Dallewal, president, of the Bharatiya Kisan Union (Sidhupur) has been observing fast unto death for 28 days to press the government to ensure minimum support price (MSP) as per the MS Swaminathan Commission recommendations and one-time debt relief from government banks and private moneylenders. There were reports of widespread protests on Monday in Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Punjab, Haryana, Kerala, Tamil Nadu to Kashmir and Uttarakhand.

Farmers organisations are also enraged over arrests and registration of alleged fake FIRs in Greater Noida in Uttar Pradesh where they have been demanding development of 10% residential plots given in lieu of land procured for residential societies and industries. The protesting farmers also burnt a copy of the draft National Policy Framework on Agricultural Marketing which they alleged was “the return of the repealed farm laws through backdoor.”

Kuldeep Singh, who was part of the protesting farmers in Jogindernagar, Mandi, Himachal Pradesh, told NewsClick  over the phone that they submitted a memorandum to President of India Droupadi Murmu through Block Development Officer, Mandi, and burnt the draft of the proposed agriculture marketing policy.

“We fought a year-long struggle at the borders of Delhi and it was the martyrdom of 750 farmers that pushed the Narendra Modi government to repeal the three black farm laws. Now, this policy seeks to transfer our produce to private traders without fair pricing. The policy document does not even mention the word MSP. Similarly, it has recommended contract farming.”

The SKM said the protests were being held to remind the Centre of its promise to devise methods to ensure MSP in a legal framework. While some farmer organisations pressed for complete procurement of produce through state agencies, others wanted punitive charges for buying the produce below MSP.

The Centre, through its Secretary (Farmers Welfare) Sanjay Agarwal had assured the SKM leadership that it would form a committee, including representatives from the Centre and state governments, agricultural scientists and farmer leaders of different unions with the mandate to devise methods to implement MSP.

Agarwal’s letter dated December 9, 2021 also noted that the Union government in principle had agreed to withdraw criminal cases by its agencies for participation in the historic famers’ struggle and it would appeal to the state governments too to withdraw the cases. The Centre had also assured farmers that it would hold discussions on the provisions impacting farmers in the Electricity Amendment Act.

However, the government’s invitation to SKM to the committee on Zero Budget Farming was turned down by the Morcha leaders, who alleged that the committee had majority members who had backed the ‘black’ farm laws.

Why MSP is Crucial?

The farmers bodies have maintained that the Commission on Agriculture Costs and Prices (CACP), the Central body responsible for announcing MSP for procuring crops from farmers, had been employing a wrong methodology for calculating the input costs of seeds, fertiliser, herbicides, pesticides, diesel and harvesting. While CACP has used A2 + FL formula, the farmers have been demanding C2+ 50% for just returns on the produce. A2 covers major costs such as fertilisers, pesticides, herbicides and diesel among others and FL implies unpaid family labour. C2 refers to comprehensive costs that also cover rents and forgone interest on land apart from traditional costs.

On Dallewal’s fast and deteriorating health, SKM leaders said in case of any untoward development, the entire responsibility would fall on Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah, Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann and Haryana Chief Minister Nayab Singh Saini.

In a statement, SKM core team member Darshan Pal said, “Instead of discussing the acute distress faced by farmers and agricultural labourers, the NDA-3 government is further unleashing an onslaught on agriculture, industry and services through the New National Agriculture Market Policy and Digital Agriculture Mission, National Cooperation Policy, imposing four labour codes and One Nation One Election that erodes the federal rights of the State Governments to facilitate the corporate agenda of ‘one nation one market for corporate profiteering’.

Memorandum to President

The memorandum submitted to the President of India by SKM leaders read, “It is highly unfortunate that the Prime Minister, Shri. Narendra Modi is not ready to hold discussions with farmer organisations on struggles. Instead, consistent efforts are there to brutally suppress the struggles of farmers at Shambu and Khanuri borders of Punjab and Noida-Greater Noida in Uttar Pradesh by using tear gas shelling, rubber bullets, water cannons and putting hundreds of farmers in jail for holding peaceful demonstrations and Dharna.”

It further noted that In the Gautam Buddha Nagar, the FIR No.0538 dated December 4, 2024, revealed that the Police Commissionerate had implicated 112 farmers on false charges under Section 109 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Nyay Samhita for attempt to murder of a police sub-inspector…. “The farmers are in jail for the last 21 days,” it added.

The memorandum also held that the “new National Agriculture Market Policy is part of the strategy of the corporate agenda to permit backdoor resurrection of the three farm laws. The conscious efforts in the last two years to thwart procurement in APMC markets in Punjab and Haryana, dismantle FCI by promoting cash transfer on food subsidy, reduction of food subsidy by Rs. 60,470 Cr. and fertiliser subsidy by Rs. 62,445 Cr. in the last three consecutive years are corporate attacks on the existing system of limited MSP and Food security of the country.”

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post Save Dallewal’s Life, Hold Discussion on MSP, Says SKM in Memo to President Murmu appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Eyewitnesses, while speaking to Indian Express, described the operation as sudden and forceful. Amrik Singh of the Bharti Kisan Union (Sidhupur) recounted, “The police came at 2:30 am and broke the fibreglass wall of the temporary room where Dallewal ji was sleeping. When he refused to open the door, they forcibly entered and took him to an undisclosed location.”

While speaking to IE, Singh added that over 250 officers participated in the operation, locking the farmers in their huts or trolley homes to prevent resistance. Balpreet Singh, a close associate of Dallewal, described the swiftness of the operation: “I was held back by the police and couldn’t even reach my phone to document what happened. Within two minutes, they had taken Pradhan ji (Dallewal).”

Sarwan Singh Pandher, coordinator of the Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM), criticised the heavy-handedness of the security forces. “This joint operation by the Punjab Police, Haryana Police, and central forces is a blatant violation of our constitutional right to protest. We strongly condemn these actions and demand transparency regarding Dallewal’s whereabouts.”

Despite assurances from Dr Nanak Singh, Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Patiala, that Dallewal was moved for medical reasons due to his age and cancer diagnosis, farmer unions remain sceptical. They claim that the act was a deliberate attempt to disrupt their movement on Constitution Day, a day that symbolises the protection of fundamental rights, including the right to protest.

Farmers’ demands and the context of the protest

Jagjit Singh Dallewal, had announced on November 25 regarding his decision to launch a fast-unto-death protest. This protest was aimed at pressing for the implementation of a legal guarantee for Minimum Support Prices (MSP) for crops—a long-standing demand of Indian farmers. This announcement coincided with the fourth anniversary of the historic farmers’ protests that began on November 26, 2020, against the now-repealed three farm laws.

The Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) and the Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM) have accused the government of failing to engage with farmers on critical issues since February 18, 2024. Key demands of the protesting farmers include:

• Implementation of the Swaminathan Commission’s recommendations for fair pricing.
• Farm debt waivers and pensions for farmers and agricultural labourers.
• Compensation for families of farmers who lost their lives during the earlier 2020-2021 protests.
• Justice for victims of the Lakhimpur Kheri violence of 2021.
• Reinstatement of the Land Acquisition Act, 2013, and withdrawal of police cases against protesting farmers.
• Prevention of electricity tariff hikes and measures to support small-scale farmers.

Despite months of demonstrations at the Shambhu and Khanauri border points since February 2024, the government has made no progress in addressing these demands. As the government continues to stall, the frustration among farmers has intensified.

More about the February farmers protest can be read here.

Intensifying the struggle and the question of fundamental rights

The forcible removal of Dallewal has provoked widespread anger among farmer unions. In response, the BKU (Sidhupur) and SKM (non-political) have called for farmers to gather in large numbers at the Khanauri border. Additionally, Chetavni rallies (warning rallies) have been planned across 500 districts in India, with central trade unions joining the movement. A Delhi Chalo march has also been scheduled for December 6, 2024 starting from the Shambhu border, further raising the stakes.

Union Minister of State Ravneet Singh Bittu has shifted the blame entirely to the Punjab government, led by Bhagwant Mann. “This was orchestrated by the state police. The Centre has always supported farmers and would not resort to such actions,” Bittu claimed, though his statement has done little to placate the agitated farmer community.

This incident raises fundamental questions about the erosion of democratic principles, especially on Constitution Day—a day meant to reaffirm commitments to justice, liberty, and equality. The right to peaceful protest, enshrined under Article 19 of the Indian Constitution, has been repeatedly challenged in recent years, particularly when it comes to mass movements like those led by farmers. The use of force to suppress dissent reflects an alarming trend of undermining civil liberties, as highlighted by the unannounced and forceful detention of Dallewal.

The protestors assert that such actions will only strengthen their resolve. Farmer leader Dallewal, before being detained, stated, “I am ready to sacrifice my life for this cause. This fight will continue until the government addresses our demands.” As the agitation gains momentum, the larger question remains: will the government respect the constitutional right to dissent, or will it continue to view protests as a threat to be quelled by force?

Separate ongoing protests against forced land acquisition by UP government

Farmers affected by forced land acquisition under various Uttar Pradesh governments gathered today, on November 26, in a massive Kisan Mahapanchayat outside the offices of the Greater Noida Industrial Development Authority (GNIDA). For over two years, these farmers have been engaged in a sustained struggle, demanding the return of the 10% developed plots they were promised but never received.

The Mahapanchayat, organised under the banner of the Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM), brought together farmers from more than 200 villages in Gautam Buddha Nagar district. The event marked the launch of a renewed fight for justice, with active participation and leadership from the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) in the region.

Farmers who suffered forced land acquisition by different UP governments and have been demanding return of promised 10% developed plots for the last two years in a near continuous movement converged today in a mega Kisan Mahapanchayat outside the Greater Noida Industrial (1/n) pic.twitter.com/wCwFNJmF2m

— AIKS (@KisanSabha) November 25, 2024

Listen to Comrade Pushpendra Tyagi, CKC member of AIKS explain why farmers have gathered in such a massive way today outside Greater Noida Industrial Development Authority’s office today. pic.twitter.com/yYbQuEmss9

— AIKS (@KisanSabha) November 25, 2024

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The post Farmers’ leader detained forcefully on Constitution Day as protests for delivering guarantee on legal MSP intensify appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Among the 38 demands that the Manifesto outlines, the first is Setting up of a Shetkari Kamgar Commission or Agrarian Welfare Commission. This will be a statutory body and comprise not just government officials but eminent independent experts on the agrarian sector. Any new, incoming government must also commit to a special session of the Assembly on the agrarian crisis and related issues, the Manifesto states.

Senior journalist and expert on the rural political economy, P Sainath and scientist Dinesh Abrol released the document.

Empahsising the crucial need to supplement the existing and totally inadequate Minimum Support Price for cash crops like cotton, soybean and sugarcane in Maharashtra with a 20 % bonus, the Manifesto states that both Tamil Nadu and Kerala have long had this practice where the state adds a sum to the Central MSP for their own requirements. (A bonus of 30 % for paddy and 20 % for wheat was announced as PM guarantee in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh during the respective state elections. Why not the same principle in Maharashtra?) Besides, the Farmers Manifesto states that the state should intervene more strongly in the purchase of soya bean and cotton to stabilize the incomes of farmers of Maharashtra.

Besides, the new government must speedily curb the runaway rise in the cost of inputs due to the corporate capture of input production and supply. Maharashtra is in a situation where many farmers did not realize even their production costs across multiple crops last season. Farmers must be compensated for their loss of income. The new government must waive off all outstanding agricultural loans of farmers from suicide-affected families and provide appropriate opportunities to children of all such families.

Recognising the crucial issue of failing agricultural credit, the document states that, “ Mumbai being the headquarters of institutions like NABARD and the financial capital of India, the new government must leverage  its strength to oppose any dilution of apex DFI status of NABARD and ensure that the flow of NABARD concessionary funds are strengthened in the interest of landless, small, marginal farmers and development of people centric cooperative banking in India in general and Maharashtra in particular.

In addition, “The new government will have to take the responsibility of evolving at least 100 bankable models of Integrated farming and processing of farm products to support agro-ecological approaches in the state of Maharashtra. Marketing support by Govt should be part of the plan. The new government will have to ensure an increase in rural branches of banks and increase staff strength to support the holistic development of agriculture and allied sectors.”

The entire detailed document may be read here:

October 28, 2024

Kisan Mazdoor Commission and Nation for Farmers declare a

FARMERS’ MANIFESTO FOR MAHARASHTRA

It is imperative that crucial demands of the agrarian sector feature in the manifestos and debates of all political parties before the elections are held in Maharashtra. There is no state in the country where the impact of the agrarian crisis has taken a greater toll, as for instance, in the distress suicides of farmers. The Kisan Mazdoor Commission and Nation for Farmers believe that all political parties with farmers’ interests at heart should commit themselves to the following:

1. Setting up of a Shetkari Kamgar Commission or Agrarian Welfare Commission. It will be a statutory body and comprise not just government officials but eminent independent experts on the agrarian sector. Any new, incoming government must commit to a special session of the Assembly on the agrarian crisis and related issues.

2. A new government must commit itself to supplementing the existing and totally inadequate Minimum Support Price for cash crops like cotton, soybean and sugarcane in Maharashtra with a 20 % bonus. Tamil Nadu and Kerala have long had this practice where the state adds a sum to the Central MSP for their own requirements. (A bonus of 30 % for paddy and 20 % for wheat was announced as PM guarantee in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh during the respective state elections. Why not the same principle in Maharashtra?) The state should intervene more strongly in the purchase of soya bean and cotton to stabilize the incomes of farmers of Maharashtra.

3. The new government must speedily curb the runaway rise in the cost of inputs due to the corporate capture of input production and supply. Maharashtra is in a situation where many farmers did not realize even their production costs across multiple crops last season. Farmers must be compensated for their loss of income. The new government must waive off all outstanding agricultural loans of farmers from suicide-affected families and provide appropriate opportunities to children of all such families.

4. The new government must waive the debt of small and marginal farmers (owning land less than 10 hectares) to create a clean slate for the holistic development of agricultural and allied sectors in Maharashtra. It must plug the loopholes of the loan waiver process in Maharashtra. The positive process on loan waiver initiated by the Maharashtra government between 2019-2022 was subjected to much damage by the successor government. This must be set right. Agricultural loans must be a right for every farmer.

5. Remunerative prices must be given to all crops including millets, pulses, vegetables, and fruits, milk and other such identifiable produce so that farmers of Maharashtra can move to a developed cropping system while reducing the water footprint.

6. The new government must speedily address land rights issues. For generations, thousands of farmers have been cultivating lands classified as Class 3 Devsthan and Inami lands. These lands are technically owned by the Temple Trusts and as a result, the farmers cannot access any benefits of government agriculture schemes, nor can they create assets such as wells, pipelines, etc. We demand that these land titles be transferred as Class 1 land with the names of the cultivators as owners.

7. In Maharashtra, no government can further delay dealing with the burning issues related to the Forest Rights Act. The new government must stop the uprooting of Adivasi farmers in the name of compensatory afforestation and ensure strict implementation without dilution of Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act and Forest Rights Act, 2006. The government must provide land and livelihood rights to the landless and project-affected people, and give them agricultural and homestead land, water for fishing, cultivation, livestock-rearing and mining of minor minerals. The new government shall set up a dedicated state authority to sort out the implementation of FRA. It shall provide necessary financial and technical help to develop as well as implement a plan for the land forest dwellers get under community forest rights so that they can have a dignified and prosperous life based on Jal, Jangal and Jameen.

8. The government must declare there will be no privatization of water in any form. And that all distribution of water will be equitable and just. An equitable minimum of water, necessary for livelihood, to be provided to every rural family living off agriculture and related livelihoods along the lines of the Atpadi tahsil pattern. Given that the idea originated with him, the new government will call this programme the Mahatma Jyotiba Phule Samanyayi Pani Vattap Yojana (Mahatma Jyotiba Phule Equitable Water Distribution Programme).

9. Real cultivators including tenant farmers, sharecroppers, women farmers, lessee cultivators and rural workers will have to be registered immediately to ensure their access to benefits of all schemes for agriculture. The government must identify, recognize, and protect the interests and rights of tenant farmers. Including extending to them the benefits of all official schemes relating to agriculture. The KMC and NFF understand ‘farmer’ to mean and include landed farmers, landless farmers (agricultural labourers), tenant farmers, women farmers, Dalit farmers, Adivasi farmers, livestock (including dairy) farmers, nomadic pastoralists, forest produce gatherers and fisher-folk.

10. The new govt must review the Sagarmala projects and dilution of Coastal Regulation guidelines displacing the fishermen to help corporates in the name of tourism and infrastructure development. It will take all efforts to declare traditional fishermen as scheduled tribes and provide them adequate subsidies for fuel and equipment.

11. A new government must ensure the distribution of Gairan/wasteland grazing land for scheduled caste and scheduled tribe landless labourers. It must also implement measures for land distribution and housing for SC/STs; (enactment Maharashtra GR of 1978 and 1991). Further, it must ensure that the Atrocities Act is strictly implemented to ensure that encroachers on land granted to SCs under this law, are removed and other preventive measures under the law implemented.

12. In 2019, Maharashtra State government formed Gopinath Munde Corporation for Sugarcane. The corporation was to give ID cards to all sugarcane cutters, provide life insurance, accident cover, hostel facilities for children of sugarcane cutters and medical facilities at work, but lies dormant. We demand the Corporation be made active and functional and fulfil its mandate.

13. The new government will have to ensure that every woman in the village wishing to start “parasbaug” cultivation is given 100% subsidy to cultivate the backyards of their houses. Women mostly take care of all domestic work and also take care of children and the elderly and also then do agricultural work on their own farms. They should be given Rs. 5000 per month to compensate for the unpaid work by the state government.

14. The Dongrgaon (Sangola taluka, Solapur district) pattern of collective farming by the Dalit families (who have fragmented small holdings and also highly degraded lands) should be evolved into a generalized system of farming for the farmers of similar means. Greenhouses for protected cultivation should be supported to supplement the incomes. The government will have to monitor caste-based atrocities and ensure land parcels to landless SC/ST labour.

15. The new government should stand against GM food crops until and if their safety has been established through unbiased, neutral, third party studies. It must legally recognise land rights, water rights, bio-resource rights, rights of rivers and abandon projects which include diversion of rivers for so-called interlinking of rivers to protect rights over common property resources. It must withdraw the sanction to pesticides that have been banned elsewhere.

16. The new government will undertake the agenda of health impact assessment of workers doing hazardous (e.g. pesticide spray) work in the case of agriculture and allied sectors. The government will have to announce a policy for the promotion of agro-ecological approaches in cultivation and farming systems being pursued in the state of Maharashtra, and revive local seed diversity, so that farmers can build economically viable, ecologically sustainable, autonomous and climate resilient agriculture.

Land rights

17. Vast areas of agricultural land and forest are being handed over for urban and industrial development without the required assessment of essentiality of SEZs, expressways and due diligence in respect of ecological, social and economic impacts of the neo-colonial type of land and water transfer from the villages to cities and metropolis promoting dependent import and export-oriented development. Land is the progenitor of food and water, a basic for human survival. The new government must enunciate a policy for the restoration of balance and revitalization of health of vital and diverse ecosystems in the state.

18. The new government must immediately stop land acquisition or land pooling without informed consent of farmers; there can be no acquisition or diversion of agricultural land for commercial development or for creation of land banks; it must prevent the bypassing or dilution of the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act 2013, at the state level; and evolve land use and agricultural land and common lands protection policy at once to prevent agrarian distress.

Reviewing hydropower and green energy projects and assessing potential vulnerabilities 

19. Massive expansion of pumped storage based in hydropower projects is being planned in the entire western ghat areas of Maharashtra. This would entail construction of new reservoirs either upstream or downstream of the existing reservoirs and can be destructive to the fragile western ghat ecosystem and the lives and livelihoods of people living in these areas. We demand that the new government immediately announce stopping of the projects planned to benefit Adani Green Power. These projects must be reviewed and sanctioned on a case by case basis for any further steps. The new government will have to assess the costs and vulnerabilities of the green energy projects and explore the alternatives for storage and decide how much of pumped storage should be built.

20. The new government should prevent unscientific and undemocratic use of common property resources for green energy projects such as solar panel parks and pump storage. We urgently need a democratic and scientific land and water use policy. The unmet real needs of ecological infrastructure for food, water security and sustainable livelihoods must be prioritized if Maharashtra’s people as a whole are to survive democratically even in the near future. The Shaktipeeth Highway project should be fully scrapped.

Reimplementation of 2015 GR on PDS benefits for families affected by farmers’ suicides 

21. The new government will have to delink benefits of state or central government schemes for agriculture and allied sectors, crop insurance or farm subsidies from land ownership. It must implement the Government Resolution dated June 18, 2019, announced by the state revenue department for women from suicide-hit farm families. That 2015 GR promised public distribution (PDS) benefits for families in 13 districts affected by farmers’ suicides. This GR was cancelled in 2023. We demand immediate restoration of implementation of this GR.

Centre intervention in providing the mandatory medical, life insurance, and loan cover policy for farmers 

22. There must be a complete overhaul of the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana. Several states have already set up their own, or hybrid schemes (like Gujarat). Insurance in this sector must be run by public providers and not by corporate insurance providers who have milked thousands of crores from the scheme – with little benefit to the farmer. The latest of these scandals is the loot of farmers in Parbhani district. In fact, corporate insurers routinely dismiss lakhs of claims across the country. We demand medical and life insurance cover to all farmers premium of which should be paid by government. Besides, compulsory loan cover policy should be there for all farmers for which the government should pay premium.

Timely crop and livestock compensation due to natural calamities

23. The new government must ensure timely, effective and adequate compensation for crop and livestock loss due to natural disasters; implement comprehensive crop insurance that benefits farmers and not corporations, and which will cover all types of risks for all types of losses in agriculture with the individual farmer as the unit of damage assessment. The new government must reverse anti-farmer changes in the Manual for Drought Management.

24. Agriculture in Maharashtra is increasingly impacted by climate change. The new government must move swiftly to protect the health and safety of farmers and farm workers. For instance, enable the creation of dug out shelters on every farm. This past summer, farm labourers were toiling in temperatures of 45 C and worse. We also demand creation of common storage and shelters to help small farmers and agricultural workers cope with the coming heat waves. Public investment in the management of rainfall and irrigation water to ensure availability of critical moisture for cultivation and livestock rearing and for meeting drinking water needs is a must. The new government must take the required steps to provide protective irrigation through sustainable means for farmers, especially in the rain-fed areas.

To benefit the women farmers the MNREGA wages to not be less than the statewide announced minimum wage

25. The performance of the state in terms of providing work under the MNREGA has moved from poor to dismal. The result is a deepening of agrarian distress. The new government must commit to expanding and deepening the wage rate and number of workdays available to rural households. The wage in MGNREGA should under no circumstances be less than the statewide announced minimum wage. Beyond the MNREGA, landless labourers desperately need other sources of sustenance and support. These would particularly foreground the rights of women landless labourers to small plots of land enabling them to engage in livestock rearing, poultry and kitchen gardens. They must have priority in access to common lands. Women farmers, landed or landless, are in a terrible situation in Maharashtra. The above measures would include full and equal rights of landless farmers to common assets, like water resources, including access to community wells, tubewells, and more. All these above rights would particularly focus on Dalits and Adivasis.

Robust employment and pension schemes

26. We demand a minimum of Rs. 5000/-as pension per month per family of farmer. We demand free education at all schools/colleges/universities for farmer’s children. There should be a policy for reservation of vacancies in agriculture-based industries for farmers’ children. Hostel facilities for farmers’ children should be ensured at taluka and district level for all the relevant places in Maharashtra. The new government must commit to immediately launching a robust pension scheme for small and marginal farmers and agricultural workers. It needs to also rejuvenate and make robust the crumbling public distribution system. The new government will have to ensure remunerative guaranteed prices for milk and eggs and its procurement from dairies and poultry to supplement nutritional security through Mid Day Meal Scheme and Integrated Child Development Scheme etc.

27. The new government must introduce a new “Urban Employment Guarantee Scheme” with focus on meeting local milk needs and allowing land use for livestock rearing, waste to wealth, municipal food forests, vegetable gardens, home gardens etc, The new government will have to prepare a 5 year plan for credit with involvement of farmer organisations, urban agriculture producers and local bodies to support a systematic development of rural and urban agriculture.

Leveraging the role of NABARD, cooperative and public sector banks to evolve bankable models of integrated farming practices.

28. Mumbai being the headquarters of institutions like NABARD and the financial capital of India, the new government must leverage  its strength to oppose any dilution of apex DFI status of NABARD and ensure that the flow of NABARD concessionary funds are strengthened in the interest of landless, small, marginal farmers and development of people centric cooperative banking in India in general and Maharashtra in particular.

29. The new government will have to take the responsibility of evolving at least 100 bankable models of Integrated farming and processing of farm products to support agro-ecological approaches in the state of Maharashtra. Marketing support by Govt should be part of the plan. The new government will have to ensure an increase in rural branches of banks and increase staff strength to support the holistic development of agriculture and allied sectors.

30. Public sector Banks (PSBs) should not be privatized to protect the interests of the farmers, and their governing boards should have the representatives of organizations of small and marginal farmers. In the state of Maharashtra, credit deposit ratio should be at least 80% for every branch and every block. The new government will have to stop the banks from collecting bank charges from small depositors. The new government will have to constitute a committee for agricultural and rural credit and recommend steps to remove regional imbalances in banking. The new government will have to give representation to the farmers on state level bankers committee at State level, District level, and block level.

31. Any digital database of farmers being created should be inclusive, and not be limited to land owning farmers. All farmers (as defined by the census, Swaminathan commission, and Doubling Farmers Income committee) should receive benefits of all government schemes for agriculture. The methodology to create such an inclusive database can be announced by taking the best from the process followed by the Governments of Odisha and other such states where the rights of tenant farmers, women farmers and dalit farmers have been recognised.

32. The new Maharashtra government should abandon the Aadhaar Number Database and related National Population Register, the Farmers digital ID-based Database, and resist these and databases like AGRISTACK being handed over to private corporates It must stop biometric profiling based land-titling, and hand over control of data on land and cultivation for open and transparent policy-making and data use by farmers and state, district and village governments. The government must universalize benefits of the Public Distribution System including cereals and nutria-cereals, pulses, sugar and oils without linking it to Aadhaar Number, or biometric identification, and without shifting to direct cash transfer.

33. The new government will have to address the menace of stray animals by removing all legal and vigilante-imposed restrictions on cattle trade, also compensating farmers for the destruction occurring through the invasion of crops by wild animals and supporting proactively animal shelters. There is an urgent need to encourage biomass-based infrastructure development.

34. The new government will announce the review of projects sanctioned in the case of foreign direct investment on open general license by the central government to carry out due diligence on the front of ecological, economic and social impacts, and take up with the central government the issue of removing agriculture from FTAs and WTO negotiations.

35. The new government will have to protect the farmers from corporate plunder in the name of contract farming by reviewing the Contract Farming Act 2018. It must bring a white paper on Farmer Producer Organizations and stop corporatization of agriculture and takeover by MNCs. The new government must stop permission to collect any further data from the farmers of Maharashtra by corporates like ITC, Agribazaar, Amazon, CISCO, ESRI, JIO, Microsoft, NeML, Ninjacart, Digital Green and Partanjali.

36. The policy of no to corporate control in agricultural R&D and innovation domain will have to be implemented in the case of SAUs. R&D and innovation directions will have to be supported by the new government to promote agroecological approaches & biomass based industrialization.

37. The newly launched Shetkari Kamgar / Agrarian Welfare Commission would have to immediately address the dismal conditions of power supply and irrigation in the farm sector. It must begin by ending the loot of these sectors in Maharashtra.

38. The above measures would go way beyond rural benefit to also lessen the pressure in the urban migration crisis of the state. This nature of public investment will have a multiplier effect across Maharashtra. All the above measures would create jobs, regenerate natural resources, enhance well-being, and add to agricultural productivity.

It’s worth remembering that our treatment of farmers, both in Maharashtra and across India stands now for decades in violation of the rights guaranteed to them under the Constitution of India. Fundamentally, the Indian Constitution, through Articles 14, 15 and 19 in Chapter IIII guarantees the Right to Life, Equality before the Law, Life without Discrimination to all Indians, including obviously to every farmer and all peoples working in Rural India. Besides, the Directive Principles of State Policy in Chapter IV guarantee adequate means of livelihood, equitable distribution of material resources, prevention of concentration of wealth all of which assert that Farmer and Rural Workers Rights are Human Rights. Can anyone claim that farmers are in reality enjoying these rights?

And yet, it was the Kisan andolan at the gates of Delhi that defended these rights for all citizens, indeed defended the Constitution itself. It is now our turn to defend these rights for the kisan and mazdoor.

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The post M’tra farmers demand MSP for cash crops like cotton, soybean and sugarcane with 20 % bonus like Tamil Nadu & Kerala: Kisan Manifesto appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Specifically, this farmer organisation in a press release issued today has demanded that the CACP speak specifically of the difference in MSP under C2+50% and A2+FL+50%. The BJP led National Democratic Alliance had promised to implement the M S Swaminathan Commission recommendation of C2+50% way back in 2014. But even after 10 years, the CACP is fixing the MSP based on the A2+FL+50% formula which is way below C2+50%. In the last week, the Information and Broadcasting Minister had announced that the MSP approved for Kharif crops was 1.5 times more than the cost of production which is incorrect and all the Kisan organisations were forced to express their strong resentment and protest.

The AIKS has also demanded the White Paper shall cover the fact that presently below 10% of the farmers benefit out of the MSP announced by the CACP since there is no guaranteed procurement system across the country to ensure purchase based on this rate.

It is the CACP that has to advise the NDA Government to form a Price Stabilization Fund through collecting due shares from the monopoly trade and agribusiness corporates which makes huge profit out of processing and marketing of the agricultural products and also through allocation in the forthcoming Union Budget. The CACP has to consider the principle of fixing the prices ensuring minimum 30% of the gross value of the value-added products in the brand market made out of the agricultural commodities to share with the farmers. CACP has to advise no entry of Monopoly Capital and Multinational Corporations in agriculture including input industries of seed, fertilizer and pesticides.

Besides, the AIKS has reminded the CACP that during the last ten years under the NDA rule, considering the inflation and price rise the cost of production increased five times and the living cost also went unbridled thus making the farming in huge loss, farm households are facing severe indebtedness thus forcing 31 farmers commit suicide daily during the same period.

Finally, the AIKS has demanded repeal of GST on inputs in agriculture, no privatisation of electricity, ensuring minimum support price to all crops with guaranteed procurement and minimum wage for dignified life to workers, promoting collectives and cooperatives of small farmers and agricultural workers to reduce cost of production and to enhance production and productivity. Comprehensive linkage of MNREGS with farming, Public Sector extending interest free credit and insurance cover to all individual farms are necessary to save agriculture and the save farmers.

P Krishnaprasad, Finance Secretary and Pushpendra Tyagi CKC member of AIKS attended the meeting and raised the demands in the letter.

The letter to the chairman of CACP may be read here.

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The post AIKS demands a white paper from the CACP, inform farmers on the difference between C2+50% and A2+FL+50% formulae before MSP for Rabi crops are fixed appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Even going by the conservative cost estimates of the Commission on Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP) the C2+50% is far above the MSP in all the 14 Kharif crops as shown in the table below, says a press release issued by the AIKS.

The discrepancy in cost calculation is further brought out when one takes the weighted average of State C2 Projections. In Paddy despite the fact that Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Jammu and Kashmir (both under Union Government) show absurdly low C2 costs of Rs.1000/Qtl and Rs.1017/Qtl, the weighted average C2 costs would come to Rs.2,188/Qtl and C2+50% will be Rs.3,282/Qtl or Rs.3,555/Qtl if the two are excluded. In that case in Paddy the losses suffered by farmers will be even higher at Rs.1,255/Qtl. Taking the example of Cotton as per the State C2 projections the C2+50% will be Rs.11,163/Qtl or a loss of Rs.4,042/Qtl. In Maize, the C2+50% as per State projection will be Rs.3378/Qtl, implying that at current MSP losses incurred will be Rs.1,153/Qtl.  This is the situation for all crops as the calculations of the Union Government agency, the CACP is way below the projection of the States. Clearly, the BJP led Government has not taken into account the increasing costs of production like high fertilizer prices, irrigation costs etc. They have also not bothered to give even scant respect to the States and their projections.

Accusing the minister, Ashwini Vaishnaw who is also the Union Minister of Railways of making callous claims, the AIKS has demanded that the Narendra Modi led Government put on hold this announcement and only after talks with the Samyukta Kisan Morcha come with a revised MSP in accordance with the promise of C2+50%. The AIKS has also called upon all its units to expose the dual speak of the BJP Government and the Prime Minister and rise in protest against the anti-farmer Government. The statement has been issued by President, AIKS, Ashok Dhawale and General Secretary, Vijoo Krishnan.

Related:

Farmer Unions reject Union’s proposal for 5 year contractual MSP on three pulse crops, maize, and cotton, calls it “eyewash”

Farmers Protest: Union proposes contractual MSP for 5 years for three pulse crops, maize, and cotton, no law on MSP; farmer union to decide

Farmers Protest: Braving tear gas, blockades, state obstructions, farmers journey towards Delhi to demand law on MSP

The post Is the Modi government deceiving farmers on MSP, Yes say Farmers Organisations, MSP of Kharif crops far below C2+50% appeared first on SabrangIndia.

As per a report of Hindustan Times, Sarwan Singh Pandher, farmer leader from the KMM, had announced that the protesting farmers will stage sit-ins on railway tracks across Punjab, including Ferozepur, Amritsar, Rupnagar, and Gurdaspur districts. These protests took place between noon and 4 pm and saw the participation from the Bharti Kisan Union (Ekta Ugrahan), Bharti Kisan Union (Dakaunda-Dhaner), and the Krantikari Kisan Union, affiliated with the Samyukta Kisan Morcha. As per the HT report, 9 trains cancelled in Ambala division due to ‘rail roko’ agitation. It had been reported that other train services in Haryana were also impacted.

In addition to this, another death of a protesting farmer was reported yesterday. As provided by a separate report of Hindustan Times, the deceased farmer, who has been identified as Baldev Singh, had been admitted to the Government Rajindra Hospital in Patiala after he had complained of breathlessness on the afternoon of March 10. The 65-year-old man, who had been participating in the ongoing farmers’ agitation at Khanouri, died while undergoing treatment.

As per the report, doctors at the government hospital provided that the exact cause of the elderly farmer’s death could only be ascertained after a post-mortem is conducted. The farmer had been protesting at the Khanouri border for over a past few weeks. Baldev Singh belonged to Kangthala village in Patiala and was associated with Krantikari Kisan Union. Notably, this is the death that has been reported since the protest began on February 13.

Related:

Déjà vu, a film that depicts the chilling effects of corporate-contract farming, resonates with Indian farmer’s protests

SKM calls for massive Mahapanchayat at Ramlila Maidan in Delhi on March 14, denounces BJP Regime’s repression on farmers, and MP ticket to Ajay Mishra Teni

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The post Four-hour long ‘Rail roko’ protest held by farmers on tracks across Punjab, participation from farmer unions associated with SKM appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The documentary film –titled ‘Déjà vu -Where the past meets the future’– in English– directed by national award-winning film-maker & scientist Bedabrata Pain is being screened across India. The documentary, which was released recently (and shot during the Covid-19 pandemic), remains particularly pertinent today with the resurgence of the farmers protest converging on the capital on March 14, 2024. Among a slew of demands, is the one demanding a law guaranteeing Minimum Support Price (MSP) from the union government. Rajashik Tarafdar, Rumela Gangopadhyay and Sristy Agrawal, two physicists formed part of the team that undertook the journey with sound, camera and lights all being simultaneously handled.

With a raw and haunting landscape as their set, the team spoke to small farmers in the US. The team, which took a 10,000 km journey through the heart of rural America, met small farmers across the spectrum covering dairy, grain, poultry, beef and hog along the mid-western agricultural states. The film highlights these eye-opening accounts of America’s small farmers who speak of the takeover of their land by the banks, their entrapped indebtedness caused by a model that was sold to them as “free market” coldly evolving into large “monopolies” (whose aim is simply to squeeze out both independent farming, quality produce and the rural farming community as a whole.

This is what slowly happened to small farmers in America after the “opening up of United States farm sector forty years ago”. Trapped by the neo-liberal lingo of “free and open markets”, “market reforms in agriculture” (uncannily familiar with the current ruling regime’s false promises and their supportive economists who dominate media space here in India today). In the US, farmers spoke contemplatively and with pathos of how they had been priced out by big companies, with the full support (read connivance) from the government, in the name of market reforms. The film reveals a sharp and necessary perspective, gentle and convincing through the experiential narratives of these US farmers, explaining how the agricultural and poultry sectors were insidiously taken over by private companies and corporative.

From the start, and interspersed throughout, this film, is powerful footage of the Indian farmer from the then and ongoing (since 2020) protests in India. Begun on November 26, 2020 against the three contentious farm laws, the accounts highlight how the farmers have been battling against contractual farming and corporate-government control over farming. In September 2020, without any discussion with farmer unions, organisations or leaders, without any debates in Parliament, these three laws were passed by the Modi-BJP-led Indian Parliament within minutes. Determined protests by farmers from across India gheraoing the Indian capital –Shambhu, tekri and Ghaziabad borders –the farmers sat through inclement weather, put up with brute repression and lost 700 lives. Then as now, farmers were demanding not just the rollback of these laws (which finally happened) but also MSP as a legal statutory right, the withdrawal of all cases and pending loans, the settling of unfair electricity dues etc.

The three black Farm Laws were introduced by the Modi-led government under the garb of prosperity, reforms and the involvement of big companies in farming being the solution to the crisis that the farmers faced.

Back to Deja Vue. The film has powerful recordings of American farmers supporting the Indian farmers, stating that “What India is witnessing and is being told, we already heard here and are living through the consequences. It is Déjà vu”.

“Globalisation of the Hope, Globalisation of the Struggle.” That is the slogan of Via Camesina, a global movement for food security and farmer’s rights.

American farmers described the changes being imposed on the farmers in India as disastrous for small farmers and pro-big corporations. Hailing the Indian farmers for recognising these tactics in time and not mindlessly accepting the promises being made by the government, the American farmers were saying, “When a neighbouring farmer is in distress, we are able to come together, provide food and other supplies and assistance but when it came to coming together and launch a mass movement, we failed.” For them, the resistance shown by the Indian farmers against the BJP-led government-corporate nexus was a learning experience for American farmers. The documentary powerfully depicts how the protest by Indian farmers finds s resonance with the farmers in the US and how it is through such resistance that a grim future for India’s agricultural sector can be avoided.

The crisis faced by the American farmers:

The film documents the challenges that came along with the US adopting the “open market system.” Over the period of forty years or so, as agriculture was opened up for free market, the entire sector went into hands of 3 to 4 big corporations and small farmers got wiped out. Land ownings got consolidated and captured by “market investors” like Bill Gates who have nothing to do with farming of one kind or another,

As shown by the film, corporatisation of agriculture, including the dairy, poultry and other sectors began in the US in the 1980s, as part of the drive for a neo imperialist globalisation. These “reforms” then resulted in cropping up of issues such as monopoly of corporates, lack of control over price, inflation, increasing loans amounts and farmer suicides. Left with no options, the farmers in the US were compelled to opt out of the agricultural sector and join meagre and manual jobs for their survival. The community disappeared, families broke up, farmers took their lives using the gun or pills. One chilling comment came from a surviving farmer who said that often farmer deaths were before tractors or farm implements so that these could be passed off as accidents “for the insurance companies.” They even died for family,” said a protagonist in the film.

“Old Mc Donald had a farm” is a ditty/nursery rhyme we were brought up with in the English speaking world. “Had” being the operative word. For the past three decades and more, the US farmer is part of a visible trend of farmers opting for other jobs, such as janitors, after being left with no option. The documentary was shot at Hunter in Oklahoma, Columbia and Laddonia in Missouri, Fairfield, Clearlake and in Iowa, Wonewoc, Kendall and Madison in Wisconsin, Ashland in Nebraska, St. Francis in Kansas and Boulder in Colorado.

Interviews of Kansas and Colorado’s ex-grain farmer and now-cattle rancher Mike Callicrate, Missouri’s small farmer and ex-Lt. Gov of Missouri Joe Maxwell, Wisconsin’s exdairy farmer Jim Goodman, Iowa’s grain farmer Patti and George Naylor and Oklahama’s grain farmer Zane Blubaugh, among others were also a part of this documentary.

The documentary tracks the erosion of policy safeguards like “parity pricing” (similar to India’s MSP) that were in place in the US prior to the opening up (sell out) to the market corporations. What makes the film special is the scientific attention paid to data, attractive and simple graphs that explain the facts as they should be told not how the government and large corporations want them. USA had the equilavent of MSP in “parity pricing in the country. This ensured that prices for the produce accounted for cost of production and risks of the farming business; all in all a guarantee that ensured that farmer communities’ rural incomes could be maintained at the same levels (standard of living) as their urban counterparts. In the dairy sector for example, there was a fixed floor price compulsory for any buyer. Not just for government procurement but anybody who wanted to buy milk had to pay the “market floor price.” Most crucially community (farmer) owned “elevators” ensured storage of farm (grain) produce so that the farmer/agricultural community could collectively (co-operatively) store this grain after harvest (when typically prices fall (are low) and ensure sale (and comfortable margins/profits) by sale when prices recover the expenses.  One of the insidious steps taken by the government-corporation nexus when “reforms” were brought in was that this co-operative elevator was “taken over by one owned by a monopoly corporate who pressed farmers to sell when prices were low, squeezed other distributor buyers out of business blackballing them!

As soon as the “reforms” were pushed and large sections of the rural community “bought” into the rhetoric, a monopoly of big corporates followed. Soon only a handful of large companies remained it power and they squeezed out smaller independent distributor outlets, forcing all farmers and dairy producers to sell their produce at prices lower than they spent on producing the same.

“Get Big or Get Out”, was the ominous slogan of this model of “development that concentrated, land and wealth in the hands of a few. Governments, beholden to a wider democratic populace for the vote, used tax payers’ money to bail out these corporations, offer otherwise unsustainable loans presenting a nexus between large money, corporates and government that we have seen evidence of in India today.

Soon, before even the farmers knew it, these (three or four) big corporates were soon showed to have an overwhelming control everything from input to output of produce, from fertilizers to farming machines. Notably, statistics show that the American farm population has gone down from some 30 million in the 1950s to less than 2 million today

Corporation control over poultry and farming saw a similar take a squeeze. Among the worst shots in the film (for animal lovers and humanists alike) is how the entrance of big corporates and domination of corporate control influenced the (misery infested) lives of poultry and livestock. Animals –instead of free range on the farm — were now being kept in concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs), with no place to live, breathe or defecate. Farmers were given contracts by the big corporates to help grow the livestock at a particular price. To build these CAFOs, farmers would take loans. Even when the farmers were the ones feeding, cleaning and taking care of the livestock, chicken and pigs, they were not given adequate prices. It was they who had to but all the inputs, while the livestock was owned by the corporates themselves. Thus, from 80% of meat packaging to 70% of seeds, everything came under the control of big corporates and the farmers were not left with anything.

Once a government embarks on this road of policy sell out to corporate control over land and farming, small farmers (and others) are slowly left with no choice but to quit agriculture to survive. In most cases, the lands owned by these farmers were either sold by them or confiscated by the banks due to the farmers being unable to pay back the money loaned. These lands were then be bought and owned by big corporates. Graphs depict this with powerful human accounts illustrating the wider tragedy of the loss of the farming community. In the film, Déjà Vue.

The 2020-21 farmers protest in India:

With this powerfully shot footage of experiential accounts and hard data of farmers of the USA, Deja Vue then draws parallels with the farm protests in India.

First, the three farm laws had been introduced by the Modi led government in 2020. These laws were-The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, and The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act.

Unprecedented protests had been organised by the farmers, expanding for more than one year, during the Covid pandemic.

Here’s a brief about these three laws:

• The Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act provides for setting up a mechanism allowing the farmers to sell their farm produces outside the Agriculture Produce Market Committees (APMCs). Any licence-holder trader can buy the produce from the farmers at mutually agreed prices. This trade of farm produces will be free of mandi tax imposed by the state governments. (This essentially means no protected price, no MSP with powerful corporations calling the shots)
• The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act allows farmers to do contract farming and market their produces freely. (The experience of potato and tomato farming by Pepsi in Punjab –also powerfully documented by first person accounts in the film—belies the title and intent of this law.
• The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act is an amendment to the existing Essential Commodities Act. This law now frees items such as foodgrains, pulses, edible oils and onion for trade except in extraordinary (read crisis) situations. This is a disaster for food security and can encourage hoarding.

Reforms or Disaster?

While the Modi government presented these aforementioned laws as reforms akin to the 1991-opening of the Indian economy linking it with the globalised markets, the farmers were stoically against the increasing involvement of private sector. Even as the union government had tried to build the narrative of the three laws opening up new opportunities for the farmers so that they can earn more from their farm produces, the Indian farmers remained firm and kept protesting against the same.

In 2020-21, these voices of protesting farmer leaders and the community, including women were heard largely through the media. This is because the commercial legacy media, a beneficiary of government and corporate advertising, visibly diluted reportage. This documentary re-visits the farmers protest, spearheaded by the Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM), that were taking place in the Singhu and Tikri borders in Delhi. Many protesting farmers and their words found space in the film, including that of Rakesh Tikait, an Indian farmer rights activist and national spokesperson of the Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU).

Tikait’s rustic explanation of what a complicated “contract” with dozens of clauses that can only harm the interests of an unlettered farmer –given the uneven and hopelessly imbalanced playing field – comes across powerfully in the film.

The film ends with an expression of support from American farmers to the protesting farmers in India. Appreciating the undeterred strength of the Indian farmers who have been more instinctively prescient perceiving the disasters in store for the rural farming community, a message of pathos and solidarity is conveyed from across the seas, in this film.

In November of 2022, more than one year after the three farm laws were introduced, the union government had to capitulate and roll back the laws. As PM Modi announced the same, he stated that his government, despite best efforts, “could not explain to a section of farmers that the laws were in the larger interest of the farmer community. “

The current crisis facing the protesting farmers in India:

A report by Scroll, in 2022 reveals that the Punjab government had announced an MSP of Rs 7,275 per quintal for moong dal. However, data from Punjab State Agricultural Marketing Board shows that in 2023, 96.5% of moong was sold to private buyers for a price almost entirely below the MSP that had been officially declared.

The report also highlights how in February, 2024 farmers in Punjab’s Abohar had dumped truckloads of kinnows in front of the district collector’s office in protest. The farmers had alleged that Punjab Agro Industries Corporation had purchased small quantities of kinnows from a few farmers, leaving others at the mercy of private traders who were offering less than Rs 10 per kg.

The MSP regime is meant to act as a safety net with the government either directly buying a crop from farmers if the market price falls below the minimum support price it has set or enabling purchase after collective storage when prices are rationalised in favour of the farmer. This demand is based on the formula recommended by the Swaminathan Commission, which proposed that MSP should be fixed at 1.5 times the cost, or ‘C2+50%’. Thus, if cost of cultivation can be brought down, the MSP can be aligned closely with normal open market prices. This will ensure that, in any year, for most crops, market prices are remunerative.

Since February 13, 2024 farmer unions and farmers have been protesting against the Modi government to demand a law on MSP. On February 18, during the fourth round of talks held between the farmer leaders and union ministers in view of the farmers protest, the union government had tabled a proposal on the issue of a minimum support price guarantee.

In the said proposal, it was proposed that government promoted cooperative societies like NCCF (National Cooperative Consumers’ Federation of India) and NAFED (National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing Federation of India) would buy three pulse crops, maize, and cotton at MSP for five years after entering into a legal contract with farmers. The same proposal was rejected by farmer unions two days later by calling the same to be an “eyewash”. Jagjit Singh Dallewal (convener of SKM non-political), one of the organisations super-heading the current ‘Delhi Chalo’ protest, had deemed the said proposal to not be beneficial for all farmers and there was no justification for providing MSP for only 5 crops out of the previously demanded 23 crops. Dallewal had further stated that the said proposal was also a form of contract farming and sustainable income to farmers cannot be guaranteed from the same.

Details of the proposal can be read here.

Details of the reasons behind rejection of the proposal can be read here.

The Indian farmers continue to protest and raise demand for a law on MSP. After the rejected of the proposal, almost a month has passed. No more talks were held between the union and the farmers. No announcement has been made by the Modi government regarding MSP.

Indian farmers not alone in leading protests against government:

Globally, farmers have been facing a crisis over decades. Demanding MSP among other guarantees, they highlighted that the abdication of any fair governance by governments in India towards agriculture. In short, the income derived from agricultural activities is not sufficient enough to meet the expenditure of the cultivators. According to latest National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data released on December 4, 2023, at least one farmer died by suicide every hour in India. In fact, farmers’ suicide deaths have been showing an increasing trend since 2019 when 10,281 deaths were recorded in NCRB data. In the year of 2022, a total of 11,290 farmer suicide cases were reported from across the country.

The crisis that farmers face today is not limited to India. In the past month, farmers in France, Germany and Europe have also been protesting against their government’s agricultural policies. Farmers in France, the EU’s biggest agricultural producer, state that are not being paid enough and are choked by excessive regulation on environmental protection. Demonstrations erupted across Europe, with farmers forming blockades, dumping manure in cities, and egging government buildings. There have also been protests in Italy, Germany, Spain, Switzerland and Romania. Farmers in Poland have been at the forefront of opposition to grain arriving from neighbouring Ukraine, forcing the government back to a negotiating table. In Germany, the protesting farmers blocked highways last month for a week to rail against cuts to subsidies for their diesel. Thus, it remains crucial to see that the issues that the farmers in India are facing, are protesting against, do not exist in isolation.

Why is Déjà vu so important?

‘Déjà vu’ is an eye opener for the Indian urban audience, especially policy makers and those who seek votes from the people. By powerfully, and empirically depicting the consequences of a “free market and involvement of corporates in the farming sector”, the film sets the narrative right by painting a clear, albeit grim, picture of the dire effects of corporatisation of agriculture. While giving an interview in 2023, filmmaker Pain and pointed to the relevance of this documentary in India even after the farm laws have been repealed and stated that, “The issues have not gone away, nor has the question of MSP – a major demand on which nothing has moved.”

On March 13, the documentary will be screened for the Indian farmers at Ramlila Maidan in Delhi, where some of the farmers are protesting as a part of the ‘Delhi Chalo’ protest. The said screening for the farmers was initiated and is being coordinated by Citizens for Justice in Peace. The film, which was in English, has now come out in a dubbed Hindi version with the help of Naseeruddin Shah (Anndatta). It will soon be dubbed into other national languages of India as well. Multiple screening of the film has already taken place. On March 9, the documentary was screened at the Mumbai Press Club on March 9, 2024. Director Bedabrata Pain, Filmmaker Anand Patwardhan and AIKS (All Indian Kisan Sabha) President Dr Ashok Dhawale had also briefly addressed the gathering after the screening.

Prior to the same, an online screening of the film had also been organised by Citizens for Justice and Peace on March 6. The said screen was attended by Director Bedabrata Pain, Andrea Ferrante (Italian farmers rights activist), Raj Patel (Activist, Author, Academic from University of Austin) and Nico Verhagen (one of the founding members of La Via Campesina). Indian farmer leaders such as Vijay Jawandhia (senior farmer leader from Wardha, Maharashtra and a part of Shetkari Sanghatan), Sonu Singh (young activist of BKU, daughter in law of Tikait family) and Gaurav Tikait (President of the Youth Wing of BKU) were also part of the screening and discussion. Chukki Nanjundawamy of the Karnataka Rajya Raitha Sangha had helped CJP organise this online screening.

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SKM calls for massive Mahapanchayat at Ramlila Maidan in Delhi on March 14, denounces BJP Regime’s repression on farmers, and MP ticket to Ajay Mishra Teni

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The post Déjà vu, a film that depicts the chilling effects of corporate-contract farming, resonates with Indian farmer’s protests appeared first on SabrangIndia.

One of the martyrs is 79-year old Gian Singh, who died of a heart attack on February 16, 2024 while protesting at the Shambhu border; the second martyr is 21-year old Shubhkaran Singh, who was shot dead by the trigger-happy police of the BJP controlled Haryana government on February 21 at the Khanauri border. Both these borders separate Punjab from Haryana.

These killings were preceded by the shocking act on February 13 of throwing tear gas shells on farmers from drones at the Shambhu and Khanauri borders, firing pellets and rubber bullets, unleashing lathi charges, making arbitrary arrests, and erecting huge iron spikes, barbed wire, and concrete barricades on the highways, just to prevent the farmers from marching to Delhi.

The Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM), the Central Trade Unions (CTU), and several left and secular political parties have strongly denounced the BJP-RSS government for its savage repression. The SKM and CTU also condemned the February 13 repression on farmers during the nationwide rural Bharat Bandh and industrial strike on February 16, a protest that was announced to focus on their pressing demands.

The SKM and CTU also denounced the cold-blooded murder by the Haryana police of the young farmer Shubhkaran Singh through nationwide protests on February 23. In this connection, the SKM also demanded the resignation of Union Home Minister Amit Shah, Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar, and Haryana Home Minister Anil Vij.

Cynical immorality

As if this violent state repression was not shocking enough, the brazen decision of the BJP –taken on March 3 –to award a ticket from Lakhimpur-Kheri, to Ajay Mishra Teni, the sitting member of parliament (MP) for contesting the coming Parliament elections is more than telling. Teni and his son were accused of the brutal massacre, (by running down) of four farmers and one journalist on October 3, 2021. Ajay Mishra Teni remains the Union Minister of State for Home Affairs, more than two and a half years after he and his son have been accused of crushing and killing four farmers and a journalist under their cars and severely injured many other. This incident took place when on October 3, 2021, when the SKM-led nationwide farmers’ struggle against the three black Farm Laws was still ongoing.

While such an incident and the following non-accountability would be unheard of in a functioning, civilised democracy, in the India under this dispensation, Ajay Mishra Teni remains in Parliament rather than in jail. It may be recalled that the British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, incidentally a Tory, was forced to resign from his high post because he was hosting drunken parties at his official residence 10 Downing Street in London when the nation was reeling under the Covid pandemic. In stark contrast, by “rewarding” Ajay Mishra Teni a ticket to Parliament—a man accused of the brute running down of four farmers and a journalist– Narendra Modi, Amit Shah, and the entire BJP-RSS top brass have not only displayed their utterly cynical immorality, but they have also insulted the entire farmer community of India and rubbed salt into their wounds.

SKM-CTU struggle calls get enthusiastic response 

The SKM National Coordination Committee and the General Body which met at Chandigarh on February 22 took a number of important decisions. It briefly reviewed the massive success of the January 26 Nationwide Tractor Parades and the February 16 Rural Bharat Bandh and Industrial Strike.

Both these SKM-CTU actions, the Chalo Delhi call by other organisations (we are at the moment refraining from commenting on these organisations for the sake of forging farmers’ unity) and the repression by the government, served two vital purposes. One, they brought home to the entire country that the struggle of farmers and workers for their rights was far from over and would be intensified. Two, all these struggles succeeded in partly neutralising the impact of the January 22 Ayodhya Ram Mandir inauguration spectacle.

The most important decision of the Chandigarh SKM meeting was to organise a massive Mahapanchayat at the Ramlila Maidan on March 14. The CTU declared that it would also mobilise for this Mahapanchayat in solidarity. Hectic preparations are now underway to ensure that the March 14 programme is a great success, especially to ensure mass mobilisation from the North Indian states like Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh. There will be representative mobilisation from the other states too. It will have to be seen what the response of the authoritarian Modi regime will be, but the SKM has decided to go ahead with the Mahapanchayat, come what may.

The other major decisions taken in the February 22 SKM Chandigarh meeting were: Nationwide Black Day protests denouncing the police murder of Shubhkaran Singh; and demonstrations all over the country on February 26, the day that the Ministerial Summit of the WTO began at Abu Dhabi, to warn against any likely surrender by India to WTO diktats to dilute the demands for a remunerative MSP and a strong and universal PDS. Tens of thousands of farmers participated in both these protest actions throughout the country.

The SKM Chandigarh General Body decided to form a six-member committee to hold consultations with all former SKM members to launch a united action plan for achieving farmers’ demands and develop issue-based unity and to unite all Kisan organisations which were part of the SKM. The members include Hannan Mollah, Joginder Singh Ugrahan, Balbeer Singh Rajewal, Yudhvir Singh, Darshan Pal and Raminder Patiala.

The main demands of the SKM-CTU joint struggle, adopted in the National Convention of Workers and Farmers at the Talkatora Stadium in Delhi on August 24, 2023 are as follows:

• Minimum Support Price (MSP) @C2+50% for all crops with guaranteed procurement, Reduction by half of all input costs with restoration of fertilizer subsidy;
• Complete loan waiver to small and middle farm households and agricultural workers to ensure their freedom from indebtedness;
• Radical strengthening and expansion of the Public Distribution System (PDS);
• Comprehensive pro-farmer crop insurance scheme to combat natural calamities;
• No hike in electricity tariff, no to prepaid metres, 300 units free electricity to all rural households and shops;
• Minimum wage of Rs 26,000 per month for workers;
• Repeal of the four Labour Codes;
• No privatisation of PSUs including Railway, Defence, Electricity, Coal, Oil, Steel, Telecom, Posts, Transport, Airports, Port & Docks;
• Banks, Insurance, Education and Health, Employment must be made into a Fundamental Right;
• No Contractualisation of jobs, Scrapping of Fixed Term Employment, Strengthen MGNREGS with 200 days’ work per person per year and Rs 600 as daily wage;
• Restoration Old Pension Scheme, Pension and social security to all in formal and informal economy;
• Welfare Boards for all categories of unorganised workers on the lines of Construction Workers Welfare Board;
• Implementation of the LARR Act 2013 (Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013);
• Implementation of the Forest Rights Act, dismissal of Ajay Mishra Teni and registration of murder case against him, among others.

The SKM also reiterated that it will carry forward the struggle against communalism, casteism and authoritarianism to save basic principles of democracy, secularism, federalism, and socialism enshrined in the Constitution of India.

Hypocrisy of the Modi Government Exposed 

On February 10, the Modi Government announced that India’s highest civilian award, the Bharat Ratna, would be conferred on Choudhary Charan Singh and Dr M S Swaminathan. The AIKS exposed the Modi regime through the following press release: 

“The All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) is of the clear opinion that the BJP Central Government headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi deciding to confer the Bharat Ratna Award on Choudhary Charan Singh and Dr M S Swaminathan on the eve of the 2024 general elections is the height of hypocrisy. By this step, the Modi regime is trying to hide its extreme anti-farmer, anti-agriculture, and pro-corporate policies of the last ten years. But farmers will see through its game, and it will never succeed in hoodwinking the rural populace.

“Firstly, it must be underlined that during the tenure of the Modi regime more than 750 farmers from different parts of the country were martyred during the year-long iconic and victorious nationwide farmers’ struggle against the three hated Farm Laws in 2020-21. Many families of these farmer martyrs have still got no compensation whatsoever, despite written assurances by the central government. The Modi regime is also the only government in independent India which has the ignominy of one of its own Union Ministers of State Ajay Mishra Teni being directly responsible for the crushing to death of four farmers and one journalist under cars directed by him at Lakhimpur Kheri in Uttar Pradesh, which is the native state of Choudhary Charan Singh, a renowned anti-feudal farmer leader himself. What is worse, this Minister, instead of being in jail for murder, still retains his post in the Modi Cabinet.

“As per the information of the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) which is directly under the Union Home Ministry, over one lakh farmers and agricultural workers have been forced to commit suicide due to indebtedness in the last ten years of the Modi-led BJP government alone. The main reason for this terrible human tragedy is the outright refusal of this government to implement the most seminal recommendation of the National Commission on Farmers (NCF), headed by Dr M S Swaminathan, of giving a legal guarantee of Minimum Support Price (MSP) at one and a half times the comprehensive cost of production (C2 + 50%).

“The BJP Election Manifesto of 2014 had said that “it will enhance the profitability in agriculture, by ensuring a minimum of 50% net profit, cheaper agriculture inputs and credit”. The same assurance was given by Modi in over 400 election speeches during the campaign. But what did the government actually do after coming to power? On February 15, 2015 it filed an affidavit in the Supreme Court that it was not possible to increase the MSP for food grains and other farm produce to input cost plus 50% as it would “distort the market”. Ever since then, it has consistently refused to honour any of the Swaminathan Commission recommendations.

“The other assurance that was given by Modi in his 2014 election speeches was that of a loan waiver to the peasantry. But not a single rupee of peasants’ loans has been waived in the last ten years by the Modi-led central government. The Modi regime, while stubbornly refusing a peasant loan waiver, has written off loans worth over Rs 15 lakh crores that had been taken by a handful of its crony corporates.

“Modi’s talk of doubling farmers’ incomes in six years has also been exposed for the ‘jumla’ that it was in the first place. In fact, as the latest Union Budget has proved, there have been huge cuts in outlay on agriculture and allied sectors, including on food subsidy, fertiliser subsidy, irrigation, and also for MNREGA. It has also been recently revealed that the Agriculture and Farmers’ Welfare Ministry of the Modi regime shamelessly returned an amount of over Rs 1 lakh-crore that was earmarked for agriculture in the last five budgets.

“The entire thrust of the Modi government in the last ten years has been to fatten its crony corporates at the expense of the peasants and workers, and the entire country itself. This was seen in its attempt to steamroller the three Farm Laws, and earlier the reactionary amendments to the LARR 2013. Both these attempts were defeated by united farmers’ struggles.

“Choudhary Charan Singh and Dr M S Swaminathan in their entire life, thought, and work, were diametrically opposed to this entire trajectory of rural development that the Modi regime has been pushing at the behest of its corporate masters, both domestic and foreign. This trajectory has already led to the ruin of Indian agriculture, and the Indian peasantry.

“The peasantry of India will surely see through this new hypocrisy of the Modi government, and will show its anger by defeating this regime in the coming elections. Its determination will soon be seen in the great success of the Rural Bharat Bandh and Industrial Strike called by the Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) and Central Trade Unions (CTUs) on February 16, 2024.”

(The author is National President, All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS))

Views and opinions expressed in this article is solely that of the author and does not necessarily reflect the views or position of SabrangIndia and this site.

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“We have decided to march to Delhi on March 6. Meanwhile, on March 10, we will block rail tracks (across the country) from 12 pm to 4 pm,” said Pandher, who is the coordinator of the Kisan Mazdoor Morcha.

The aforementioned update comes after the farmers had paused their “Delhi Chalo” march till February 29 while staying put along the Punjab-Haryana border.

Notably, the announcement was made by Pandher and farmer leader Jagjit Singh Dallewal from Punjab’s Balloh village- the native place of 22-year-old protestor Shubhkaran Singh who died during clashes with the Haryana police on February 21. Singh died due to a head injury sustained allegedly during police action against the farmers at Khanauri on the border of Punjab and Haryana. It was after the final prayer meeting held for Shubhkaran at Balloh that the farmer leaders spoke to the media.

Pandher had previously stated that, “Our morchas at Shambhu and Khanauri are going strong and we have sought more tarpaulin sheets and makeshift tents. More announcements will be made after Shubhkaran’s bhog on Sunday afternoon. I appeal to each and every person in Punjab to join the last prayer meeting at his native village Balloh in Bathinda district.”

The farmers have asserted that their protests will only intensify until their demands are met by the union government. It is essential to note that the farmers had rejected the proposal tabled by the union government on the issue of a minimum support price guarantee. The said proposal had purported that certain promoted cooperative societies would buy three pulse crops, maize, and cotton at MSP for five years after entering into a legal contract with farmers.

In his address with the media, the farmers provided that the famers being Haryana and Punjab are currently camping at the border points between Punjab and Haryana and will resume marching towards Delhi on March 6 in a “peaceful manner”. Pandher and Dallewal stated that the farmers will intensify their agitation at existing protest sites until the Centre meets their demands.

“At Shambhu and Khanauri, the agitation will continue like before and will be further intensified. Our agitation will continue till the demands are met,” Pandher said.

The farmer leaders also emphasised upon the protest not being limited to Punjab or any particular farmer’s outfit.

“The Centre is trying to build a perception that the current agitation is limited to Punjab and the fight is led by only two forums. But we want to make it clear that more than 200 outfits in the country are part of the two forums… The perception being created that the agitation may die down when the Model Code of Conduct for the polls comes into force is not correct. We may have to fight today, tomorrow, but we will continue to fight for our rights,” the farm leader was quoted as saying by news agency PTI.

With this, the farmer leaders urged the farmers travelling to Delhi from father states to opt for other means of transport. Doing the same will also clarify the union’s stance on letting the farmers exercise their right to protest as the union government had been justifying their use of force by stating that tractors cannot run on highways. In his address, he also pointed to how farmers from Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh and Tamil Nadu had been stopped by the government while travelling to Delhi on February 13.

“The farmers from far away states, who cannot reach on tractor trolleys, should head to Delhi by trains and by other means of transport. It will also become clear whether the government allows those farmers to enter those farmers who go without tractor trolley”, Pandher said.

He added that all the Punjab panchayats should pass a resolution in support of the farmers’ demands, adding that the union government is employing “all tactics” to stop their ‘Delhi Chalo’ march.

“On February 13, the Haryana government used tear gas shells, rubber bullets on us…when we wanted to march ahead. They continued it every time we tried to march ahead…They [Centre] are telling us repeatedly that we can go by train or buses to lodge our protests in Delhi instead of tractors. So, on March 6, states other than Punjab and Haryana will march towards Delhi in buses or trains. Let us see if they allow them to reach or not.”

Earlier, Pandher had said that the government was not paying attention to farmers’ demands as the ruling party’s sole focus was on winning the Lok Sabha elections.

“Rather than paying attention to farmers, they are focused on how to win the elections,” Pandher had said as per a report of Indian Express.

Statements by other farmer leaders:

As provided by the Indian Express, the farmer leaders have also assured that the existing dharnas at Shambhu and Khanauri will be strengthened and farmers will also add more numbers at the Dabwali-Bathinda border. As provided in the IE report, Ramandeep Singh Mann, a member of the KMM, said that “We will march to Delhi in a peaceful manner if there is no repression from the Haryana security forces at the borders. Else, we will strengthen the stir at the existing borders and even add more locations, not only in Punjab but in other states as well”.

BKU (Krantikari) general secretary Baldev Singh Zira said, “Our Dilli Chalo call stands as it is but at the same time, we don’t want any more Shubhkarans to die at the hands of security forces. If they allow us to move peacefully, we will march to Delhi. Else we will strengthen our dharna at the borders.”

Jaswinder Singh Longowal, president of BKU-Ekta (Azad), came down strongly upon the union government and the Haryana government for using “oppressive methods” against farmers holding a peaceful protest. “It is not just the question of using teargas or mild lathi-charge… We have seen them use toxic gases and everyone knows how we lost Shubhkaran,” he said, as per the IE report.

HE further added by saying “In a democracy, is it justified that bullets are fired? Our agitation will continue. It will head to victory. At the same time, one thing is clear, we have to save our children from bullets”.

Ranjeet Singh Raju, a farmer leader from Rajasthan who is part of KMM, said, “Farmers from other states will also march to- wards Delhi, so more dharnas are likely to happen in different parts of the country if farmers are stopped.”

What are the union government’s plans?

On Wednesday, March 28, Union agriculture and farmers’ welfare minister Arjun Munda had announced that the union government does not have any immediate plan to resume talks with protesting farmers, but it will find a solution soon.

“There is no immediate plan to resume the talks, but the government will soon find a solution to address farmers’ concerns,” Munda had said as per a report in the Livemint. Notably, the last meeting that the union minister, along with Piyush Goyal (Food Minister) and Nityanand Rai (Minister of State for Home Affairs), had held with the famers was on February 18. As the proposal of the union was rejected, no results had come out of it. Prior to the same, the union ministers and farmer leaders had met on February 8, 12 and 15 but the same had remained inconclusive.

Notably, on March 2, the authorities had partially reopened the Singhu and Tikri border points, almost two weeks after those were sealed in view of the farmers’ “Delhi Chalo” march.

It is essential to note that the ANI had recently reported that Punjab is facing a major crisis of diesel and cylinder gas due to the farmers’ protest. Supplies of Diesel and LPG Gas in Punjab are badly hit due to roadblocks and safety issues, a report in the Livemint had provided while citing Ministry Sources.

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The video can be viewed here:

#WATCH | Shambhu Border | Farmer leaders reject the Government’s proposal over MSP.

Farmer leader Jagjit Singh Dallewal says, “…After the discussion of both forums, it has been decided that if you analyse, there is nothing in the government’s proposal…This is not on the… pic.twitter.com/W7FV6kIkIQ

— ANI (@ANI) February 19, 2024

As has been reported yesterday, during the fourth round of talks between the farmer leaders, namely Dallewal, Sarwan Singh Pandher (coordinator of the Kisan Mazdoor Morcha) and Jarnail Singh and union ministers, namely Piyush Goyal (Food Minister), Arjun Munda (Union Agriculture Minister) and Nityanand Rai (Minister of State for Home Affairs), a proposal by the Union had been tabled before the farmer leaders. Through the same, it was proposal that government promoted cooperative societies like NCCF (National Cooperative Consumers’ Federation of India) and NAFED (National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing Federation of India) would be buying three pulse crops, maize, and cotton at MSP for five years after entering into a legal contract with farmers. It was also provided that there would be no limit on the quantity. Notably, the previous three talks between the union ministers and farmer leaders, which had taken place on February 8, 12 and 15, had remained inconclusive.

Reasons behind rejecting the proposal

Since the year 2020-21, the Sanyukt Kisan Morhca had fragmented into distinct entities, which are SKM (Punjab), SKM (Non-Political) and the Kisan Mazdoor Morcha. These entities have separately rejected the proposal of the Union. Notably, the KMM and SKM (non-political) are the two forums that gave the call of Dilli Chalo on January 2. The SKM had initially distanced itself from the protest, but later as the state and Union government started using excessive force on the farmers at the Punjab-Haryana borders, the SKM expressed their solidarity with the protesting farmers and started holding mass protests in support.

Sanyukt Kisan Morcha (Non–Political): As per a report of the Wire, Dallewal termed the proposal given by the government to be an eyewash and stated “Basically, it was a contract farming proposal. It was only valid for those who would switch over from paddy or wheat to crops like pulses, maize or cotton. Contract farming as a farming model has already failed and can’t guarantee sustainable income to farmers.”

Stressing on not leaving those farmers behind grow crops and pulses other than those specified in the proposal, the farmer leader further stated “Moreover, the government proposal was for five crops out of 23 on which MSP is announced and it was not justified to leave those who were not part of the government proposal behind.” He added that farmers of the movement believe that it is important to have a law on the MSP and guaranteed procurement of all 23 crops.

Referring to the noise that is being made by certain sections regarding the impossibility of guaranteeing MSP for all crops as it will plunge Indian economy into bankruptcy, Dallewal said various estimates by agriculture economy experts reveal that if the government ensures MSP for all 23 crops, total expenditure will not be more than Rs 1.75 lakh crore. “On the other hand, the Union government spends almost Rs 1.5 lakh crore just on the import of edible oils,” he said, as per the report of the Wire.

In furtherance to this, farmer leader Dallewal also emphasised on the lack of commitment shown by the Bharatiya Janata Party-led Union government regarding the other demands raised by the farmers, such as the loan waiver, stopping the privatisation of electricity, comprehensive public sector crop insurance scheme, Rs. 10,000 monthly pension to farmers above 60 years of age, the dismissal and prosecution of junior Union minister Ajay Mishra ‘Teni’ over the Lakhimpur Kheri massacre of farmers, among others.

It was asserted by the organisation that extensive consultations with stakeholders preceded their decision to ensure that the Union did not have a chance to claim that farmers immediately rejected its proposal without any debate.

Notably, Sarwan Singh Pandher, convener of KMSC, also added that they will stick to their demand of an MSP guarantee law on all 23 crops for which government announces MSP every year.

Sanyukt Kisan Morcha: Separately, the Sanyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM), which represents almost 40 farm unions across India, also rejected the proposal of the union government. Referring to the proposal of the Union, the SKM stated that the Union government has basically proposed to divert and dilute the demand of MSP based on the formula of C2+50% for all crops with guaranteed procurement which had been promised in the BJP Manifesto in the 2014 General Election and originally recommended by the National Farmers Commission chaired by M S Swaminathan and submitted in 2006. It has been declared by the SKM that nothing below MSP calculated at the formula of C2+50% for all crops with guaranteed procurement is acceptable to the farmers of India. “If the Modi Government is unable to implement the promise made by BJP, then let the Prime Minister be honest to tell that to the people,” said Prem Singh Bhangu, president of the All India Kisan Federation.

As per the report of Indian Express, Bhangu added, “It clearly indicates that government has virtually denied the demand for a legal guarantee for MSP for all agricultural produce along with an assured market based on Dr Swaminathan’s formula. The proposed agreement amounts to contract farming, which the farmers had rejected when the agitation against three farm laws (since repealed) was suspended. The proposal seems to have been made in connivance with the Punjab government to diversify agriculture in order to save underground water in the state. The proposal is silent on whether it will be a pan-India scheme.” Bhangu further provided that if farmers accepted the proposal, it would give an excuse to the central government to not procure paddy and wheat in Punjab.

Additionally, SKM sought for the Union Ministers to clarify upon the silence of the Modi government on the demands of loan waiver, no privatisation of electricity, comprehensive public sector crop insurance scheme, Rs.10000 monthly pension to farmers above 60 years age, dismiss and prosecute Ajay Mishra Teni, Union MoS (Home) the main conspirator of Lakhimpur Kheri massacre of farmers among others.

What awaits the farmers now?

Now that the farmer leaders and the farmer unions have rejected the “innovative” and the “out-of-the-box” proposal put forth by the Union, the farmers will continue with their protests to raise their demands. In its address with the media, farmer leader Pandher announced that they will be resuming with the ‘Delhi Chalo’ march, which had been put on hold for 2 day, from 11 am on February 21. As per his statement to ANI, Pandher said, “We will peacefully move towards Delhi on February 21 at 11 am.”

The video can be viewed here:

#WATCH | Shambhu Border | Farmer leaders reject the Government’s proposal over MSP.

Farmer leader Sarwan Singh Pandher says, “We will move towards Delhi on February 21 at 11 am…” pic.twitter.com/kMpV4iQyhi

— ANI (@ANI) February 19, 2024

With this, farmer leader Dallewal urged the state government of Haryana and the Union government to “to either resolve our issues or remove barricades and allow us to proceed to Delhi to protest peacefully.” They also appealed to the Haryana government not to halt their march and allow them to camp at the national capital for the fulfilment of their legitimate rights. Referring to their Constitutional rights, Dallewal said that the agitation for their demand is farmers’ constitutional right and cannot be taken away by force, as is happening at these borders.

It is essential to note that more than 10,000 farmers stay camping on the Haryana-Punjab borders, confined to Shambhu and the Khanauri border points, where security personnel have been deployed in huge numbers. The state force has been using excessive force through water cannons, rubber pellets and tear gas shells to stop the protesting farmers from proceeding on their march to Delhi. More than 100 protesting farmers have been injured from these suppressive and repressive tactics, leading to three deaths being caused till now. Journalists covering the protests have also sustained injuries.

During the press conference, farmer leader Pander said also referred to the injustice being meted out to the protesting farmers at the hands of Haryana police and said “The way farmers were treated at the (Shambhu) border is condemnable. The main reason for inviting Punjab CM Bhagwant Mann to the meetings was to raise the issue of barricading along the borders, and that people of his state (Punjab) are facing tear gas shelling from neighbouring state. He guaranteed to take notice of the situation, but he hasn’t. He should have put this issue in front of ministers. And today, Haryana DGP in his statement said that we haven’t used pellet guns and tear gas; we request Supreme Court to take suo moto cognisance against those who have done this act.”

The video can be viewed here:

#WATCH | On the ‘Delhi Chalo’ march scheduled for Feb 21, farmer leader Sarwan Singh Pandher says, “…The intention of the govt was very clear that they would not let us enter Delhi at any cost…If you don’t want to find a solution through discussion with farmers then we should… pic.twitter.com/fjxp7nU92u

— ANI (@ANI) February 20, 2024

In addition to this, SKM has announced plans for a black flag protest against BJP Members of Parliament on February 21 and has scheduled a meeting in Delhi on February 22 to strategise upon the further actions that need to be taken.

Apart from, Haryana farmers will also joining the ongoing protest with farmer leader Gurnam Singh Charuni announcing the same. As per the report of ANI, Charuni declared on February 19 said that Haryana will also join the agitation after February 21 in case the government does not agree to include oilseeds and bajra for procurement in their proposal for MSP.

“The government should think and understand that these two things (Oilseeds and Bajra) are very important (for procurement). Just like they mentioned pulses, maize, and cotton, they should include these two crops too. If these two are not included, we will have to think about it again…Yesterday, we took a decision that if the government doesn’t agree by 21st February, Haryana too will join the agitation,” ANI quoted Gurnam Singh Charuni as saying.

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The post Farmer Unions reject Union’s proposal for 5 year contractual MSP on three pulse crops, maize, and cotton, calls it “eyewash” appeared first on SabrangIndia.