On December 13, during the ongoing winter parliamentary session, Ram Nath Thakur raised questions regarding the vacancies in the Ministry of Women and Child Development (WCD) and its subordinate organizations. Thakur is the leader of Janata Dal and represents Bihar in the Rajya Sabha. These questions were presented to Smriti Irani, who is currently serving as the Minister of Women and Child Development as well as the Minister of Minority Affairs.

The details regarding the total number of vacancies and the vacancies that had been filled up in the Ministry of Women and Child Development were asked by Thakur, for which the following data tables were provided.

As per the tables provided above, it can be observed that under the Ministry (Main Secretariat) Groups A and B, their respective vacancies have been filled efficiently. Out of 14 vacant positions in Group A, 13 have been filled up. In group B, out of the 34 vacant positions, 33 have been filled up. On the other hand, Group C’s vacant positions have not been filled up adequately as out of the 46 vacant positions, only 6 have been filled up.

Apart from this, Thakur has also enquired about the details regarding the total number of vacancies for the SC, ST and OBC, and the seats that had been filled up by them in the Ministry of Women and Child Development.

As per the data attached above, it can be noted that the vacancies of the Ministry (Main Secretariat) have not been filled up for either of the three categories: SC, ST and OBC. In the case of NIPCCD (National Institute of Public Cooperation and Child Development), it can be observed that out of the 5 positions vacant for the SC community, 15 positions have been filled up. Out of the 3 positions vacant in case of ST, 2 have been filled up. Out of the 24 positions vacant belonging to OBCs, 12 positions have been filled up.

It is also essential to note here that as per the data, there have been no generation of vacancies in CARA (Central Adoption Resource Authority) and NCPCR (National Commission for Protection of Child Rights) for the marginalised communities. The response further provides that the posts of NCW (National Commission for Women) are filled on Foreign Deputation basis and hence reservation is not applicable for them.

The Ministry’s main secretariat displays a significant gap in filling Group C vacancies, indicating an urgent need for attention and recruitment in this segment. Furthermore, the data reflects mixed progress in filling vacancies for SC, ST, and OBC categories across subordinate organizations. While there can be seen a positive trend in filling positions in NIPCCD for the SC, ST, and OBC categories, certain government bodies like CARA and NCPCR show no vacancies reserved for the marginalised communities, signalling a different employment scenario. The absence of filled vacancies for SC, ST, and OBC categories in the Ministry’s main secretariat calls for scrutiny and necessary actions to ensure equitable representation. However, the unique staffing criteria for NCW positions on foreign deputation exempts them from reservation policies, portraying a distinct operational model.

The complete answer can be accessed here:

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The post No vacancies for SC/ST/OBC in CARA and NCPCR, reservation policies not applicable to NCW: WCD Ministry appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) has issued a follow up letter on its earlier letter pushing for inquiries into madrassas to check how many non-Muslim students were admitted in madrassas (end 2023).

In December last year, the NCPCR chairperson, Priyank Kanoongo had written to Chief Secretaries of states asking them to ‘conduct an inquiry’ into madrassas funded or aided by the government to specifically find out whether they were admitting non-Muslim students. He had also recommended that all such non-Muslim children should be removed from madrassas and admitted to schools post such inquiry (if they are found to be receiving education in madrassas).

“On perusal of various complaints received by the Commission from different sources, it is noted that children belonging to Non-Muslim community are attending Government funded/Recognised Madrasas,” said the NCPCR letter.

In an interview with IANS, Kanoongo also claimed that “around 1.1 crore children are there in some madrasas where it is taught that the Sun revolves around the Earth”. When asked about the nature of complaints received by NCPCR, he gave a vague response that “children are facing exploitation of sorts in the unauthorised madrasas”. He also said that providing school education to over 1 crore students studying in unauthorised Madrasas across the country is one of the topmost priorities for the commission. Not child abuse, violence against children including trafficking etc. Nor malnutrition, hunger or denial of education altogether!

Kanoonge has also invoked article 28(3) of the Constitution and states that inclusion of non-Muslim children in Madrassas violates the same. Article 28(3) read thus,

(3) No person attending any educational institution recognised by the State or receiving aid out of State funds shall be required to take part in any religious instruction that may be imparted in such institution or to attend any religious worship that may be conducted in such institution or in any premises attached thereto unless such person or, if such person is a minor, his guardian has given his consent thereto

The letter may be read here:

Opposition to the recommendations

The UP Madrassa Education Board rejected these recommendations and a notice from NCPCR followed; which stated that the Madrassa board’s stand “violates the constitutional rights of the children and it disrespects the commission’s mandate”.

Replying to the child rights panel’s letter, the Board’s Chairman Iftikhar Ahmed Javed, said, “Non-Muslims are studying in madrasas and non-Hindu children are studying in Sanskrit schools. Children of every religion are also studying in missionary schools. Even though I myself studied at Banaras Hindu University (BHU), NCPCR should reconsider their letter,” as reported by Hindustan Times.

He further said, ““If NCPCR head has any evidence of forced religious conversion of any student or forceful admission of non-Muslim students in madrassa, then he must share input and lodge FIR.” He also stated that the madrassas in UP were providing modern education to children under NCERT syllabus.

The All India Teachers Association Madaris Arabiya has written to the President of India as well as the Prime Minister stating that the NCPCR letter stands to violate Right to Education and goes against the spirit of Indian Constitution. The General secretary, Wahidullah Khan Sayeedi, said that issuance of such letters and directions for educational institutions “on the basis of mere complaints and imaginations” and “without any concrete proof or evidence” only harms their image, reported The Wire. Like Javed, even Sayeedi insisted that all students are admitted in madrassas only after sue consent form the guardians/parents of the children thus admitted.

While Kanoongo has invoked Article 28(3), it is pertinent to note this facet of “consent”. As quoted above, the said article, has exception to “consent” of the person admitted to such educational institution (in this case, madrassa) or in case of a minor, of the guardian. Hence, notwithstanding what the rest of the article states, as long as there is consent of the guardian in case of minors, they can receive education in madrassas, irrespective of their religious background.

Do only Muslims study in Madrassas?

Even looked at historically, the answer to this question would a categoric no.

Munshi Premchand, India’s beloved writer in Hindi language studied in a Madrassa in Varanasi, which taught hundreds other non-Muslim students like him. Theatre director Mujeeb Khan, who has dramatized several of Premchand’s short stories, while speaking to Times of Indiasaid, “not in a single short story by Premchand will you find him using the word ‘school’. He always called an educational institute a Madarsa.”

When, in 2019, Banaras Hindu University students protested the appointment of a Muslim teacher to teach Sanskrit, Premchand’s grandson, Pravir Rai had tweeted, “My grandfather Munshi Premchand, a Kayastha Hindu, learnt Urdu from Maulvi saheb. He became the greatest Urdu-Hindi writer of all time. What has language got to do with religion?”

In the absence of primary education in rural India, social reformer Raja Ram Mohan Rai and independent India’s first President Dr Rajendra Prasad studied in madrassas.

An article in Siasat, reads, “Amidst the poverty that the parents face in the upbringing of their children and the absence of good quality education as well as religious discrimination in the public school system, the Madrasa offers a way out wherein students get free education and, in most cases, free boarding. The Madrasa has shielded the students from becoming vagabonds and instilled in most students a sense of ethics and morality, traits that are rapidly dying and in severe shortage.”

Bihar-a special case

Why only to resort to history and its few examples, when even in today’s day and age, non-Muslims studying in madrassas is not an anomaly. In a 2009 article published in The Telegraph, figures quoted revealed that 177 Hindu students cleared the wastania (Class VIII) examination, while another 110 Hindu students passed the fauquania (Class X) and moulvi (Class XII) examinations in 38 districts of Bihar as reported by Bihar State Madrasa Education Board (BSMEB).

Madrassas in Bihar also teach mathematics, physics, english, biology, besides the Islamic religious scriptures. Since madrassa education is considered reasonable qualification for government jobs in the state, they attract Hindu students in rural areas as well. A secretary of one of the Madrassas told TheTelegraph that offering is not mandatory for Hindu students. Bihar has 25% Muslim population and Urdu is the second official language and since the State is known to be on the lookout for Urdu language teachers, learning at a Madrassa becomes even beneficial for earning a livelihood for the Hindu children in rural areas.

Even in West Bengal, nearly 15 per cent of madrassa students are non-Muslims, says the article.Several madarsas also have a number of Hindu teachers and clerks on the staff. At least in two madrassas in Burdwan district, Hindu students outnumber their Muslim counterparts.

Etymology

According to Encyclopedia Britannica, in past decades Madarsas  grew of the occasional lectures delivered in the mosques. Madrasas were theological seminary and law schools with a curriculum centered on the Quran and Hadiths. In fact, the word Madarsa is a Persian word which is older than (pre-dates) the advent of Islam.

In India the first Madarsa was established in 1192 AD in Ajmer. Even today, one can see remnants of the Madarsa adjoining Firoz Shah Tughlaq Tomb in Delhi, wrote Rising Kashmir. ‘Madarsa’ is an Arabic word for any type of educational institution, either religious or secular. However, over time, it has come to be associated with a place/institution that imparts Islamic religious education.

In India, Madarsas began as spiritual workshops, or khanqas, which subsequently evolved into maktabs, where students learned Quran recitation and Islamic customs. Muslim rulers of India established Maktabs or Madarsas alongside mosques to teach both religion and science from the 13th to the 19th centuries.[1]

Urgent need, reforms within madrassas

As is evident from Ziya Us Salam and Mohammad Aslam Parvaiz’s book ‘Madrasas in the Age of Islamophobia’, what madrassas in India currently urgently need are reforms in their syllabus and outlook so that they impart a worldview that is modern, forward looking and inclusive. Some madrassas have, albeit slowly begun including the NCERT syllabus in their teachings, apart from the usual religious scripture learnings.

The Waqf Board in Uttarakhand has already announced last year that they will introduce NCERT syllabus in madrassas in the state What madrassas do not require at the moment is threats from state governments like in Assam and needless interventions from NCPCR like statutory bodies going into divisive narratives (that has never been a part of  the discourse hitherto).

Since madrassas run on zakat or donations, the teachers receive paltry salaries and including modern education would require more funds. As per Sachar Committee report, only children from weak economic backgrounds go to madrassas in the interest of getting meals and even boarding. Reputed madrasas like Darul Uloom, Deoband, Nadwatul Ulema, Lucknow etc. are autonomous institutions and scholars from these madrassas find place in top universities of the country as students and even teachers.

To target such community institutions, that, with whatever limitations do function as spaces for children to partake both socialisation and education, and moreover to segregate and divide them with an exclusivist outlook does poor credit to a statutory body created to protect the rights and welfare of all children. While such institutions do need an overhaul and reform of their syllabus and outlook, to target madrassas alone in this fashion without encouraging change, reflects the vulnerability of that marginalised communities today face.

The post Hatebuster: Do Hindus not study in madrassas? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

While rejecting the recommendation of the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) to shift non-Muslim students to other educational institutions from madrasas, UP Madrasa Board has decided to implement the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) syllabus from the upcoming session.

The decision to this effect was taken collectively by the board members at a meeting presided over by Board chairman Iftikhar Ahmed Javed announced to the media on Wednesday, January 18. The UP Madrasa Board also decided to introduce the NCERT syllabus in recognised and state-aided madrasas in a phased manner in the upcoming session. “Madrassa children will also study the NCERT syllabus from his year. Modern education will be given along with Dinee Talim (religious education),” said Javed.

He added that in the new academic year, the focus of UP Madrasas will be more on ‘modern’ education through modern tools of pedagogy. He also stated that the board would work out a system for an easy distribution of uniforms to madrasa students from class I to VIII by the state basic education department.

In November 2022, the Uttar Pradesh (UP)  Madrassa Education Board had publicly expressed its reservation to the interference of officers of the education department in the day-to-day working of madrassas in the state, which has led to a situation of discomfort in these institutions. In this connection, the Board chairman Dr Iftikhar Ahmed Javed, also told the media: “Officials of the state education department are not the competent authority to inspect the madrassas run by the department of minority welfare.

“After the formation of the minority welfare department in 1995, all work of the madrassas, managed by the education department till then, was transferred to the minority welfare department.

“Later, the Uttar Pradesh Madrassa Education Council Act, 2004, was made through which the Uttar Pradesh Non-Government Arabic and Persian Madrassa Recognition, Administration and Service Regulations 2016 were made. Since then, the district madrassa education officer became the district minority welfare officer.

“As per the arrangement made in the Uttar Pradesh Madrassa Education Board Act 2004 and Regulations 2016, neither inspection nor notice will be given to any madrassa by any officer of any department other than the minority welfare department.”

NCPPR’s controversial recommendations

Opposing the NCPCR’s recent ‘recommendation’, the Board chairman said it was a discriminatory practice that was against the tenets of the Madrasa Education Board. The students taking education cannot be differentiated on the basis of religion.

“We follow the ideology ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas’ (the progress and development of all) of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and will never remove the students of non-Muslim faith from madrasa shifting them to other institutions. This kind of practice should not be implemented in the education sector. If parents are sending their children to our madrasas, they will continue to study there,” said Javed. “The madrasa education board unanimously rejected the NCPCR recommendations,” he added.

Controversially, in December last year, the NCPCR had written to Chief Secretaries of all states and UTs, recommending a detailed inquiry into all government-funded and recognised madrasas admitting non-Muslim children.  The Commission had also recommended all non-Muslim children studying in madrasas be admitted to other schools after the inquiry.

NCPCR Chairperson Priyank Kanoongo, in a letter written in December, last year, to all chief secretaries, had noted that children belonging to non-Muslim communities were attending government-funded or recognised madrassas. “It is also learnt by the commission that some States and Union Territories are providing them with scholarships too.” “It is a clear-cut violation and contravention of Article 28 (3) of the Constitution of India that prohibits educational institutions from obligating the children to take part in any religious instruction, without the consent of the parent,” the letter stated.

Madrassas, as institutions, are primarily responsible for imparting religious education to children, the commission had said, adding it was learnt that those madrassas funded or recognised by the government were imparting both religious and to some extent formal education to children.

UP: After Madrasas, UP Govt to Survey Waqf Properties

The decision of the Adityanath-led UP government to survey Waqf properties in September 2022 was met with disquiet and concern by the state’s minority community.

There are 162,229 Waqf properties, including 1,50,000 registered with Sunni Central Waqf Board and 12,229 with Shia Central Waqf Board in UP, with the government occupying quite a few of these in the state. Danish Azad Ansari, Minister of State for Minority Welfare and Waqf, had then however termed the exercise a “normal departmental process”, saying it has nothing to do with other Waqf properties.

The decision had been announced amidst the ongoing surveys of unrecognised madrasas across Uttar Pradesh, the Yogi Adityanath government has ordered a survey of properties managed by Sunni and Shia Central Waqf Boards in what the government says is an attempt aimed at preventing illegal encroachment of the properties in the state. It has also cancelled a 1989 government order under which uncultivable land at several places was “illegally registered” as Waqf property. 

In a directive issued by the Chief Minister, he had “asked” all district magistrates and commissioners to scrutinise and demarcate Waqf properties in the revenue records. The directive came in response to a letter written by the state minority affairs ministry that said that several properties have been illegally occupied by Waqf boards. Sources say that the survey aims to stop “illegal possession and sale” of Waqf properties.

The official communication –a letter –had at the time, four months ago, been sent to commissioners and district magistrates by Shakeel Ahmed Siddiqui, deputy secretary, UP government. It had reportedly stated that several Waqf authorities had “neglected the regulations regarding property registration as per the Waqf Act-1995 and the UP Muslim Waqf Act of 1960. In 1989”. An order was also issued to properly register such properties in the revenue records. In this letter, Siddiqui reportedly alleged there were pieces of barren land that were registered as Waqf property by “manipulating” provisions of the Uttar Pradesh Muslim Waqf Act, 1960.

Thereafter, concurrently, in the order issued by the government, it has been said there is no provision in the Act for the registration of properties without following due process. Siddiqui’s letter had stated that according to the Act, only those properties come under the category of Waqf that are donated for religious and welfare work according to Muslim law and customs.

As per the directive, the state government has said that cemetery, mosque and idgah land should be demarcated because, on the basis of the 1989 ordinance, many such lands registered as banjar (barren), usar (uncultivable), and bhita (mound) were declared as Waqf properties. Also, gram sabha and municipal councils had land that could be used for the general public but were actually “occupied by Waqf boards”, it said. However, any change in management and nature of these areas is prohibited under the 1989 order.

Historically, waqf properties are donated to be used for religious or pious purposes, such as building mosque, cemetery, orphanage or hospital.

At the heart of the UP government’s latest move is a 1989 government order, under which uncultivable land at several places was “illegally registered” as Waqf property, the PTI had reported quoting an official. This has been revoked by the government with immediate effect with divisional commissioners and district magistrates being asked to examine all proceedings taken under the order to “correct revenue records” accordingly. 

“Waqf properties are very important and they are god’s property with nobody having the right to illegally occupy it. The state government, with a noble intention, has started a survey and we have given orders to first identify the Waqf properties and then take further action,” Dharam Pal Singh, minister for minority welfare, Muslim Waqf and Haj, told media persons.

Under Islamic law and customs, properties that are donated for religious and welfare work come under the category of Waqf, which means a charitable, religious endowment. Once donated, it is treated as “god’s property”. There are 162,229 Waqf properties, including 1,50,000 registered with the Sunni Central Waqf Board and 12,229 with the Shia Central Waqf Board in Uttar Pradesh.

Community React to Order

Reacting to the 2022 directives, senior members of All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) had explained how these moves amounted to a counter-attack by the state administration since, over the last decade especially, it was the Waqf Board that had been demanding that all government offices or any Waqf property encroached by any organisation or allotted by the government should either be handed over to the Waqf Board or rent be paid as per market rate!

Besides, the dual pronged attack by the aggressive UP government, first on Madrassas and then on Waqf Board land caused a disquiet in the community. Tracing the history of both mismanagement of properties and the government’s hostility the member had stated that a fair and transparent streamlining was for long being demanded by the community.

The 2022 ongoing survey of private madrasas across Uttar Pradesh was hotly debated. However, Darul Uloom Deoband, an Islamic seminary, organised an ‘Ijlas’ (conference) on September 18 were the heads of over 250 major madrasas from across the state attended the event and said it had no objection to the survey of private madrasas. However, the seminary noted that the entire system of madrasas —Islamic religious schools— should not be disregarded just because some institutions are found to have violated rules.

The government had then justified the act, claiming that it conducted surveys of “unrecognised and private madrasas” to gather information about the number of teachers, curriculum, and basic facilities available there, among other factors.

December 2022

Then at the end of last year, once again another issue arose when the police –in a completely autocratic act –in Faridpur, Bareilly booked the school principal and a para teacher of a government higher primary school, after the local unit of Vishwa Hindu Parishad accused Siddiqui and Waziruddin of hurting “religious sentiments” of people in “a Hindu-dominated area by reciting madrassa-type prayers in the school”. The poem also known as Bachche ki Dua, was composed by Muhammad Iqbal in 1902 and its first verse has also been used in a song in a Hindi movie called ‘Raazi’.

The VHP raised objection on the line: mere allah burai se bachaana mujhko’. (O God! protect me from the evil ways). The VHP’s city president Sompal Rathore on whose instance the FIR was filed, alleged that school principal Nahid Siddiqui and Shiksha Mitra (teacher) Waziruddin were trying to convert the students and that students who protested against such prayers were threatened.

At the time, in an opinion piece in Indian Express, Devyani Onial wrote that the Urdu poem talks about a child’s wish for a life like a candle (shama), that banishes darkness from the world (door duniya ka mere dum se andhera ho jaye) and brings light to all corners (har jagah mere chamakne se ujala ho jai). It talks about protecting the poor (garibon ki himayat karna) and loving the weak (dard mandon se zaifon se mohabbat karna). She wrote,

“Before this, no one who had sung it had thought of it as a religious prayer. Children who followed faiths other than Islam neither paused nor stopped at the word “Allah”; everyone sang along, praying to God, asking him to keep us on the right path (nek jo raah ho us raah pe chalana mujhko). But in times when Urdu, the language, has become Muslim and the colour orange Hindu, what chance does a line like that have in an orange-lit India?”

The entire poem written by Mohammad Iqbal reads as follows:

lab pe aatī hai duā ban ke tamannā merī

zindagī sham.a kī sūrat ho ḳhudāyā merī!

duur duniyā kā mire dam se añdherā ho jaa.e!

har jagah mere chamakne se ujālā ho jaa.e!

ho mire dam se yūñhī mere vatan kī zīnat

jis tarah phuul se hotī hai chaman kī zīnat

zindagī ho mirī parvāne kī sūrat yā-rab

ilm kī sham.a se ho mujh ko mohabbat yā-rab

ho mirā kaam ġharīboñ kī himāyat karnā

dard-mandoñ se za.īfoñ se mohabbat karnā

mire allāh! burā.ī se bachānā mujh ko

nek jo raah ho us rah pe chalānā mujh ko

(Based on reports in PTI, New Indian Express, Indian Express, Newsclick and Sabrangindia)

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UP: After Madrasas, Yogi Govt to Survey Waqf Properties; Muslim Citizens Doubt ‘Intention’

UP: After Madrasas, Yogi Govt to Survey Waqf Properties; Muslim Citizens Doubt ‘Intention’

The post UP Madrasa Board to introduce NCERT syllabus, no to NCPCR’s diktat on non-Muslim students appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) team, led by its chairman Priyank Kanoongo, conducted a surprise inspection on November 8 at a girls’ hostel at Kheri village in Raisen district, located around 50 kms northeast of Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh citing allegations of religious conversion. After the inspection the Commission has reportedly demanded a report within 10 days.

The home is run by Catholic nuns, and the NCPCR has alleged that “religious conversions are suspected” there. The Chairman Priyank Kanoongo, shared a video, on his social media handles, of the team of men inspecting the girl’s rooms, and made notes that some copies of the Bible and a religious text were found there.

ईसाई मिशनरियों के छात्रावास का औचक निरिक्षण, चला रहे थे धर्मान्तरण का धंधा

पूरा वीडियो – https://t.co/E6UBBpwq6k pic.twitter.com/CtKbv29AYf

— प्रियंक कानूनगो Priyank Kanoongo (@KanoongoPriyank) November 9, 2021

There are five Christian girls and 14 Hindu girls in residence. While the Christian children hail from North Eastern states, the others are from the interior villages of MP. They live there and study in a government school nearby. The nuns who run the hostel provide support, lodging and food to the girls. According to sources, some of the students get a nominal Rs 6,000 per year.

Taken aback by the sudden inspection when there have been no complaints from the girls or their families, the nuns have now appealed the district collector of Raisen district to conduct an impartial probe into the allegations levied by the NCPCR.

The NCPCR team made an “unexpected visit, showed an identification card and came in,” recalled Sister Alice Jacob superior general of the congregation named Sisters of Jesus, of the diocese of Sagar, who manage the girls’ home. Sister Alice Jacob told SabrangIndia, “The girl children who live here come from remote areas where they do not have easy access to schools. They all study at a government school nearby. We celebrate all festivals, and the Hindu children go home to their villages to celebrate big festivals like Diwali and Rakhi at home. The North Eastern children go home only once a year as they need to be accompanied by an adult for the long trip home.”

The girls were away attending school, when the all-male team entered their hostel, searched the dormitory, and their belongings. The NCPCR team led by Kanoongo, then sat and counted the Bibles etc. they found, which the nun said belonged to the Christian students. “No one is forced to read the Bible here,” said Sr Alice. However, Kanoongo has alleged the hostel is promoting religious conversion and is illegal as it is not registered. He added over the phone that he has the mandate to carry out such sudden inspections anytime.

“We never told the students to read the bible or pray. I do not know why the inspection was carried out. I do not know why. The orders for the inspection came from the top I was told. Right people came for the inspection. They asked the sister to open the door, and when asked who they were, they showed the ID card and came in,” said Sr Alice.

According to a report in Matters India, the following day another team inspected the hostel and they were told by the students that “they were staying in the hostel on their free will as they did not have facilities to attend school.” The officials reportedly also asked the students if they were being forced to learn Christianity or involved in Christian prayers.

On November 9, the Commission wrote to the District Collector and ordered that the students be sent to their homes. The Commission has alleged “serious lapses” in their care at the hostel. According to the sisters, they are being subjected to sheer harassment even though all they are doing is helping the poor children to get education. “All the children are here with the consent of their parents,” she Sr Alice, adding, “Not a single person has been converted.” The NCPCR has asked for consent letters now from both parents of each child with photos of the parents. The nuns say they will collect all the information they need and send.

Sr Alice said the hostel was set up in 2014 as many parents of the girls who wanted to study would be helped if their children stayed near school as they are from interior villages, and access to school is a problem especially when it rains. Sister Jacob also told matter India that the hostel had “applied for registration online as per government guidelines in 2020, but still the government has not completed the process. The government has issued us an id and password. It is for the government to complete the process and we are not at fault.”

The students reportedly told the team of officials that they were well taken care of, with proper food and facilities for studies, reported Matters India. The Christian children reportedly confirmed that “they had brought the copies of the Bible from their homes and they read it as part of their routine life.” Meanwhile, the nuns have asked the District Collector to inspect the hostel, refuting the Commission’s finding.

The Sisters of Jesus was set up in 1980 by the then Bishop Clemens Thottungal of Sagar to work among the poor in rural areas of the Syro-Malabar diocese.

Priyank Kanoongo told SabrangIndia over the phone that the hostel was illegal as it was not registered and confirmed that he had asked that the students be sent back home. He refused to answer further questions unless they were emailed. However, in the videos he has shared online he has alleged that he suspects religious conversions in the home. The Commission objected to the hostel functioning without a valid registration.

SabrangIndia also asked the following questions in an email to Priyank Kanoongo, Chairman, National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR):

1: Why did you conduct a sudden inspection at the hostel at Intkheri village in Raisen district? What made you pick this venue?

2: Did you have any prior information on activities there before you inspected it? What was the source of this information (please name the organisation)?

3: Who comprised the inspection team that went to the rooms where girl students reportedly stayed? Were there any women officials in the team, as the inspection was of a girls’ hostel?

4: What did the inspection team find in the rooms, and among the personal possessions of the girl students?

5: You have alleged religious conversions, how many students have been converted there?

6: What other explanations have been sought from the nuns who run the place?

7: If a report has been sought after the inspection, and an investigation is yet to be done, how has religious conversion been alleged?

A reply was awaited till the time of publishing and will be added as and when it comes.

The Commission’s mandate

The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) was set up as a statutory body in March 2007 under the Commissions for Protection of Child Rights (CPCR) Act, 2005. As per the Act, section 13(1)(i) allows the Commission and its members to “Inspect or cause to be inspected any juveniles custodial home, or any other place of residence or institution meant for children, under the control of the Central Government or any State Government or any other authority, including any institution run by a social organisation; where children are detained or lodged for the purpose of treatment, reformation or protection and take up with  these authorities for remedial action, if found necessary.”

Thus, admittedly, the Commission has the power to inspect “any institution run by a social organisation” where children are lodged.

The primary mandate of the Commission is to protect children’s rights under the Constitution as well as other Acts like Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012 and the Right To Education Act (RTE), 2009, as mentioned on their website.

As per the management of the hostel, they house these children belonging to remote areas to facilitate their education at government run schools. This also means that while the NCPCR ought to safeguard the right to education of these girls, they are disrupting the functioning of this social organisation based on allegations of “religious conversion”. A Commission that is vested with the duty to protect children, ought not to disrupt social activities of such organizations that are housing children irrespective of the religion they follow despite themselves being a Jesuit association.

The manner in which these “raids” were conducted, by an all-male team, in a hostel run by females and one that houses young girls, also does not speak highly of the Commission and its members and the mandate that is purports to uphold.

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NCPCR suggests extending RTE to all minority institutions

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In a study undertaken by the National Commission of Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) titled Impact of Exemption under Article 15 (5) with regards to Article 21A of the Constitution of India on Education of Minority Communities, the child rights body has recommended to the government to bring all minority schools under the ambit of Right to Education (RTE) Act, 2009 and Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan campaign.

At present, the minority schools don’t fall under RTE and are exempted under Article 15 (5) that empowers the government to form any policy for the upliftment of socially backward class, thus forming the basis of affirmative action in private unaided schools in India. Hence, NCPCR carried out an assessment across all minority schools to understand the impact of this exemption on children and their education.

The report states, “The aim of the study was to find out ways to create a pathway to ensure that children in minority schools are able to study in an inclusive environment conducive to their development by receiving both modern & foundational education, as guaranteed by their fundamental rights, along with religious & cultural education.”

Statistics

According to the report, across all communities in minority schools, 62.5 percent of the student population belong to the non-minority community, while only 37.5 percent belong to the minority community. Muslim community schools (20.29 percent) have the lowest percentages of non-minority population among their minority schools. The Christian community schools, on the other hand, have 74.01 percent of the student population belonging to the non-Christian communities.

The report further reveals that the Sikh community contributes 9.78 percent to the total religious minority population and contributes a share of 1.54 percent to the religious minority schools. The Buddhist community schools have 75.12 percent of the student population belonging to non-Buddhist communities and the Parsi schools have 76.92 percent of the students belonging to non-Parsi communities.

Unfortunately, the study shows that there are approximately 1.1 crore Muslim children who are out of school, and the number of madrasas identified is approximately 6,000 only. Mere 4 percent of Muslim children attend Madrasas. Across all communities, 8.76 percent of the total student population belong to the disadvantaged sections. The report reads, “Since minority schools are outside the purview of the RTE Act, there is no compulsion to admit students from disadvantaged backgrounds”.

Tamil Nadu. Odisha, Dadra and Nagar Haveli have no percentage of disadvantaged minority students receiving benefits. Andhra Pradesh has the highest percentage (19.37 percent), followed by Bihar at 12.27 percent of disadvantaged students who have received benefits like minority scholarships, fee waivers, free ships on books and/or uniforms. In total, only 4 percent of students from disadvantaged and marginalised sections all across the country receive such backing and benefits.

Unrecognised institutions

The NCPCR report also highlights the importance of mapping all unrecognised institutions (Madrasas, Vedic Pathshalas, Gumpas), to identify out-of-school children as there are a large number of children who remain unidentified. The report states, “There are a large number of children attending Schools/ Institutions that are not recognised. Children also attend such institutions that are unrecognized as these are unmapped and the number of such institutions is not known. Therefore, whether these institutions provide quality education and the information on the environment these institutions provide to children also remains unknown. Children attending all such institutions (unrecognised and/or unmapped schools) are to be treated as Out of School, even if they provide regular education.”

The report reveals that there are three kinds of madrasas in the country – recognised madrasas which are registered and impart both religious as well as secular education; unrecognised madrasas which have been found deficient for registration by state governments as secular education is not imparted or other factors like lack of infrastructure; and unmapped madrasas which have never applied for registration.

As mentioned above, 4 percent (15.3 lakh) of Muslim children attend madrasas, but this only takes into account the registered madrasas. The report adds that the syllabi of madrasas, that have evolved over centuries, are not uniform, and that “being left ignorant of the world around them, many students develop an inferiority complex, being alienated from the rest of society and unable to adjust with the environment”. It also mentions that madrasas do not have any teachers training programmes.

The survey also talks about disproportionate numbers after drawing a comparison of the population of a religious community in a state to the number of minority status schools of that particular community, which indicates that the “minority status schools are not in proportion to the religious minority population in a particular State.” For instance, the report explains that in West Bengal, 92.47 percent of the minority population is that of Muslims and 2.47 percent are Christians, but there are 114 Christian minority schools in the state and only 2 schools with Muslim minority status.

Suggestions to the government

The Child Rights Body has recommended the government to extend the provisions of RTE to minority educational institutions or make a law with similar effect to ensure RTE of children studying in these minority educational institutions. They have also suggested a greater role of the Minority Cell in NCERT/ SCERTS in giving the fundamental right to elementary education to all children, especially children of minority communities.

In the report, they have also appealed for introspection by management of schools with minority status and religious institutions on their role and contribution. Most importantly, they have suggested the government to undertake mapping of all unrecognised institutions to identify out of school children.

The report also suggests that minority schools are catering to less than 8 percent of the minority children population, despite a large presence of minority students in school-going age groups. Hence, “there is a need to lay down specific guidelines regarding the minimum percentage of students from the minority community to be admitted to the institution”, says the report.

The entire report may be read here: 

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Minister of Women and Child Development, Smriti Irani, has informed the Parliament that a total of 645 children have lost both their parents to Covid-19 in the second wave of the pandemic between April and May 28, 2021. But the information provided by National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) in their affidavit before the Supreme Court on June 7, stated that there are a total of 30,071 children who have lost either one or both parents or been abandoned up to June 5, 2021.

As per Irani’s written response on July 30, the maximum number of children who lost their parents to Covid-19 are from Uttar Pradesh (158) and Andhra Pradesh (119). Maharashtra comes next where 83 children were orphaned, followed by Madhya Pradesh (73). Haryana, Goa, Chandigarh, Bihar, Chandigarh, Tripura, Mizoram, Sikkim, Nagaland, Ladakh, Lakshadweep, Arunachal Pradesh and Andamans and Nicobar Island have recorded no orphans according to the information provided by the Centre.

Surprisingly, her answer stated that the data collected on the ‘Bal Swaraj Portal’ launched by National Commission for Protection of Child Right regarding orphans is not specific to those children who have lost their parents to Covid-19. 

But NCPCRs affidavit in the matter In Re: Contagion of Covid-19 virus in Children Homes (Suo Motu Civ. No. 4 of 2020), disclosed that out of the 30,071 children, 3,621 have been orphaned, 26,176 children have lost one parent and 274 children who have been abandoned since the beginning of the pandemic.

The Supreme Court had also directed all State and district authorities to upload information on the website of the NCPCR pertaining to all children who have become orphans or lost one of their parents after March, 2020 either due to Covid-19 or otherwise.

The 645 tally is more than what Irani had alleged a few months ago. On May 25, Irani had talked about committed efforts to support “577 children” who lost their parents to Covid-19 between April 1 and May 25, 2021. She tweeted this number while talking about children who had lost both their parents during the second wave of the health crisis.

But while speaking to SabrangIndia, NGO Save The Children had said it was difficult to assess the exact number of children who were orphaned in India. However, the NGO suspected that 577 may not be an accurate number, especially considering recent data on the subject by Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan alone that amounted to 402 orphans around May.

Referring to government data, NGO worker Prabhat Kumar told SabrangIndia that Andhra Pradesh reported 135 orphans and 1,716 semi-orphans (lost one parent) in the last two months. Madhya Pradesh reported 250 orphans and 1,200 semi-orphans between April and May. Meanwhile, Rajasthan said 17 orphans were registered between March and May 15, 2021.

“These amount to 402 orphans who have lost both parents in just three states. There are other states that report much higher official Covid-deaths. So, it can be assumed that the number is much higher,” he said.

The Covid fatality rate in India, especially during the second wave was devastatingly underreported by the governments. The Supreme Court on July 27, reportedly pulled up the West Bengal for they submitted that only 27 children were orphaned. LiveLaw quoted the Bench saying, “Can we record it then? We’ll record and ask the Secretary to appear. You are so steadfast in saying only 27 orphans are there in such a big State. See figures from other States. We are not prepared to believe this figure at all.”

In another written response, provided by Ms. Irani on July 30, a total of 87 children residing in Child Care Institutions have been infected with coronavirus as on July 23, 2021. But this data is only from 16 States. The Minister also provided figures about the total number of children housed in the Child Care Institutions across all States and Union Territories. In 1,594 homes, 67,864 children are housed. 6,000 children reside in about 250 open shelters and 373 specialised adoption agencies have 3,751 children.

The answers may be read here:

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The post Covid orphans: Mismatch in figures provided by WCD Ministry and NCPCR appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) has approached the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) and National Commission for Minorities with a complaint against the assault on a minor boy Asif, for entering a temple to drink water by Hindutva leader Yati Narsinghanand Saraswati’s disciple and the subsequent justification of the hate crime.

CJP’s complaint dated March 18, 2021, has described the horrific incident of one Shringi Nandan Yadav who voluntarily kicked and hurt the minor Muslim boy for entering the Dasna Devi temple in Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh and his aide who recorded the video. Soon after the video went viral on social media, Ghaziabad Police took cognisance of it and arrested Yadav and also named the person shooting the video as a co-accused.

CJP’s complaint highlights the outrageous and condemnable justification of the said act by people on social media especially Yati Narsinghanand Saraswati, who looks over the management of Dasna temple. Our complaint refers to a Times of India report that has quoted Yati accepting that he has trained his followers to give ‘befitting replies’ to any temple trespassers.

“I had trained my followers well to give a befitting reply to trespassers from a specific minority community, and all they did on Friday was they were following my instructions,” he told Times of India, and this statement implies that he is not only the sympathiser of the incident, and the accused, but also the main perpetrator of this crime.

CJP, through the complaint, also apprised the Commissions about its recent complaint dated March 10 against Yati’s Islamophobic and provocative speeches that openly instigate Hindus to ‘fight’ and ‘sacrifice’ for India before it becomes an ‘Islamic Nation’.

The complaint targets this widespread anti minority sentiment and states, “Targeting the Muslim community with an overbearing majoritarian attitude leads to a hostile and discriminatory environment that is against the secular ideals of India. Hate on social media, and such videos that can be accessed from any part of the country at any time helps mobilise force(s) that can result in a mass, targeted violent attacks, eventually and sometimes even culminating in genocide.”

It also refers to the Supreme Court ruling in Firoz Iqbal Khan vs Union of India (2020), where the apex court said, “The edifice of a democratic society committed to the rule of law under a regime of constitutional rights, values and duties, is founded on the co-existence of communities. India is a melting pot of civilisations, cultures, religions and languages. Any attempt to vilify a religious community must be viewed with grave disfavour by this Court as the custodian of constitutional values.”

Further, the complaint refers to NCPCR’s Handbook for Ending Violence Against Children that states that exposure to violence in childhood can be deeply destructive, and causes experience of trauma and fear, which could, in the long term, lead to affected mental well-being as well as poor quality of life. The fact that a minor boy has been made a target of a sinister communal plot, is toxic and CJP has brought this to the attention of the Commission.

The complaint consists of a litany of violations of the Indian Penal Code provisions for attacking a child who is not just a victim of violence, but of targeted violence in a hate induced crime. Our complaint also exposes the attitude of the temple priest, Yati, who has exalted and encouraged such acts of violence.

In addition to this, the complaint also refers to the constitutional violation of Articles 14, 15, 21, 39 (f) that prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, caste, class, sex, religion and mandates the State to make policies towards securing opportunities and facilities for children to develop in a healthy manner, without exploitation.

Lastly, CJP has requested the Commissions to inquire into the matter under the Commission for Protection of Child Rights Act, the National Commissions for Minorities Act, 1992 and direct the appropriate authority to provide monetary compensation to Asif and his family in the interim.

The complaints may be read here:

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