Educational institutions to remain closed until November 23: As a precautionary measure, the Manipur government has ordered the closure of schools, colleges, and universities in the Imphal Valley until November 23. An official notification issued by Daryal Juli Anal, Joint Secretary of the Higher and Technical Education Department, cited concerns over the safety of students, teachers, and staff amid the ongoing curfew.

The decision was influenced by the widespread violence in several districts, particularly Imphal East and Imphal West, following the recovery of the missing bodies on November 15 and 16. The government decided to prioritise safety, suspending all educational activities in government and government-aided institutions, including state universities, in the affected districts.

The letter by elected MLAs may be read here

Timeline of escalating violence in Manipur following Jiribam attack

The recent cycle of violence that engulfed Manipur from November 7, 2024, began with a harrowing incident in Zairawn village, Jiribam district. A Hmar woman, a schoolteacher and mother of three, was allegedly raped, shot in the leg, killed, and set ablaze by unidentified attackers. The Hmar community, a subgroup of the Kuki-Zo ethnic group, was devastated by this act, and Kuki civil society groups quickly attributed the crime to Meitei militants.

The initial attack and looting: In the aftermath of the incident, the assailants reportedly torched 19 houses, looted cash, stole mobile phones, LPG cylinders, and six two-wheelers, and even killed village dogs. Some residents alleged negligence on the part of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) stationed in Zairawn, accusing them of failing to intervene despite being capable of protecting the village. The violence escalated when suspected Kuki militants retaliated by targeting Meitei individuals in the district.

Retaliatory killings and unrest in Bishnupur: On November 9, the violence intensified as a Meitei woman working in a paddy field in Bishnupur district was allegedly shot dead by suspected Kuki militants. Two days later, on November 11, the CRPF killed 10 suspected Kuki militants in a confrontation in Jiribam. According to police reports, the militants were armed with automatic weapons and a rocket-propelled grenade (RPG) and had attacked the Borobekra police station and a CRPF camp in Jakuradhor. These assailants were believed to have travelled from Kuki-dominated districts such as Churachandpur and Pherzawl.

Displacement and missing persons: During the same encounter, three women and three children, including an eight-month-old baby, went missing. These individuals were among 13 displaced Meiteis seeking refuge in a relief camp located near the Borobekra police station and a CRPF post. Their disappearance further fuelled ethnic tensions in the region.

Jiribam, a district with a multi-ethnic population comprising Meitei, Kuki-Zo, Naga, and other communities, had remained relatively peaceful until June 2024. However, tensions erupted earlier this year when the body of a Kuki teenager was discovered in a river, allegedly killed by Meitei armed groups. Shortly after, the body of a Meitei man was found, reportedly in retaliation by Kuki militants.

Discovery of bodies and public outrage: On November 15, three bodies—those of a woman and two children—were discovered floating in the Barak River in Assam’s Cachar district. These were confirmed to belong to the missing family. The discovery triggered widespread protests in Imphal, with enraged mobs ransacking the homes of three legislators, including R.K. Imo, a BJP MLA and son-in-law of Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. Protesters also targeted the residences of Y. Khemchand, the Minister of Municipal Administration, and L. Susindro Singh, the Minister of Consumer Affairs, prompting security forces to use tear gas to disperse the crowds.

The unrest escalated further when protesters marched toward Manipur CM Biren Singh’s ancestral home in Luwangshangbam, only to be stopped by security forces.

Continued violence and accusations: On November 17, the bodies of another woman and child from the missing family were recovered in Lakhipur, bringing the total to six victims—all from the same family. The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF), a prominent Kuki-Zo organisation, accused Meitei assailants of setting fire to five churches, a school, a petrol pump, and 14 tribal homes in Jiribam.

Meanwhile, in Imphal, a mob targeted the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) office in Haraorok, Imphal East, and later attacked the BJP and Congress offices in Jiribam town. Police reportedly opened fire to disperse the mob, resulting in one fatality.

Erosion of public trust: The violent attacks on political offices and leaders underscored deep public disillusionment with the state’s governance and leadership. The widespread violence has not only deepened the ethnic divide but also exposed the fragile state of law and order, leaving a trail of devastation and mistrust in its wake. The authorities face mounting challenges as they attempt to restore peace while addressing the grievances of the affected communities.

Manipur administration’s measures to address spiralling violence

In response to escalating violence in Manipur, the state administration has implemented stringent measures, including the suspension of mobile internet and data services across seven districts in the Imphal Valley, the imposition of curfews, and the re-enforcement of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in six police station areas, including the violence-hit Jiribam, Manipur. To strengthen security, the central government deployed 20 additional companies of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs)—comprising 15 from the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and five from the Border Security Force (BSF)—bringing an additional 7,000 personnel into the state.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has also taken up investigations into three key cases linked to the recent violence: the murder of a woman in Jiribam, the attack on a CRPF post, and the arson and killings in Borobekra. These steps aim to address the unrest, but significant challenges remain.

Civil society groups express scepticism: Despite these measures, civil society groups have raised concerns about the lack of a unified and effective approach to the crisis. Khuraijam Athouba, spokesperson for the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI), a Meitei civil rights organisation, urged state representatives and MLAs to hold comprehensive discussions and take decisive action to resolve the ongoing conflict.

Divergent demands from the warring communities underscore the complexities of the crisis. While Meitei groups have called for the removal of AFSPA, Kuki groups have demanded the withdrawal of CRPF personnel from Kuki-dominated areas, reflecting the deepening rift over security arrangements.

Calls for leadership accountability: Prominent voices have called for accountability from the state government. Rights activist Irom Sharmila urged Chief Minister N. Biren Singh to take moral responsibility for the unrest and step down.

Political fallout- NPP withdraws support: The crisis has also led to political repercussions. The National People’s Party (NPP), the BJP’s second-largest ally in the state, formally withdrew its support for the government, accusing it of failing to restore law and order. In a letter to BJP President J.P. Nadda, NPP leader Conrad Sangma criticised the administration’s inability to resolve the crisis. However, the withdrawal does not pose an immediate threat to Chief Minister Biren Singh’s government, as the ruling NDA coalition holds a strong majority with 46 MLAs in the 60-member Manipur Legislative Assembly.

Curfews, internet bans and relaxation amid ongoing law and order concerns

Internet suspension extended: The Government of Manipur extended the suspension of mobile internet services in seven districts for an additional three days, citing the prevailing law and order situation. According to a state Home Department order issued on November 20, this decision aims to maintain communal harmony and prevent the spread of misinformation through social media platforms.

Initially imposed on November 16 for two days, the suspension was subsequently extended on November 18 and again on November 20. The affected districts include Imphal West, Imphal East, Bishnupur, Thoubal, Kakching, Kangpokpi, and Churachandpur. Commissioner (Home) N Ashok Kumar stated in the order that the extension would be effective from 5:15 PM on November 20 to 5:15 p.m. on November 23, with exemptions granted only in specific cases, such as government operations. Separately, internet services in Jiribam and Pherzawl districts were also suspended from 11:45 AM on November 19 for two days. However, exceptions were made for leased lines and fibre-to-the-home (FTTH) connections used by government offices or individuals with state-approved exemptions.

The suspension follows heightened tensions after the discovery of six bodies—three women and three children—who had been missing since an encounter on November 11, in which security forces killed ten armed militants. The recovery of the bodies sparked protests, prompting curfews and increased security measures.

Curfew relaxation announced for essential activities: In light of the ongoing curfew imposed in several districts, authorities announced a partial relaxation to allow residents to purchase essentials. The curfew, in effect across Imphal West, Imphal East, Bishnupur, Kakching, and Thoubal districts, was relaxed from 5:00 AM to 12:00 Noon on November 21. On the previous day, November 20, the curfew had been relaxed from 5:00 AM to 10:00 AM.

An order issued by K. Jadumani Singh, Additional District Magistrate of Imphal West, stated that the restriction of movement was temporarily lifted to facilitate the purchase of necessities, including food and medicines. The order also specified that no public gatherings, protests, or rallies would be permitted without prior approval.

Essential services such as healthcare, electricity, water supply, telecom, banking, and media were exempted from the curfew restrictions. Additionally, individuals traveling to and from the airport with valid permits and contractors/workers with airport entry permits were allowed to move freely beyond the relaxation hours.

District magistrates from Imphal East, Bishnupur, Kakching, and Thoubal issued similar directives, ensuring uniformity in the implementation of curfew relaxation across the affected areas.

Union government’s calculated response: The union government has faced consistent criticism for its callous approach to the Manipur crisis. Despite growing calls to either replace Chief Minister Biren Singh or impose President’s Rule, the Modi administration has refrained from taking decisive action. Analysts believe this reluctance stems from political considerations.

As a Meitei leader with considerable influence in the Imphal Valley, Biren Singh is pivotal to the BJP’s electoral strategy. Of the 60 assembly seats, 40 are concentrated in the Meitei-dominated Imphal Valley, making Singh’s leadership crucial for maintaining the BJP’s political base. His removal could destabilise the party’s standing in the region and further polarise the state’s fragile social fabric.

The imposition of President’s Rule is also seen as a politically risky move. In Manipur’s complex socio-political environment, such a step could be interpreted as overreach by New Delhi, potentially alienating local stakeholders. Moreover, it would signal an admission of governance failure, a narrative the Opposition would readily leverage on a national stage. Internationally, instability in Manipur, which borders sensitive regions like Myanmar and China, could have strategic ramifications. Any hasty decision by the Centre risks emboldening insurgent groups or inviting external interference.

A state in crisis: As the conflict in Manipur deepens, the state and central governments face mounting challenges in balancing security, governance, and public sentiment. The unrest has laid bare the complexities of managing ethnic tensions and the consequences of political inertia. While immediate measures like troop deployment and AFSPA enforcement have been implemented, long-term peace and stability will require inclusive dialogue and meaningful reconciliation between the deeply divided communities.

Kuki-Zo MLAs condemn “one-sided” resolutions by Manipur government

On 19 November, a group of 10 Kuki-Zo MLAs in Manipur issued a sharp critique of resolutions adopted during a meeting chaired by Chief Minister N. Biren Singh on 18 November. The meeting, attended by 26 National Democratic Alliance (NDA) MLAs, sought to address the recent violence in the state, including the November 11 Jiribam incident, where three women and three children from a Meitei family were abducted and killed. The Kuki-Zo MLAs accused the state government of exploiting the incident to suppress the tribal community and push a one-sided agenda.

Kuki-Zo MLAs: “Government exploiting tribal community”

The 10 MLAs, comprising seven from the BJP, one Independent, and two from the Kuki People’s Alliance, released a joint statement alleging that the state government has consistently acted against the interests of the tribal community.

“Time and again, the one-sided state government has taken undue advantage of the Jiribam incident in suppressing and curtailing the rights of the disadvantaged tribal community,” their statement read.

They criticised the government’s resolution to act decisively if certain demands were not implemented promptly, interpreting it as a veiled threat to the Central NDA government. The resolution had called for reviewing the exemption of AFSPA in six police station areas of the valley. The Kuki-Zo MLAs, however, countered this demand, asserting that AFSPA should be reimposed in all 13 police station areas of the Meitei-majority valley, which currently enjoy exemptions.

Demand for comprehensive mass operations: The BJP MLAs also criticised the state government’s demand for “mass operations” against Kuki militants, labelling it as biased and unfair.

“Mass operations must be conducted all over the state to recover all illegal arms from all militia groups,” the MLAs declared, calling for an impartial crackdown on armed elements across both hill and valley regions.

While the government sought to hand over three specific cases, including the Jiribam killings, to the National Investigation Agency (NIA), the Kuki-Zo legislators demanded a broader scope. They called for all cases of civilian killings in both the valley and the hills to be investigated by the NIA.

Call for balanced accountability: The MLAs criticised the selective labelling of Kuki militants as responsible for the killings, arguing that a fair process should be applied. They urged the government to precede any declarations with the designate on of Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun as Unlawful Organisations under relevant laws. They further alleged that youth volunteers defending their villages against militant attacks were being unfairly targeted.

“Village volunteers are not an organisation, but youth defending their villages from murderous attacks by Arambai Tenggol, the so-called G5 (a conglomerate of five underground Meitei outfits) aided by the state police and, in the case of Jiribam, by the CRPF,” the statement read.

Appeal for peaceful dialogue and condemnation of mob attacks: The Kuki-Zo MLAs also highlighted the need for peaceful dialogue as the path forward, urging the government to prioritise negotiations over escalations. Additionally, they condemned the mob attacks on the homes of Meitei legislators, which occurred following public outrage over the November 11 incident.

The statement underscored the need for balanced governance, expressing concern over the deepening divide and calling on authorities to ensure justice for victims of violence, regardless of their community.

“It is imperative that the state moves towards reconciliation and equitable justice, avoiding actions that could further marginalise the tribal community,” the MLAs asserted.

The Kuki-Zo legislators’ response highlights the continuing ethnic and political tensions in Manipur, as communities and their representatives remain divided over issues of accountability, security, and governance. Their critique underscores the urgent need for inclusive and impartial measures to restore trust and peace in the state.

Congress calls for resignations of Home Minister Amit Shah and CM Biren Singh over Manipur violence

At a press conference held on 19 November 2024, the All India Congress Committee (AICC) in New Delhi demanded the resignation of Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Manipur Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. The party accused them of failing to control the ongoing violence in Manipur and called for immediate intervention by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The press conference was led by Keisham Meghachandra, Congress’s Manipur president, along with Jairam Ramesh, the party’s general secretary in charge of communications, and Girish Chodankar, Congress’s Manipur in-charge.

Addressing the media, Keisham Meghachandra referenced Prime Minister Modi’s 2017 remark that leaders who cannot maintain peace in the state have “no right to govern Manipur.” Meghachandra questioned whether this principle applied to the current BJP-led “double-engine” government in Manipur, given the ongoing ethnic violence and governance failure.

Congress’s five-point charter of demands: During the press meet, Congress outlined a detailed five-point charter of demands aimed at addressing the crisis:

1. Prime Minister Modi must visit Manipur: Congress insisted that Modi visit Manipur before the winter parliamentary session, scheduled to begin on 25 November. The party urged Modi to engage with residents of relief camps, consult local leaders, and assess the ground situation.
2. Engagement with delegates from all parties: The Congress demanded that the Prime Minister meet delegations comprising representatives from all political parties, including the BJP and Congress, as homes of legislators from both sides have come under attack amidst the violence.
3. Appointment of a dedicated governor: Highlighting the absence of a permanent governor, Congress called for the appointment of a full-time governor for Manipur. The post has been held in additional charge by Assam Governor Laksman Acharya since July 2024, after the departure of former governor Anusuiya Uikey.
4. Accountability from HM Amit Shah and CM N. Biren Singh: The party criticised the alleged “jugalbandi” between HM Amit Shah and CM Biren Singh, accusing them of prioritising political survival over public welfare. The Congress further alleged favouritism and questioned the BJP government’s failure to address drug-related cases in the state.
5. Immediate action on Supreme Court concerns: The Congress demanded swift action on the Supreme Court’s observations about the state’s constitutional collapse. The apex court had previously flagged the breakdown of law and order in Manipur, which Congress claimed remains unaddressed.

BJP’s inaction under fire: Congress’s Manipur in-charge, Girish Chodankar, criticised the BJP for focusing on protecting Chief Minister Biren Singh instead of restoring stability in the state. “For the past 18 months, the Prime Minister has done nothing but protect the Chief Minister of Manipur,” Chodankar remarked as per India Today, accusing the BJP of neglecting the state’s welfare.

Chodankar reiterated the Congress’s commitment to restoring peace, asserting that “We have tried every possible way to bring stability, but this government has failed. The Prime Minister must respond immediately.”

Rising violence and administrative inaction: The ethnic conflict in Manipur, which began in May 2023, has intensified recently, with 20 deaths reported in November alone, according to some estimates. The violence is rooted in long-standing tensions between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities, which have led to physical segregation enforced by buffer zones patrolled by security forces.

Despite Home Minister Amit Shah’s earlier promise of compensation for victims’ families, the Congress criticised the Union Home Ministry for failing to disburse sufficient funds to cover the 226 lives lost, as per official figures.

Congress urges swift action: The Congress party concluded its press conference by demanding urgent measures to address the crisis and restore normalcy in Manipur. The party emphasised that failure to act decisively risks further destabilising the state, worsening the humanitarian crisis, and eroding public trust in governance.

Manipur CM issues notices to MLAs over absence at key meeting amid political turmoil

On November 18, 2024, the Manipur Chief Minister’s Secretariat issued notices to 11 MLAs, including ministers, for failing to attend a crucial meeting convened by Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. The meeting was called to address the worsening law-and-order situation in the state, which has been grappling with persistent ethnic violence.

Among those who did attend the meeting was Manipur’s Rajya Sabha member, Leishemba Sanajaoba, who has been aligned with the ruling BJP. However, seven Kuki-Zo MLAs from the BJP, who have been residing outside the Imphal Valley since the ethnic clashes began on 3 May 2023, were notably absent. This reflects the continuing ethnic divide and the reluctance of Kuki-Zo representatives to participate in valley-centric governance activities.

NPP legislators under scrutiny after party withdraws support: The list of MLAs served notices includes Sheikh Noorul Hassan of the National People’s Party (NPP), representing the Kshetrigao constituency. His absence follows the NPP’s formal withdrawal of support for the BJP-led government on 17 November 2024.

Meanwhile, the NPP has also issued show-cause notices to three of its seven MLAs who defied the party’s decision and attended the meeting. These MLAs are:

• Mayanglambam Rameswhar Singh (Kakching constituency)
• Thongam Shanti Singh (Moirang)
• Irengbam Nalini Devi (Oinam)

An NPP leader based in the Imphal Valley claimed that a signature purportedly belonging to the party’s Tamenglong MLA, Janghemlung Panmei, was forged to suggest his attendance at the meeting. The leader added that the NPP’s State Committee had informed its national president and Meghalaya Chief Minister, Conrad K. Sangma, about the breach, prompting the issuance of show-cause notices.

Most absentees belong to the BJP: Aside from Sheikh Noorul Hassan and Sapam Nishikanta Singh, an independent MLA representing Keishamthong, the remaining MLAs served notices are members of the BJP. Among them are:

• Khumukcham Joykisan (Thangmeiband)
• Md Achab Uddin (Jiribam), both of whom had previously defected from the Janata Dal (United).
• Two other NPP MLAs – N. Kayisii (Tadubi constituency) and Khuraijam Loken Singh (Wangoi) – were notably absent from the meeting but did not receive notices, unlike Mr. Hassan.

Political signals in low attendance: The meeting, attended by only 26 NDA MLAs apart from the Chief Minister, has sparked criticism and raised questions about the BJP’s standing in Manipur. The Manipur Assembly has 60 seats, and the BJP-led NDA coalition held 46 MLAs after the NPP’s withdrawal. However, attendance at the meeting revealed cracks within the ruling coalition.

Prominent Congress leader Jairam Ramesh commented on the development, posting on social media platform X:

“The Manipur Assembly has 60 MLAs. Last night, the CM of Manipur called a meeting in Imphal of all MLAs belonging to the NDA. Other than him, only 26 showed up. Of these 26, 4 belong to the NPP whose National President has already written to the BJP National President withdrawing support to the present CM.”

Ramesh suggested the low turnout was a clear indication of the BJP’s dwindling support in the state.

A fractured coalition amidst a state in crisis: The political situation in Manipur remains volatile, with the BJP-led government facing increasing challenges from within its coalition. The ethnic violence, coupled with growing dissatisfaction among allies and legislators, has left the government struggling to maintain cohesion. The absence of MLAs from critical meetings highlights the deep divisions within the ruling coalition, further exacerbating the challenges of governance in a state already wracked by communal tensions.

Former Manipur Governor questions PM Modi’s absence amid ongoing violence

Anusuiya Uikey, former Governor of Manipur, has expressed her surprise and disappointment over Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s failure to visit the violence-stricken state despite multiple appeals from civil society and her own repeated requests.

Speaking to ThePrint in an interview on 20 November 2024, Uikey emphasised the importance of restoring trust in the state, which has been plagued by ethnic violence between the majority Meitei community and the Kuki-Zo tribal population since May 2023.

Appeals to the Prime Minister ignored: Reflecting on her tenure, Uikey revealed that during her time as Governor, from February 2023 to July 2024, she regularly relayed the demands of the people to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). These included fervent calls for the Prime Minister to visit Manipur to address the escalating crisis.

“People of the state wanted the PM to visit, and they kept making requests, which I sent to the PMO. But I don’t know why he has not visited,” Uikey said, expressing her bewilderment at the lack of response. Her comments highlight a growing sentiment of alienation among Manipur’s population, who feel their concerns have been overlooked by the central leadership.

Renewed violence a setback to peace efforts: Uikey also shared her distress over the recent resurgence of violence in November 2024, following a brief lull in hostilities. She described the fresh outbreak as deeply disheartening, particularly given the fragile stability that had been achieved in the preceding months.

“Traditionally, Manipur has been a state of rich culture and art. It is a beautiful state, but the recent violence has disrupted the peace that was established. I am deeply shocked by the brutality of events, like the killing and burning of a Hmar woman in Jiribam district on 7 November, which is a stark reminder of the ongoing turmoil,” she said.

A call for trust-building and mutual peace: Uikey believes that the restoration of mutual trust between the two communities, facilitated by the central government, is the only path to lasting peace.

“The central government needs to take concrete steps to build confidence and mutual trust among the communities. Without this, enduring peace will remain elusive,” she asserted while speaking to The Print.Her tenure as governor during the conflict’s peak provided her with firsthand insight into the complexity of the crisis. Despite her efforts to mediate between communities and defuse tensions, the violence persisted, underscoring the deep-seated mistrust and ethnic divide.

An ‘international hand’ behind the conflict? Adding another layer to the discourse, Uikey suggested the possibility of an international influence exacerbating the conflict.
“There is an international hand behind the conflict, which is why the violence cannot be stopped despite the Centre’s efforts,” she alleged. While she refrained from elaborating on this claim, her comments suggest the presence of external actors who might be exploiting local tensions for geopolitical gains, particularly given Manipur’s strategic location near the borders with Myanmar and China.

A plea for peace amidst chaos: Amid growing calls for Chief Minister N. Biren Singh’s resignation over his handling of the crisis, Uikey defended his leadership. She implied that external factors, rather than Singh’s governance, were responsible for the prolonged unrest in the state.

“How it has unfolded, I don’t know, but I appeal to all people in Manipur to build confidence and mutual trust for enduring peace,” she said, reiterating the need for unity and reconciliation.

In her closing remarks, Uikey issued an earnest appeal to the people of Manipur to prioritise confidence-building and mutual understanding. She expressed hope that these efforts, combined with decisive action by the Centre, could pave the way for stability in the region.

The former governor’s candid reflections highlight the depth of the crisis in Manipur and the urgent need for both local and central leadership to take meaningful steps toward resolving the conflict and addressing the grievances of the affected communities.

Licypriya Kangujam claims censorship of Facebook account amidst activism

Licypriya Kangujam, a 13-year-old climate activist from Manipur, has alleged that her official Facebook account has been restricted in India following her outspoken comments on the recent abduction and killing of six Meitei women and children in Jiribam.

Taking to social media platform X (formerly Twitter) on Wednesday, Kangujam directly addressed Prime Minister Narendra Modi, accusing him of being fearful of her activism.

“Mr @narendramodi, scared of me? That’s why you work on his behest?” she questioned, insinuating that her account was restricted under the government’s directive as an attempt to suppress her voice.

Hello @Meta @facebook,
Why you restricted my official Facebook account? Mr @narendramodi scared of me that’s why you work on his behest? I didn’t violate any policy or community standards of Facebook. Kindly unrestricted it asap. Never ever think to attempt to silence my voice.… pic.twitter.com/Ex0l3Jmfs9

— Licypriya Kangujam (@LicypriyaK) November 20, 2024

You mess with a wrong guy!

Unrestrict my Facebook Account immediately! Sharing a screenshot of a news published in Indian Express is not a crime. pic.twitter.com/HNkrR0eDpp

— Licypriya Kangujam (@LicypriyaK) November 20, 2024

Criticism of Meta and claims of injustice: Kangujam did not mince words in her criticism of Meta, Facebook’s parent company, for what she described as an unjust action. She shared a notification from Facebook explaining that her profile had been restricted within India under Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, which permits the government to block access to digital content deemed harmful to public order or national security.

“I didn’t violate any policy or community standards of Facebook,” she wrote in her post. “Kindly unrestrict it ASAP. Never ever think to attempt to silence my voice,” she added, emphasising her commitment to continuing her activism despite attempts to suppress her.

The teenager’s frustration was evident as she accused the authorities and Meta of targeting her for speaking out about the tragic Jiribam killings.

Activism and alleged silencing: Kangujam has been vocal about the ongoing ethnic violence in Manipur, which has sharply divided the state along communal lines. Her comments on the Jiribam incident—in which six individuals from the Meitei community were abducted and killed—have brought renewed attention to the issue. Her social media activism has often placed her at the forefront of raising awareness about human rights and environmental issues in the region. However, her outspokenness has also made her a target for criticism and, now, alleged censorship.

Government’s use of Section 69A of the IT Act: The restriction of Kangujam’s Facebook account under Section 69A of the IT Act has sparked questions about the application of this provision. While the government can use this law to block digital content that it considers a threat to national security, public order, or sovereignty, critics argue that it is sometimes employed to stifle dissent and suppress voices critical of the administration. Kangujam’s case has reignited debates about the balance between maintaining public order and safeguarding freedom of expression in a democracy.

A voice for change: Despite the challenges, Kangujam remains resolute in her activism. Her stance reflects the resilience of a young generation unafraid to confront authority and raise awareness about critical social and environmental issues. The incident underscores the growing role of digital platforms in enabling activism while also highlighting the risks of censorship and the contentious intersection of government policies with online freedoms. As Kangujam’s allegations gain traction, they add another layer to the already complex and volatile situation in Manipur.

No end in sight: Manipur’s spiralling crisis deepens

‘Coffin Rally’ announced by Kuki organisations: Manipur’s volatile situation shows no signs of abating, with Kuki organisations planning a ‘coffin rally’ in Churachandpur on Tuesday, November 21, to commemorate 10 Kuki-Zo youths allegedly killed in a gunfight with security forces in Jiribam district on November 11.

The rally, organised by the Zomi Students’ Federation (ZSF), Kuki Students’ Organisation (KSO), and Hmar Students’ Association (HSA), calls on schools and colleges to send students from Class 10 onwards, clad in black shirts, to participate in the procession. A notice issued by the groups on Monday stated that 10 symbolic coffins would be carried during the rally to honour the deceased. The actual bodies remain in the mortuary of a local hospital.

The bodies, initially sent to Assam’s Silchar for postmortems, arrived in Churachandpur—a Kuki-majority district—on Saturday afternoon. However, the Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF), a prominent Kuki-Zo organisation, announced on Sunday that the funerals would be delayed until the families receive postmortem reports.

Allegations against security forces: Manipur Police have reported that the deceased were suspected militants killed in an encounter with security forces. The alleged insurgents, dressed in camouflage gear and wielding sophisticated weapons, reportedly attacked the Borobekra Police Station and a nearby CRPF camp in Jakuradhor, Jiribam district, on November 11. The attack included the abduction of six civilians, comprising three women and three children, according to police accounts.

The incident has drawn criticism over the handling of the situation by security forces. The CRPF, tasked with restoring peace in the region, has faced allegations of bias and inaction from both sides of the conflict. Meitei organisations claim that the previously deployed Assam Rifles were too lenient with Kuki militants, while Kuki groups have expressed distrust in the CRPF’s ability to safeguard their communities.

Growing discontent with central leadership: Adding to the frustration is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s absence from Manipur, despite 16 months of continuous ethnic violence. Civil society and opposition groups have repeatedly urged the Prime Minister to visit the state, but he has remained silent on the crisis. Similarly, Union Home Minister Amit Shah has faced criticism for failing to take decisive action, especially as over 6,500 firearms and thousands of rounds of ammunition have been looted, with disarmament efforts remaining insufficient.

Polarised demands and escalating divisions: The ethnic conflict has polarised the demands of the Meitei and Kuki communities. Meitei organisations like the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI) have called for immediate military action against Kuki militants, along with the repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), which they argue has exacerbated the conflict. In contrast, Kuki groups continue to push for a separate administration, asserting that coexistence with the Meitei majority is no longer feasible.

Critics have pointed to a broader political conspiracy behind the violence. Some Meitei groups link the escalation to remarks made by Mizoram Chief Minister Lalduhoma in the United States. Lalduhoma advocated for a “Christian nation” uniting Kuki-Zo populations across India, Myanmar, and Bangladesh. Meitei leaders argue that such declarations have emboldened cross-border Kuki groups to seize land, allegedly to further the goal of a larger Kuki-dominated region.

Security forces under scrutiny: The role of security forces remains contentious, with both communities accusing them of partiality. Meitei groups distrust the Assam Rifles, while Kuki organisations criticise the CRPF’s ability to protect their interests. This breakdown in faith towards security agencies has left many civilians vulnerable, exacerbating the crisis in a state where law and order appears non-existent.

A humanitarian crisis without resolution: As the violence continues, the human toll mounts. The state remains deeply fractured, with buffer zones patrolled by security forces separating Kuki and Meitei areas. Amidst the chaos, the fundamental need for restoration of trust between communities and decisive action from the central government has never been more urgent. The ‘coffin rally’ symbolises not just the grief of the Kuki community but also the enduring wounds of a conflict that shows no signs of resolution. Without meaningful intervention, the cycle of violence in Manipur risks deepening an already tragic humanitarian crisis.

Manipur Tribal MLAs plan joint protest in Delhi, demand CM’s removal and separate administration

Unified protest by tribal legislators: In a significant development, ten tribal legislators from Manipur, including seven from the ruling BJP and three Independents, have announced plans for a joint protest in Delhi during the first week of December. Their primary demands include the removal of CM N. Biren Singh and the establishment of a separate administration for tribal communities. This will mark the first time these MLAs, who have previously raised these demands individually, are uniting on a common platform.

The decision to hold the protest at Jantar Mantar was finalised during a meeting in Churachandpur involving three of the ten MLAs, representatives of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), and members from 25 Kuki groups that have signed the Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreement.

One of the legislators, speaking on condition of anonymity with The Wire, said, “We have previously written or spoken about the need for the Chief Minister’s removal and other issues, but the recent events have compelled us to come together and present a unified voice.”

Route to Delhi- circumventing Imphal: Security concerns have forced most of the MLAs to avoid Imphal, the Meitei-majority state capital. Instead, they will travel to Aizawl before flying to Delhi. This reluctance stems from perceived threats in Imphal, despite the state government’s assurances of their safety. These MLAs, who represent tribal constituencies, have not attended any assembly sessions or recent government meetings, including a key one held by CM Biren Singh earlier this week.

Renewed ethnic clashes worsen crisis: Manipur has been embroiled in ethnic violence for nearly 18 months, with over 240 people killed and tens of thousands displaced. The state is deeply divided along ethnic lines, with Meiteis predominantly in the plains of the Imphal Valley and Kuki-Zo communities concentrated in the hills. Despite deploying additional troops and reimposing the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in conflict-hit areas, the Centre has struggled to contain the escalating tensions.

Suspension of operation agreement- a contentious issue: Representatives of the SoO groups—comprising 25 Kuki militant organisations—also participated in the Churachandpur meeting. The SoO agreement, a tripartite pact signed in 2008 between the Centre, the Manipur government, and Kuki militant groups, has been annually renewed to maintain peace. However, the agreement expired earlier this year, leaving its future uncertain.

In February, the Manipur Assembly unanimously passed a resolution urging the Centre to abrogate the agreement, accusing militant groups of violating its terms. The CM has since demanded its termination, while tribal groups argue for its continuation as a safeguard for their communities. Although the SoO representatives will not participate in the Delhi protest, their presence at preparatory meetings underscores their vested interest in the ongoing conflict and its resolution.

Protest agenda- amplifying tribal voices: The tribal MLAs plan to present a detailed account of the October 15 meeting between 15 state legislators from Meitei, Kuki-Zo-Hmar, and Naga communities and central government representatives. This meeting, convened by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), was an attempt to broker peace.

The MLAs have been advised to clarify their stance on critical issues, including their demands for a separate administration, the ongoing ethnic strife, and the central government’s role in facilitating dialogue. Additionally, they are expected to share updates with their constituencies if the MHA initiates another round of talks.

A political and humanitarian impasse: Manipur’s society remains fractured, with communities retreating into ethnic strongholds. Meiteis dominate the Imphal Valley, while the Kukis control the surrounding hills. This geographic and ethnic segregation has only worsened amid escalating violence and reprisal attacks.

The planned protest highlights not only the discontent within the tribal community but also the failure of administrative and political mechanisms to address the root causes of the conflict. The unified front of the ten MLAs signals a turning point in their strategy to press for political and administrative changes, potentially increasing pressure on the central government to intervene decisively in Manipur’s prolonged crisis.

Without effective dialogue and resolution, the state risks further descent into instability, with ethnic hostilities threatening to undermine Manipur’s social fabric.

Related:

Fresh violence grips Manipur: Clashes in Jiribam and widespread protests after rape and brutal killings

“Leaked Intelligence report” on alleged Kuki militants entering Manipur from Myanmar sparks panic, later retracted by authorities

Manipur plunges into deeper turmoil amid fresh violence and drone attacks since early September

Manipur on Edge: Violent Clashes Erupt on the day following Kuki-Zo Protests Demanding Separate Administration, action against state CM based on leaked tapes

The post Divided & strife-torn Manipur: intensified violence, abdication by state & union governments, demands of accountability from BJP MLAs appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Over the years, I became a keen globetrotter. Every trip was preceded by a study of the region’s geography, rivers and mountains, the location of its cities, and distances. I would spend hours poring over the Atlas and, later, Google Maps. The map of the region would be imprinted in my head so much so that when asked about my itinerary, I would whip out my index finger and air-draw the map of the country and the route.

But, the five of those seven sisters continued to stay lumped together in my head as somewhere in the extended eastern arm of the country. Until last week.

A message from the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS) had pinged on my phone. It was about their new publication, titled Peace Eludes Manipur. The description informs that it is a fact-finding report about the ongoing violence in Manipur since 2023. The CSSS team, comprising Director Irfan Engineer and Executive Director Neha Dabhade, had visited the districts of Imphal and Churachandpur in Manipur to gather first-hand data on the situation and the impact on the people and the land.

Over the last year and a half, I have seen articles in mainstream news media on the violent attacks tucked away in between the election news, the U.S. Presidential campaign, endless analysis of wins and losses of the Indian cricket team and other topics that claim our attention. There have also been mentions in my social media feed, but not enough to have stuck. The book’s description sheds reasons on why. One, ‘it has been largely ignored in mainland India’. Two, ‘the complete abdication of the State and Central government’.

I first became aware of CSSS a couple of years ago when I took on a proofreading job of their report on a Citizens’ Tribunal they had conducted. The Tribunal had been conducted along with the South Asia Forum on Freedom of Religion or Belief (SAFFORB), India, to hear cases ofviolations of freedom of religion or belief that took place between 2019 and 2022. The number of instances of communal violence that the Tribunal had heard was shocking, but my ignorance of the incidents was more so. I had considered myself well-informed, so where was the root of this unawareness buried? Was it that these acts were in towns so far-flung away that on my school political map, they would have barely registered as a speck? Or was the number of affected citizens too insignificant in a country racing towards the 1.5 billion mark? Or was it because the headline had not popped out during my quick morning sweep of the daily newspaper?

The report was a revelation. CSSS’ fact-finding report on Manipur Violence promised to be one, too,

What is that foul substance?

Allan Sealy, in his novel Trotternama, asks,

This foul substance is called what?

The foul substance is called history.

Any attempt to make sense of Manipur’s current situation would be half-baked without some throwback into the State’s past. The report starts with a brief history of the region and traces the possible origin of the two sparring sides in the current situation, the Meiteis of the valley and the Kukis of the hills. It then flashes forward to the British era and the role that the Kukis played in India’s fight for freedom. This becomes relevant later as claim and counter claims to origin and belonging are among the root cause of the conflict.

Until 1949, the various indigenous groups and others that inhabited the region coexisted peaacefully. The Meiteis lived in the valley, and the Kukis lived in the hills. They followed their individual lifestyles and customs without impeding the others’.

When India gained Independence, Manipur was designated a sovereign democratic nation with the King as its head and its constitution. India handled its foreign affairs, defence and communications. But, in 1949, the King signed the ascension instrument, and Manipur was merged with India. This did not go down with the people of Manipur, and separatist movements emerged. The Nagas’ demand for autonomy also spilt over into Manipur, where, after Meiteis and Kukis, they are the third largest community in the region. With the unrest refusing to simmer down, the Indian government evoked the Armed Forces (Assam and Manipur) Special Powers Act in 1958. The Act allowed for the use of extreme measures in situations which did not necessarily warranty them. Matters only compounded over the next few decades. Various groups emerged, each with a varying agenda and list of demands. The AFSPA gave the army the free-hand to apply itself in quelling the violence and fear that cloaked the region. This high-handedness came with its own set of troubles.

The history lesson is critical to the report as without a view of the past; it is impossible to see the current scenario with clarity.

The Difficult Child

A few days ago, I met a friend for coffee while her kids, ages 7 and 12, entertained themselves in a playzone next door. Her older kid was giving her trouble. Trouble beyond the odd tantrum or not doing errands. Things had begun to escalate and had started to affect the couple’s marriage. The school suggested counselling and testing for behaviourial disorders. While that process pans out, the child has been placed in the generic group of ‘difficult children’ by teachers, relatives and friends. Meanwhile, the child at the brink of teenhood is fighting for his space and identity while being poked and prodded for reasons he cannot fathom. His problem is specific, but the generic label of ‘difficult’ means that no one quite knows what to do with him.

Manipur reminds me of that kid. The state has been grappling with its identity within the country for decades. This has resulted in numerous skirmishes and conflicts. But, instead of parents and well-meaning parents trying to get to the root of the problem and treat it, it became the hunting ground of political vultures. Be it appeasing various factions or inciting them against each other, the governments that came to power held their interest at the forefront and ignored what Manipur needed. Since 2017, divisive tactics have been at the forefront. Various narratives have been created to feed into the insecurities of both communities. Support for one narrative goes against the rights of the other group and thus builds fear and insecurity. The report chronicles the events that have aggravated the equation between the previously coexisting Meiteis and the Kukis in the last few years.

The simmering tension overflowed when the High Court of Manipur directed the State Government to recommend that the Union government grant Scheduled Tribe Status to the Meiteis. This did not go down well with the Kukis, as it would afford the already-advantaged Meiteis more benefits and allow them to impinge on the rights of the Kukis. To oppose this order by the High Court, the All Tribals Student Association of Manipur (ATSUM) organized a rally in Churachandpur at 10 a.m. on 3rd May.

Reports and witness accounts claim that the Meiteis had begun to preplan an attack on the rally on 2nd May. Like in most outbursts, no one knows who tossed out the first expletive or hurled the first stone. But, the rally turned violent. What followed was finger-pointing and more violent acts. Targeted violent acts. Members of particular communities in specific localities came under attack. Homes were ransacked and burnt to the ground. Churches, mosques and temples were desecrated. Murders. Rapes. Brutality.

As per the official numbers the last fifteen months have claimed more than 220 lives and displaced 70000 people. Refugee camps have been set up at multiple locations. Unofficial guarded borders with checkpoints have been forced within the state to demarcate the land of the Meiteis, the valley, and that of the Kukis, the hills. These borders are as strictly guarded as those between two countries at war. The CSSS team went through intense interrogation and frisking in order to cross through. Kukis and Meiteis, found to be attempting to cross them, have been murdered. The Constitution of India allows its citizens the freedom to move freely throughout the country, but currently, in Manipur, the Kukis must travel eight hours to Aizawl in Mizoram to reach the nearest airport. The border stands as an uncrossable chasm between them and the airport in the valley, which is an hour away.

Manipur violence is among the most unprecedented conflict in India and has placed the state in a war-like situation. Yet, the report states that there has been no constructive move by the State or the Central government. The only steps that have been taken target the Kukis and pacify the Meiteis. This further boosts the narrative propagated by the Meiteis and adds to the fear amongst the Kukis. Thus, the pot refuses to simmer down. And the fear of boiling point is very real.

Restoration of pece to this region lies firmly with the state. A political solution is the only means to start the treatment of the decimated-Manipur and its wounded people. But, no healing can emerge from apathy. And, this reader can only hope that CSSS’ report will create enough noise to drum up support that will prompt action to bring peace to Manipur.

Too optimistic? Perhaps.

But, it did prompt this reader to commit to memory its location on the Indian map without the incentive of an additional mark in the geography exam.

So, there may be hope after all.

To read the excerpt from the CSSS report, Click Here

This Article was first published in The AIDEM. Reproduced with kind permission.

The post Somewhere in the North-East appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Protests Erupt in Manipur as Kuki-Zo Community Demands Separate Administration:

On Saturday, August 31, large-scale protests erupted across Manipur’s Churachandpur and Kangpokpi districts as members of the Kuki-Zo community took to the streets demanding a separate administration. These rallies, which also spread to other regions, were organized in response to what the Kuki-Zo community described as “genocide and ethnic cleansing,” reinforcing their call for autonomy through a separate administration.

The protests were particularly intense in areas like Leishang (Churachandpur), Keithelmanbi (Kangpokpi), and Moreh (Tengnoupal). In Churachandpur, the protest began at the Anglo-Kuki War Gate and proceeded to Peace Ground in Tuibong, covering about 6 km. The rally led to the closure of markets and schools, and government offices saw notably low attendance despite the state government’s appeal for institutions to remain open. In Kangpokpi district, hundreds of protesters marched from Keithelmanbi Military Colony to Thomas Ground at the district headquarters, covering approximately 8 km.

A cease-work strike in Manipur’s valley districts, organized in response to these rallies, brought daily life to a standstill, affecting businesses, schools, and institutions across the region. Despite an appeal by the government for shops and businesses to remain open, many establishments remained closed in areas where the rallies took place. Protesters carried banners and placards condemning the leaked tapes and calling for a separate administration, with slogans such as “Leaked Tapes: Ethnic Cleansing Exposed, Save Us from Manipur” and “Separate Administration the Only Solution.” Although the strike significantly disrupted these areas, it remained largely peaceful.

Kuki-Zo organizations also held a demonstration at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi, where they reiterated their demand for a separate administration and submitted memoranda to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. These memoranda highlighted the community’s grievances and urged the Prime Minister’s Office to address the situation in Manipur urgently.

What Ignited the Protests? Details of the Leaked Audio Clip:

The protests were sparked by viral audio clips, allegedly featuring Chief Minister N. Biren Singh making inflammatory comments related to the ongoing conflict in Manipur. The Manipur government dismissed these audio clips as “doctored” and announced that a state police investigation is underway. Despite the government’s denial, the audio has fuelled unrest and strengthened the Kuki-Zo community’s demands.

The leaked audio clips gained significant attention after being reported by The Wire in a three-part series earlier in August. The 48-minute recording, purportedly made during a meeting with Chief Minister Singh, allegedly reveals his “partisan complicity” in the ongoing violence. As per the report of The Wire, the voice said to be of the chief minister can be heard making light of the crime against the two Kuki women, who had been paraded naked and had survived sexual violence, and berating Meitei civil society groups for not coming out and “asserting boldly, with pride” that “it is we, the Meiteis who saved them from the mob”. “How badly we were shamed! We should have taken credit for saving them, clothing them and sending them home,” the recording captured the speaker as saying. 

The controversy surrounding these leaked tapes has further escalated tensions in Manipur, deepening the community’s distrust in the state government and its leadership. While it is essential to note that The Wire has not independently verified the authenticity of the voice in the recording, it has confirmed the date, subject, and contents of the meeting with some participants, who assert that the voice is indeed that of the chief minister.

The recordings have been submitted to the Ajai Lamba-headed Commission of Inquiry probing the ethnic violence in the state.

The Kuki-Zo organizations submitted several memoranda to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has not visited Manipur since the ethnic conflict began on May 3, 2023. The memoranda highlighted the “implications” of the leaked audio tapes and urged the Prime Minister’s Office to address the “severity of the situation” concerning the targeting of the Kuki-Zo community in the conflict.

The memoranda submitted by the Kuki Students’ Organisation (KSO) in Kangpokpi demanded action against the chief minister, the strengthening of buffer zones with Assam Rifles, and an immediate political solution under Article 239A. In Churachandpur, seven student organizations, including the KSO, also highlighted the issue of the leaked audio tapes, stating that the “recent disclosure of confidential audio recordings” attributed to the chief minister had caused significant unrest and prompted urgent calls for remedial action within the state.

The memoranda stressed that the leaked recordings, as reported by The Wire, included controversial and incendiary remarks allegedly made by Chief Minister Singh. These remarks included statements concerning women who had suffered sexual assault and references to the deployment of explosive devices during his conversation with the Union Home Minister Amit Shah in the context of the ongoing unrest. The recordings have sparked fears of escalating violence and jeopardized public safety.

Given the protracted crisis and the leaked tapes’ ramifications, the Kuki-Zo community reiterated their call for the imposition of President’s Rule and the establishment of an autonomous administration, urging a decisive and sensitive approach to restore public trust and peace. The audio clips have been in the spotlight since The Wire published a three-part report earlier in August, where the recording’s creators claimed it was made during an in-person meeting in which the chief minister allegedly expressed his partisan complicity in the ongoing violence.

The BJP-led Manipur government dismissed the audio tapes as “doctored,” claiming that the recordings were being circulated to undermine ongoing efforts to restore peace in the state.

Sunday’s Violence in Manipur: Details of the Attack and Government Response

On Sunday, September 1, just a day after rallies by the Kuki-Zo communities were taken out in protest against the current Manipur government, violence erupted in Manipur’s Koutruk area, located in Imphal West district, This outbreak of violence, which marks another significant escalation in the ongoing conflict, resulted in the deaths of two people and injuries to ten others, including two police officers and a television reporter.

According to the Manipur police, the attack in Koutruk was unprecedented, involving alleged Kuki militants who used rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs) deployed via high-tech drones. A senior police officer estimated that seven such explosives were used against the village. The police described this use of drones for deploying explosives against both security forces and civilians as a notable escalation, suggesting the involvement of highly trained professionals with technical expertise.

“In an unprecedented attack in Koutruk, alleged Kuki militants have deployed numerous RPGs (rocket-propelled grenades) using high-tech drones,” said an official statement by the Manipur police, as per the Telegraph.

“While drone bombs have commonly been used in general warfares, this recent deployment of drones to deploy explosives against security forces and civilians marks a significant escalation. The involvement of highly trained professionals, possibly with technical expertise and support, cannot be ruled out,” said an official statement by the Manipur police.

On Sunday, militants attacked Koutruk and neighbouring Kadangband, using both gunfire and bombs. The attack resulted in widespread panic, forcing many residents, including women, children, and the elderly, to seek refuge in safer areas. Of the nine injured, five sustained bullet wounds, while the rest suffered from splinter injuries due to bomb explosions. The body of Ngangbam Surbala Devi, the deceased woman, has been sent to the Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS) for a post-mortem examination. The identity of the other deceased individual is still being verified.

The deceased were identified as 35-year-old Ngangbam Surbala, who was shot in the head, and her 11-year-old daughter, who sustained a bullet wound to her right arm. The firing began around 2:00 pm and continued until approximately 7:30 pm, with the situation remaining tense into the night. Locals reported that houses in Koutruk were set ablaze and many villagers were evacuated to safer locations.

Koutruk, a Meitei-majority village in Imphal West district near the Kuki-Zomi-majority Kangpokpi district, has been one of the worst-affected areas in the ongoing conflict. On Sunday evening, Manipur’s Director General of Police, Rajiv Singh, instructed district Superintendents of Police to be on high alert and to ensure vigilance along all fringe areas. He also emphasized the need for coordination between different security forces and the conduct of joint combing operations.

The Home Department of the Manipur government condemned the violence, labelling it an “act of terrorizing unarmed villagers.” The statement criticized the violence as an attempt to undermine the state’s efforts to restore peace. The government of Manipur has vowed immediate action to control the situation and to hold accountable those responsible for the attack on Koutruk village.

The flare-up of violence comes after several months of relative calm along the borders of Meitei and Kuki-Zomi-majority districts, which have been hotspots of violence since May 2023. The last significant incident of violence had taken place in June, when a beheaded body of a Meitei farmer was found on June 6, and the state had once again come under the grip of violence with 70 houses, police outposts and a forest office burned, leaving at least 2000 displaced. (Details can be read here.)

In response to the present turmoil, security forces, including both state and central units, have been deployed to stabilize the situation. The state government has strongly condemned the attack and reiterated its commitment to restoring peace.

Related:

Anguish of Manipur reverberates in Lok Sabha as Congress Manipur MP speaks against PM Modi’s “silence”

Supreme Court comes down heavily on Manipur government for failing to take undertrial to Court owing to his ethnic Kuki identity

Manipur: Violence surges as do displacements, CM Biren Singh finally admits that Centre & State are not meeting public expectations

Bringing together fact-finding reports on Manipur, a commitment to conflict-ridden Manipur

The post Manipur on Edge: Violent Clashes Erupt on the day following Kuki-Zo Protests Demanding Separate Administration, action against state CM based on leaked tapes appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In response to the said President’s address to the Parliament, the recently elected Member of Parliament for Inner Manipur, A Bimol Akoijam, came out swinging, accusing the BJP-led NDA administration of “ignoring” the state riven by violence. A professor at JNU, Akoijam made his political debut in the recently concluded Lok Sabha election of 2024, defeating BJP state minister TH Basanta Singh.

Addressing the Lok Sabha around midnight of July 2, Akoijam said “Is this silence communicating to the people of the Northeast and particularly Manipur that you do not matter in the Indian State’s scheme of things?”

Referring to the absence of the Manipur crisis in President Droupadi Murmu’s address to Parliament, Akoijam highlighted the high number of people that have been left displaced due to the violence as well as the number of deaths. He further highlighted the danger that still looms in the state, leaving the citizens anxious over the next breakout of violence. As per The Indian Express, Akoijam said: “This is not a simple absence. It is a reminder of the ‘rashtra chetana (national consciousness)’ which excludes people. You must realise that more than 60,000 people are languishing in relief camps in wretched conditions for the last one year… 60,000 people homeless is not a joke. Over 200 people have died. There has been a civil war-like situation where people, armed to the teeth, are roaming around and fighting each other, defending their villages and the Indian State is a mute spectator to this tragedy for one year.”

Akoijam also pointed to the irony of being allotted a time close to midnight to deliver his maiden speech, saying that he was “amazed” that his speech was being delivered when there was hardly anyone present in the House, including from the Congress ranks.

Despite the fact that “every square centimeter of the state is covered by Central forces,” Akoijam questioned how thousands of villages had been devastated and 60,000 people had been made homeless. “Yet our Prime Minister (Narendra Modi) remains mute. Not even a word. The Presidential address did not mention that (crisis). It is a reminder of what many scholars have said: there is a continuity between the colonial and post-colonial period,” he said.

Attacking the union government for neglecting the state of Manipur while claiming to move away from the colonial legacy attached to India, Akoijam cited the renowned political psychologist Ashis Nandy, and said colonialism is “a state of mind, it is a psychological phenomenon”. Akoijam then said “Today, we are observing a day where we implement new criminal laws, seemingly to discard colonial heritage… This continuity (of colonialism) is shown by neglecting the tragedy of a state which is the 19th state of the Union.”

Slamming the BJP’s nationalism, the MP said it was “sad to see a nationalist party like the BJP being comfortable with the silence on Manipur’s tragedy”. “Keep your hands on your heart and think about the homeless, the mothers and the widows. Think of them and then talk about nationalism,” he said.

Criticising PM Modi for standing as a mute spectator to the struggles of the people of Manipur, Akoijam, while wrapping up his speech, stated that “The hurt, the anger has thrown a nobody like me to be part of this temple of democracy, beating the BJP cabinet minister. Think about the pain… I will keep quiet the moment the Prime Minister opens his mouth and the nationalist party says that Manipur is a part of India and we care for the people of that state.”

A video of the speech can be accessed here:

Manipur MP Angomcha Bimol Akoijam explained why people elected “a nobody” like him to the Parliament. pic.twitter.com/WfsmexbAM0

— Brut India (@BrutIndia) July 2, 2024

Take out 1 minute of your time and listen to Manipur Congress MP Bimol Akoijam speak his heart out.

This will move you
pic.twitter.com/6g3EOYLGB3

— Roshan Rai (@RoshanKrRaii) July 2, 2024

It is essential to note that prior to Akoijam, Leader of the opposition and MP from Raebareli, Uttar Pradesh, Rahul Gandhi, had also heavily criticised the Modi government of pushing Manipur into “a civil war”, with its politics and policies. He highlighted how, since the beginning of the ethnic conflict in the state, PM Modi had not made one visit to Manipur.

“Despite our criticisms and urges, the prime minister has not stepped in Manipur, it is as if the state does not belong to India; the home minister has not gone to Manipur either.”

Speaking of a woman in Manipur who saw a relative being shot to death, Gandhi further said “For the Prime Minister, there is no state of Manipur. We urged him to give a message, to go there. But no, you cannot get a reply (from the Prime Minister).”

1st July 2024@RahulGandhi on #Manipur.
I don’t support him or Congress in any way. I just have major problems with people who ignores a CIVIL WAR in their own country for over 14 months ! pic.twitter.com/BphhReZ0Yf

— Adv. Siam Phaipi (@SiamPhaipi) July 2, 2024

On July 3, the Congress party hit out at the government over its second MP from Manipur, Alfred Arthur, not having been allowed to speak before Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s address in Lok Sabha. Congress MP Gaurav Gogoi had spoken to the media over the said issue and said “…Yesterday, we saw a saddening thing in the parliament. Congress, especially Rahul Gandhi has this demand that both of Manipur MPs should put forth their views on the Motion of thanks. Rahul Gandhi himself has gone to Manipur, he has witnessed the division that has been created within the societies of Manipur, a civil-war-like condition is there. Rahul Gandhi knew that if we didn’t allow them to speak, it would convey a wrong message to the people of Manipur. But, the sad thing is that the PM doesn’t want to listen to the grievances of Manipur. We didn’t get the 2 minutes but we had to listen to the PM for 2 hours in which he kept repeating all those old allegations, jokes and satire. He took the politics to a newer low… In the end, the PM just said that if you didn’t get the time, ask your party. If the PM can offer water to the opposition MPs, why doesn’t he have the patience to listen to the MPs of Manipur? PM Modi is showing his back in a planned way to Manipur, yesterday he ignored what Mohan Bhagwat had said…”

#WATCH | Congress MP Gaurav Gogoi says, “…Yesterday, we saw a saddening thing in the parliament. Congress, especially Rahul Gandhi has this demand that both of Manipur MPs should put forth their views on the Motion of thanks. Rahul Gandhi himself has gone to Manipur, he has… pic.twitter.com/SsNpA8VBFJ

— ANI (@ANI) July 3, 2024

On the other hand, a one had expected, in PM Modi’s 135-minute speech replying to the discussion on the Motion of Thanks on the President’s Address in the Lower House, he did not speak on the issue of Manipur and the violence that the state saw. During his speech PM Modi had to face with continuous slogan-shouting on justice for Manipur by opposition members.

Chants of Manipur – Manipur louder than Modi’s voice in Lok Sabha.

He is trembling.

Beauty of democracy pic.twitter.com/vBCs9JJNpP

— Roshan Rai (@RoshanKrRaii) July 2, 2024

Right now, in the Lok Sabha, Modi is finally understanding what the “VOICE” of the Opposition sounds like.

After 10 long years, the sound of the people drowns out his monologue.

Modi without a majority.

Mighty proud of ALL my INDIA colleagues in the Lok Sabha pic.twitter.com/dRfGhGuB17

— Saket Gokhale MP (@SaketGokhale) July 2, 2024

It is essential to point out that post-election results (June 4) to the Indian Express on June 9, CM Manipur N Biren Singh, had accepted responsibility for the 12 month long targeted conflict in the state, admitting that both the Centre and State had not met public expectations. (Details can be read here.)

Related:

Manipur: Violence surges as do displacements, CM Biren Singh finally admits that Centre & State are not meeting public expectations

Manipur conflict state-manufactured in order facilitate corporate loot: FACAM

Manipur: a year on, thousands of lives disrupted but the conflict continues

Supreme Court comes down heavily on Manipur government for failing to take undertrial to Court owing to his ethnic Kuki identity

The post Anguish of Manipur reverberates in Lok Sabha as Congress Manipur MP speaks against PM Modi’s “silence” appeared first on SabrangIndia.

As per the live reporting of LiveLaw, a vacation bench of Justices JB Pardiwala and Ujjal Bhuyan took note of the said conduct of the Manipur government, and told the counsel of the state that they do not trust the state of Manipur.

“Sorry counsel, we do not trust the State (of Manipur). We do not. The accused was not taken to hospital because he is from the Kuki community? So sad. We direct him to be examined now. If the medical report reveals something serious, we will take you to task! Remember that,” the Court warned.

As per the report, the accused was apparently suffering from piles and tuberculosis. It had also been noted by the court had the undertrial had previously also complained to jail officials about extreme backache. Further, on November 22, 2023, the jail medical officer had found tenderness in the lower lumbar spine of undertrial and recommended an X-Ray. Since the facility was not available in the jail, the undertrial was required to be taken to the hospital for the same. Based on the bail order passed by the High Court, the Supreme Court bench found that the accused was not taken out for medical examination at a hospital “since he was from Kuki community and that shifting him to hospital will be hazardous taking into account law and order situation.”

Another crucial aspect that was noted by the Supreme Court was that the trial on the case against the accused was yet to commence. Taking serious view of the same, the Court passed the following order in which the Bench directed the State to immediately make necessary arrangements to take the accused to Gauhati Medical College in Assam and get the accused examined there.

“We direct the jail superintendent as well as responsible authority of State of Manipur to make necessary arrangements for his transportation to Gauhati Medical College and get him examined therein. The medical exam shall be as regards piles, TB, tonsillitis, abdominal pain as well as problems in lower lumbar spine.”

It further directed the officials concerned to obtain a detailed medical report in this regard and place same before it on or before the Supreme Court on July 15. Notably, the Supreme Court directed for all expenses of the medical examination to be borne by the

“All expenses to be borne by the State,” the Court said.

Background of Manipur conflict:

The conflict started in May, 2023, when violence erupted after Kuki-Zo communities protested against the demand for Scheduled Tribe status for the Meitei community. The Meiteis had also been demanding for a National Registry of Citizens in the state. The two ethnic groups form the majority of the population of the state, with Meiteis constituting 51 % of the population. Meiteis are noted to have a larger share in the state’s legislative assembly and are considered to wield more political influence in the state, according to The Wire. Interestingly, January witnessed the state government forming an all-tribe panel to decide the fate of the ST status for the Kuki population.

Today the state seems to have transformed into a militarised zone, from what it seems and reportedly stands divided. There are ethnically divided area-wise checkpoints by the police and also with militants standing guard and barring entry, restricting entry from the hill to the valley areas.

Related:

Manipur: Violence surges as do displacements, CM Biren Singh finally admits that Centre & State are not meeting public expectations

Manipur conflict state-manufactured in order facilitate corporate loot: FACAM

Manipur: a year on, thousands of lives disrupted but the conflict continues

Manipur: Recovering drug users have right to appeal against acquittal of Lukhosai Zou, former Chairperson of the Moreh Autonomous District Council argue petitioners in Supreme Court

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With a beheaded body of a Meitei farmer being found on June 6, the state is once again under the grip of violence, 70 houses, police outposts and a forest office burned, at least 2000 displaced; all fingers point to negligence of the state and union governments. Most unexpected and candid was an admission, by CM Biren Singh in an interview to Indian Express on June 9 –five days after the Lok Sabha poll results that brought two Congress candidates to victory in the state — in which he said that the “Centre and state are not meeting public expectations.” Accepting responsibility for that defeat — Congress won both seats — he said, in an interview to The Indian Express, that it was time for him to work with “even more conviction.”

The past fortnight in Manipur

For the past week ten days, Manipur has once again been in the headlines, with more bouts of violence being reported from the state. Incidents of arson, displacement, violence and targeting of Kuki-Zo groups have once again started emerging from the state. The violence re-emerged after a Meitei farmer’s beheaded body was found on June 6 in Jiribam district of the state. While the police and authorities repeatedly emphasised that the miscreants behind the killing remained unknown, three abandoned villages belonging to Kuki community were burnt down. As situation started escalating, curfew was imposed. The state then, once again, saw houses being burnt down and people facing internal displacement. As per a report of The Indian Express, the number of those displaced from violence hit Jiri to the neighbouring Cachar district in Assam is around 2000 people, and the number is continuously growing. As per Kaushik Rai, an MLA from Assam’s Lakhipur constituency, while most of those who are being displaced people are from the Kukis and Hmars community, there are also Meiteis in the group.

Only a day before, on June 10, a group of suspected militants attacked the advance convoy of Manipur chief minister N Biren Singh. During the said attack, which took place in Kangpokpi district, one security personnel has also sustained injuries, as per the report of Economic Times. It is to be noted that the said convoy was on its way to Jiribam district following a recent round of violence that resulted in the death of one person. The attack took place near Kotlen village on the Imphal-Jiribam National Highway, with militants firing at the security forces.

It is essential to highlight here that Manipur has been seeing intermittent bouts of violence and sporadic firing since the month of April 2024. The ethnic clash in the state had started in May of 2023 and peace is yet to be established there. At least 225 people have died and nearly 50,000 have been displaced, living in relief camps, because of the ethnic clashes between the two groups, which started on May 3, 2023.

Even during the polling for the recently concluded Lok Sabha elections, incidents of firing, intimidation, destruction of EVMs at some polling stations and allegations of booth capturing were reported from Manipur on the scheduled day of the first round of poll on April 19. Pursuant to this, re-polling at 11 polling stations in the Inner Manipur Lok Sabha constituency had been ordered by the Election Commission of India.

Details of the same can be accessed here.

On June 4, the results of the Lok Sabha elections depicted how the people of Manipur voted out the BJP and its ally, the Naga People’s Front, from the Inner and Outer Manipur constituencies respectively. Both the seats have been won comfortably by Congress candidates. In the inner Manipur constituency seat, Angomcha Bimol Akoijam, a professor of JNU, defeated the Bharatiya Janata Party’s T Basanta Kumar Singh, who is also the state education minister in the BJP-led Biren Singh government. Additionally, the Outer Manipur reserved seat had been won by Congress’s Alfred Kanngam Arthur, after he defeated his rival from the Naga People’s Front, a BJP ally. 

Details of the violence in Jiribam: June 6

On June 6, only two days after the declaration of election results, a 59-year-old man named S Saratkumar was found beheaded, alleged to have been killed by unknown militants. The incident occurred around 5 pm when Saratkumar was said to be returning from his son’s farm located at Leishabithol. According to media reports, the state police had stated that Saratkumar was allegedly detained by unknown miscreants near Khasia Punji on his way home. His family members immediately reported the incident to Jiribam district police, prompting a joint search operation in the area. During the search, Saratkumar’s beheaded body was found near Mulargoan, about 12 kilometers north of Jiribam police station. The motive behind the killing and the identity of the assailants remain unknown. Police have registered a case and launched an investigation.

While the police has not been able to ascertain the identity of the miscreants, soon after the incident the rumour that the miscreants behind this beheading were Kuki militants had gain fired. As per a report of the Telegraph, Soibam Romola, the deceased’s wife, had also stated that she and her son encountered suspicious unknown individuals, believed to be from the Kuki community, while returning from the farm ahead of her husband. Towards the evening on the same day, locals had gathered around the Jiribam police station and started demanding that they be allowed to arm themselves for their own protection. The Jiribam District Magistrate imposed a district-wide curfew immediately.

Trouble since the killing incident: Since June 6

As per multiple media reports, on June 6 itself, around 9pm, an irate mob set fire to abandoned houses belonging to the Kuki community in the nearby area. Three Kuki villages located near Jiribam district of Manipur were burnt. To prevent from further unwanted incidents, the administration of Jiribam and Tamenglong districts imposed prohibitory orders in the areas adjoining the two districts.

On the same evening, Kuki civil bodies in their press statement condemned the act and urged the authority concerned to book the culprits involved in the incident. Certain community civil bodies belonging also alleged that Meiteis had once again unleashed terror upon Jiribam during the intervening night of Thursday and Friday, shattering the fragile semblance of normalcy in the state since the past few weeks. As per a report of Hindustan Times, Indigenous Tribes Advocacy Committee (ITAC), Pherzawl and Jiribam district had claimed that the burning of houses in the Lamdai Khunou, Jiribam district by an angry mob is a direct response to the burning of Hmar-Kuki-Zomi tribal houses in and around Jiribam town by Meiteis. It stated that to prevent further escalation of the current violence and for the safety of the tribals, a total shutdown has been imposed in all areas under the jurisdiction of ITAC. In case of emergency, passes will be issued by ITAC and volunteers on duty.

Jiribam has a diverse ethnic composition comprising Meiteis, Muslims, Nagas, Kukis and non-Manipuris. It is also essential to note that the district of Jiribam had relatively stayed unaffected during the past one year.

On June 7, tensions remained high in Jiribam district after suspected militants torched two police outposts, a forest office and at least 70 houses, prompting the authorities to transfer the superintendent of police. The villages that were attacked by the militants were Lamtai Khunou, Dibong Khunou, Nunkhal and Begra villages.

Notably, police outposts of Jiri Mukh and Choto Bekra and the Goakhal forest beat office were set on fire. As per a statement of the officials, to gain a control over the situation, a contingent of more than 70 state police commandos was airlifted from Imphal to Jiribam to assist security personnel in their operations against militants. As per a report of the Hindustan Times, Jiribam SP A Ghanashyam Sharma’s transfer order was issued hours after police outposts were burnt. Reportedly, M Pradip Singh, who was serving as the additional director of the the Manipur Police Training College, has then charge as the senior superintendent of police of Jiribam district.

Violence resultant displacement:

Consequential displacements have also taken place, with about 2000 people have taken shelter in various parts of Lakhipur in Cachar district of Assam, entering the state by crossing the Jiri river over the last four days. Lakhipur MLA Kaushik Rai told PTI that affected people have started with internal displacement in search of safety. The local MLA also provided that people are taking shelter in villages at Jirighat and Lakhipur, though no government relief camp has been opened for them. Rai has also provided that the number of those being displaced is continuing to grow, as per the Indian Express. According to him, while most of these people are Kukis and Hmars — both part of the large Zo tribe — there are also Meiteis in the group.

“The people who have come from Manipur are being allowed to stay here safely. The local administration is taking all steps to ensure no spread of any violence here,” Lakhipur MLA Rai stated.

In addition to this, after the torching of the houses and property, more than 230 Meitei people, mostly women and children, were evacuated from peripheral areas of Jiribam, and moved to a newly set up relief camp at a multi-sports complex in the district. As per a report of The Hindu, survivors from the latest round of attacks on Meitei and Kuki-Zo villages provided that during the current violence, some of them had to flee their homes for the second time since the conflict began on May 3 last year. 

Leaders speak on the violence:

The newly election Congress MP, Angomcha Bimol Akoijam, issued his statement after the incident of violence emerged, urging the state government to protect the lives and properties of the people of Jiribam district as well as those living nearby.

“I have talked to district officials of Jiribam. Those in the town are being provided security, while those in peripheral areas are not being provided security,” Akoijam had stated.

Akoijam also said the violence in Jiribam was created by those who wanted to remain in crisis in Manipur instead of bringing back peace, as per Hindustan Times.

He said, “People should not be shifted out as it is unconstitutional, instead, they should be provided with adequate securities for their protection as it could create division.”

In addition to this, Supriya Sule, who retained her Lok Sabha seat from Baramati, Maharashtra, condemned the violence taking place in Manipur, raising questions against the inaction of the Union as well as state government, both of which are led by the BJP party.

“We have been questioning the government over the Manipur issue for months. A lot of discussions took place in the Parliament over the Manipur situation. Manipur is an integral part of the country. The people, women, children there are Indians. In Manipur, the convoy of the Chief Minister was also attacked. It shows that somewhere something is going wrong. A word is not spoken about Manipur, though we sought a discussion on the issue. Leaders from the I.N.D.I.A. bloc travelled to the state, but we were stopped there. Manipur is an integral part of India, and why is it being meted out such treatment?” she said, as per PTI.

Meanwhile, Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI) has alleged that the Jiribam incident occurred due to negligence of central government.

It is essential to note that on June 9, in reaction to losing both the Lok Sabha seats in Manipur, CM Singh had acknowledged that both the state and union government had been unable to meet the expectations of the people in Manipur. Notably, this reflection of the CM had come after more than one year of the state being under the grip of violence. With this, CM Singh had accepted responsibility for BJP’s defeat in the state in an interview to The Indian Express by stating that it was time for him to work with “even more conviction.” CM singh had also accepted that Manipuris in the valley and the hills are upset with the governments at the state and the Centre for not meeting “public expectations” on law and order.

Details of the attack on CM’s advance convoy: June 10

The advance convoy was on its way to violence-hit Jiribam district when it came under attack around 10.30 am near Kotlen village along a stretch of National Highway-53, a report of the Telegraph provided. Multiple gunshots were fired at the vehicles of the security forces, who retaliated. As per multiple media reports, one security personnel was injured in an attack on the CM’s advance convoy. The security personnel had sustained injuries to his shoulder and was immediately rushed to a hospital in Imphal for treatment. Notably, additional state and central forces, including Assam Rifles and CRPF, have launched a combing operation to apprehend the attackers. Arrests are yet to be made.

After the attack on the convoy, CM Singh had arrived in Imphal from New Delhi, wherein he had gone to attend the swearing-in ceremony of PM Narendra Modi, in the afternoon of June 10 and visited the injured security personnel, Moirangthem Ajesh at the hospital.

CM Singh also addressed the media and called the attack on his convoy to be a direct attack on the people of Manipur. As per a report of the Telegraph, Singh said “A befitting action will be taken soon. It is very unfortunate and highly condemnable. It’s an attack on the chief minister, which means a direct attack on the people of the state. The state government has to do something…we will take a decision.”

He further added, “Earlier, the state government did not retaliate much in the hope that an understanding could be achieved through talks. However, certain violent acts have been perpetuated on people as if a state government does not exist. This has hurt me deeply. There have been consistent insults to existing state machineries, and we have tolerated them for so long. The attack on an advance security team of the CM is an attack on the CM himself.”

Referencing to his interactions with the affected people of Jiribam, Singh said, “I spoke with them over the phone and told them I would come in two or three days and look into their requirements, and they were happy. I returned from Delhi as the situation in the state was important.”

However, with suspicions flying around as to the perpetrators of CM Singh’s murder attempt, Kuki-Zo locals in Uchathol Hmar Veng, Vengnuam Paite Veng, and Songkoveng villages have started reporting attacks on them. Around Vengnuam, a church was reported to be burnt down along with the homes of several civilians, as per Telegraph.

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Manipur: a year on, thousands of lives disrupted but the conflict continues

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Bringing together fact-finding reports on Manipur, a commitment to conflict-ridden Manipur

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The natural resources found include limestone, chromite, nickel, copper, malachite, azurite, magnetite, and various platinum group elements. There are predominantly found in Hundung, Phungyar, and Mailiang villages in Ukhrul district, as well as in Toupokpi, Chakpikarong, Pallel, Nungphura, Nungpal, Sajik Tampak, and Haikot villages in Tengnoupal and Chandel districts — 80% of which fall in areas inhabited by tribal communities practicing Christianity, which are particularly the Kuki-Zo and Nagas in Manipur.

On the other hand, the Meiteis are “largely Hinduism-practicing”, which became targeted as the base for the ruling Hindutva regime.

On 3rd May 2024, it was a year since the genocidal violence in Manipur has started, and it has continued to intensify across the year. As of 1st May 2024, there have been 185 people killed in the violence initiated by the ruling BJP-RSS combine with more than 200 villages burnt and more than 41,000 people displaced from Manipur.

The struggle in Manipur is centred on the lands of the tribal peasantry, with the ruling BJP government in both the centre and state assembly of Manipur pushing for the ability of the valley-based landowning sections to purchase the forest lands in the hills, instigating violence between the Kuki-Zo, Naga peasantry and the Meitei tribal communities.

Various reports surfaced where the Indian army and paramilitary arms and ammunition were “stolen” which were later found to have been arming the conflicts to create militias in service of brahmanical Hindutva fascist Indian state.

The conflict is premised on the fact that Manipur is rich in natural resources, particularly limestone, chromite, nickel, copper, malachite, azurite, magnetite, and various platinum group elements which are predominantly found in Hundung, Phungyar, and Mailiang villages in Ukhrul district, as well as in Toupokpi, Chakpikarong, Pallel, Nungphura, Nungpal, Sajik Tampak, and Haikot villages in Tengnoupal and Chandel districts.

Per geographical analysis, 80% of these resources fall in areas inhabited by tribal communities practicing Christianity, which are particularly the Kuki-Zo and Nagas in Manipur, while the Meiteis who are largely Hinduism-practicing are targeted as the base for the ruling brahmanical Hindutva fascist regime.

The Kuki-Zo and Naga peasants who inhabit these resource rich forest and hill areas must therefore be displaced and their political assertions and demands disarmed for the sake of corporate loot of natural resources for the interests of imperialists, big Indian corporates and the local Manipuri allies.

At the same time, Manipur has never found itself integrated with even the erstwhile British Raj, let alone the Indian state born in 1947 and has seen movements for national liberation which too have been attacked in the guise of this conflict which the state has promoted as enmity based on ethnic lines.

For the interests of corporatization, the conflict is a necessary act as a means of arming local state-backed militias, an excuse for increased presence of central paramilitary, army and police in the region in the name of ‘quelling the violence’ and ‘restoring order’ as a method of militarization which can thus make the process of looting natural resources easier, as witnessed by the large displacement of peasants.

Just like the Salwa Judum and their successors the District Reserve Guard and Bastar Fighter in Bastar where the Adivasi peasantry too is fighting for their lands, combatting displacement, genocide and a systemic war on people by the Indian state for the sake of corporate loot, state-backed private militias are running amock in the region.

Tribal peasants of resource-rich regions have been struggling against militarization and corporatization and for their jal-jungle-jameen

Just on 30th April and 1st May 2024, the Assam Rifles, part of the Central Armed Police Forces like the CRPF, conducted combing operations in the forest areas near the Kuki-Zo dominated villages of Leisanghpai and Sejang in Jiribum under the guise of capturing a purported militant.

Right after the operation, the villages were found to be burnt to the ground. In the name of securing them for the residents, these villages are cleared of the residents for such operations, allowing way for the private militias to then come in and raze them to the ground, compelling the peasants to leave.

The Adivasi peasantry dominating the 5th and 6th schedule areas, be in Bastar or Manipur, are seeing the most intense militarization for the sake of corporate loot of natural resources, where the tribal peasants across the entirety of such resource-rich regions have been struggling against militarization and corporatization for the sake of their jal-jungle-jameen, as well as for their dignity and democratic rights. Meanwhile the Indian state has propped up veils of ethnic and religious conflicts and is clamping down on all forms of resistance of the people.

Forum Against Corporatization and Militarization (FACAM) expresses solidarity with the people of Manipur and their struggle for the protection of their lands in their fight for jal-jungle-jameen and against brahmanical Hindutva fascism. FACAM urges an end to militarization, including the state-backed private militias in the region and end to any and all plans of rapacious mining operations for the sake of imperialists and big Indian corporates which displace the hill-based peasantry.

*All India Students’ Association (AISA), All India Revolutionary Students Organization (AIRSO), All India Revolutionary Women’s Organization (AIRWO), Bhim Army Student Federation (BASF), Bhagat Singh Ambedkar Students Organization (BASO), Bhagat Singh Chatra Ekta Manch (bsCEM), Collective, Common Teachers Forum (CTF), Democratic Students Union (DSU), Fraternity Movement, Nazariya Magazine, Progressive Lawyers Association (PLA), Mazdoor Adhikar Sangathan (MAS), Trade Union Centre of India (TUCI), Vishwavidyalaya Chhatra Federation (VCF)

Courtesy: CounterView

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As per the report, three women had sought for help from the police on May 4 a day of violence first broke out in the state but they were reportedly left to the mob, as per NDTV. The state has been rife with violence the whole year and continues to be very much still in turmoil. The conflict has left over displaced 40,000 Manipuris forced to live in makeshift, and ethnically divided, relief camps. 

The conflict started in May last year when violence erupted after Kuki-Zo communities protested against the demand for Scheduled Tribe status for the Meitei community. The Meiteis had also been demanding for a National Registry of Citizens in the state. The two ethnic groups form the majority of the population of the state, with Meiteis constituting 51 % of the population. Meiteis are noted to have a larger share in the state’s legislative assembly and are considered to wield more political influence in the state, according to The Wire. Interestingly, January witnessed the state government forming an all-tribe panel to decide the fate of the ST status for the Kuki population. 

Today the state seems to have transformed into a militarised zone, from what it seems and reportedly stands divided. There are ethnically divided area-wise checkpoints by the police and also with militants standing guard and barring entry, restricting entry from the hill to the valley areas. The Lok Sabha polling process also saw violence at the poll booths allegedly by the Arambai Tengol, a radical Meitei group, which led to many Kuki bodies saying that they would boycott the polls. Two persons were also killed a few days before polling took place in the state on April 19. 

Manipur also faced one of the worlds’ longest internet bans in 2023 when the Indian government implemented an internet shutdown that extended for more than 5,000 hours over the course of the year. In September 2023, after visiting Manipur, doctors from the Indian Doctors for Peace and Development (IDPD) held a press conference in Delhi highlighting that the internet ban prevented crucial medical assistance from reaching affected people. Similarly, the people living in relief camps still find it unsafe to reach their homes, despite a year of the conflict. They live in difficult conditions where food is meagre and medicinal supplies are highly low. 

Even as the chief minister claimed in March 2024 that peace is “gradually” returning to the state, news has recently arrived on May 2nd of a 41 year old woman named Umarani being shot dead in the state’s Bishnupur region. The CM has repeated his focus on the issues of ‘illegal migration’ in recent times. He has even shared a video on April 29 on his timeline, in which the video cautions viewers about illegal immigration in the state since 1967. Shockingly the video also states that the population of ‘Chin Kuki Zo’ has seen an ‘unprecedented surge.’ 

*Unnatural growth of 996 New Villages Due to Illegal Immigration: Threat to Indigenous People and National Security*

Will anyone accept the unnatural growth of new villages and population, causing massive changes to the demography in their own state or country due to the influx… pic.twitter.com/k1lU4Pba7l

— N.Biren Singh (Modi Ka Parivar) (@NBirenSingh) April 29, 2024

Chief Minister N Biren Singh has been criticised by observers for how he has handled the crisis in the state. Interestingly, the Assam Rifles, a centrally administered paramilitary force, released in a report Singh had stoked the flames of conflict in the state. The Rifles stated that the violence in the state was due to the CM’s “political authoritarianism and ambition”, according to Mint. As the polling continues in the rest of the country as normal, the people of Manipur continue to suffer a year on with displacement, hunger, and violence. . 

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Meanwhile as Kuki-Zo and Tribal groups responded to the CRPF killings expressing regrets and giving their version, the Meitis have retorted with sharp disclaimers and their own version about the causes behind the attack on CRPF personnel.

The two deceased CRPF men killed in last night’s blast have been identified by the police as Sub-Inspector N Sarkar and Head Constable Arup Saini. The incident took place at around 12:45 am in the intervening night of Friday and Saturday. According to the police, as reported by The Indian Express, the gunmen opened fire at Narainsena village in Meitei-majority Bishnupur district. The police informed that the miscreants also fired a bomb which exploded inside a CRPF outpost there. “Security forces have cordoned off the area and further investigation will be carried out by the police,” a security official told the media.

Speaking to the media, Security Advisor, CRPF DG, Kuldeep Singh spoke in a measured tone saying that immediate investigations are on and the guilty militant groups would be brought to justice in a court of law. When questioned as to “which” group was responsible for the attack on the CRPF camp, he stated very clearly that only a complete investigation would reveal all details. “Everyone is aware of which groups operate here in the area. Both the Meiti and Kuki militant groups know that the Central forces have been brought in to fostrer peace, we are stationed between both communities,” he replied.

The Video can be watched here:

#Manipur

The Security Advisor of Manipur, Mr. Kuldiep Singh, who is also a former CRPF officer, has refused to confirm allegations that Kuki militants were involved in today’s killing of CRPF Jawans. So, where is Manipur Police getting their information that Kuki militants are… https://t.co/5qXczUUuzN pic.twitter.com/5I55V9w2YH

— Min (Kuki ka parivar) (@ngulminthang) April 27, 2024

Meanwhile, in a separate incident, a person was also killed in a village in Imphal East district after heavy exchange of fire in the area last night. The person hailed from the Meitei community and was killed at Sinam village in Imphal East district, at the border of Kangpokpi.

Even as news of the tragic killing of two CRPF men made news, the Kuki Inpi Manipur, that calls itself the apex body of the Kuki tribes with its centre at Lamka, issued a press release on Saturday. “The ruthless attack on IRB (India Reserve Battalion) comp at Naranseina, Bishnupur District, by the Valley Based Insurgent Groups (VBIGs) resulting in the death of two CRPF personnel and the injury of several others is terrorising and deeply unfortunate.”

“The Central Security Forces have been in the forefront in protecting the lives of innocent civilians on both sides of the Buffer Zones. The Security Forces have been instrumental in ensuring public security, establishing social order, and providing hope for restoration and normalcy amidst the ruins of the brutal ethnic cleansing perpetrated by the majority Meiteis against the minority Kukis. Therefore, the Kuki Inpi Manipur vehemently condemns such act of terrorism against the Central Security Forces who are providing safety and security for the people. Such mindless activity is indicative of a total disregard for law and order and the impunity that the Valley-based Insurgent Groups (VBIGs) enjoy under the Manipur State Government.”

Further the statement also recorded that “the Kuki Inpi Manipur is appalled by the swift finger-pointing against the Kuki Village Volunteers for the merciless attack against the Central Security Forces, as highlighted by a few media establishments. It is highly suspicious that this is a propaganda effort of the VBIGs to mislead the people and cast the Kukis in a negative light as a cover for their numerous anti-national activities.”

Urging media organizations to uphold journalistic ethics by refraining from speculative reporting and instead focusing on through investigation and verification of facts. Rushing to assign blame without substantiated evidence not only risks misinforming the public but perpetuates discord and mistrust within communities, the Kuki Inpi Manipur has stated that “as responsible stewards of information, journalists must prioritize accuracy and integrity in their reporting to ensure a more informed and nuanced understanding of complex situations like this.” Apart from the condemnation of the blast, the  Kuki Inpi Manipur has said that it stands in solidarity with the family of the bereaved CRPF personnel, and prays that such act of terrorism do not have a place in modern India.

Meanwhile the MEITEI response countered the factual implications stating that, ““Yes it’s true that Narayansena village is in Bishenpur district. It’s on the way to Moirang. There are many hills nearby .Many Kuki villages are there in this hills. Mary Kom’s original home is also from one of these villages. The Koms have maintained that they are not part of the Kuki-Zos but the Kuki militants have controlled these villages. There have been shootings between Kukis and Meiteis in the area in the past. So, “their” statement is an utter lie.”

The statement being referred to is a statement issued by the Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF)—a Conglomerate of Recognised Tribes in Lamka, Outer Manipur The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF) while vehemently condemning the attack on Kuki-Zo areas near Khoirentak in Manipur’s Bishnupur district just after midnight on Saturday (April 27, 2024), which resulted in the deaths of two CRPF personnel who were guarding the buffer zone also condoled the deaths of the two CRPF jawans and prayed for their families.

Rebutting the unsubstantiated local media reports “blaming Kuki militants for launching the attack”, the ITLF has condemned this one-sided interpretation and claimed that this “information is based on a report by Manipur Police, should be taken with a pinch of salt as it is controlled by the Meitei government.” This body has also appealed to the media to play a responsible role. Finally, the ITLF has also made a bald statement saying it was “Meitei militants who launched the attack on tribal areas.”

“Kuki-Zo tribals have always appreciated the presence of central security forces and we have lauded their efforts in protecting the lives of civilians. Just yesterday, tribal residents of Gamgiphai in Kangpokpi district held a protest asking central security forces not to leave the area.” Finally this press note states that it is the Meitei population which has repeatedly stopped central forces from conducting their peace keeping duty by blocking their movement while Meitei militants attack tribal villages.

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On April 13, about ten days ago, after a seeming 40 day lull for the outsider (while those who are surviving in neglected relief camps with no succour from the state or union governments, a deep insecurity has reigned for months!) two persons were brutalised and killed in a fresh outbreak. Soon after knowledge of the brute killings became public,  the Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF) has condemned in the strongest terms the killing of two Kuki-Zo village volunteers “by central security forces;” the ITLF alleged that it was the central security forces who aided Meitei militants by firing and shelling tribal positions in Phailengmol area of Manipur’s Kangpokpi district on April 13; meanwhile the Committee of Tribal Unity, a Kuki-Zomi group based in Kangpokpi district, called for a 24-hour shutdown in the district on last Sunday.

Six days after these brute killings that were received by a stony silence from the state and union government, the battle-ridden people of Manipur were forced into election mode as the first round of polling, under deeply contested circumstances was held on Friday, April 19. Late Sunday night, after multiple complaints by the Opposition Indian National Congress (INC), the Election Commission of India (ECI) has ordered a re-poll on April 22, Tuesday.

It was in the midst of this week, that a Compendium of Fact-Finding Reports that include Report of the Fact Finding Mission on Media’s Reportage of the Ethnic Violence in Manipur: Editor’s Guild, Violence in Manipur, Northeast India: Investigative Report to the International Religious Freedom or Belief Alliance Manufacturing Ethnic Segregation and Conflict: A Report on the Violence in Manipur CPI(ML), AIPWA and AILAJ. Each report explores different aspects of the conflict that has taken place. The Compendium, apart from fact-finding reports from the violence ridden Manipur, has been compiled by activist and educationist Dr. Syeda Hameed and advocate Clifton D’ Rozario.

The publication consists of various sections and includes reports on the region and the continuing conflict by various stakeholders including women activists, the CPI-ML, and the Editors Guild of India.  The publication was released launch on April 16 organised by the Bombay Catholic Sabha, the Centre for the Study of Society and Secularism (CSS) and Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) in Mumbai.

The preface to the book puts forward the argument that despite multiple narratives and opinions, what cannot be ignored is the nature of the conflict which is, “this is a State sponsored campaign targeting the Kuki community which is also facing violence perpetrated by radicalised Meitei armed groups such as Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun.” The report further claims that the conflict can also be said to be a result of the state and the central governments pitting one ethnic group against the other. 

Release in Mumbai

Over 50 activists from several organisations were present in Mumbai at the release on April 18. Several teams had visited Manipur over past months and experiences were shared. Four different teams from CSSS had visited Manipur over a period of time after the violence broke out last year and prepared reports about the causes and results of the conflict. These reports shed light on the state of women in the conflict, the root of ethnic clashes and the situation of victims belonging from all the three communities of Manipur. Their report also contains reports of the fact checking of misinformation that spread across the nation amid internet ban in the state.

Neha Dabhade, executive director of CSSS said, “The compendium has brought back the memory of our visits to Manipur and there has been no change after almost a year. The internet ban has done more disservice to Manipur than anything else as no credible information was coming out of the state. We look at Manipur as a litmus test of what is going to happen in India.”

At the book release event held at Mumbai Press Club, secretary of CJP Teesta Setalvad shared statistics of the devastation caused due to the violence which has engulfed the state since last year. “In the last one year, there have been 170 deaths, over 200 villages burnt, 7,000 homes burnt, more than 360 churches burnt and 41,425 people displaced due to the violence. This violence is much like the Gujarat riots but the only difference is the arms that are being used in the violence. The state seems to be actually promoting the conflict,” she said. The eerie silence from the authorities, the state and union government is also shocking, she said while the commercial media, influenced by the Regime, has simply stopped reporting from the ground, on Manipur.

Father Frazer Mascarenhas, activist and former principal of St. Xavier’s College, who also attended the book release, said, “There is a strong suspicion that all the violence was engineered with initiation from the state. Total culture of violence and unaccountability has taken over Manipur and now the violence is waiting to spread across the nation. We have a chance now, when we vote, to vote against this kind of violence,” he added.

Build-Up in Manipur

The Compendium also brings out the fact the tribal voices were being continuously unheard in the state, way before the conflict started.  For instance, in February 2023, the government labelled forest workers from three hill districts as encroachers and launched a campaign against them. Discussions on the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and demands for Scheduled Tribe status by the Meitei community had already occurred by then. Following this, a court ruling in April supporting the Meitei demand sparked anger among tribal communities in the hills, leading to state-wide protests on May 3. Tensions escalated into clashes between Meitei and Kuki populations, particularly in Churachandpur district, resulting in severe violence including atrocities against Kuki women and widespread church burnings.

At the time of the report written, it had been seven months since the conflict started and even then the state government has reportedly made no effort to restore peace amid ethnic conflict. The government has in fact created a buffer zone, which one Meitei woman calls “LOC”, between the valley region and the hills with heavy security, making travel difficult and time-consuming so much so that the report argues that it is easier to cross international borders than to pass checkpoints within the state. The report states that members of the state police force, who the Kukis see as being biased towards the Meiteis, and commandos often come and shoot at the buffer zone. The people of Manipur were also ethnically divided and shuffled to relief camps. This situation restricts movement and access for affected communities, adding unnecessary hardship. 

Law and order

The book highlights that as of March, 2024 200, people have been killed and over 70,000 have been displaced. Furthermore, it notes that over 45,500 children, women and men are forced to reside in over 108 relief camps in Churchandpur where food and sanitation is extremely difficult to come by and educational facilities are absent.  Return home for these refugees seems to not be anywhere near in the future. Harsh Mander notes that only a small fraction of these displaced individuals, not more than a few hundreds, which is mostly young boys are putting their lives at risk to survive and provide for their families by returning home and trying to tend to the fields. The report states that there are no proper health services in the camps, only ‘arrangements’ made with local shops for necessary medicines. Only two meals are served a day consisting of rice and dal, which leaves many especially the children hungry. There is no privacy for women, men or children, even women who are pregnant are forced to live in unsanitary conditions where measles, typhoid, viral fever have been an everyday reality. The report notes people saying that the Meitei community had taken out a blockade of all aid supplies from reaching the hills, where the Kuki community resides. This blockade also prevented crucial, life-saving medicine from reaching the relief camps.

However, varying accounts in the book narrate that the role of Assam Rifles, Border Security Force, Central Reserve Police Force, Gorkha Regiment have done a great job in maintaining peace and security in the region.

Furthermore, the section of the report by the Editor’s Guild of India reveals that the media coverage of the event has been largely biased against the Kuki community. Moreover, showcasing the severity of the consequences due to this, the  Indian Army’s 3rd Corps headquarters  had also written a complaint to the EGI  giving examples of how the media in Manipur may have played ‘a major role’ in inciting events. The EGI notes that most of Manipur media is owned by the Meiteis.

However, one big hurdle for the state’s journalists remained the frequent blockades and internet bans which worsened the lack of coverage from hill areas. As per news reports, Manipur has seen an extremely long internet ban in the state with over 200 days of ban just between May and September, 2023.

There was also a ‘lack of trust’ between the ‘hill reporters’ and the Imphal valley editors, who, as per the report, often ‘selectively’ published reports. At the time of the report, this had reportedly led to little to no coverage of the conflict in Churchandpur and other hill areas.  One volunteer of the Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum in Kangpokpi speaking to the EGI team stated that the reporters in Manipur took ‘dictation’ from the Biren Singh government.

Furthermore, the Compendium notes that the government has been unable to function as per the constitution, and law and order are more or less absent. It cites the example of how in Imphal, a mob attacked Kuki BJP MLA Vungzagin Valte almost leaving him for dead in the early phases of the violence last year in May. Similarly, it notes that two Kuki Cabinet ministers’ homes were burnt down, and Kuki government employees in the Imphal valley were unable to attend work due to safety concerns. The state has seen over 6,500 FIRs filed for serious offenses including murder, assault, sexual violence, and property destruction, however, it notes that not much action has taken place.

Grief and silence

Refusal of the Kuki community of Lamka in Churchandpur to bury those who were killed in the violence and riots, finds focussed mention. Many were not able to be buried for months because the fighting was constant for four months after the conflict started.

The survivors have put empty coffins in memorial of those dead at a wall, and have called it the “Wall of Remembrance.”

A survivor, Sunita Paite stated, “Over 100 bodies of those killed in the violence are rotting in the mortuary of Churachandpur. Some of them are from 4th May, 2023. It is extremely difficult to cross that way. If this is the case of the dead what is the state of the living. Medical needs of the people affected by the ongoing conflict are very high but those are not addressed at all. The Chief Medical Officer of Churachandpur does not receive medicine from the government agencies but he is dependent upon welfare agencies for medicine.”

Similarly, displaced people survive with their horror stories of the violence, but few have stories of having gotten justice. One survivor in Sugnu District spoke of 100 Kuki families being surrounded by a mob of over 6000-7000 people which were led by 150 members of the Arambai Tenggol. The survivor and his family managed to barely escape but lost their homes, their documents, and their former lives. The Arambai Tenggol is a Meitei group that is often described as a radical armed militia. The group has been accused of booth capturing in the first phase of polling for the Lok Sabha elections on April 19 and is also suspected of holding a sympathetic relationship with the state’s leaders including N Biren Singh. The report notes that the state of justice and accountability in the state remains grave. Even a retired Kuki magistrate told the team that she had little hope of getting justice in the cases lodged by her. The report notes that the justice system in the hills was severely compromised as militants had also been involved.

The Compendium further ruefully states that even though intermarriage and interaction between Nagas, Kukis, and Meitei communities was common outside the state, the almost one-year-long conflict has put a stop to any chance of such relations at present.

Related:

Just days before polling, two killed in fresh violence in Manipur

Back & Forth, Manipur govt’s decision to declare Easter Sunday a working day sparks outrage, govt backs down

Moreh, Manipur: CCTV footage supports claims of locals, show men in uniform indulging in arson, Assam Rifles personnel standing as mute spectators

Manipur conflict continues as two killed and many injured after protest 

The post Bringing together fact-finding reports on Manipur, a commitment to conflict-ridden Manipur appeared first on SabrangIndia.