On Wednesday, Mizoram Chief Minister Zoramthanga met with his Assam counterpart Himanta Biswa Sarma in New Delhi to discuss the border dispute between the two neighbouring states. The meeting that lasted about 25 minutes, was held at Assam House. Both Chief Ministers reviewed the progress made during a previous meeting of high-level delegations in Aizawl in August.

Both the people of #Assam and #Mizoram are hopeful for a quick resolution to this long standing issue.
Every discussion brings us closer to the day we fully resolve it!

Thank you Pu @himantabiswa Ji!@CMOMizoram @dipr_mizoram @CMOfficeAssam @diprassam https://t.co/kXISBMAGQg

— Zoramthanga (@ZoramthangaCM) September 21, 2022

Referring to the outcome of the meeting Sarma tweeted, “We are in the process of forming a regional committee to discuss and resolve the issue.”

As SabrangIndia had reported previously, at the meeting held on August 9, Assam was represented by minister Atul Bora, while State Home Minister Lalchamliana represented Mizoram. At that time, they had released a joint statement saying, “Both the States reaffirm the Joint Statement of 5th August 2021 in letter and spirit. Both the States agreed to promote and maintain peace and to prevent any untoward incident along the borders, the Deputy Commissioners of the bordering districts of both States shall meet at least once in two months.”

The next ministerial level meeting is scheduled to take place in October in Guwahati.

Brief background of the dispute

Assam and Mizoram share a 164.4-kilometer-long border and the dispute is over 150 years old. In colonial times, Mizoram was a district of Assam and was called Lushai Hills. In 1875 a notification was issued that differentiated Lushai Hills from the Cachar plains.

Today, three districts of Mizoram — Kolasib, Aizawl and Mamit — share a border with southern Assam’s Cachar, Hailakandi and Karimganj districts. It is alleged that in many places the border is not properly demarcated leaving it porous, thus leading to encroachment.

The border dispute talks had to be put on hold due to the Covid-19 pandemic, but intermittent violence has been reported in the region even during the lockdown.

In fact, as we had reported earlier, on October 17, 2020, clashes had broken out in Vairengte, when people from Lailapur broke the status quo and allegedly constructed some temporary huts. People from Mizoram side then went and allegedly set fire to them.

In the same month, on October 9, 2020, similar clashes had broken out along the border between Assam’s Karimganj district and Mizoram’s Mamit district when a hut and betel nut plantation belonging to two Mizoram farmers were set on fire. Though the area has been cultivated historically by Mizoram farmers, the spot falls in the territory of the Singla Forest Reserve that falls under the jurisdiction of Karimganj district of Assam.

The July 26, 2021 clashes

SabrangIndia had previously reported the July 26 incident was triggered at an autorickshaw stand in Vairengte, Mizoram and involved vehicles travelling to and from Lailapur, Assam.

Trouble began when a large number of Assam Police personnel including an Inspector General (IG), Deputy Inspector General (DIG), Superintendent of Police (SP) as well as a District Collector reached the area purportedly to investigate alleged Mizo incursion into Assam territory. They faced opposition from local Mizo groups.

Policemen clashed with armed protesters, while chief ministers of both states had a war of words on Twitter. While Mizoram CM Zoramthanga claimed that an Assam Police vehicle ran over a local check post of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), Assam Chief Minister accused Mizoram Police of opening fire using Light Machine Guns (LMG).

Six Assam Police personnel were reported killed in the clashes. Assam issued a travel advisory against Mizoram and an informal economic blockade began when a major highway was blocked. Mizoram raised concerns about trucks carrying Covid-19 medication and oxygen cylinder left stuck on the highway in Lailapur ever since the conflict erupted, and blamed “miscreants” from Assam for virtually setting up a blockade on National Highway 306, which is virtually Mizoram’s lifeline.

Though the blockade was lifted later and violence was also halted, the wider dispute remains unresolved so far.

Related:

Turmoil in the North East: Assam-Mizoram peace talks to continue in Guwahati in October
Turmoil in the North East: Assam – Mizoram border dispute escalates
Turmoil in the North East: 5 killed as conflict re-erupts on Assam-Mizoram border
Turmoil in the North East: Assam-Mizoram border dispute heats up

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In a beautiful display of compassion, authorities in Mizoram have decided to permit refugee children from Myanmar to attend school in the state. The announcement was made via a circular issued by the Directorate of School Education of the Government of Mizoram.

The circular signed by James Lalrinchhana, Director of Education, is addressed to all District Education Officers and Sub Divisional Education Officers. It cites Chapter 2(4) of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act (RTE), 2019 and says “children aged between 6 to 14 years belonging to disadvantaged communities have the right to be admitted to school in a class appropriate to his or her age for completing elementary education.”

The circular may be read here: 

It is noteworthy that Myanmar and Mizoram share not just a border, but also several cultural elements. Many people have families on both sides of the border. Mizoram was the first to extend help to refugees fleeing Myanmar in wake of a bloody coup in February. Chief Minister Zoramthanga had written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi on March 18 about the burgeoning humanitarian crisis in the neighbouring nation and asked that “political refugees” from Myanmar be given asylum, food and shelter in India.

“India cannot turn a blind eye to the humanitarian crisis unfolding in front of us in our own backyard,” Zoramthanga had written, adding that there were close ethnic and historical links between India and the neighbour as the “Myanmar area bordering Mizoram is inhabited by Chin communities who are ethnically our brethren with whom we have been having close contacts throughout all these years even before India became independent.” He had also refused to deport refugees after India sealed entry points along the border later that month itself.

Now, Mizoram continues to lead the way in treating refugees with compassion and dignity. The state is walking the talk and offering solutions to actual on-ground concerns by ensuring children’s education does not suffer. “As long as they are on Indian soil, it is our responsibility to take care of them, they cannot miss out on education so crucial to their development,” Lalrinchhana told The Indian Express.

According to IE, as of September 1, 2021, as many as 9,450 refugees are taking refuge across 10 districts of Mizoram. These include 20 Myanmarese legislators from the government overthrown by the Junta. IE also reports that Champhai district, located along the Indo-Myanmar border, is currently sheltering 4,488 refugees, the highest number, followed by capital Aizawl, which has 1,622 refugees. 

Related:

India seals all entry points along Myanmar border
What is India’s stand on humanitarian aid to those fleeing Myanmar violence?

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Churches in Mizoram have come to the rescue of the state government after it has been running pillar to post to arrange for quarantine facilities for stranded persons returning home during the coronavirus lockdown, The Indian Express reported.

The churches have agreed for their church halls to be used as quarantine facilities and some have agreed to even provide food for the period of institutional quarantine from their own funds. Among the churches that have offered their halls are the Presbyterian Church of India, Baptist Mission Church and Salvation Army. It has also been reported that the Presbyterian Church also lent the Synod Conference Hall and Revival Camping Centre at Durtland for a quarantine facility and that the Roman Catholic Church was also considering the state’s request.

Churches in Mizoram accept State Government’s request to use church halls as quarantine facilities. Some churches even to provide food for the whole institutional quarantine period from their own funds #Mizoramfightscovid

— DIPRMizoram (@dipr_mizoram) May 15, 2020

Zoramthanga, the Chief Minister of Mizoram said, “And with the Churches strengthening their various spiritual and physical supports towards curbing this Covid-19 pandemic, #Mizoram just got restored again to one powerhouse of #Love #Peace and #Unity.”

And with the Churches strengthening their various spiritual and physical supports towards curbing this Covid-19 pandemic, #Mizoram just got restored again to one powerhouse of #Love #Peace and #Unity#quarantine#BlessedMizoram#WeShallOvercome#TogetherWeWin#WelcomeBackwithLove https://t.co/AD1cIgmXSq pic.twitter.com/HAntMnDWgc

— Zoramthanga (@ZoramthangaCM) May 16, 2020

Lalnunmawia Chuaungo, Chief Secretary of Mizoram said that the decision pertained to most church halls that were available with bigger churches keeping in mind the number of residents returning to the state. He also said that until now 90 churches had offered their premises, but the number could increase.

“Since May 4, around 2,000 people have returned, and we are expecting another 10,000 to return in the next few weeks,” he said. On Friday, 833 passengers de-boarded a special ‘shramik’ train coming from Chennai. As per rules, all the passengers entering the state via these trains will need to undergo institutional quarantine for 14 days.

The lockdown has been extended till May 31 in Mizoram. Chuaungo said, “While we are keen on extending the lockdown, we want certain relaxations, especially when it comes to commercial and economic activities.”

Though there has been no new case in the state after its only patient, 50-year-old pastor who had a travel history to Amsterdam recovered after a 45-day-fight with the virus, authorities however say it is too soon to say that the state is “Covid-free”. Health Minister Lalthangliana had earlier said, “While it is true that there are no active cases, we must remember that there are many people who have come into the state and are currently in quarantine and being tested.”

On Saturday, a release from the DIPR quoted Lalthangliana, reiterating this point: “Even though we have no COVID case, with Mizos from different parts of India returning home, we need to remember that our condition is as serious as before. If we take this lockdown lightly, we are in great danger as a state.”

Related:

Christian group writes to PM asking for nationwide social-security safety net

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Dried up Dhankar lake in Spiti Valley, Himachal Pradesh

Himalayan communities are generally more vulnerable to climate change because they have fewer livelihood options, limited infrastructure and a high dependence on natural resources, the study said.

Aimed at identifying the drivers of vulnerability and developing ways of adapting to and mitigating their impact, the study titled ‘Climate Vulnerability Assessment for the Indian Himalayan Region Using a Common Framework’ was conducted by the Indian Institutes of Technology (IIT) at Mandi and Guwahati and the Indian Institute of Science (IISc) at Bengaluru.

The study was conducted in collaboration with the authorities in all the 12 states in the Indian Himalayan Region (IHR): Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Himachal Pradesh, J&K, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim, Tripura, Uttarakhand and West Bengal. Of these, West Bengal and Assam are only partially covered by the Himalayas.

The vulnerability index is highest for Assam (0.72), Mizoram (0.71) and J&K (0.62), while Sikkim is the least vulnerable state with an index of 0.42. Sikkim’s advantage is only relative to other states, the study cautioned.

Around 50 million Indians reside in IHR and depend on the Himalayan ecology for water, food and energy. In these regions, glaciers feed up to 70% of agriculture. With climate change affecting the Himalayan landscape and weather patterns causing longer summers and shorter winters, the livelihoods and survival of these communities are threatened, IndiaSpend reported on October 12, 2018.

A rise of at least 0.5°C in the temperature has been recorded in the upper Himalayas, accompanied by an almost 10% variation in humidity levels. The temperature variation is causing the Himalayan glaciers, a part of the larger cryosphere–the part of the earth system that stores 75% of all frozen freshwater on earth–to melt. This has pushed up the odds of extreme events such as avalanches.

The changing temperature pattern poses a threat to the water security and sustainability of the Himalayan river basins. With an increase in water flow in high-altitude lakes, the chances of floods also increase, IndiaSpend reported. In Himachal Pradesh, as per this 2013 study, farmers reported a decline in production and delayed harvest, blaming reduced snowfall. Nearly 80% of the farmers living at an altitude of 8,000 ft reported a noticeable decrease in snowfall and nearly 90% of those living at altitudes of 9,800 ft and higher said the same.

India’s greenest and wettest Himalayan state, Meghalaya, is becoming warmer as rains there become more uncertain, leaving a quarter of its forests “highly vulnerable” to climate change, IndiaSpend reported on March 23, 2019, citing a 2018 study commissioned by the state government and carried out by the IISc. Its plant and animal life are being impacted, disturbing the lives of communities as well.

The new climate change study is significant because it has produced India’s first vulnerability map. One of its aims is to evolve a common methodology, and determine how states and their districts are equipped to deal with the risks of climate change. A geospatial application has also been launched depicting climate vulnerabilities and risks at the state and district level.

The research team has recommended similar vulnerability studies in other Indian states.

Lack of information, infrastructure up the risk

The drivers of vulnerability vary across states. In Assam, the drivers include low per capita income, low percentage area under crop insurance and low participation in the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Scheme (MGNREGS), a poverty alleviation programme that promises 100 days of paid work to poor families. Lack of access to information and infrastructure are factors that make it difficult for communities in the state to cope with any climate variability. The western border district of Dhubri, the eastern district of Lakhimpur and the central district of Sonitpur are Assam’s most vulnerable.

Source: Climate Change Vulnerability Assessment

Mizoram’s agriculture sector was found to be highly sensitive, with the second lowest percentage of area under irrigation among the 12 states. The state also has poor connectivity–its road density is the third lowest among the IHS–and poor access to information and infrastructure.
J&K lags in road density, area under crop insurance, area under forests per 1,000 rural households, percentage of marginal farmers, percentage area under horticulture crops, livestock-to-human ratio, and percentage of women in the workforce.

Himachal Pradesh, another vulnerable state, was found to have inadequate irrigation facilities–only 20-21% of its net cropped area is irrigated and the rest is mostly dependent on rains. But the low yield variability of food grains grown here reduces the sensitivity of agricultural production to climate change. The only drivers of vulnerability observed were low livestock-to-human ratio and a large presence of small and marginal farmers (who own less than two hectares of land), who constitute 87.95% of the total peasant population and own 54.17% of the total land.

Vulnerability assessment, the first step to adapting

The first step in adapting to future climate change is to reduce vulnerability, as the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change suggested in its summary for policymakers, which the current report references.

“Vulnerability refers to the inherent characteristic–both biophysical and socioeconomic–of a system. The current assessment helps in identification of the major drivers of vulnerability, both at state as well as district level, for the 12 Indian Himalayan states,” said Shyamasree Dasgupta, co-principal investigator of the study and an assistant professor at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences at IIT, Mandi.

How India is dealing with potential crisis

“The government institutions are likely to find the report useful,” said Dasgupta. “Principal secretaries of some of the states (both Himalayan and non-Himalayan) were present during the dissemination workshop. However, it would be better to consider this study in the context of the assessment of climate vulnerability and climate change adaptation rather than disaster management.”

The central government is already implementing the National Mission for Sustaining the Himalayan Ecosystem (NMSHE) under the National Action Plan on Climate Change (NAPCC) introduced in June 2008. Climate change cells have been set up in 11 Himalayan states to undertake studies on climate change risk and vulnerability assessment.

The government also launched a National Adaptation Fund on Climate Change (NAFCC) in 2015-16 to assist states and union territories with projects and actions. Some 26 projects had been approved across India at a total cost of Rs 648.9 crore, Lok Sabha data from March 9, 2018, said.
 

Source: Lok Sabha and IHCAP

(Ahmad is an intern at IndiaSpend.)

Courtesy: India Spend

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Prime Minister Narendra Modi waves to BJP supporters, in Lunglei, Mizoram.

With about half as many voters as south Mumbai, Mizoram is one of India’s fastest-growing, healthiest (second) and most-literate states (third).

However, our pre-election analysis of a state with 1.1 million people–as many as in Chandigarh– reveals it is challenged by poverty, high dropout rates, racial tensions and inter-district inequalities, worries that the new government will have to address.

These issues threaten to slow the growth of a state that has been administered by either the Congress or the Mizo National Front (MNF), ever since a peace accord ended a long-running insurgency in 1986. That agreement officially ended a long-running Mizo uprising, marked by air raids on capital Aizawl 52 years ago in March 1966, the only time the Indian Air Force bombed its own people.

Mizoram’s 768,000 voters will vote in 40 constituencies to determine if the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) will make its first inroads and complete the party’s surge into India’s northeast.

After the victory of the BJP-led Northeast Democratic Alliance (NEDA) in Meghalaya, Nagaland and Tripura in March earlier in 2018, seven of eight states in the region —Sikkim, Assam, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur–are governed by the alliance.

Better than the rest, mostly
Led by Lal Thanhawla, former insurgent turned mainstream politician, the Congress has administered Mizoram for the last 10 years. Previously in the 2013 elections in Mizoram, the party won 34 of 40 seats. But since 2014, the Congress’ vote share declined 13.4 percentage points across the northeast, IndiaSpend reported on March 10, 2018.

Mizoram has been positioned as the epicentre of the union government’s Act East Policy, which aims to harness shared cultural and border ties shared between the India’s northeast and south-east Asian countries, such as Cambodia, Myanmar, Vietnam, Thailand and other ASEAN nations, some of which are the world’s fastest-growing economies.

Filtered through various indicators, Mizoram boasts a raft of high-performing statistics.

The state is one of the fastest growing states in the country, according to the Economic survey, 2017-2018, with its economy growing by 12% between 2013-2016. It has India’s second-best health indicators and third best literacy.

However, our analysis revealed that the state’s achievements are challenged by increasing poverty, racial tensions, high school-dropout rates and inter-district inequalities, which hinder growth.

Big ferment in a small state
Mizoram also grapples with illegal migrants, inter-tribal differences,  an inability to create jobs for its educated youth and tensions sparked by allegations of corruption against the current government. These tensions have led to the rise of sub-regional alliances, such as the Zoram People’s Movement (ZPM)–comprising of regional parties such as Zoram Nationalist Party, Mizoram People’s Conference and Zoram Exodus Movement–and this may disrupt the traditional exchange of governments between the INC and MNF.

More than  94% of Mizoram is tribal, 80% is Christian, and minorities, such as the Chakmas and Brus, claim racial discrimination at the hands of majority communities, such as the Lusei, Ralte, Hmar, Khiangte and Lai.

Last year, Buddha Dhan Chakma, the sole Chakma minister in the government, resigned alleging racial discrimination, after four Chakma medical students were denied admission even though they cleared the national exams.

What’s holding Mizoram back?
Mizoram has one of the lowest rates of anaemia among women in the northeastern (24.8%), child wasting (8.4%), stunting (28.1%) and underweight children (12%), according to data from the National Family Health Survey-4 (NFHS-4).

It ranked first among smaller states and second nationally in NITI Aayog’s overall 2018 health performance index. The state’s health-related successes can be attributed to its per capita expenditure on health, which as IndiaSpend previously reported, was five times the national average:  4.5% of gross domestic product (GDP)in 2015, compared to India’s  1.02%.

However, Mizoram’s progress has lagged other states. Manipur, which ranked second among smaller states in NITI Aayog’s Health index, improved by 7.18% compared to Mizoram’s  2.43%.

What is slowing Mizoram?
Even as northeast India experiences a surge of growth, with more educated citizens and dwindling reliance on agriculture, not enough jobs are being created, IndiaSpend reported on February 1, 2016.

The region is simultaneously experiencing an increase in poverty–a trend opposed to the national experience, with the proportion of the northeastern population rising from 21.9% to 29.8% over two years to 2011, according to the latest available government  data.

Source :  Handbook of Statistics on Indian Economy, Reserve Bank of India, 2016.
Note: Population below poverty line is as per the “Tendulkar method” on mixed reference period (MRP).

The proportion of Mizoram’s people living below the poverty line rose from 15.4% to 20.4% over seven years to 2011, according to the Reserve Bank of India’s Handbook of Statistics on Indian Economy, 2016, which uses an index called the mixed reference period (MRP) The MRP measures consumption of five items over 365 days. These include clothing, footwear, durables, education and health spending.

Our analysis also found that Mizoram’s high literacy rates are marred by high school-dropout rates and inter-district disparities. The dropout rates in primary and secondary schools are 15.36% and 30.67%, respectively, more than the comparable national averages of 6.35% and 19.89%; Mizoram’s dropout rates are also the northeast’s highest, according to 2017 government data.

There is a 38.76 percentage point gap in literacy between the most literate district (Serchhip,98.76%) and the least literate (Mamit,60%), according to Census 2011. The districts of Lawngtlai (66%) and Mamit (60%) suffer literacy rates lower than not just the state average but the national average of 70.04%.

Mamit (82.51%) and Lawngtlai (85.06%) also had Mizoram’s highest proportion of rural households and were the state’s  poorest districts with 90% of Lawngtlai living in poverty in 2009, followed by Mamit (83.2%),according to 2013 state government data, the latest available.  The capital, Aizawl, Mizoram’s most-urban district, also had the lowest poverty rates.

Source : Socio Economic and Caste Census 2011, Mizoram Human Development Report 2013

Farm protests, decline in agriculture
Hills cover over 80% of Mizoram, and with 60% of the population dependent of agriculture, according to 2014-15 government data,  the state is challenged by difficult-to-farm areas and declining soil quality, affected by the tradition of jhum–or slash and burn–cultivation.

A National Land Use Policy, 2009 (NLUP), which aims to revitalise the primary sector by introducing alternatives to jhum cultivation, such as reforestation and market infrastructure, has been a prominent promised intervention by the state government and the Congress’ previous election campaigns.

But NLUP funding has been roiled by allegations of corruption. In 2015, a government audit found funds for bamboo plantations filched. Farmers took to the streets of Aizawl to protest the NLUP’s failure in providing a market to farmers, who were made to choose  broom grass and ginger cultivation, the Morung Express, reported on September 29, 2018. The farmers also protested the lack of roads.

As on March 2016, Mizoram had 8,108 km of roads, 17.6% less than the 9,831 reported the previous year. While the length of national highways (1,381km) has remained unchanged, state highways declined from 214 km in 2015 to 170 km in 2016. Mizoram is a multi-hazard prone area and is annually affected by torrential rainfall, flash floods and landslides. The deteriorating condition of roads are further exacerbated by poor maintenance.

Women are educated, working, but none in the assembly
Mizoram reports 976 females per 1000 males, as per Census 2011–the national statistic is 943 females per 1000 males–and it records the second highest rate of female labour force participation (54%) after Chhattisgarh, according to data from the Employment-Unemployment Survey, 2015-2016.

Yet, as the state goes to vote, another contradiction emerges: Mizoram had 2.62% more women voters than men in 2013. But all 40 legislators are men. Of the six women who contested the 2013 elections, only one was from the Congress.
In 2018, 4.8% more women electors are set to vote. Whether any of the men will be displaced will be clear on 11 December 2018.

(Chhetri is a graduate of Lady Shri Ram College for women. Singh is an intern with IndiaSpend.)

Courtesy: India Spend
 

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Aizawl: The 40-member Mizoram Assembly was supposed to go to the polls on November 28. The results of that election were to be announced on December 11. It now seems that the state might postpone the elections to Dec 7 after a controversy regarding the appointment of Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) in Mizoram.
 
Govt sources in this Indian Express report said that the final decision will be taken by the Election Commission (EC), in consultation with the state government.
 
“The Union Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) is also learnt to have decided to contest the EC’s order on the attachment of Mizoram Principal Secretary (Home Department) L Chuaungo with the MHA. As first reported by The Indian Express on November 1, the EC ordered the removal of Chuaungo after State CEO S B Shashank, in a letter dated October 29, complained to the poll panel of “direct interference” by the state in the preparation for polls,” the report said.
 
The report said that Chuaungo’s removal snowballed into a major controversy ahead of elections, as political parties and civil society groups protested against CEO Shashank. Last week, Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi demanding Shashank’s removal.
 
Thanhawla is said to be contesting from two constituencies which are reserved for the Schedule Tribe category. The last date to file nomination papers was Nov 9.
 
The EC has the intention to replace Shashank and asked the government for suggestions. With less than two weeks left for the polls, and the replacement for CEO still undecided, the Home Affairs Ministry said that there are discussions to postpone the poll to Dec 7.
 
“Since the term of the Mizoram Assembly ends on December 15, 2018, the new CEO will get time to prepare after he is appointed. However, a change in date of elections in the state is a long-drawn process and will have to be done by bringing a notification. The final decision in this regard will be taken by the EC, in consultation with the state government,” said sources.
 
“In his complaint, Shashank had alleged insensitivity on the part of the state regarding voting rights of the displaced Bru community living in relief camps in Tripura and referred to the “active role” played by Chuaungo in the revision of electoral rolls and deployment of central security forces for the Assembly elections. Stating that Chuaungo’s continuance would have an “adverse impact on conduct of smooth, free and fair election process”, the EC had directed that he should be attached with the MHA,” the report said.
 
The EC has defended Shashank and its decision to replace Chuaungo but said that had to take the decision after seeing how things turned out in the last two months. 

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The Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh, who was in Aizwal on June 12, was compelled to assert a Constitutional truism: he said that people are free to choose what they want to eat, reported PTI. When asked about protests against the government’s ban on sale of cattle for slaughter, Singh clarified that the Centre will not impose any restrictions on one’s choice of food.

However, even as Singh spoke, scores of people in the Mizoram capital participated in a “beef ban bashing banquet” organised by a local organisation, according to PTI. Thousands braced heavy rainfall to gather at Vanapa Hall where the festival was held by the Zolife Group and other activists.

A writer and a member of the group, Lalrinfela Hauhnar, said a feast in Mizoram was incomplete without beef on the menu. “Beef has strong cultural importance for the Mizos,” He told The Sangai Express. Another member, Lalremruata Varte, clarified that the festival was a symbolic protest and not meant to hurt the sentiment of Hindus.

Other Northeastern states have also protested against the Centre’s new rule. In Meghalaya, two senior BJP leaders and 5,000 workers had quit the Bharatiya Janata Party as a mark of their protest against the ban. On Monday, the Meghalaya Assembly had
passed a resolution against a central government notification.

In March, the BJP had indicated that its call for a ban on beef is not applicable to states in the country’s North East. Party leaders in Meghalaya, Mizoram and Nagaland had said that the crackdown on meat shops and slaughterhouses in Uttar Pradesh would not be replicated in the three north-eastern states that will have their Assembly polls next year.
 

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