belong to the NPP whose National President has already written to the BJP National President withdrawing support to the present CM.”

Ramesh suggested the low turnout was a clear indication of the BJP’s dwindling support in the state.

A fractured coalition amidst a state in crisis: The political situation in Manipur remains volatile, with the BJP-led government facing increasing challenges from within its coalition. The ethnic violence, coupled with growing dissatisfaction among allies and legislators, has left the government struggling to maintain cohesion. The absence of MLAs from critical meetings highlights the deep divisions within the ruling coalition, further exacerbating the challenges of governance in a state already wracked by communal tensions.

Former Manipur Governor questions PM Modi’s absence amid ongoing violence

Anusuiya Uikey, former Governor of Manipur, has expressed her surprise and disappointment over Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s failure to visit the violence-stricken state despite multiple appeals from civil society and her own repeated requests.

Speaking to ThePrint in an interview on 20 November 2024, Uikey emphasised the importance of restoring trust in the state, which has been plagued by ethnic violence between the majority Meitei community and the Kuki-Zo tribal population since May 2023.

Appeals to the Prime Minister ignored: Reflecting on her tenure, Uikey revealed that during her time as Governor, from February 2023 to July 2024, she regularly relayed the demands of the people to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). These included fervent calls for the Prime Minister to visit Manipur to address the escalating crisis.

“People of the state wanted the PM to visit, and they kept making requests, which I sent to the PMO. But I don’t know why he has not visited,” Uikey said, expressing her bewilderment at the lack of response. Her comments highlight a growing sentiment of alienation among Manipur’s population, who feel their concerns have been overlooked by the central leadership.

Renewed violence a setback to peace efforts: Uikey also shared her distress over the recent resurgence of violence in November 2024, following a brief lull in hostilities. She described the fresh outbreak as deeply disheartening, particularly given the fragile stability that had been achieved in the preceding months.

“Traditionally, Manipur has been a state of rich culture and art. It is a beautiful state, but the recent violence has disrupted the peace that was established. I am deeply shocked by the brutality of events, like the killing and burning of a Hmar woman in Jiribam district on 7 November, which is a stark reminder of the ongoing turmoil,” she said.

A call for trust-building and mutual peace: Uikey believes that the restoration of mutual trust between the two communities, facilitated by the central government, is the only path to lasting peace.

“The central government needs to take concrete steps to build confidence and mutual trust among the communities. Without this, enduring peace will remain elusive,” she asserted while speaking to The Print.Her tenure as governor during the conflict’s peak provided her with firsthand insight into the complexity of the crisis. Despite her efforts to mediate between communities and defuse tensions, the violence persisted, underscoring the deep-seated mistrust and ethnic divide.

An ‘international hand’ behind the conflict? Adding another layer to the discourse, Uikey suggested the possibility of an international influence exacerbating the conflict.
“There is an international hand behind the conflict, which is why the violence cannot be stopped despite the Centre’s efforts,” she alleged. While she refrained from elaborating on this claim, her comments suggest the presence of external actors who might be exploiting local tensions for geopolitical gains, particularly given Manipur’s strategic location near the borders with Myanmar and China.

A plea for peace amidst chaos: Amid growing calls for Chief Minister N. Biren Singh’s resignation over his handling of the crisis, Uikey defended his leadership. She implied that external factors, rather than Singh’s governance, were responsible for the prolonged unrest in the state.

“How it has unfolded, I don’t know, but I appeal to all people in Manipur to build confidence and mutual trust for enduring peace,” she said, reiterating the need for unity and reconciliation.

In her closing remarks, Uikey issued an earnest appeal to the people of Manipur to prioritise confidence-building and mutual understanding. She expressed hope that these efforts, combined with decisive action by the Centre, could pave the way for stability in the region.

The former governor’s candid reflections highlight the depth of the crisis in Manipur and the urgent need for both local and central leadership to take meaningful steps toward resolving the conflict and addressing the grievances of the affected communities.

Licypriya Kangujam claims censorship of Facebook account amidst activism

Licypriya Kangujam, a 13-year-old climate activist from Manipur, has alleged that her official Facebook account has been restricted in India following her outspoken comments on the recent abduction and killing of six Meitei women and children in Jiribam.

Taking to social media platform X (formerly Twitter) on Wednesday, Kangujam directly addressed Prime Minister Narendra Modi, accusing him of being fearful of her activism.

“Mr @narendramodi, scared of me? That’s why you work on his behest?” she questioned, insinuating that her account was restricted under the government’s directive as an attempt to suppress her voice.

Hello @Meta @facebook,
Why you restricted my official Facebook account? Mr @narendramodi scared of me that’s why you work on his behest? I didn’t violate any policy or community standards of Facebook. Kindly unrestricted it asap. Never ever think to attempt to silence my voice.… pic.twitter.com/Ex0l3Jmfs9

— Licypriya Kangujam (@LicypriyaK) November 20, 2024

You mess with a wrong guy!

Unrestrict my Facebook Account immediately! Sharing a screenshot of a news published in Indian Express is not a crime. pic.twitter.com/HNkrR0eDpp

— Licypriya Kangujam (@LicypriyaK) November 20, 2024

Criticism of Meta and claims of injustice: Kangujam did not mince words in her criticism of Meta, Facebook’s parent company, for what she described as an unjust action. She shared a notification from Facebook explaining that her profile had been restricted within India under Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, which permits the government to block access to digital content deemed harmful to public order or national security.

“I didn’t violate any policy or community standards of Facebook,” she wrote in her post. “Kindly unrestrict it ASAP. Never ever think to attempt to silence my voice,” she added, emphasising her commitment to continuing her activism despite attempts to suppress her.

The teenager’s frustration was evident as she accused the authorities and Meta of targeting her for speaking out about the tragic Jiribam killings.

Activism and alleged silencing: Kangujam has been vocal about the ongoing ethnic violence in Manipur, which has sharply divided the state along communal lines. Her comments on the Jiribam incident—in which six individuals from the Meitei community were abducted and killed—have brought renewed attention to the issue. Her social media activism has often placed her at the forefront of raising awareness about human rights and environmental issues in the region. However, her outspokenness has also made her a target for criticism and, now, alleged censorship.

Government’s use of Section 69A of the IT Act: The restriction of Kangujam’s Facebook account under Section 69A of the IT Act has sparked questions about the application of this provision. While the government can use this law to block digital content that it considers a threat to national security, public order, or sovereignty, critics argue that it is sometimes employed to stifle dissent and suppress voices critical of the administration. Kangujam’s case has reignited debates about the balance between maintaining public order and safeguarding freedom of expression in a democracy.

A voice for change: Despite the challenges, Kangujam remains resolute in her activism. Her stance reflects the resilience of a young generation unafraid to confront authority and raise awareness about critical social and environmental issues. The incident underscores the growing role of digital platforms in enabling activism while also highlighting the risks of censorship and the contentious intersection of government policies with online freedoms. As Kangujam’s allegations gain traction, they add another layer to the already complex and volatile situation in Manipur.

No end in sight: Manipur’s spiralling crisis deepens

‘Coffin Rally’ announced by Kuki organisations: Manipur’s volatile situation shows no signs of abating, with Kuki organisations planning a ‘coffin rally’ in Churachandpur on Tuesday, November 21, to commemorate 10 Kuki-Zo youths allegedly killed in a gunfight with security forces in Jiribam district on November 11.

The rally, organised by the Zomi Students’ Federation (ZSF), Kuki Students’ Organisation (KSO), and Hmar Students’ Association (HSA), calls on schools and colleges to send students from Class 10 onwards, clad in black shirts, to participate in the procession. A notice issued by the groups on Monday stated that 10 symbolic coffins would be carried during the rally to honour the deceased. The actual bodies remain in the mortuary of a local hospital.

The bodies, initially sent to Assam’s Silchar for postmortems, arrived in Churachandpur—a Kuki-majority district—on Saturday afternoon. However, the Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF), a prominent Kuki-Zo organisation, announced on Sunday that the funerals would be delayed until the families receive postmortem reports.

Allegations against security forces: Manipur Police have reported that the deceased were suspected militants killed in an encounter with security forces. The alleged insurgents, dressed in camouflage gear and wielding sophisticated weapons, reportedly attacked the Borobekra Police Station and a nearby CRPF camp in Jakuradhor, Jiribam district, on November 11. The attack included the abduction of six civilians, comprising three women and three children, according to police accounts.

The incident has drawn criticism over the handling of the situation by security forces. The CRPF, tasked with restoring peace in the region, has faced allegations of bias and inaction from both sides of the conflict. Meitei organisations claim that the previously deployed Assam Rifles were too lenient with Kuki militants, while Kuki groups have expressed distrust in the CRPF’s ability to safeguard their communities.

Growing discontent with central leadership: Adding to the frustration is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s absence from Manipur, despite 16 months of continuous ethnic violence. Civil society and opposition groups have repeatedly urged the Prime Minister to visit the state, but he has remained silent on the crisis. Similarly, Union Home Minister Amit Shah has faced criticism for failing to take decisive action, especially as over 6,500 firearms and thousands of rounds of ammunition have been looted, with disarmament efforts remaining insufficient.

Polarised demands and escalating divisions: The ethnic conflict has polarised the demands of the Meitei and Kuki communities. Meitei organisations like the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI) have called for immediate military action against Kuki militants, along with the repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), which they argue has exacerbated the conflict. In contrast, Kuki groups continue to push for a separate administration, asserting that coexistence with the Meitei majority is no longer feasible.

Critics have pointed to a broader political conspiracy behind the violence. Some Meitei groups link the escalation to remarks made by Mizoram Chief Minister Lalduhoma in the United States. Lalduhoma advocated for a “Christian nation” uniting Kuki-Zo populations across India, Myanmar, and Bangladesh. Meitei leaders argue that such declarations have emboldened cross-border Kuki groups to seize land, allegedly to further the goal of a larger Kuki-dominated region.

Security forces under scrutiny: The role of security forces remains contentious, with both communities accusing them of partiality. Meitei groups distrust the Assam Rifles, while Kuki organisations criticise the CRPF’s ability to protect their interests. This breakdown in faith towards security agencies has left many civilians vulnerable, exacerbating the crisis in a state where law and order appears non-existent.

A humanitarian crisis without resolution: As the violence continues, the human toll mounts. The state remains deeply fractured, with buffer zones patrolled by security forces separating Kuki and Meitei areas. Amidst the chaos, the fundamental need for restoration of trust between communities and decisive action from the central government has never been more urgent. The ‘coffin rally’ symbolises not just the grief of the Kuki community but also the enduring wounds of a conflict that shows no signs of resolution. Without meaningful intervention, the cycle of violence in Manipur risks deepening an already tragic humanitarian crisis.

Manipur Tribal MLAs plan joint protest in Delhi, demand CM’s removal and separate administration

Unified protest by tribal legislators: In a significant development, ten tribal legislators from Manipur, including seven from the ruling BJP and three Independents, have announced plans for a joint protest in Delhi during the first week of December. Their primary demands include the removal of CM N. Biren Singh and the establishment of a separate administration for tribal communities. This will mark the first time these MLAs, who have previously raised these demands individually, are uniting on a common platform.

The decision to hold the protest at Jantar Mantar was finalised during a meeting in Churachandpur involving three of the ten MLAs, representatives of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), and members from 25 Kuki groups that have signed the Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreement.

One of the legislators, speaking on condition of anonymity with The Wire, said, “We have previously written or spoken about the need for the Chief Minister’s removal and other issues, but the recent events have compelled us to come together and present a unified voice.”

Route to Delhi- circumventing Imphal: Security concerns have forced most of the MLAs to avoid Imphal, the Meitei-majority state capital. Instead, they will travel to Aizawl before flying to Delhi. This reluctance stems from perceived threats in Imphal, despite the state government’s assurances of their safety. These MLAs, who represent tribal constituencies, have not attended any assembly sessions or recent government meetings, including a key one held by CM Biren Singh earlier this week.

Renewed ethnic clashes worsen crisis: Manipur has been embroiled in ethnic violence for nearly 18 months, with over 240 people killed and tens of thousands displaced. The state is deeply divided along ethnic lines, with Meiteis predominantly in the plains of the Imphal Valley and Kuki-Zo communities concentrated in the hills. Despite deploying additional troops and reimposing the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in conflict-hit areas, the Centre has struggled to contain the escalating tensions.

Suspension of operation agreement- a contentious issue: Representatives of the SoO groups—comprising 25 Kuki militant organisations—also participated in the Churachandpur meeting. The SoO agreement, a tripartite pact signed in 2008 between the Centre, the Manipur government, and Kuki militant groups, has been annually renewed to maintain peace. However, the agreement expired earlier this year, leaving its future uncertain.

In February, the Manipur Assembly unanimously passed a resolution urging the Centre to abrogate the agreement, accusing militant groups of violating its terms. The CM has since demanded its termination, while tribal groups argue for its continuation as a safeguard for their communities. Although the SoO representatives will not participate in the Delhi protest, their presence at preparatory meetings underscores their vested interest in the ongoing conflict and its resolution.

Protest agenda- amplifying tribal voices: The tribal MLAs plan to present a detailed account of the October 15 meeting between 15 state legislators from Meitei, Kuki-Zo-Hmar, and Naga communities and central government representatives. This meeting, convened by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), was an attempt to broker peace.

The MLAs have been advised to clarify their stance on critical issues, including their demands for a separate administration, the ongoing ethnic strife, and the central government’s role in facilitating dialogue. Additionally, they are expected to share updates with their constituencies if the MHA initiates another round of talks.

A political and humanitarian impasse: Manipur’s society remains fractured, with communities retreating into ethnic strongholds. Meiteis dominate the Imphal Valley, while the Kukis control the surrounding hills. This geographic and ethnic segregation has only worsened amid escalating violence and reprisal attacks.

The planned protest highlights not only the discontent within the tribal community but also the failure of administrative and political mechanisms to address the root causes of the conflict. The unified front of the ten MLAs signals a turning point in their strategy to press for political and administrative changes, potentially increasing pressure on the central government to intervene decisively in Manipur’s prolonged crisis.

Without effective dialogue and resolution, the state risks further descent into instability, with ethnic hostilities threatening to undermine Manipur’s social fabric.

Related:

Fresh violence grips Manipur: Clashes in Jiribam and widespread protests after rape and brutal killings

“Leaked Intelligence report” on alleged Kuki militants entering Manipur from Myanmar sparks panic, later retracted by authorities

Manipur plunges into deeper turmoil amid fresh violence and drone attacks since early September

Manipur on Edge: Violent Clashes Erupt on the day following Kuki-Zo Protests Demanding Separate Administration, action against state CM based on leaked tapes

The post Divided & strife-torn Manipur: intensified violence, abdication by state & union governments, demands of accountability from BJP MLAs appeared first on SabrangIndia.

He emphasised that he has been a human rights defender for over three decades, advocating for the peaceful coexistence and development of all communities in Manipur. He firmly denied the recent claims, stating that he has no financial connections to any Kuki militant groups or individuals. The allegations that he received money from the Kuki community are entirely baseless and unfounded.

As a human rights advocate, Loitongbam reiterated his commitment to upholding the right of individuals facing persecution to seek asylum in another country. This includes refugees from Myanmar who have sought refuge in India. He noted that his efforts have always been conducted through legal and appropriate channels, such as working with the Regional Foreigner Registration Office, and he has supported the role of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in providing humanitarian aid in Manipur. He argued that a transparent refugee policy, which guarantees refugees’ basic rights and includes their right to return home when conditions improve, is essential to preserving the land rights of indigenous people, countering the claims made by ML.

Loitongbam also addressed the accusations made during the ML press conference about a woman referred to as the “PDF Women Wing Commander.” He clarified that the woman in question is Ms. Mya Kyay Mon, a distressed prisoner referred to Human Rights Alert (HRA). HRA, as part of the Manipur Legal Services Authority, provided her with legal assistance. They secured her bail and placed her in a women’s shelter in Imphal while she awaits trial. He further explained that Ms. Mya Kyay Mon is a Burmese-Norwegian of Buddhist origin, not a Chin or a Christian as has been misreported. The only charge against her is overstaying her visa, and she remains detained in Imphal Jail. Loitongbam firmly denied the claim that he accompanied her to the UN or the US to raise funds, stating that she remains under judicial custody in India.

This statement was released in response to a press conference held by ML on September 22, 2024, at the Manipur Press Club. ML, a radical cultural organization in Manipur, had accused Babloo of collaborating with the Kuki community and acting against the interests of the Meitei people. According to a report from the Imphal Times, ML criticised Babloo’s stance on protecting illegal immigrants, referencing a letter he had sent to a human rights organisation advocating for the rights of refugees. ML argued that Babloo’s stance undermined the interests of the Meitei community. The organization had previously issued warnings to Babloo, directing him to refrain from any public involvement or advocacy related to the ongoing conflict in the state. (Details may be read here)

The complete press statement may be read below:

Related:

Meitei Leepun threatens Human Rights Defender Babloo Loitongbam over alleged ties to the Kuki community, “visits” his home to intimidate his family

Manipur plunges into deeper turmoil amid fresh violence and drone attacks since early September

Mob fury: Manipur HRD, Babloo Loitongbam’s home attacked in Imphal

Manipur on Edge: Violent Clashes Erupt on the day following Kuki-Zo Protests Demanding Separate Administration, action against state CM based on leaked tapes

The post Threatened by Meitei Leepun, Babloo Loitongbam stands firm against false claims and advocates for refugees appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Over the years, I became a keen globetrotter. Every trip was preceded by a study of the region’s geography, rivers and mountains, the location of its cities, and distances. I would spend hours poring over the Atlas and, later, Google Maps. The map of the region would be imprinted in my head so much so that when asked about my itinerary, I would whip out my index finger and air-draw the map of the country and the route.

But, the five of those seven sisters continued to stay lumped together in my head as somewhere in the extended eastern arm of the country. Until last week.

A message from the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS) had pinged on my phone. It was about their new publication, titled Peace Eludes Manipur. The description informs that it is a fact-finding report about the ongoing violence in Manipur since 2023. The CSSS team, comprising Director Irfan Engineer and Executive Director Neha Dabhade, had visited the districts of Imphal and Churachandpur in Manipur to gather first-hand data on the situation and the impact on the people and the land.

Over the last year and a half, I have seen articles in mainstream news media on the violent attacks tucked away in between the election news, the U.S. Presidential campaign, endless analysis of wins and losses of the Indian cricket team and other topics that claim our attention. There have also been mentions in my social media feed, but not enough to have stuck. The book’s description sheds reasons on why. One, ‘it has been largely ignored in mainland India’. Two, ‘the complete abdication of the State and Central government’.

I first became aware of CSSS a couple of years ago when I took on a proofreading job of their report on a Citizens’ Tribunal they had conducted. The Tribunal had been conducted along with the South Asia Forum on Freedom of Religion or Belief (SAFFORB), India, to hear cases ofviolations of freedom of religion or belief that took place between 2019 and 2022. The number of instances of communal violence that the Tribunal had heard was shocking, but my ignorance of the incidents was more so. I had considered myself well-informed, so where was the root of this unawareness buried? Was it that these acts were in towns so far-flung away that on my school political map, they would have barely registered as a speck? Or was the number of affected citizens too insignificant in a country racing towards the 1.5 billion mark? Or was it because the headline had not popped out during my quick morning sweep of the daily newspaper?

The report was a revelation. CSSS’ fact-finding report on Manipur Violence promised to be one, too,

What is that foul substance?

Allan Sealy, in his novel Trotternama, asks,

This foul substance is called what?

The foul substance is called history.

Any attempt to make sense of Manipur’s current situation would be half-baked without some throwback into the State’s past. The report starts with a brief history of the region and traces the possible origin of the two sparring sides in the current situation, the Meiteis of the valley and the Kukis of the hills. It then flashes forward to the British era and the role that the Kukis played in India’s fight for freedom. This becomes relevant later as claim and counter claims to origin and belonging are among the root cause of the conflict.

Until 1949, the various indigenous groups and others that inhabited the region coexisted peaacefully. The Meiteis lived in the valley, and the Kukis lived in the hills. They followed their individual lifestyles and customs without impeding the others’.

When India gained Independence, Manipur was designated a sovereign democratic nation with the King as its head and its constitution. India handled its foreign affairs, defence and communications. But, in 1949, the King signed the ascension instrument, and Manipur was merged with India. This did not go down with the people of Manipur, and separatist movements emerged. The Nagas’ demand for autonomy also spilt over into Manipur, where, after Meiteis and Kukis, they are the third largest community in the region. With the unrest refusing to simmer down, the Indian government evoked the Armed Forces (Assam and Manipur) Special Powers Act in 1958. The Act allowed for the use of extreme measures in situations which did not necessarily warranty them. Matters only compounded over the next few decades. Various groups emerged, each with a varying agenda and list of demands. The AFSPA gave the army the free-hand to apply itself in quelling the violence and fear that cloaked the region. This high-handedness came with its own set of troubles.

The history lesson is critical to the report as without a view of the past; it is impossible to see the current scenario with clarity.

The Difficult Child

A few days ago, I met a friend for coffee while her kids, ages 7 and 12, entertained themselves in a playzone next door. Her older kid was giving her trouble. Trouble beyond the odd tantrum or not doing errands. Things had begun to escalate and had started to affect the couple’s marriage. The school suggested counselling and testing for behaviourial disorders. While that process pans out, the child has been placed in the generic group of ‘difficult children’ by teachers, relatives and friends. Meanwhile, the child at the brink of teenhood is fighting for his space and identity while being poked and prodded for reasons he cannot fathom. His problem is specific, but the generic label of ‘difficult’ means that no one quite knows what to do with him.

Manipur reminds me of that kid. The state has been grappling with its identity within the country for decades. This has resulted in numerous skirmishes and conflicts. But, instead of parents and well-meaning parents trying to get to the root of the problem and treat it, it became the hunting ground of political vultures. Be it appeasing various factions or inciting them against each other, the governments that came to power held their interest at the forefront and ignored what Manipur needed. Since 2017, divisive tactics have been at the forefront. Various narratives have been created to feed into the insecurities of both communities. Support for one narrative goes against the rights of the other group and thus builds fear and insecurity. The report chronicles the events that have aggravated the equation between the previously coexisting Meiteis and the Kukis in the last few years.

The simmering tension overflowed when the High Court of Manipur directed the State Government to recommend that the Union government grant Scheduled Tribe Status to the Meiteis. This did not go down well with the Kukis, as it would afford the already-advantaged Meiteis more benefits and allow them to impinge on the rights of the Kukis. To oppose this order by the High Court, the All Tribals Student Association of Manipur (ATSUM) organized a rally in Churachandpur at 10 a.m. on 3rd May.

Reports and witness accounts claim that the Meiteis had begun to preplan an attack on the rally on 2nd May. Like in most outbursts, no one knows who tossed out the first expletive or hurled the first stone. But, the rally turned violent. What followed was finger-pointing and more violent acts. Targeted violent acts. Members of particular communities in specific localities came under attack. Homes were ransacked and burnt to the ground. Churches, mosques and temples were desecrated. Murders. Rapes. Brutality.

As per the official numbers the last fifteen months have claimed more than 220 lives and displaced 70000 people. Refugee camps have been set up at multiple locations. Unofficial guarded borders with checkpoints have been forced within the state to demarcate the land of the Meiteis, the valley, and that of the Kukis, the hills. These borders are as strictly guarded as those between two countries at war. The CSSS team went through intense interrogation and frisking in order to cross through. Kukis and Meiteis, found to be attempting to cross them, have been murdered. The Constitution of India allows its citizens the freedom to move freely throughout the country, but currently, in Manipur, the Kukis must travel eight hours to Aizawl in Mizoram to reach the nearest airport. The border stands as an uncrossable chasm between them and the airport in the valley, which is an hour away.

Manipur violence is among the most unprecedented conflict in India and has placed the state in a war-like situation. Yet, the report states that there has been no constructive move by the State or the Central government. The only steps that have been taken target the Kukis and pacify the Meiteis. This further boosts the narrative propagated by the Meiteis and adds to the fear amongst the Kukis. Thus, the pot refuses to simmer down. And the fear of boiling point is very real.

Restoration of pece to this region lies firmly with the state. A political solution is the only means to start the treatment of the decimated-Manipur and its wounded people. But, no healing can emerge from apathy. And, this reader can only hope that CSSS’ report will create enough noise to drum up support that will prompt action to bring peace to Manipur.

Too optimistic? Perhaps.

But, it did prompt this reader to commit to memory its location on the Indian map without the incentive of an additional mark in the geography exam.

So, there may be hope after all.

To read the excerpt from the CSSS report, Click Here

This Article was first published in The AIDEM. Reproduced with kind permission.

The post Somewhere in the North-East appeared first on SabrangIndia.