MNREGA | SabrangIndia News Related to Human Rights Tue, 02 Jan 2024 07:38:16 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.2.2 https://sabrangindia.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Favicon_0.png MNREGA | SabrangIndia 32 32 Aadhaar-linked wages for MNREGS workers mandatory from Jan 1, 2024 https://sabrangindia.in/aadhaar-linked-wages-for-mnregs-workers-mandatory-from-jan-1-2024/ Tue, 02 Jan 2024 07:25:05 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=32135 The linking of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme to Aadhaar – a scheme sharply criticised by experts and activists is set to be implemented from January 1, 2024. The move by the union government, makes it impossible for job seekers to secure payment under the scheme without an Aadhaar card connected to their job cards.

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The implementation of an Aadhaar-based payment system had been made mandatory on January 30, 2023 and will be implemented as of yesterday. After five extensions for state governments to calibrate their databases, it began to be implemented yesterday. For a worker in rural India to get wages, she or he must have his bank account and job card need to be linked with Aadhaar, and the account must also be connected to the National Payments Corporation of India’s ‘mapper.’

Sobhana K Nair notes that, “The Centre mandates payment of all MGNREGA wages through an Aadhaar-based system though 34.8% of registered workers and 12.7% of active workers are not eligible; 7.6 crore job cards deleted since April 2022.”

Ironically, the union government’s own data – according to the Union Rural Development Ministry – records that due to this controversial linking, as many as 34.8 % of job card holders remained ineligible for this mode of payment till as late as December 27.

The Hindu  reported that since the first direction was issued, the rate of MGNREGA job card deletions sharply rose. The Hindu report also notes that according to LibTech India, a consortium of academics and activists, 7.6 crore workers have been deleted from the system over the last 21 months.

Besides, the newspapers sources in the government, however, claimed that till December 27, 12.7% of active workers were yet unconnected to the payment system. ‘Active workers’ are recognised as those who have worked for at least a single day over the last three financial years. The MGNREGA guarantees 100 days of work to rural households. Renowned economist, Jean Dreze,  has, in an article for The Wire,  written that as far, “as recklessness goes, this is on par with a national lockdown at four hours’ notice.”

The Narendra Modi government has attempted to weaken the essential job scheme despite its popularity, reducing allocation drastically in the 2023 Budget – to Rs 60,000 crore, after the revised estimate for FY’23 was at Rs 89,400 crore. 

The fifth extension of the deadline to make the ABPS mandatory, giving State governments time to reconcile databases, ended on December 31, 2023. Since the first push in this direction, the rate of MGNREGA job card deletions has significantly risen, which activists working in the field say is directly linked to the mandatory imposition of this payment method.

The first order to enforce ABPS was issued on January 30, 2023, followed by extensions till February 1, March 31, June 30, August 31, and finally December 31. According to the Union Rural Development Ministry’s data, 34.8 % of job card holders still remain ineligible for this mode of payment as on December 27.


Related:

MNREGS numbers double in states after migrant labourers return home

It’s Welfare & Social Justice under the Indian Constitution, not “freebies”

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Strong voices raised to check exploitation of NREGA workers by union government  https://sabrangindia.in/strong-voices-raised-check-exploitation-nrega-workers-union-government/ Mon, 06 Mar 2023 05:03:02 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2023/03/06/strong-voices-raised-check-exploitation-nrega-workers-union-government/ Policy obstacles been thrown in the implementation of NREGA by the union government 

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MNREGA

Is implementation of NREGA (national rural employment guarantee legislation) being fundamentally altered to the extent that instead of being a deliverable for regular rural work, the law becomes a source of exploitation?

This and other disturbing questions were raised at a press conference organized in Delhi on March 3 by the NREGA Sangharsh Morcha (a collective which has been monitoring NREGA implementation carefully for some years and also campaigning for its proper, improved implementation.

This press conference was part of a wider mobilisation to demand significant improvements, as reflected in a protest dharna at Jantar Mantar, Delhi. While several national level injustices have been highlighted in the course of this protest, a special focus has been on the extreme injustices suffered by NREGA workers in West Bengal.

As the NREGA Sangharsh Morcha has pointed out, most NREGA workers in West Bengal have not been paid their wages for over one year. According to the Morcha, the union government has withheld the release of over Rs. 7500 crore worth of NREGA funds out of which pending wages amounting to Rs 2762 crore have not been paid to nearly 3.4 crore registered workers from the state. This is for work already completed by them (one crore=10 million people ). In addition,  there was a near shutdown of NREGA work in the state for financial year 2022-23.

According to news reports, the union government authorities held back funds after discovering anomalies in the implementation of NREGA in this state. However, as was repeatedly emphasised in the press conference and at the protest dharna, when corruption is discovered, the response should be to punish the corrupt persons concerned and not to victimise innocent workers.

A wider, national level aspect of implementation which came in for repeated criticism at the press conference and at the dharna relates to the mandatory imposition of a centralized digital attendance system (NNMS) and Aadhaar based payments that has “caused havoc”. Many workers cannot be paid in time due to technical problems related to the NNMS App for no fault of theirs.

Brinda Karat, former Rajya Sabha member and CPMleader said that the big reduction in NREGA budget this year, the huge numbers of workers who demand work but are denied work, extremely low average wages of around Rs 218 per day as well as the fact of nearly 20 states being in deficit due to spending being higher than allocation received from the central government have led to serious questions regarding the future of NREGA. The union government has been very unfavorable towards NREGA as well as other pro-poor laws like the Forest Rights Act, 2006 Karat also said.

Anjali Bhardwaj, a senior social activist, stated that most of the weaker sections have continued to suffer from a worsening livelihood situation and inflation in the post-pandemic phase and therefore the weakening of important pro-poor schemes like rural employment guarantee is a cause for very serious concern. She called for genuine, comprehensive anti-corruption steps, while avoiding the imposition of more difficulties on the poor in the name of checking irregularities, as has been seen in the context of NREGA.

Rajiv Dimri, senior trade union leader (AICCTU), said that while the assault on NREGA is very regrettable, there is also a much wider assault on the entire working class and the central trade unions are preparing to resist this in various ways.

Several NREGA workers from West Bengal stated how they have been denied wages after toiling for up to 90 days at NREGA sites , and this as well as loss of work opportunities has led to hunger and starvation in their households.

The various speakers extended their support to the demands raised by the ongoing protest movement and dharna. These demands include—

• Immediate payment of the pending wages by the central government,

• immediate release of the withheld funds by the central government,

• Establishment of a revolving fund of Rs 1000 crore by the state government  for timely payment of NREGA wages,

• Checking irregularities in implementation of NREGA ad action against all those who are complicit in these.

(The writer is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, Man over Machine and Planet in Peril)

Related:

West Bengal farm workers protest Centre withholding Rs 7,500 crore MGNREGA budget

With Demand for MGNREGA Work Increasing in Sept 2022, Activists Warn About Rural Distress

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HRDA condemns attack on TN journalist who exposed corrupt practices under MNREGA https://sabrangindia.in/hrda-condemns-attack-tn-journalist-who-exposed-corrupt-practices-under-mnrega/ Thu, 29 Oct 2020 10:31:18 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2020/10/29/hrda-condemns-attack-tn-journalist-who-exposed-corrupt-practices-under-mnrega/ The HRDA demands an inquiry against district officials who encouraged the corrupt activities and brutally assaulted journalist S. K. Lenin who brought such events to light.

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Image Courtesy:facebook.com

The Human Rights Defenders’ Alert (HRDA) on October 29, 2020 urged the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) to ensure the physical safety of journalist S. K. Lenin his family from corrupt panchayat leaders in Nagaram village of Tamil Nadu.

The organisation requested the Director General of Police (DGP) to initiate an inquiry into the physical and verbal assault on Lenin by Panchayat leader Gopi Krishnan on August 2 whom the journalist had named in his report on corruption in the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act 2005 (MNREGA) run by the Union Ministry of Rural Development.

Similarly, they also demanded an inquiry against District Collector Uma Maheshwari for ignoring corrupt activities practiced by local authorities under the MNREGA and for ignoring Lenin’s complaints about the same.

The undeterred journalist approached the local Vadakadu police station instead who arrested Krishnan. However, when nothing was done about the rest of the panchayat members, Lenin chose to go into hiding fearing the political power of those involved.

“Whatever scam they will do, we will share with you, you jobless reporter. You are a human rights activist; you are not a big shot. Even if you give a complaint to the district collector you can do nothing to me nor shake me,” Krishnan had said outside a local shop, while leaving blood marks around Lenin’s neck.

The HRDA condemned the incident as a criminal act that barred journalists and similar Human Rights Defenders from exercising their right to dissent against a public official enshrined within Article 19(a), Freedom of Speech and Expression, of the Indian Constitution.

“If journalists are physically assaulted when they criticise politicians and public officials, seldom journalists will dare to take a stand and the fourth pillar of the democracy will be crushed further,” they said.

On August 1, Lenin collected information about corruption in the MNREGA – a government scheme that aims to help underprivileged people find a job, especially during COVID-19. He said that these jobs are vulnerable to corrupt practices by some panchayat members who show fake accounts to manage salary transfers to people who have not done any work.

Lenin also mentioned that corruption within the MNERGA scheme has been happening at Nagaram village for some time as per panchayat leaders Mr. Ramaiah and Muthuraj Durai. The entire statement may be read here: 

Related:

Delhi Police ACP thrashes journalist inside police station!
CJP, other groups, activists and citizens condemn Fr. Stan Swamy’s arrest
Rajasthan PUCL defends free speech of local journalists
HRDA condemns attack on Kanker journalists, calls it breach of Constitutional rights

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Jharkhand BJP leader gets ration from Antyodaya, claims being MNREGA labour, while Savitri starves to death after being denied Antyodaya card https://sabrangindia.in/jharkhand-bjp-leader-gets-ration-antyodaya-claims-being-mnrega-labour-while-savitri-starves/ Tue, 12 Nov 2019 07:30:37 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2019/11/12/jharkhand-bjp-leader-gets-ration-antyodaya-claims-being-mnrega-labour-while-savitri-starves/ 48-year-old Mahadev Dubey, vice-president of BJP's Giridih Chapter despite owning a two-storey building, works as MNREGA labour, and also gets ration from Antyodaya card, both Dubey and Savitri belong to same assembly segment

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Ranchi: In the past three years, Jharkhand has witnessed at least 23 hunger deaths. At a time when eligible poor are not getting rations and other benefits from social welfare schemes, ruling party leaders are milking all the benefits and perks of the scheme, that too on time.

BJP vice- president of Giridih district, Mahadev Dubey not just holds a Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MNREGA) job card but also Antyodaya ration card, which is mostly issued to individuals from BPL category.

Ironically, the BJP leader hails from the same Jamua assembly segment, of which Savitri Devi was a resident. While Dubey got access to all the social schemes, Devi was denied of all the benefits promised by government welfare schemes. Dubey, not just got the cards, but also managed to get 38 days of work too, in 2019.

The 48-year-old BJP leader is in-charge of the Jamua assembly segment and has two-storey building in Deori. Antyodaya Cards have been issued in the name of his family members. For the uninitiated, Antyodya card, allows a family to get 40 kilograms of rice every month at the rate of rupee one per kilogram, among many other food-grains.

jharkhand bjp leader ration mnrega hunger Giridih starvation
MNREGA job card of Mahadev Dubey

However, the recent hunger death victim, Savitri Devi, was denied of an Antyodya card. Her application for a new card had also not been accepted by the food-grains supply department.

Significantly, not only BJP vice-president has got a job under MNREGA but he has been paid on time and there are no pending dues to be cleared for him.

His ration card details reveal that he has been regularly availing the benefit of purchasing 40 kilograms of rice. His most recent rice purchase was in November month.

A scan of social media profile of Mahadev Dubey will let you know, that he is close to all bigwigs of Giridih BJP like Jamua MLA Kedar Hazra, Gandey MLA Jai Prakash Verma and Koderma’s both present and former Member of Parliament (MP)s Annapurna Devi and Ravindra Rai, respectively.

When contacted BJP’s Giridih District President Sunil Agrawal, he claimed he has no idea about it. He refused to comment on the same.

Jamua MLA Kedar Hazra gave a similar reaction, he said, “I am out of Giridih at the moment. On my return, I shall look into the matter for a better understanding, following which I will be able to comment on the same.”

jharkhand bjp leader ration mnrega hunger Giridih starvation
Mahadev Dubey in white shirt-pant with Jamua MLA Kedar Hazra (Yellow shirt)/ Facebook

However, members from the opposition camp were not lax in letting the issue simply pass away, especially with election round the corner. “This is a classic example in Jharkhand to know what a common man and what a politician are getting in the state. Savitri Devi, who had no pucca house and was entitled to all government welfare schemes, was not just denied the Antyodya card but was also deprived of the PM Awas. Neither did she get the much-hyped gas connection under Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojna, nor did her sons manage to get the MNREGA job card,” said Krishan Murari Sharma, Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)’s District Coordinator while talking to eNewsroom.

He added, “In the same assembly constituency, a ruling party leader is getting all the welfare scheme facilities, while Savitri was denied. Dubey Ji has got MNREGA job cards and jobs too; he has also been paid as well while thousands of MNREGA labours are still waiting for their wages for six months now to be cleared by the government in Jharkhand. He is also getting rations on time through his Antyodaya card,” added Murari.

Deputy Development Commissioner Mukund Das, told eNewsroom, “It is not necessary that a socially well-known or a person a two-storey building cannot make job card or get work under MNREGA. But I cannot rule out the possibility of him not working as labour. I will look into the matter.”

However, Dubey, when contacted, defended himself. Speaking to eNewsroom, he said, “I am an MNREGA labour and I also avail ration using the Antyodaya card. Not a single person from my family has a government job. We have 15 members in my family, so I avail of all these benefits.”

Dubey, a graduate in Political Science, added, “I welcome any inquiry in this regard.”

 

Courtesy: eNewsroom

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‘Rural Jobs Guarantee Scheme Has Social Value, Even When No One Is Doing Any Work’ https://sabrangindia.in/rural-jobs-guarantee-scheme-has-social-value-even-when-no-one-doing-any-work/ Wed, 18 Sep 2019 04:59:00 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2019/09/18/rural-jobs-guarantee-scheme-has-social-value-even-when-no-one-doing-any-work/ Mumbai: In conflict-affected areas, rural social insurance programmes such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) can reduce violent events by half by shielding workers from income volatility caused by shock events, concludes a new study published by the University of Warwick, UK. MGNREGS now guarantees 150 days’ work per year in […]

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Mumbai: In conflict-affected areas, rural social insurance programmes such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) can reduce violent events by half by shielding workers from income volatility caused by shock events, concludes a new study published by the University of Warwick, UK. MGNREGS now guarantees 150 days’ work per year in 14 drought-affected states, and a further 200 days in Odisha, as IndiaSpend reported in 2016.


“I am quite concerned about MGNREGS being hollowed out,” says Thiemo Fetzer, associate professor in the department of economics at the University of Warwick, “It is a policy that– far from being perfect–is delivering something that has been missing in India’s social policy.”

The Warwick university study, based on events between 2005 and 2014, focused on the links between MGNREGS and conflict in 10 states that have a history of Maoist insurgency. This conflict resulted in 5,235 casualties between 2007 and 2013, including around 3,000 civilians, 1,000 security personnel and 900 Naxals, IndiaSpend reported in 2013.

“The districts where agricultural labour markets and output depend the most on monsoon rainfall benefited the most from MGNREGS providing insurance, seeing drops in conflict of up to 50%,” said Thiemo Fetzer, the author of the study, and associate professor in the department of economics at the University of Warwick.

Shock events such as droughts that affect income stability in rural areas are being increasingly pegged to climate change, and the impacts of climate change on rural areas are being increasingly viewed as global security risks. India is located in the world’s most disaster-prone region. Almost half its land area faced drought last year with rainfall reduced to a third of the annual average.

But in 2019, MGNREGS, the world’s largest rural workers programme, had its budget cut for the first time in five years–from Rs 61,084 crore in 2018-19 to Rs 60,000 crore in 2019-20. The scheme has been criticised for failing to provide the work promised, not paying wages on time, and not being viably implementable in India’s weaker states.
None of these shortcomings take away from the programme’s vital social value, Fetzer said.

Fetzer is an Associate Professor of Economics at the University of Warwick, a visiting fellow at the London School of Economics, and is also affiliated with the Pears on Institute at the University of Chicago and the Centre for Economic Policy Research in London.

The rise in demand for MGNREGS during poor monsoons coincided with a reduction in conflict levels in around 60% of villages located in Naxalism-prone areas, or the ‘red corridor’ as it is called, your study has found. Can you explain the link?
Yes, what the paper does is study the patterns between conflict in the red corridor and monsoon season rainfall. I observe that prior to the introduction of MGNREGS, droughts were associated with significantly more conflict and insurgent activities in the year after a bad harvest. This relationship seems to have become much weaker since the introduction of MGNREGS. This raises the question–is this due to MGNREGS or not?

To answer this question, I study in detail how MGNREGS participation indeed follows this seasonal pattern–with significant increases in participation in the programme following a bad monsoon. This observation–that MGNREGS participation is strong in areas that are experiencing periods of drought–is particularly pronounced in districts where agricultural labour markets and production rely heavily on the monsoon. It is those districts, where the value of insurance is the biggest, that see the biggest drops in conflict.

Despite the introduction of the MGNREGS programme, the total number of conflict events has increased over time across Maoist areas between 2005 and 2014. How significant was MGNREGS to the Maoist conflict overall?
From the aggregate trends, we do not really learn much about what is happening on the ground in places and how MGNREGS affected places. The aggregate trend could be driven by a whole lot of factors and changes, for example, improved reporting on the conflict–which is definitely a factor.

My study focuses on detailed micro data and suggests that had MGNREGS not been introduced, the overall increase in conflict would likely have been significantly higher. The parts of the country that benefited most from the scheme–specifically districts where agricultural labour markets and output depend strongly on monsoon rainfall–saw drops in conflict of up to 50%. This is sizeable and, of course, while aggregating back up from the micro evidence is difficult, would nevertheless suggest sizeable impacts at the aggregate level.

In 2017, it was estimated for 89 countries that natural disasters would put an additional 26 million people into extreme poverty (living on less than $1.90 a day) in the next year. Studies (such as this) have shown that climate-related natural disasters such as storms, floods and droughts have also affected the risk of civil war. Could programmes such as MGNREGS offer preventive and post-disaster reconstruction solutions?
This is a very important question. Countries around the world struggle with the climate emergency. It is a dramatic challenge especially for developing countries as they are set to bear most of the cost and have the least state capacity to mitigate the climate crisis. I think MGNREGS provides an interesting example of a potential policy that can work in reducing the experienced volatility of incomes among people in rural areas.

A basic form of social insurance can encourage productive investments, increase growth and development more broadly. It is a myth to say that a welfare state is undermining development–a basic social security net is absolutely crucial.

And this is where the problem is: How to design such an insurance programme in a context with weak state capacity? You want to ensure that insurance is well-targeted, i.e. only people in need actually benefit. You also want to make it easy for central governments and civil society to monitor programme implementation to reduce corruption.

MGNREGS does a fairly decent job at delivering on these two fronts. First, the fact that MGNREGS pays wages at the state minimum wage-level means that it is only attractive when wages in labour markets are low (for example, following a bad monsoon). Also, in order to get an income from the scheme people need to actually work–this ensures that people with good outside options or high incomes are not skimming the system as is for example the case with the PDS (public distribution system). In the PDS, it is well known that lots of households benefiting from the system are not needy by any reasonable definition.

And lastly, the requirement that MGNREGS produces physical assets and infrastructure makes monitoring and enforcement easier as civil society, the press and higher levels of government can always check on whether infrastructure actually gets built.

Of course, it would be great if one would not have to rely on these indirect mechanisms to ensure that social insurance becomes targeted–I am a bit doubtful about the quality and the social value of some of the infrastructure that ends up being built. But if a state is not able to provide directed targeted transfers to people affected by a shock that is none of their own making–such as a bad monsoon–MGNREGS does represent a valuable and important policy tool.

The programme, in that sense, serves as a significant inter-Indian transfer that helps stabilise rural economies following a shock and thereby, actually reduces the impact of the monsoon on the economic cycle.

At the end of April 2018, 57% of MGNREGS wages remained unpaid. In 2014-15, only 6% of households were able to hit 100 days of work, with the average being 40 days. Can it still play an effective role in providing income security and stemming conflict?
It is clear that there are many problems–after all the programme is just gigantic in scale. Regarding the two figures you mention, there is an evident erosion in the quality of MGNREGS in recent years and that really needs to be tackled. After all, its value is that it does provide for a stable wage floor and assured alternative for rural households in distress. This in and of itself has an effect on rural labour markets, helping stabilise wages following a bad shock. So the programme also indirectly has some benefits even for people not participating in it. But this indirect benefit is only maintained if those who do opt for MGNREGS actually end up getting paid.

Regarding the 100 days–it is true that there are cases of rationing. This can have many reasons. For example, panchayats may be unwilling to provide employment if only a small number of people request employment because there is an actual cost to panchayats to come up with public works projects. There are also likely conflicts of interest if village officials are also agricultural land owners who have an incentive in not providing MGNREGS work during the agricultural season. These all contribute to a problem whereby the scheme is not really effective in providing insurance against household idiosyncratic shocks that affect individual households, but not whole villages. This highlights that MGNREGS is not a genuine social insurance because it predominantly provides insurance against shocks that affect whole districts of villages at the same time.

This is, in fact, what I show in my paper. While there is rationing of MGNREGS work, participation for the programme is high following district-level shocks, for example following a bad monsoon.

In its first term, the ruling National Democratic Alliance put emphasis on promoting entrepreneurship through the Skill India Initiative and Make in India programme. Budget allocation to the Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship (MSDE) has increased 237% over the last four years, according to government data. But, for the first time since 2013, MGNREGS funding will drop by 1.8% in the 2019-20 budget. Are other programmes likely to work better than MGNREGS? In its second term, what should the NDA government’s approach be?
I am quite concerned about MGNREGS being hollowed out. It is a policy that–(though) far from being perfect–is delivering something that has been missing in India’s social policy: An effective form of social insurance particularly benefiting the rural parts of India. Rather than hollowing it out by depriving it of the funds it needs, focus should be on investing in the programme to ensure even less leakage to allow it to function.

Upskilling is definitely important but I have yet to see evidence that these programmes actually work. It is very important that MSDE engages with academics to evaluate the initiatives against their effectiveness.

The Make in India initiative is interesting but again, it does raise important questions as to what policy instruments are being used. Manufacturing of tradable goods is likely to be an important source of private sector employment that can absorb workforce from rural areas but I worry that the policy tools used focus around the government picking select industries or even companies, rather than focus on building the right institutional support to facilitate private initiative. It is important for any such policy for the government to transparently engage with all stakeholders–the focus should be on developing an enabling and supportive institutional environment to foster private initiative.

India ranked amongst the highest religion-related social hostilities index, at 9.6 compared to the world average of 1.8 in 2016, according to a Pew Research Center study. The motivations for this kind of conflict are identity-based, whereas the Maoist conflict is to a significant extent motivated by land rights and other development factors. Do you believe rural income guarantee programmes such as MGNREGS could mitigate conflict motivated by religion/ethnicity?
This is an interesting question. The focus of my study was indeed on the Maoist conflict. But I do think that the scheme may have some positive features as well that may be of relevance to other conflicts. The fact that people participating in MGNREGS work side by side is something that may actually foster and improve social cohesion. Of course, if at the local level implementation and access to work becomes co-opted then just as any other government programme it can become a tool fostering exclusion and producing grievances. So again, it depends on the specific design and the realities on the ground.

By 2030, the share of the global poor living in fragile and conflict-affected areas is projected to reach nearly 50%. How do we prepare for this?
As indicated, I sincerely think that developing countries more broadly should consider programmes like MGNREGS–not because they are perfect, but because they can actually work vis-à-vis other initiatives that may end up providing un-targeted transfers to households that do not actually need them. It is absolutely important that the organisation of these programmes is sufficiently decentralised to ensure that they do not become a tool to be co-opted for political gain. MGNREGS is a good example because since its introduction we have learned quite a few things already as to how we can make it work better. So other countries can really learn from the Indian experience here.

It is also important to not confound MGNREGS with other types of cash-for-work programmes–some of which have been studied, for example in Tunisia. The key value of MGNREGS is the fact that it is there to fall back on. Most cash-for-work programmes are temporary by nature and hence, do fail to provide social insurance simply because they are not guaranteed to be available in the future when demand may be there.

So MGNREGS has a social value. Even if nobody is doing any work, the certainty that there is a fall-back has a significant positive effect by itself.

(Habershon, a graduate from the University of Manchester, is an intern with IndiaSpend.)

Courtesy: India Spend
 

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The Crisis of MGNREGA https://sabrangindia.in/crisis-mgnrega/ Mon, 04 Feb 2019 06:52:46 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2019/02/04/crisis-mgnrega/ The Central Government has forgotten that the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee ACT is an employment generation programme and not merely a rural asset generation scheme. The idea of MGNREGA was conceived, based on the fact that the planning and implementation of the schemes will be done in a decentralized manner, which will honor […]

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The Central Government has forgotten that the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee ACT is an employment generation programme and not merely a rural asset generation scheme.

The idea of MGNREGA was conceived, based on the fact that the planning and implementation of the schemes will be done in a decentralized manner, which will honor the local and traditional knowledge and decision making. However in the last twelve years MGNREGA has seen strong centralized bureaucratic control over the programme which has demolished the spirit of employment guarantee and the idea of a demand based allocation of work.

MGNREGS today has become everything, which it was suppose to challenge and rectify. The exploitation of workers, non dignified wages, contractor based delivery have become some of the common features of MGNREGA. The great Indian bureaucracy has again turned a revolutionary programme into a failed dream. The over centralization and administrative control over implementation and misinterpretations of the law by the administrators, have been the primary reasons why NREGA could not give out, what it was suppose to deliver. However, the programme still is a lifeline for crores of rural households but it could never reach it’s true potential. In true sense, MGNREGS as a programme hasn’t evolved since it’s inception and an ACT which was suppose to transform the scenario of rural jobs has now become an agonizing compulsion for the workers across the nation. The need and benefits of rural employment guarantee is unquestionable but the implementing mechanisms and policy inertia has kept the programme at stagnation.

MGNREGA in it’s current form is seen as an asset creation machine which considers the workers as tools for generation of assets. The Ministry of Rural Development presently has little focus on worker’s dignity and well being and thus, contractor based service delivery, which is common in rural job schemes can be observed everywhere despite the fact that employment guarantee ACT completely eradicates the idea of contractors in the MGNREG schemes. The wages and benefits of the workers are non-lucrative and monitoring in terms of preserving worker’s rights are negligible. Disinterest among workers further paved way for the contractors and middle men to take control which resulted in heavy leakages.

Asset generation focus in an employment guarantee programme further has an implication on the budget allocations. Too much asset focus has resulted in state wise targets for assets and thereby having limited allocation of funds based on number of targeted assets. This has huge implication on ground. The MGNREGA budget allocation has always been inadequate to meet the needs of workers. While the budget allocations should be made based on the decentralized labour budget planning in the Gram Sabhas and number of job card holding households, the allocation nowadays are being done based on asset generation plans of the government. The idea of MGNREGA was also to provide additional employment of 100 days to people apart from the existing jobs available in the rural schemes. In the present scenario MGNREGA has been integrated with a whole lot of other existing rural asset schemes such construction of Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojna, Anganwadi centres and toilets under Swachh Bharat Mission, which reduces the scope of additional income. Also, these programmes have a contractor or owner driven implementation process wherein contractors or the owners themselves supervise the schemes, causing regular violation of the MGNREGA provisions.

The MGNREGA wages are ridiculously low and in most states it is even lower than the state’s agricultural minimum wage. While, this itself is a blatant violation of the Law, the constant wage delays in MGNREGA has put workers into more trouble. The centralized payments systems have further added more insult to the injury as people have to now wait for their rightful wages for a long long time due to central delays in release of funds.

The Ministry of Rural Development, for the past couple of years have been constantly boasting up about the NREGA budget allocations and have been terming the allocations as highest ever. Not only the ministry has terribly miscalculated the budget, it has also ignored the inflation adjustments and the yearly increase in the number of job cards while exultantly announcing the allocations as highest ever. In real terms the budget has only reduced in the past few years as the funds for a certain financial year include a huge pending liability of the previous year. As a result of the inadequate allocations, every year funds get dried up halfway into the year and thus causing tremendous stress on the workers and joblessness at ground. Joblessness in the peak working seasons cause huge number of people migrating to towns.

In an employment guarantee programme the claims of highest ever allocation does not hold any value, if it is insufficient to meet the needs of the workers. Adequacy of funds is what is important to meet the current demand in the nation and claims of highest ever allocations does not really change the abysmal situation on ground. The central government should now stop bragging about the funds and work on providing sufficient allocations and timely release of funds to states.

While, several ground surveys show that MGNREGA is not functioning properly, the central government’s repeated claims of MGNREGA running successfully, raise questions on the credibility and intentions of this government. Furthermore, it is more derisive that the central government has been making these claims on the basis of their official Management Information system(MIS), authenticity of which is already questioned on various occasions and in different platforms. It has been proved on multiple occasions that reports shown on the MIS vary distinctly from the ground realities.

The larger issues of inadequate allocations, centralized payments and delays in wages have destroyed MGNREGA which was already suffering from multiple local issues and malpractices. Now the target based asset focus in MGNREGA is further damaging the essence of employment guarantee. The irony is that the quality of assets too haven’t improved and one can find poor quality and incomplete MGNREGA assets across the nation. In absence of a robust monitoring and grievance redress strategy, the condition of the programme can never be revived. The ministry has always been prompt in responding to the critics but highest officials never respond to the ground issues. While the workers across the nation demand higher wages, increase in work days and enhanced benefits, the officials keep their mouth shut.

The central government have allocated Rs.60000 crores for MGNREGA for 2019-20. The total budget for 2018-19 was Rs. 61084 crores. While independent activists, researchers and organizations have repeatedly claimed with data that MGNREGA cannot function properly with anything less than Rs.88000crores, this reduction in the budget has no logical explanation.

The world’s largest rural job scheme is going through a deep crisis. In the times when frequent reports of starvation deaths have shaken the nation, the rural development minister and the MGNREGA officials at the centre cannot shun from their responsibilities. With the general elections round the corner, BJP government needs to understand that 13crores job card holding families will be closely watching their next moves.

Courtesy: Counter Currents
 

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Why the Debate on RBI Reserves is Entrapped in Neo-Liberal Homily https://sabrangindia.in/why-debate-rbi-reserves-entrapped-neo-liberal-homily/ Sat, 05 Jan 2019 08:24:10 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2019/01/05/why-debate-rbi-reserves-entrapped-neo-liberal-homily/ By not doing anything disliked by global finance – taxing capitalists and fiscal deficits – the neo-liberal regime is being depicted as the only possible universe that could possibly exist.   Entrapping all intellectual discussion within a particular discourse is the commonest method that neo-liberalism uses for establishing its hegemony. There was, for instance, the […]

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By not doing anything disliked by global finance – taxing capitalists and fiscal deficits – the neo-liberal regime is being depicted as the only possible universe that could possibly exist.

rbi
 
Entrapping all intellectual discussion within a particular discourse is the commonest method that neo-liberalism uses for establishing its hegemony. There was, for instance, the recent debate on the “autonomy” of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), where one side wanted control over the RBI by the government and its coterie of “crony capitalists”, while the other wanted an RBI catering to the whims and caprices of globalised finance. The question of popular or parliamentary control over the institution was simply never raised. The same phenomenon of entrapping intellectual discussion within a particular discourse can be seen in the debate on a related issue, namely the use of RBI’s reserves to boost government expenditure.

The question to ask is: why should the government, which has the power to tax and borrow resources, feel the need to turn to the RBI’s reserves for increasing its expenditure? The answer is that it does not have real power within the neo-liberal dispensation to do anything that is disliked by globalised finance; and since finance dislikes both taxes on capitalists and fiscal deficits (taxes on the working people to finance larger expenditure would increase neither employment nor welfare), it finds itself in a bind. Its compulsion to turn to the RBI’s reserves for increasing expenditure in this election year derives from this fact, which is rooted in the reality of the neo-liberal regime.

Camouflaging Fiscal Deficit
There is a further point to note here. Using the RBI’s reserves actually amounts to an increase in the fiscal deficit, though it would not figure as such in the government’s budget. An obvious way that these reserves can be drawn down is by increasing the dividend payments from the RBI to the government, which owns it. In the budget, such dividend payment would appear as an additional income for the government and if its expenditure rises by an equal amount, then the fiscal deficit would have remained unchanged; higher expenditure, in other words, would have been financed without raising the fiscal deficit.

But this conclusion arises entirely because we are focusing attention on the government proper. If we take the government sector as a whole, including not only the government proper but also government-owned institutions, like the RBI, then for this sector as a whole while expenditure would have gone up (because of larger government spending), income would not have.

Dividend payment by the RBI to the government amounts merely to a transfer from one entity to another within the government sector, but not to an increase in the income of the sector as a whole. Hence, the deficit of the government sector as a whole would have gone up by an amount equal to the increase in government spending, even though it would not show itself as an increase in fiscal deficit in the government budget. Its macroeconomic effects, however, should be exactly the same as that of a fiscal deficit. In other words, increasing government spending by using the RBI’s reserves amounts to a camouflaged fiscal deficit.

 Why Finance Capital Dislikes Fiscal Deficits
The question immediately arises: why not an open fiscal deficit? The proximate answer, already given, is that finance capital disapproves of fiscal deficits; and when finance is globalised while the State remains a nation-State, the writ of finance must run, for otherwise there would be a flight of finance from the country in question causing a financial crisis. But why does finance dislike a fiscal deficit? The theoretical argument usually advanced against a fiscal deficit, namely that it causes inflation, cannot stand scrutiny.

Inflation, leaving aside the “cost-push” variety which in any case has nothing to do with a fiscal deficit, arises from excess aggregate demand at base (i.e. pre-inflation) prices, which cannot be eliminated through an increase in supply. To say that a fiscal deficit gives rise to inflation amounts, therefore, to assuming that the economy is always at “full employment”, i.e. there is never any deficiency of aggregate demand in the economy and the so-called “Say’s Law” holds. This is a palpably absurd assumption, though much used in “mainstream” economic theory.

In fact, capitalism is typically a demand-constrained system, where “full employment” has never characterised even the top of the boom, let alone “normal times”. Enlarging the fiscal deficit in these conditions can increase employment and output without raising prices to any significant extent. India, in particular, has been characterised by unutilised capacity in industry and above-“normal” levels of foodgrain stocks virtually throughout the period of economic liberalisation. Hence, an increase in fiscal deficit would not give rise to inflation via excess aggregate demand but would instead raise output and employment. True, it can spill over into larger imports and hence a larger current account deficit on the balance of payments, but that needs to be checked not by keeping demand low but by imposing import restrictions which even Donald Trump has now introduced in the United States.

The dislike of finance towards a fiscal deficit, therefore, has nothing to do with its purported ill-effects which cannot arise in a demand-constrained economy. It has to do with the fact that if larger government expenditure, and that too financed not through taxation but through larger borrowing which does not immediately hurt anyone, is institutionalised as an essential element in the economy’s functioning, then that serves to de-legitimise the role of the capitalists. Having a bunch of capitalists whose “animal spirits” have to be carefully nurtured through concessions and subsidies, would then no longer be deemed necessary.

The opposition of finance capital to fiscal deficits, though sought to be justified by all sorts of spurious theoretical arguments, such as linking these deficits to inflation in all circumstances, arises for this fundamental reason, and gets institutionalised everywhere through “Fiscal Responsibility” legislation. The need to camouflage a larger fiscal deficit arises because of this. And using the RBI’s reserves for increasing government expenditure, though it is nothing else but an increase in the fiscal deficit, does not appear as such in the government budget, and hence can be passed off as “harmless”.

The whole argument about drawing down the RBI’s reserves for financing larger government expenditure thus takes the neo-liberal economy and the constraints it imposes upon the government for granted; but it seeks to find a way around these constraints because of electoral compulsions. The theory advanced is that while a fiscal deficit is bad because it is inflationary, using the RBI’s reserves is not the same as enlarging the fiscal deficit. The opponents of this argument likewise take the constraints imposed by the neo-liberal economy for granted and also accept this theory; their objection is that the government should not order the RBI around.

The debate is within the context of a neo-liberal regime but nowhere is this fact recognised. A discourse confined to the context of a neo-liberal regime is sought to be portrayed as a general theoretical discourse, which means that the neo-liberal regime is sought to be depicted as the only possible universe that could possibly exist. By entrapping everyone within this discourse, the hegemony of neo-liberalism is ensured, since everyone discusses the issue while confining attention to the neo-liberal regime itself, but not looking beyond it.

Once we recognise that using the RBI’s reserves is no different from enlarging the fiscal deficit, and also that such an enlargement is not necessarily deleterious (though no doubt deficit-financed government expenditure is worse than tax-financed government expenditure), it becomes possible to critique the neo-liberal regime itself. It becomes possible to argue that government expenditure should be expanded, on welfare and social-sector programmes, through raising larger tax revenue from the rich, but, failing that, even through a higher fiscal deficit, irrespective of whether RBI reserves are used for this purpose.

When the government is running even the MGNREGS to the ground, the idea that there are no resource constraints per se but only the caprices of finance capital that come in the way of government spending, is an important point to bear in mind. This point is sought to be obscured by the public discourse that neo-liberalism promotes. The Left must expose this entrapping discourse.

Courtesy: Newsclick.in

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How The Modi Government is Killing Off MGNREGS https://sabrangindia.in/how-modi-government-killing-mgnregs/ Fri, 21 Dec 2018 05:39:32 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2018/12/21/how-modi-government-killing-mgnregs/ Funding is not keeping pace with demand, and delays or vanished dues are discouraging job seekers in these times of extreme rural distress. Image for representational use only. | Image Courtesy: Down To Earth   Here is a little known but chilling fact about the rural job guarantee scheme, MGNREGS: between April and mid-December this […]

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Funding is not keeping pace with demand, and delays or vanished dues are discouraging job seekers in these times of extreme rural distress.
Image for representational use only. | Image Courtesy: Down To Earth
 
Here is a little known but chilling fact about the rural job guarantee scheme, MGNREGS: between April and mid-December this year, about 1.28 crore people who demanded jobs were turned back. This refusal to give work has been happening every year but it has increased after the Modi government came to power in 2014, and it has already hit a record high with over three months still left in this financial year.

Meanwhile, from different states, there are reports of protests by labourers over delayed wages, blocked accounts, missing money, and no work. There is a deepening sense that the job guarantee scheme – a lifeline for off-season work for lakhs of very poor agricultural labourers and small farmers – is in shambles.

Rural areas are already suffering from immense distress because of a raging agrarian crisis, reflected in diminishing farming incomes, stagnant agricultural wages and rising unemployment with such consequences as increasing indebtedness, suicides and out-migration. On top of that, this strangling of the MGNREGS (Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme) has deepened the distress among the poorer sections in rural areas.

What is happening to MGNREGS? Why is there a crisis? Answers to these questions are being demanded across the country.

MGNREGS is being put to a tortured death by the Narendra Modi-led National Democratic Alliance government through a relentless funds squeeze, delays in payments, technological glitches and lack of any avenue for grievance redressal. Analysis of official data and ground reports from across the country shows that an increasing number of people are being refused work every year, the paucity of funds is causing spending to overshoot every year, payment of hundreds of crore rupees are delayed beyond the stipulated time limit of 15 days, delay compensation is not paid despite a clear law regarding this, and aggrieved people have no method of correcting the growing number of technical glitches arising from the electronic fund transfer systems. All this is topped by increasingly novel ways in which corruption is creeping into the system, snatching away hard-earned and precious wages from the people. Let us put some of these features under the microscope to understand the reasons.

Rising Demand, Sinking Availability of Work
The demand for work in the MGNREGS has been rising continuously (see chart below). Driven by increasing joblessness and farming crisis, millions of people including landless labourers and small or marginal farmers seek some meagre income from the scheme. However, the number of persons actually given work is much less than the demand. Last year, 8.4 crore persons sought work, as per records, but only 7.2 crore were given work.

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The number of persons being turned back has increased from about 79 lakh in 2013-14 (the last year of United Progressive Alliance-2) to 1.29 crore in the current year (till December 15) as shown in chart below. As a share of all those applying for work, those refused work have increased from about 10% in 2013-14 to a whopping 18% this year.

modi%20destroying%20MNREGA%202.PNG

It should be noted that the number of those who demanded work is as per official records, which is always less than those who actually wanted work but were verbally refused or turned away in any informal way. Many people simply give up going to ask for work because of constant refusal. Official statistics include only those who are recorded as having demanded work through applications.

Although it is repeatedly claimed that the MGNREGS is a ‘demand-driven’ scheme, that is, it responds to and meets all the demand for work, the above official data clearly shows that this is far from the way it is being run. In fact, like all other schemes, it is being restricted through pre-defined limits of spending.

Low Wages, Less No. of Days
Work under this scheme is the least paying, apart from being the most irregular and uncertain. The average wage, according to official data, is just Rs.179.59 per day. There are, of course, wide variations among states with wage rates as low as Rs.141.65 in Rajasthan, Rs.146 in Telangana, Rs.166 in Chhattisgarh, Rs. 170.12 in Madhya Pradesh etc. [Note that the BJP state government recently lost in the three states they ruled.] The richer states have higher wage rates, although Gujarat (a Bharatiya Janata Party-ruled state) has only Rs.175.79.

The average number of days of work given to households has been declining under Modi rule. In its first year, when Modi came out openly against MGNREGS and slashed funds, the average number of days of work dipped to just 40. Due to the wave of protest throughout the country, Modi had to back down and restore some funding, leading to an increase in average number of days worked per household to 49 in 2015-16, and since then it has steadily declined to 46 in 2016-17, 45.76 in 2017-18 and back to 40 in this year. 

With these kind of wage rates, and with the limited number of days when work is available, it is sheer desperation that drives people to go for MGNREGS work. The depth of jobs crisis can be judged from the fact that so many are going for it. But low wages and small number of days of work also discourages many to shun this work. Combined with the delays in getting these wages, it becomes a waste for many people to undertake MGNREGS work. This is not happening because of some unknown factors but because of a policy of keeping wages low and squeezing funds to discourage work.

Delays in Wage Payment
Again, official data shows that last year, about Rs.7014 crore worth of wages were delayed beyond 15 days. This year, the amount so far is Rs.2469 crore but this is likely to rise steeply because it is at the end of the year that dues pile up because of funds not being released or delayed. The Act that governs the scheme stipulates that wage payment cannot be delayed beyond 15 days. Yet official records themselves show this delay. Last year, some 5.6 crore transactions were delayed beyond 15 days.

The primary reasons for delays are two: delay in fund releases from higher levels and delays arising from glitches in the electronic fund transfer system which has been forcibly imposed on the scheme.

What the MGNREGS system records as delays are actually “first-step delays”. They occur before the final signature of a Fund Transfer Order (FTO) and are quite transparent. The whole system is geared to keep track of such delays and compensation is stipulated to be paid for them.

However, such delays are just the beginning of the wage earners’ ordeal. There are unrecorded second-stop delays that happen after FTO has been issued but the bank transfer doesn’t take place. Studies have found that these delays can be for as long as two months.

Economist and activist Jean Dreze has written that one of the reasons for delays is the repeated changes in the way cash payment of wages was changed to various kinds of electronic payments. “First, it was cash payments, then post-office payments, then bank payments, then specific banks, then various avatars of what is now called the National electronic Fund Management System (NeFMS), and now the Aadhaar Payments Bridge System (APBS). None of these innovations, so far, has been able to ensure payment within 15 days of the work being done, as prescribed under NREGA, he writes.

Vanished Wages
The nightmare scenario for a poor labourer is when he/she has worked for a few days and later discovers that due wages are not getting deposited in the connected bank account. This happens because of three reasons: rejected payments, diverted payments and locked payments.

Rejected payments is possible because of an incredible 200 different reasons, according to a Rural Development Ministry official quoted by Dreze. Some of the reasons like “inactive Aadhaar” are not understood even by UIDAI and the rural development ministry. Once a labourer’s wages go into this black hole, the chances of recovery are very low. In any case it will take months. According to the official records, Rs.500 crore worth of hard earned and precious wages were stuck as ‘rejected payments’ in 2017-18.

Diverted payments are those where the wage is transferred to an account that the labourer knows nothing about or even to a wrong account (belonging to some other person). This is a widely prevalent glitch associated with the Aadhaar Payments Bridge System (APBS) under which, wages are automatically paid only into the worker’s last Aadhaar-linked account. Since workers don’t know which of their accounts are Aadhaar-linked, they are unable to locate the money. Alternatively, it may have gone to somebody else – in which case it means goodbye. There is no redressal mechanism and labourers have no means of running around trying to figure out an unknown technological system.

‘Locked payments’ is the third way wages vanish. This happens when wages are transferred to an account that the bank has declared dormant or frozen because it has not been used frequently. Once payment is locked, the labourer cannot withdraw the amount. 

Both delayed payments and vanished wages are not small things for workers. Not only is it a dead financial loss for a family that is on the brink, but it completely discourages them from seeking work again because of fear that a similar loss will again occur.
Funding Chaos
The biggest reason behind the slow murder of the MGNREGS is the behind-the-scene squeeze on funding of the scheme. This is kept under wraps and the data is presented by the government in such a way so as to highlight only the increases. But an analysis of the annual releases and spending data shows that despite the increase in funding, spending is overshooting it every year and, more importantly, liabilities of each year (payments due) are carried forward every year to be paid in the next year. This not only destroys the smooth functioning of wage payments with all its consequences, but it also damages the administrative structure – the staff availability to plan works, the availability of materials – thus further wounding an already suffering system.

Take a look at the data which is drawn from the official website and presented in recalculated easy to understand form below.

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Note, that every year, not only is spending actually incurred, it is more than the funds released. But even then, substantial amounts of dues are left pending to be disbursed in the next year. For example, taking 2017-18 as the last complete year, the combined Central and State government allocation was Rs.61,426 crore, but actual spending was Rs.63,670 crore during the year – about Rs.2,244 crore in excess. Then, an additional Rs.1906 crore was pending liability. This was made up of Rs.622 crore of unskilled wages due, Rs.122 crore of materials and Rs.66 crore worth of administrative expenditure. If you add this combined liability to the year’s spending, we get a total expenditure of Rs.65,576 crore – which is an excess of Rs.4,150 crore over the funds released in that year.

What all this complicated math means is that the whole scheme is functioning on less money than needed and it is barely surviving by rolling over payments – that is, delaying them till the next instalment of releases is received.

Note that this survival is dependent on one very important factor – limiting the demand for work. If the work demand increases, the whole system would go into even deeper debt and probably collapse. For instance, if the 1.24 crore people who were refused work had actually been accepted and given work, the additional expenditure would have been about Rs.13,000 crore if given work for 46 days, which was the average for 2017-18. By refusing work to these applicants, the government effectively saved Rs.13,000 crore and also postponed the collapse of the system. 

What Should be Done?
The Modi government has not only severely damaged the economy of the country through its disastrous policies, it is so deeply mired in the neo-liberal dogma of reducing government expenditure on welfare, privatising public resources and opening the economy to foreign capital, that a wholesale overhaul of the policies is needed to increase job creation and improve wages.

The rural jobs guarantee scheme was envisaged as a relief measure to mitigate the distress caused by joblessness. Till such time as a healthy growth in new jobs is not established, it should be necessary for the government to increase spending so that suffering people get some relief through the scheme. Some experts have estimated that at least Rs.80,000 crore should be invested every year in MGNREGS to make it function effectively. Since the Modi government’s term is about to end, it is impossible to expect them to take such measures after having spent five years trying to destroy the scheme. So, the best way would be to vote out the Modi government and bring in a different, more people-oriented government that will create more jobs, and also help strengthen MGNREGS.

Courtesy: Newsclick.in

 

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Pakri Barwadih Coal Mine Another Tuticorin in Making: Jharkand https://sabrangindia.in/pakri-barwadih-coal-mine-another-tuticorin-making-jharkand/ Wed, 30 May 2018 04:18:14 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2018/05/30/pakri-barwadih-coal-mine-another-tuticorin-making-jharkand/ 210 villages would be destroyed, leaving at least 1.5 lakh people homeless over three phases of the project. Newsclick Image By Nitesh Kumar   After anti-Sterlite protest at Tuticorin in Tamil Nadu, Barkagaon and Kharadi blocks at Hazaribagh district in Jharkhand may witness another round of conflict between the people and the State/companies. With the […]

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210 villages would be destroyed, leaving at least 1.5 lakh people homeless over three phases of the project.
Newsclick Image By Nitesh Kumar
 
After anti-Sterlite protest at Tuticorin in Tamil Nadu, Barkagaon and Kharadi blocks at Hazaribagh district in Jharkhand may witness another round of conflict between the people and the State/companies. With the beginning of opencast mining under the Pakri Barwadih Coal Mine Project that was started by National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC) for dry fuel, 26 villages are reportedly going to lose existence. Roughly, 16,000 people – all of whom are farmers – will be displaced from the acquired the villages.

The NTPC has contracted the mining project to Thriveni Sainik Mining Private Limited to develop a key Jharkhand coal deposit into a 15 million tonne per annum-mine and run it for its linked thermal power station. Officials of the company are allegedly forcing people to vacate the areas.

“The officers of the company frequently come to the villages and threaten people to vacate the area. They threaten them with police action and imprisonment. They are trying all means – from terrorising people to manipulating facts. With an aim to pursue the villagers to accept the compensation sum, which is being given at rate of Rs 20 lakh/acre, the officials are asking the villagers to receive the fund, otherwise the company will deposit it into the state treasury,” Mohammad Iliyas, a local activist, told Newsclick.

But the villagers appear to be hell-bent that they won’t give their land to NTPC at any cost. They allege no laid-down procedures of the land acquisition have been followed by the government. “The consent of the gram panchayat (village panchayat) for land acquisition has either not been obtained or has been manipulated. The government is using its might to evict us so that it can ensure profits for the corporates, but we are not going to cow down. We will fight till the end. Talk about agriculture and development. Don’t try to snatch our livelihood, which depends on agriculture,” said another resident Kartik Ganju.

An e-mail sent to the NTPC’s sub-contractor (Thriveni Sainik) by Newsclick seeking clarification on the allegation of threats of forcible eviction has remained unanswered.  

The phase one of the project – which is for 39 years and will affect seven villages – has a leased area of 3,319.42 hectare. Of this – according to the environment clearance letter – 643.9 hectare is forestland, 1950.51 hectare is agricultural land, 159.64 hectare is barren and wasteland, 435 hectare is grazing land, 101.22 hectare is human settlements and 29.15 hectare includes roads and seasonal nalas (drains).

Barkagaon Reserve Forest is situated within the core zone and in the buffer zone. There are endangered fauna such as sloth bears in the mining area. Ghagri river flows south of the mining land at a distance of 1.5 km from West to East. Hahro river flows at a distance of 1.5 km south of the mining land from Southwest to Northern direction.

The seven villages that come under phase one are Chirudih, Itiz, Nagadi, Arhara, Pakri-Barwadih, Dadikalan and Chepakalan. Majority of the residents here depend on agriculture. They do not have any other source of income. The complete acquisition of the land in these villages will impact the livelihood of more than 7,000 people.

The residents here are so terrified that they do not want to talk to the media fearing police wrath. The project was flagged off on February 16, 2017 and mining began on October 1 the same year; it led to a deadly protest in which, four people died, including three children. At least 10 persons had suffered bullet injuries in the incident. Hundreds of people are still languishing in jail.

Apart from livelihood issues, several other problems, challenging the villagers’ existence, have begun arising. “All ponds and wells have dried up because of the opencast mining, creating extreme shortage of water. The loud blasts during mining damage our houses. Children and women are suffering from several diseases. In addition, there are several problems. In nutshell, the government has made our lives hell so that we fall in line to satisfy its needs,” said Deepak Kumar Das, an anti-mining activist.

There are at least 36 coal blocks in Barkagaon and Karadi blocks where mining will be done in three phases, which will cause disappearance of 210 villages. If locals are to be believed, more than 1.5 lakh people will be affected.

No more government funds
The allocations made by the government under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MNREGA) have allegedly been stopped. The village heads (mukhiya) have reportedly been directed to stop spending the funds given to them for the development of their respective panchayats because the land has been acquired by the company, which is now responsible for all relief development works of the areas.

R&R is mere a lip service?
With regard to the rehabilitation and resettlement and CSR policy, the NTPC makes big claims such as construction of R&R colony having all modern facilities. The company – as it claims – is also conducting CSR activities in the project-affected areas on a regular basis. Whether it is related to skill development, women empowerment, education, health or welfare activity, the NTPC is purportedly doing everything.

For skill development of youths, claims the state-owned power producer, it is providing various types of training through its ITI, for professions like welder, fitter and electrician. For women empowerment, the company along with Jharcraft and Co-operative society – as it claims – is giving the training of sewing machine operation.

Giving further details of R&R activities, an NTPC official told Newsclick that the NTPC Pakri Barwadih has converted over 15 schools into model schools in the project-affected areas. It also reportedly provided various kinds of educational aids such as study material, school uniform, and scholarships to meritorious students, books for library, mobile lab for science students etc.

He further said the company organises health camps, at least 15-16 in a month, at regular intervals in schools and villages and distributes free medicines. “Lady gynaecologist has also been deployed for medical examination for women. Through Swachh Bharat Campaign, NTPC has launched an awareness program and is making people aware about the benefits of proper sanitation,” he added.

However, locals rubbish the claims terming them as merely a “lip service”. “The R&R colony built for rehabilitation of the affected is not up to the mark. It has been built with poor quality of materials. Several houses fell down in the rainy season following which, the government had stayed its construction. But it has once again begun,” said Iliyas.

When asked about other claims of education, skill development and health, another local – who did not wish to be named – said, “Everything is there on paper. We have not so far seen anything as claimed on the ground. The company’s R&R is nothing but a farce.”

Courtesy: Newsclick.in

 

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The SC is Naive Assuming that the Govt Protects Rural Workers: NREGA PIL https://sabrangindia.in/sc-naive-assuming-govt-protects-rural-workers-nrega-pil/ Tue, 22 May 2018 04:38:32 +0000 http://localhost/sabrangv4/2018/05/22/sc-naive-assuming-govt-protects-rural-workers-nrega-pil/ Two days ago, on May 19, the long awaited judgement, from the Supreme Court, in the Swaraj Abhiyan PIL was more than just a let down. The judgement has simply ignored reams of evidence that prove clear violations of the law, the legal entitlements of NREGA workers by the Modi-led Central government. It has allowed […]

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Two days ago, on May 19, the long awaited judgement, from the Supreme Court, in the Swaraj Abhiyan PIL was more than just a let down. The judgement has simply ignored reams of evidence that prove clear violations of the law, the legal entitlements of NREGA workers by the Modi-led Central government. It has allowed the government to get away with misinterpretations of the rural employment guarantee act.

NREGA
 
It was Swaraj Abhiyan that had approached the court in 2015 with the issues of (1) squeezing funds to the program via reduction in labour allotment through “approved labour budget” (2) delays in payment of wages and compensation thereof, and (3) absence of social audits.
 
Sanction to the process of “approving” labour budgets
The Court has rejected the petitioner’s submission on how the Central government has insiduously curbing labour demand.
 
The petitioners had meticulously documented how the central government was using the “agreed to labour budget” as an arbitrary means of curbing work demand. The petitioner had argued that the exercise of “approving” labour budgets goes against the very spirit of the law/Act.
 
In fact, the National Electronic Funds Management System (Ne-FMS) guidelines issued by the Centre in 2016-17 say that “the Management Information System (MIS) “will not allow” States to “generate more employment above the limits set by Agreed to LB”. This meant that the work demand of workers were not even getting registered and the MIS was being used as a means to curb work demand. Because of the ongoing PIL, the Centre was forced to rescind guidelines that enabled the use of the MIS to constrict demand for work. The Act has no provision of either the states or the central government to ration the projected demand for work prepared by each state.
 
The Central Government had argued that as some states are unable to fully utilise their labour budget, there is a need to rationalise the funds allocated to them. In doing so, it deliberately failed to acknowledge that the labour budget is only an estimate of the projected demand for work in the forthcoming financial year.
 

  • First, it is impossible for anyone to accurately predict the demand for NREGA work, as it depends on various factors such as availability of alternative employment, wage revisions and crop yield.
  • Second, early throttling of funds through “approved labour budget” causes the field functionaries to use it as a central order to not register work of labourers.
  • Third, the inability of states to spend the entire funds allocated to them does not cause any loss to the public exchequer, as allocations for the subsequent year are based on the balance money available to states.
  • Finally, from a moral standpoint, it’s unfair to make the most vulnerable wait for funds to trickle in to get work instead of getting work proactively.

 
Refusal to accept rationing of funds
Even as the Court gave some sanctity to the illegal exercise of “approving” labour budgets, it has rejected the petitioner’s submission on an informal cap on release of funds. It reasoned that since many states have spent more than the “agreed to labour budget”, there was, in fact, no rationing of funds. This goes completely against the facts on record.
 
The Court did not note that in August 2017, the Ministry of Rural Development (MoRD) demanded a supplementary budget of Rs 17,000 crores, but the Ministry of Finance sanctioned only Rs 7,000 in January 2018. Thus, NREGA functioned with a shortfall of at least Rs 10,000 crores in 2017-18. Also, due to shortage of funds in 2016-17, senior MoRD officials instructed state governments to go slow in the generation of employment during monsoon. The Central Government’s practice of stopping funds to states in case of financial irregularities by the latter is also a tactic of rationing funds. The Central Government should initiate strict disciplinary action against such states, instead of unfairly penalising NREGA workers.
 
Also, the Court’s argument that the allocated NREGA budget is adequate as no state has demanded additional funds is based on the naïve assumption that state governments always function in the best interest of rural workers. The approved labour budget becomes the target for the states to meet in terms of employment generation. Such a target driven approach is at odds with the demand driven, worker centric Act, causing a natural truncation of budgets sought and allocated.
 
Order on timely payment of wages and compensation
The petitioners brought to the notice of the Court that workers are only compensated for delays in wage payments that arise due to delays by the states and not for those caused by the Central Government or the payment agency. The Court accepted this submission and instructed the Central Government to “prepare an urgent time bound mandatory program to make the payment of wages and compensation to the workers”.
 
(As the Central Government has absolved itself of any obligation towards mitigating wage delays, it is a matter of little surprise that in 2016-17, only 17% of wage payments and in 2017-18 only 43% of wage payments were processed on time in stage II – which is the responsibility of the Central Government and payment agencies.)
 
The Struggle Will Go On
 
Notwithstanding the acute disappointment in this judgement, both the NREGA Sangharsh Morcha and PAEG have appreciated the strong language of the Court in its direction to the Centre to pay wages on time. However, it is unclear how this direction will translate into tangible action items for the Centre to do so on time. The Morcha and PAEG are particularly critical on two aspects of the judgement in this regard:
 
(1) Not setting up explicit orders to clear the pending delay compensation in a time bound manner is distressing.
(2) Not explicitly apportioning accountability structures on the Centre for delays in funds release to the states.
 
The Morcha and PAEG are also disappointed by the failure of the Court to take cognisance of the brazen violations of its earlier orders in this case. On May 13, 2016, the court had ordered the government to release adequate funds for timely payment of wages, pay compensation to workers who receive their wages with delays, increase the scale of employment and ensure the effective functioning of state and central employment guarantee councils.
 
The Morcha and PAEG will continue to bring to light the gross violations of the legal entitlements of NREGA workers. They will now go to Court to challenge the illegality of paying NREGA workers less than the statutory minimum wage – currently, NREGA wages of as many as 27 states and Union Territories are less than the corresponding minimum wage.
 
(It is the NREGA Sangharsh Morcha and PAEG that have prepared this critical note on the judgement)
 
 
Related Articles:

1. NREGA Claims in Jaitley’s Budget False, Mere 1 % Increase in Allocations

2. How the NDA II Government has Starved NREGA of Funds, Two Years Running

3. Judiciary to the Rescue of Parched India: SC Guidelines on Drought

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