On March 10, a Kuki-Zo organisation has urged the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR) to recognise the discrimination faced by their community in Manipur, following a violent crackdown on protesters in Kangpokpi on Saturday (March 8). The clashes erupted in response to the Union’s decision to restore free movement in the state by resuming bus services without first addressing the ongoing ethnic conflict between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities. The violence left one protester dead and over 40 others injured.

The Kuki Organisation for Human Rights Trust (KOHUR) released a statement on Saturday night, calling on UNHCHR chief Volker Turk to take note of the “gross violation of human rights” against the minority Kuki-Zo people, who they claim are being targeted based on their ethnicity and religion. Their appeal follows Turk’s March 3 address at the 58th session of the Human Rights Council, where he expressed concern over shrinking civic space in India, including the use of restrictive laws against journalists and human rights defenders. On Manipur, he urged greater efforts to curb violence and displacement through dialogue, peace-building, and a human rights-centric approach.

The union had swiftly dismissed Turk’s remarks as “unfounded and baseless.” India’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Arindam Bagchi, responded by urging a “better understanding of India and our civilisational ethos of diversity and openness.”

In protest against the government’s decision to enforce free movement, the Kuki-Zo Council called for an indefinite shutdown across Kuki-Zo-dominated districts on Sunday. The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF) and other Kuki-Zo organisations backed the shutdown, condemning what they saw as the Union’s unilateral move that disregarded the risks of further violence.

The unrest escalated when the Manipur State Transport, acting on the Union’s directive, resumed bus services on March 8, deploying two state-run buses—one on the Imphal-Kangpokpi-Senapati route and another on the Imphal-Bishnupur-Churachandpur route—under the protection of Central Armed Police Forces. Opposing the move, Kuki-Zo demonstrators set up barricades on a national highway using boulders and burning tyres. When a bus entered Kangpokpi, protesters allegedly attempted to block its movement by pelting stones, leading to a confrontation. Security forces responded with force, resulting in clashes that left one person dead and dozens injured.

The ITLF identified the deceased as Lalgouthang Singsit and paid tribute to him, calling his death a “sacrifice” for the Kuki-Zo cause. “We extend our deepest respects to Mr. Lalgouthang Singsit, who gave his life, and to everyone who suffered injuries,” the organisation said in a statement, as per multiple media organisations. “We honour all who stood up for our people.”

With tensions high and the Kuki-Zo community determined to resist what they see as an imposed government policy, Manipur remains on edge. The demand for a political resolution before restoring free movement continues to be at the Union of the community’s resistance, even as authorities push ahead with their plans.

Timeline of events in Manipur

• March 1: Home Minister Amit Shah directs authorities to ensure “free movement” on all roads in Manipur from March 8.
• March 4: Kuki organisations reject Shah’s directive, stating they will not allow the movement of Meiteis through their areas until their demand for a “separate administration” is met.
• March 6: Security forces launch an operation to clear “obstructions” along NH-2 in Kuki-dominated areas, dismantling bunkers set up by Kuki “village volunteers.”
• March 8: Clashes erupt as Kuki protesters block buses and resist the enforcement of “free movement.” Security forces crack down, resulting in the death of one protester and injuries to 43 others.
• March 9: In response to the violence, an indefinite shutdown is imposed across Kuki-Zo-dominated districts.

March 1: Trigger of the protest

The trigger of these protests, which began on March 8 and are still continuing, was a high-level security review meeting chaired by Union Home Minister Amit Shah on March 1 in New Delhi, where the government decided to implement free movement across all roads in Manipur, including major national highways like Dimapur-Imphal-Moreh and Imphal-Silchar via Jiribam, from March 8. To facilitate this, the Manipur government, under heavy security, launched Manipur State Transport (MST) bus and helicopter services from the same date.

Commenting on the situation, Congress Legislative Party (CLP) leader and former Chief Minister Okram Ibobi stated that while Manipur’s people welcomed the Union’s initiative for free movement, the timing of its implementation was flawed. He criticised the government for failing to consult both communities before enforcing the directive and urged a step-by-step approach instead. Ibobi also called on the Kuki community to reconsider the shutdown, arguing that it was not a viable solution.

Meanwhile, Lok Sabha MP Angomcha Bimol Akoijam defended the Union’s decision, stating that the initiative was not a failure but rather a matter of timing. He emphasised that the move represented progress toward restoring peace in Manipur and asserted that blocking highways violated Article 19 of the Indian Constitution.

In addition to this, Home Minister Amit Shah had also firmly stated that the Kuki-Zo community’s demand for a separate administration under Union Territory status in tribal-majority districts of Manipur is non-negotiable. During a recent security review meeting, Shah instructed officials to reject this demand outright. He also directed strict action against armed members of groups that had signed the Suspension of Operations (SoO) agreement with the Union if they were seen carrying weapons in public.

Moreover, Shah ordered the police to closely monitor the movement of individuals between Manipur and Myanmar to prevent overstays beyond the one-week limit set by the Inner Line Permit (ILP). He also directed state authorities to restore all damaged places of worship—including temples, churches, and mosques—as part of efforts to rebuild trust and maintain communal harmony in the violence-stricken state.

Following these directives, Governor A.K. Bhalla held a follow-up meeting with Chief Secretary Prashant Kumar Singh, Director General of Police Rajiv Singh, security adviser Kuldiep Singh, and paramilitary officials. The Governor reiterated the Home Minister’s instructions and called for immediate implementation.

March 1: Kukis demand separate administration before free movement

Kuki organisations have reiterated their demand for a separate administration in the form of a Union Territory with a legislature, insisting that a resolution must be reached before allowing Meiteis to move through Kuki-dominated areas.

On Saturday, March 1, the Kuki Students’ Organisation and the Kuki-Zo Women’s Forum Delhi and NCR staged a demonstration at Jantar Mantar, where scores of Kuki-Zo tribe members gathered, declaring that they could not return to Manipur until the crisis in the state was resolved. Protesters carried placards denouncing former Chief Minister N. Biren Singh, calling his resignation a mere “smokescreen” and holding him responsible for the current turmoil in Manipur.

In a statement issued at the protest site, the demonstrators emphasised that the Kuki-Zo community has long endured historical injustices and demanded an urgent political solution. The statement, copies of which were to be sent to the Prime Minister and Home Minister as a charter of demands, underscored that despite being an integral part of the Indian Union, the Kuki-Zo people have faced systemic marginalisation and exclusion from governance in Manipur.

“The present administrative machinery in Manipur has utterly failed to protect our lives and address our grievances, aspirations, and rights,” the statement asserted, arguing that a separate administration is the only viable path for the emancipation of the Kuki-Zo people.

Key demands raised at the demonstration included:

• Creation of a separate Union Territory with a legislature for the Kuki-Zo people.
• Formation of a committee to prepare a roadmap for the proposed separate administration.
• Protection of Kuki-Zo rights and interests, including land rights, cultural heritage, and linguistic identity.

The protesters maintained that without these assurances, they would remain displaced and unable to return to their homeland.

Kuki Inpi rejects free movement initiative, demands political resolution

The Kuki Inpi Manipur (KIM) has reaffirmed its firm opposition to the Government’s “free movement” initiative, declaring that until a satisfactory political resolution is reached, the Kuki-Zo community must remain resolute against any government action that threatens their rights and interests. In a statement issued today, KIM emphasised that the initiative “poses a serious threat to the delicate balance and order that currently exists.”

The implementation of the policy was met with fierce resistance on March 8, particularly in Churachandpur, Kangpokpi, and other Kuki-Zo-dominated areas. Protesters blocked roads with boulders and debris, while clashes with security forces escalated as stones were hurled at personnel attempting to enforce the directive. The confrontation resulted in the death of Lalgouthang Singsit and left many others, including women, injured.

KIM condemned the government’s approach, stating that allowing Meiteis unrestricted access to Kuki-Zo areas would only exacerbate tensions. “Until a comprehensive political solution is reached—one that ensures lasting peace and respects the aspirations of the Kuki-Zo community—the Kuki Inpi cannot accept this policy, which appears to be designed for temporary peace rather than a genuine resolution,” the statement read.

KIM further urged the Union to adopt a more proactive and justice-driven approach to resolving the crisis, addressing the root causes of the conflict and acknowledging the unique grievances of the Kuki-Zo people, who have suffered immensely due to the ongoing ethnic violence.

“As we mourn the loss of Lalgouthang Singsit, we extend our deepest condolences to his family and loved ones. The Kuki-Zo community must stand united and unwavering against any governmental measures that undermine their rights and dignity,” KIM asserted.

March 8: Violent clashes in Manipur over free movement of vehicles

On Saturday, tensions flared in Manipur as security forces clashed with protesters attempting to block the passage of a bus from the Meitei-majority valley through Kangpokpi. The confrontation resulted in the death of one protester and injuries to several others. This violence followed a directive from Union Home Minister Amit Shah, mandating the free movement of vehicles on all highways in the state. In line with this order, Chief Secretary P.K. Singh flagged off two buses from Imphal Airport to Churachandpur and Senapati, escorted by Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF). However, officials reported that the Senapati-bound bus remains stranded in Kangpokpi.

Protests erupted in the Gamgiphai area of Kangpokpi when demonstrators, primarily from the Kuki-Zo community, blocked National Highway-2 (NH-2) by cutting down trees and throwing stones. Security forces intervened, leading to violent clashes in which one Kuki protester was killed and 43 others, including security personnel, sustained injuries. Manipur Police confirmed that among the injured were 27 security personnel, with two in critical condition. This marks the first fatality since the imposition of President’s Rule on February 13, 2025. Despite the unrest, authorities stated that buses travelling along the Imphal-Bishnupur-Churachandpur route faced no significant disruptions.

The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF), a key organisation representing the Kuki-Zo community, strongly condemned the security forces’ actions in Kangpokpi. In a statement, the ITLF criticised the government’s decision to enforce free movement through Kuki-Zo areas without prior political resolution, arguing that it provoked resistance. The forum endorsed an indefinite shutdown called by the Kuki-Zo Council, urging widespread adherence to the protest. Another Kuki-Zo organisation, KOHUR, alleged that security personnel used excessive force against peaceful demonstrators, some of whom were reportedly singing the Indian national anthem while holding the national flag.

Tensions have been escalating since the government’s announcement on March 1, during a security review meeting chaired by Amit Shah, to ensure unrestricted movement on highways. Kuki-Zo organisations have opposed this move, demanding Union Territory status for their areas before allowing free movement between the hills and the valley. On Saturday, protesters escalated their demonstrations by allegedly pelting stones, using catapults, and blocking the roads with boulders, felled trees, and burning tyres. Clashes intensified when shots were reportedly fired from within the protesting crowd, prompting security forces to retaliate. In the ensuing violence, 16 protesters were injured, and two security vehicles were set on fire.

As per multiple media reports, the unrest also impacted a peace march by the Federation of Civil Society (FOCS), a Meitei organisation, which was halted by security forces at Sekmai before reaching Kangpokpi. Meanwhile, a Manipur State Transport bus en route to Senapati was unable to proceed past Keithelmanbi, approximately 5 km from Kangpokpi district headquarters, due to roadblocks and renewed clashes. As the situation escalated, protesters torched a Border Security Force (BSF) vehicle, prompting further retaliation from security personnel.

In response to the unrest, a large deployment of security forces, including both Union and state personnel, has been stationed in Kangpokpi, Churachandpur, Tengnoupal, Pherzawl, and Jiribam districts. Senior officials are closely monitoring the situation, though authorities reported no major incidents on Sunday. However, the indefinite shutdown called by Kuki-Zo groups has severely impacted daily life in Kangpokpi and partially affected other Kuki-Zo-dominated districts. Activists and volunteers have erected blockades on key highways, while businesses and markets remain closed in protest against the government’s decision.

The situation remains volatile as tensions between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities continue to fuel unrest in the region.

March 8: Crackdown on Kuki-Zo women protesters sparks outrage

The Kuki Women Organisation for Human Rights (KWOHR), Sadar Hills, has strongly condemned the alleged security forces’ crackdown on “unarmed Kuki-Zo women” protesting in Kangpokpi District on International Women’s Day.

According to the organisation, security personnel forcibly dispersed demonstrators at Gamgiphai and Keithelmanbi Military Colony, resorting to lathi charges and firing rubber bullets against protesters opposing the government’s decision to reopen roads in the conflict-ridden region. The violence left over 70 women injured, with 31 sustaining serious wounds. The situation escalated further when 30-year-old protester Lalgouthang Singsit tragically lost his life during the clash.

KWOHR asserted that the protest was a response to the ongoing persecution of the Kuki-Zo community, citing widespread incidents of rape, torture, and violence over the past 22 months. The demonstrators also sought to challenge what they perceive as a unilateral decision by Governor Ajay Bhalla and Home Minister Amit Shah to forcibly open roads without addressing the security concerns of the Kuki-Zo people.

The organisation accused security forces of disproportionately targeting Kuki-Zo civilians while overlooking their suffering. It highlighted the community’s isolation from essential services—including hospitals, airports, and educational institutions—since ethnic violence erupted on May 3, 2023.

“Is this the peace we are expected to embrace under President’s Rule?” KWOHR questioned, criticising the government’s approach to restoring normalcy. The organisation further challenged the authorities to ensure true democratic dialogue by engaging all stakeholders, including the Kuki-Zo community, rather than consulting only Meitei organisations.

Raising concerns over the government’s push for free movement, KWOHR questioned whether it genuinely served all communities or was designed to benefit valley residents at the expense of the hill population. “Is free movement meant only for the Meiteis while the Kuki-Zo people remain cut off from vital resources?” the organisation asked.

KWOHR has demanded accountability for the excessive use of force, calling for an immediate investigation into the actions of security personnel responsible for the fatal shooting and the violent suppression of peaceful protests.

March 9: Kuki-Zo groups intensify protests amid indefinite shutdown in Manipur

Kuki-dominated areas in Manipur remained tense on Sunday as agitators continued to enforce an indefinite shutdown in protest against the Union’s directive to restore free movement on highways. The shutdown, called by the Kuki-Zo Council (KZC), brought normal life to a standstill across Kangpokpi, Churachandpur, Tengnoupal, and Pherzawl districts, with major roads blocked and businesses shuttered.

In Kangpokpi district, reports emerged of security forces clashing with Kuki-Zo protesters attempting to block roads at several locations. While it remains unclear whether there were further injuries, tensions ran high as demonstrators also enforced shutdowns in other Kuki-dominated regions. PTI reported that in Churachandpur and Tengnoupal, protesters set tyres ablaze and erected boulders to obstruct roads, prompting security personnel to intervene and clear the blockades. Few vehicles were seen plying the roads, and agitators urged residents to stay indoors.

Amid mounting anger, Kuki-Zo groups are expected to intensify their demonstrations, demanding the immediate removal of Kangpokpi Superintendent of Police Manoj Prabhakar. At Kangpokpi District Hospital, Kuki-Zo women gathered to mourn the death of the young protester, whose body remains in the morgue. Ng. Lun Kipgen, spokesperson for the Committee on Tribal Unity (CoTU), condemned the alleged brutality of security forces and urged the Governor of Manipur to dismiss the SP.

The indefinite shutdown, which began at midnight on Saturday, has effectively halted the government’s efforts to restore free movement across the state. As tensions continue to rise, the impasse between the Kuki-Zo community and the Union underscores the urgent need for a political resolution to address the grievances of the tribal groups and restore lasting peace in Manipur.

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Several cases of targeted attacks on the Pangals have been effectively silenced during the violence, especially sensing the sentiments of the fragile raged sentiments of the Meiteis and the Kukis. However, the most recent incident on January 5, 2025 seems to have crossed the thresholds of humanity and ethics. A teenager from the Pangal community Akhter Tampakmayum, 18 years, is alleged by Aramabai Tenggol, an armed Meitei militia, to have molested a girl from the Meitei community. According to the boy, “he and his lady co-worker of Kafya Café were summoned by the militant outfit’s Heingnag Unit (34), the reason for which as reported was a case of a proposal got misunderstood by the girl. At the Arambai Tenggol unit’s premise, he is reported to have been tortured, beaten, and force-fed ‘raw-pork’; while also forcing him to give a statement falsely accusing the Muslim Imams of promoting hatred against the Meiteis. The boy was reportedly nailed on his hands and feet by Arambai Tenggol’s leader Korounganba Khuman who then coerced him to say that Imams of mosques encourage Pangal youths to develop relationships with Meitei girls, to help increase Pangal’s population and to erase the Meiteis from Manipur”, the later part of which was video recorded and widely circulated on social media platforms. The boy was reportedly handed over to the police by the Arambai Tenggol and released on the same day. Such acts of the Arambai Tenggol, for that matter its Heingang Unit, is but an outright provocation to the wider Pangal community, a serious act to hurt the sentiments of the people following the Islamic faith. This not only explains their underlying wider intentions against the Pangals, a small minority Muslim community in Manipur but also invites serious questions on the nature of activities of this armed group with relation to the state’s and national security, communal harmony, and public order.

If the allegation of molestation is found true, the boy could have been punished in accordance with the law of the land. The Arambai Tenggol’s extra-judicial and extra-Constitutional act, not only by taking the matter into their own hands but also by trying to insult and provoke the whole community and its Islamic faith, is highly condemnable. This only invites more trouble in a state already mired by tumultuous violence and chaos. At the same time, it won’t be wrong to also say that the prejudicial targeting of the Islamic faith comes with their intentional second-class treatment of the Pangals. Thus, the Arambai Tenggol’s violent and extra-judicial nature of activities acts as the catalyst to create distinct fissures and polarisation between the communities, with a huge potential to create not only distrust but also an ominous atmosphere that has a latent energy to spark violence any time in the state.

While there has been a long list of hateful targeted attacks by certain sections of the Meiteis on the Pangals in the post-independent Manipur despite an unhindered peaceful co-existence in the history of the state, a more evident anti-inter-community marriage or relationship campaign had started prior to the breakout of May 3, 2023, after which it has been witnessed to be profoundly promoted by armed militias in particular and the masses in general. This is being done to ensure the purity of “Meitei blood” and the continuity of an undefiled Meitei race. Mass campaigns have been organised by the Arambai Tengol, the armed militia to school the public in general and the Meitei women in particular about the need for maintaining a “pure Meitei race”, often associating with a mass pledge in the name of God to not pollute their blood. This kind of mass campaigns by armed and radical organisations with widespread public support, often associating hatred and rhetorical diatribes against the Pangals using social media platforms are largely responsible for creating distinct communal enclaves in the state.

The concern, therefore, lies in the governments’- both the Union and the state’s failure to contain the militias operating in the violence-hit Manipur and giving them a free hand, while the state watches the inhumane and unethical acts of hateful crimes from its “protected thrones”. The incident mentioned above is not the first time that the Arambai Tenggol has inflicted hate crimes on the Pangals, even if, in the almost two years that Manipur has been in turmoil, these have remain largely uncounted, unnoticed. There were several incidents- both reported and unreported, but side-lined through some sort of negotiations wherein the Pangals, sensing that this was the need given the situation that the state has been in. It is the Pangals who have had to compromise every time against the might of the militias supported by the government. However, as part of their continuous provocation and insults, taking the opportunity of a Pangal boy proposing to a Meitei girl, the Arambai Tenggol has seized this one incident, escalated its campaign to further intimidate a miniscule minority community, while also at the same time deeply hurting their religious sentiments and faith.

To the utter blindness and silence of the governments in all these happenings right in front of them, it becomes pertinent to question the following-

1. Have the Union and the state governments ceased to exist in Manipur?
2. Have the governments handed over the due rights for law enforcement, and to manage the state’s law and order in Manipur to the armed militias, like the Arambai Tenggol and others?
3. What is Arambai Tenggol’s objective in relation to co-existence in Manipur?
4. Are human rights and freedom to profess a religion of one’s choice, as enshrined in the constitution of India still available to the people of Manipur?
5. Is Arambai Tenggol a superior authority over the government in the state of Manipur?
6. If there is a government for the people in Manipur, what are its agendas for the state against such hateful targeted attacks?
7. If there is a people’s government, how is it going to counter hate crimes?
8. Is the Meitei as a community wholly supporting the Arambai Tenggol’s act of terror and insult to the faith of and against the Pangals? If not, how are those supporting peaceful co-existence going to counter such hateful terrors and insults undermining the history of togetherness?

The governments and the people of Manipur alike, need to wake up from their deep slumber, face reality, and counter —for the goodness of humankind and for the sake of upholding the integrity of Manipur—and respond. Both the Meitei-Kuki conflict and the Arambai Tenggol’s acts of terror and insults on the Pangals are equally detrimental to the well-being of the Manipur society. One must fight back to ensure substantive justice with the same intent in both cases. Calling for justice for survivors of the inter-ethnic conflict between the Meitei and Kuki, while ignoring and promoting the Arambai Tenggol’s continuous provocations on the Pangals is but a myopic meaning of ‘justice’. All right thinking persons from within all communities, be it the governments or the people, need to come out of our self-imposed cylos and isolation. Open our eyes wide, and fight against the sections of militias propagating communal hatreds and violence and to bring back and ensure our history of peaceful co-existence. With the governments lying in a determinedly shameless deep slumber that renders their writ non-existent, the onus lies even more on the people of Manipur to stop these hate-filled communal acts and targeted crimes against the Pangals.

(The author is a Ph.D. from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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