Nellie Massacre Assam | SabrangIndia

39 Years and the Ghosts of Nellie Massacre Haunt Assam

Fri, 18 Feb 2022 13:49:35 +0000

India has forgotten. Justice never got done. February 18, 39 years ago, under a Congress government in both the state and centre, thousands of agriculturists, Bengali speaking Muslims were massacred in cold blood in the parochial bloodletting that was both an accompaniment and brutal legacy of the Assam movement. It did not take long for the massacre to work itself out, it was all over in a matter of six hours. Ironically, though the first such targeted pogrom, it has been least discussed and even less remembered. The terms “outsider”(the bahiragata ), “foreigner (bidexi)”, “illegal migrant” and now “ghuspetiya” have the evil power to influence brute violence and exclusion, still. The ethnic clash that took place in Nellie was seen as a fallout of the decision to hold the Assembly elections in 1983 (boycotted by the AASU) despite stiff opposition from several elements in the state. Four hundred companies of the CRPF and 11 Brigades of the Indian army stationed in the state for the elections could not protect and save innocent lives that were targeted in a brute attack on February 18. Compensation was meagure, Rs 5,000 for lost lives and Rs 3,000 for the injured. The official Tiwari Commission report on the Nellie massacre is still a closely guarded secret (only three copies exist). The 600-page report was submitted to the Assam Government in 1984 but the government of the day decided not to make it public, and subsequent Governments followed suit

Who were the perpetrators and were they ever punished? Nellie is a small area in central Assam’s Nagaon district and at the time some intrepid journaliusts, reporters and correspondents from the BBC, Indian Express and local media have documented the tale at great risk to themselves. Three media personnel — Hemendra Narayan of Indian Express, Bedabrata Lahkar of Assam Tribune and Sharma of ABC. At a minimum, the massacre claimed the lives of 2,191 people (unofficial figures run at more than 10,000)]from 14 villages of the Nagaon district—Alisingha, Khulapathar, Basundhari, Bugduba Beel, Bugduba Habi, Borjola, Butuni, Dongabori, Indurmari, Mati Parbat, Muladhari, Mati Parbat no. 8, Silbheta, Borburi and Nellie. Unofficial figures take the figure to an appalling 10,000.

One of the chroniclers that stands out is the courageous worj of Sabita Goswami’s autobiographical account, Along the Red River, starts with a quote about how pain nourishes courage and that people could not be brave if only wonderful things happened to them. The book is full of vivid and painful aspects of the veteran journalist’s eventful life. Goswami bravely documented the Nellie msaacre and the BBC under Mark Tully finally ran the story while the 7th Non Alligned Summit was on in Delhi. The work of Goswami centred the horrific February 18 Nellie massacre and through her the the world finally got to see the “Frankensteins” created by the Assam agitation. Goswami has counted more than 7,000 people killed in that area during that time; she personally accounted 674 bodies that fateful day.Hemendra Narayan’s book, Nellie Massacre, Makiko Kimura’s 2013 book, The Nellie Massacre Of 1983: Agency Of Rioters, and Subasri Krishnan’s documentary, What the Fields Remember, and BBC’s 2018 documentary are some accounts. Journalist Geeta Seshu has made a documentary on Sabita Goswami’s decade long coverage of violence in the north-east.

In October 2007, a young Assamese writer, Diganta Sharma wrote Nellie 1983, a book published Eklabya Prakashan, Jorhat, Assam. This book, now in multiple editions in Assamese and Bengali is both a example of brave truth-telling and painstaking journalistic documentation. This author had the privilege to meet the author in December 2022 and we shall feature an in-depth interview with him soon.

First Person

‘Rabia Begum was feeding breast to her 17 month daughter sitting in a stool in theveranda of her road side house. Her other children were playing in the smallcourtyard. Her husband Chandeh Ali was busy with some work in the back side of thehouse. They did not even guess what was to come to them after a few minutes.Suddenly the playing children rushed towards their mother in panic and grasped her.Already there were hue and cry around their house. Hearing desperate cries of hischildren when Chandeh Ali just entered the courtyard he saw a group of peoplearound with swords, daggers, knives, tridents and petrol. Attackers got divided intothree groups. One group chased running Chandeh Ali. Another group went to set fireon the house. And the other group started striking their weapons on children in theirmother’s lap. In minutes they were transformed into a heap of human limbs. Thehouse was rendered into an ash-heap. And Chandeh Ali? A trident struck him frombehind.”

(Excerpts from Diganta Sharma depicted ‘Nellie, 1983: A Postmortem Report into the MostBarbaric Massacre of Assam Movement’, reviews by Waliullah Ahmed Laskar

In his book, Diganta Sharma has painstakingly collected over nine hundred names of the Victims of the Nellie Massacre:

Sl.No	Name of the Person Dead	Father’s/Husband’s name	Age (Yr.)	M/F	Parents/Guardians
1	Salema Khatun	w/o-Ibrahim	>35	F	Ibrahim
2	Majibur Rehman	S/O-Do	>3	M	Do
3	Ajimul Haque	S/O- Do	>2	M	Do
4	Ramisa Khatun	D/O-A. Sattar	>10	F	A. Sattar
5	Kadboni	W/O-Jabed Ali	>50	F	Jabed Ali
6	Jakir Huussain	S/O-Do	>3	M	Do
7	Hajera Khatun	D/O-A. Jalil	>3	F	A. Jalil
8	Abdul Ali	S/O-L. Loshan Fakir	>50	M
9	Chadman Nessa	D/O-L. Suleman Sekh	>70	F	A. Mutaleb
10	Jamila Khatun	W/O-A. Mutaleb	>50	F	Do
11	Amjad Ali	S/O-L. Surad Munshi	>75	M	Miss Kadman Nessa
12	Rasanawa Begum	W/O-Allimuddin	>27	F	Allimuddin
13	Jusanwara Begum	D/O-Do	>11	F	Do
14	Baharul Islam	S/O-Do	>2	M	Do
15	Abdul Samad	S/O-Abed ali	>4	M	Md.Abed Ali
16	Abdul Azid	S/O-Do	>3	M	Do
17	Sukhina Khatun	W/O-Taleb Ali	>32	F	Taleb Ali
18	Ashia Khatun	W/O-Do	>35	F	Do
19	Afia Begum	D/O-Do	>8	F	Do
20	N urneher	D/O-Do	>9	F	Do
21	Nazrul Haque	S/O-Do	>3	M	Do
22	Mazibur Rahman	S/O-Do		M	Do
23	Abdul Khalek	S/O-Akkas Ali	>25	M	Akkas Ali
24	Jabeda Khatun	W/O-Srhab Ali	>25	F	Surhab Ali
25	Afia Khatun	D/O-Do	>2	F	Do
26	Sukkur Mumud	S/O-Bagiz Sekh	>90	M	Md.Rahmat Ali
27	Surotjan Bibi	W/O-Sukkur Mamud	>60	F	Do
28	Abdul Hussain	S/O-Rahmat Ali	>1	M	Do
29	Mafish-Uddin	S/o-Eahab Ali	>40	M	Miss Suleman Nessa
30	Ramjan Ali	S/O-Araz Ali	>11	M	Araz Ali
31	Kamala Khatun	D/O-Do	>6	F	Do
32	Beljan Bibi	W/O-Do	>50	F	Do
33	Kabdanu Bibi	W/O-Hazrat Ali	>35	F	Hazrat Ali
34	Thurab Ali	S/O-Do	>8	M	Do
35	Mafish Uddin	d/o DO	3	F	DO
36	Nurjahan Bibi	w/o Amsher Alli	60	F	Akkas Ali
37	Afia Khatun	d/o Khursed	5	F	Md. Khursed
38	Abdul Barek	s/o Alimuddin	1	M	Alimuddin
40	Sabjan Bibi	w/o Hasen Ali	38	F	Md. Hasen Ali
41	Kasem Ali	s/o DO	6	M	DO
42	Karfuljan	w/o Late Moniruddin	60	F	Abdul Kadir
43	Saharjan Bibi	w/o A. Jafar Ali	50	F	A. Jafar Ali
44	Ali Hussain	s/o A. Latif	4	M	A. Latif
45	Sarbanu bibi	w/o Late Assaruddin	50	F	Abdul Hamij
46	Khudeja	s/o Md. Samsuddin	5	M	Md. Samsuddin
47	Saiman Nesha	w/o Jonab Ali	50	F	Md. Jonab Ali
48	Anuwara Begam	s/o Late A. ajit	7	M	DO
49	Saleman Nesha	w/o Mujafar Bapari	60	F	Md. Abdul Khalek
50	Manjuwar Begum	d/o A. Khalek	2	F	DO
51	Raijawal Hoque	s/o DO	5	M	DO
52	Sufia Begum	d/o Md. Amir Hussain	9	F	Md. Amir Hussain
53	Afia Begum	d/o DO	4	F	DO
54	Ahamed Ali	s/o M. Rasmat Ali	32	M	Md. Rasmat Ali
55	Amena Khatun	d/o Ohed Ali	40	F	Md. Ohed Ali
56	Jusnara Begum	d/o Ohed Ali	6	F	DO
57	Jahura Khatun	w/o A. Gafur Ali	30	F	A. Gafur Ali
58	Rukia Khatun	d/o DO	6	F	DO
59	Naimuddin Sekh	s/o Mali Sekh	60	M	M. Nijamuddin
60	Oliman Nesha	w/o L. Naimudin	56	F	DO
61	Taslima Khatun	d/o Nijamuddin	5	F	DO
62	Najimuddin style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>	s/o Taijuddin	5	M	Taijuddin
63	Fulbanu	w/o M. A Assaruddin	32	F	M. Assaruddin
64	Rahima Khatum	d/o DO	4	F	DO
65	Jahar Ali	s/o Late Tufoni Sekh	60	M	Miss Faijan Nessa
66	Gulabjan Bibi	w/o M. Akub Ali	32	F	Akubali
67	Rahima Khatun	d/o DO	4	F	DO
68	Rafikul Islam	s/o M. Mutabb Ali	2	M	Mutabbali
69	Jusnawara Begum	d/o M. Kasem Ali	6	F	Kasemali
70	Jainal Abdin	s/o DO	1	M	DO
71	Atabur Rahman	s/o M. Masu Sekh	6	M	M. Masu Sekh
72	Inas Ali	s/o Late Abbas Ali	50	M	Miss Khatun Bibi
73	Hasen Bano	w/o L. Kunja Mahal	60	F	Md. Abdul Ajit
74	Joyman Nessa	w/o Akbar Ali	40	F	Md .Akbar Ali
75	Mainuddin	s/o Do	7	M	Do
76	Asia Khatun	d/o M. Osman Ali	4	F	Md. Osman Ali
77	Nabi Hussain	s/o Jadumaral	60	M	Md. Abdul Ajit
78	Saitan Nessa	w/o Nabi Hussain	40	F	Do
79	Mukbul Hussain	s/o Do	6	M	Do
80	Anal Hoque	S/o Do	5	M	Do
81	Karanjan	w/o Jahar Ali	60	F	MD. Mantaz Ali
82	Nur Nesha	w/o Urmaj Ali	60	F	M. Casen Ali
83	Hasu Sekh	s/o A. Rahman	70	M	Miss Aher Bano
84	Ibrahim Munsi	s/o A. Sabar Ali	30	M	M. Sabar Ali
85	Sahed Ali	s/o style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>	70	M	M. Jahur Ali
86	Fuljan	w/o Sahed Ali	56	F	Do
87	Amena Khatun	w/o style=’mso-spacerun:yes’> Sahar Ali	30	F	Do
88	Sahar Ali	s/o Sahed Ali	40	M	Do
89	Shirajul Islam	s/o Shar ali	10	M	Do
90	Hazura Nesha	d/o Do	5	F	Do
91	Hasen Bano	w/o Ser Ali	50	F style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>	Md. Sher Ali
92	Romisa Khatun	w/o Md. Mansur Ali	58	F	Md. Mansur Ali
93	Sufia Khatun	d/o Do	14	F	Do
94	Md. Jiabur Rahman	s/o Do	3	M	Do
95	Safiul Islam	s/o Alauddin	3	M	Alauddin
96	Jamina Khatun	w/o Nuruddin	30	F	Md.Nuruddin
97	Mabia Khatun	d/o Do	12	F	Do
98	Afia Khatun	d/o Do	8	F	Do
99	Sufia Khatun	d/o Do	5	F	Do
100	Nurul Amin	s/o Do	2	M	Do
101	Ayub Ali	s/o Abdul Karim	35	M	A. Rohman
102	Hasmat Ali	s/o Tarif Shekh	80	M	Anjak Ali
103	Mahimon Nessa	w/o Hashmat Ali	60	F	Do
104	Babul Ali	s/o Abed Ali	25	M	Abed Ali
105	Omoron Begum	d/o Shiraj Uddin Ahmed	8	F	Shirajuddin Ahmed
106	Runa Begum	d/o Do	5	F	Do
107	Mina Begum	d/o Do	2	F	Do
108	Julekha Begum	d/o Do	1	F	Do
109	Jobbed Ali	s/o Momin Shekh	60	M	A. Malek
110	Nainjan Nessa	w/o L. Jabed Ali	50	F	DO
111	Hazera Begum	w/o A. Malek	38	F	DO
112	Fatima Khatun	w/o A. Barek	25	F	DO
113	A. Rohman	s/o Do	4	M	DO
114	Ambia Khatun	d/o A. Barek	3	F	A. Malek
115	Shamuj Bano	w/o Do	30	F
116	Romija Khatun	d/o A. Malek	2	F	A. Malek
117	jamela khatun	w/o Samsur Ali	50	F	*Md Samsur Ali
118	A Jalil	s/o A. Azid	40	M	Md. Giasuddin
119	Aisha Bano	w/o Jalil	30	F	Do
120	Aimon Nessa	d/o L. A. Jalil	5	F	Do
121	Abu Taher	s/o Do	3	M	Do
122	Shamarta Bano	w/o L. Ayab Ali	30	F	Do
123	Amirun Nessa	d/o Do	2	F	Do
124	A. Salam	s/o Md. Arfan Ali	18	M	Arfan Ali
125	A. Jalal Ali	s/o Do	13	M	Do
126	Sattar Ali	s/o L. A. Rashid	50	M	Md. Izul Hoque
127	Asia Khatun	w/o Sattar Ali	40	F	Do
128	Rahima Khatun	d/o Do	20	F	Do
129	Samsul Haque	s/o Do	5	M	Do
130	Sirajul Hoque	s/o Do	2	M	Do
131	Khudija khatun	d/o Md. Iman Ali	5	F	Iman Ali
132	Idrish Ali	s/o Md. Nur Hussain	13	M	Nur Hussain
133	Mirjan Bibi	w/o L. Satar Ali	70	F	Md. Lal Miya
134	Amina Khatun	w/o A. Jamal	25	F	Do
135	Shirozul Islam	s/o Lal Miya	3	M	Do
136	Muslemuddin	s/o A. Jamal	4	M	Md. Jamal
137	Tutamia	s/o L. Sahar Ali	35	M	Suloman Nessa
138	Rukia Khatun	s/o Tutamia	7	M	Do
139	Khusumuddin	d/o Thuhu Munshi	75	F	A. Latif
140	Nigamuddin	s/o A. Latif	6	M	Do
141	Hajera Khatun	s/o Aptor Ali	30	M	Aptar Ali
142	Anjuwara Begum	s/o Do	3	M	Do
143	Nujul Isalm	s/o A. Kadir	7	M	A. Kadir
144	Nobi Hussain	s/o A. Jabbar	4	M	A. Jabbar
145	Jamir Hussain	s/o Do	1	M	Do
146	Ismail Ali	s/o Shabed Ali	80	M	Ahamed Ali
147	Sahar Ali	s/o Ismail Ali	35	M	Do
148	Jaigon Nessa	w/o Do	50	F	Do
149	Hajera Khatun	w/o Sahor Ali	20	F	Do
150	Khatija Khatun	w/o Ahammad Ali	25	F	Do
151	Akal Ali	s/o Sahor Ali	12	M	Do
152	Sahidul Islam	s/o Do	10	M	Do
153	Sabikul Islam	s/o Do	8	M	Do
154	Hanifa	s/o Ahmad Ali	1	M	Do
155	Najima Khatun	s/o Do	7	M	Do
156	x:str=”Shalems Khatun “>Shalems Khatun	w/o Lokman Marol	62	F	*Mahomm.od Ali
157	Jaleka Khatun	w/o Mahammad Ali	25	F	Do
158	Salema Khatun	s/o Do	7	M	Do
159	Mannaf Ali	s/o Do	3	M	Do
160	A. Matin	s/o Do	1	M	Do
161	Ruful Amin	s/o Haun Ali	8	M	Hasen Ali
162	Hashen Ali	s/o Asya Sekh	10	M	Habia Khatun
163	Ajida Begum	s/o Abul Hussain	3	M	Abdul hussain
164	A. Khalek	s/o Hanif	80	M	Anuna Khatun
165	Sulaman Moral	s/o Akal Moral	75	M	Nur Mohammud
166	Hayten Nessa	w/o Sulamal Morol	50	F	Do
167	A. Khalek	x:str=”w/o Md. Ibrahim “>w/o Md. Ibrahim style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>	13	F	Ibrahim
168	Sarjan Bibi	w/o Samser ali	40	F	Samser Ali
169	Sufia Khatun	s/o Do	2	M	Do
170	Tolab Bibi	w/o Hijabuddin	40	F	Habijuddin
171	Abtaruddin	s/o Julam Husman	70	M	Amena Khatun
172	Sahoruddin	s/o Abtaruddin	30	M	Do
173	Shokins Khatun	s/o Saheruddin	30	M	Shaheruddin
174	Asaruddin	s/o Do	3	M	Do
175	Afia Khatun	s/o A. Hye	8	M	Do
176	Rukia Khatun	s/o Do	7	M	Do
177	Mo iom Nessa	s/o Samsuddin	30	M	Samsuddin
178	Anoware Begum	s/o Do	6	M	Do
179	Afia Khatun	s/o Mojibur Rahman	5	M	Mojibur Rahman
180	Ayub Ali	s/o Akal Morol	65	M	A. Anwar
181	Safarjan	w/o Ayub Ali	25	F	Do
182	Sirajul Isalm	s/o Do	7	M	Do
183	Usman Goni	s/o Do	3	M	Do
184	Ahoda Khatun	s/o Do	2	M	Do
185	Hason Banm	w/o Do	50	F	*Aynai Ali
186	Honufa Khatun	d/o Do	6	F	Do
187	Fulbanu	w/o L. Ali Hussain	24	F	A. Awal
188	Maimon Nessa	w/o Akub Ali	17	F	Akub Ali
189	Safia Khatun	w/o Akin Ali	26	F	Akin Ali
190	Jaynab Nessa	d/o Do	6	F	Do
191	Safiullah	s/o Do	3	M	Do
192	Fajila Khatun	s/o Fate Ali	3	M	Fate Ali
193	Kodbanu Bibi	w/o Taimuddin	25	F	Taimuddin
194	Safia Khatun	s/o Do	3	M	Do
195	Rabia Khatun	s/o Do	7	M	Do
196	Afia Begum	s/o Do	1	M	Do
197	*Rarid	s/o Hanifa	80	M	Amena Khatun
198	Mafiaz Uddia	s/o L. A. Gafur	32	M	x:str=”Makbul Hussain “>Makbul Hussain
199	Anuwar Hussain	x:str=”s/o L. Mofiz Uddin “>s/o L. Mofiz Uddin style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>	5	M	Do
200	Habiza Khatun	d/o A. Hamid	5	F	A. Hamid
201	Jarina Khatun	w/o Jahuruddin	44	F	M. Jahuruddin
202	Hasen Bano	d/o Jafar Ali	1	F	Jafar Ali
203	Amina Khatun	w/o A. Gafur	60	F	A. Khalek
204	Jalaluddin	s/o A. Malek	4	M	A. Malek
205	Pirjan Nessan	w/o Safaruddin	50	F	Safar Uddin
206	Habibur Rohman	s/o Do	6	M	Do
207	Sahera Khatun	w/o Maizuddin	32	F	Maizuddin
208	A. Jalil	s/o Do	10	M	Do
209	Maleka Khatun	d/o Do	4	F	Do
210	Rajia Begum	d/o Keramot	4	F	Keramat Ali
211	Nasir Hussain Munshi	s/o Habib Ahamed	75	M	A. Kalam
212	Khodeja Khatun	w/o Harjat Ali	2	F	Harjat Ali
213	Esahak Ali	s/o Do	5	M	Do
214	Mahorom Nessa	w/o Sabed Ali	42	F	Sabed Ali
215	Zahuron Nessa	d/o Do	22	F	Do
216	Mohorjan Nessa	d/o Jabed Ali	46	F	Do
217	Jahura Begum	d/o Do	7	F	Do
218	A. Khaleque	s/o Akkas Ali	32	M	Akkas Ali
219	Khudeja khatun	d/o Samsuddin	28	F	Samsuddin
220	Hazera Khatun	w/o Nurul Alom	22	F	NurulAlam
221	Begom Khatun	d/o Faizuddin	9	F	Suruj Ali
222	Aijan Nessa	w/o Rajab Ali	65	F	A. Awal
223	A. Islam	s/o Jamal	7	M	Jamaluddin
224	Hanifa	s/o Shah Ali	7	M	Sah Ali
225	Khudeja khatun	w/o Do	32	F	Do
226	Shahida Khatun	d/o Do	3	F	Do
227	Kaid Bano	d/o Suhab Ali	42	F	Surhab Ali
228	Habibur Rohman	s/o Do	8	M	Do
229	Lal Bano	d/o Matin Ali	13	F	Matin Ali
230	Lia Bno	d/o Do	11	F	Do
231	Md. Hafijudddin	s/o Imamuddin	35	M	Md. Mafizuddin
232	Mosa. Mazida Khatun	w/o Imamuddin	68	F	Do
233	Mosa kulchhuya Khatun	w/o Md. Hafizuddin	28	F	Do
234	Mosa Sahera Khatun	w/o Hafizuddin	20	F	Do
235	Md. Amiruddin	s/o Imamuddin	29	M	Do
236	Md. Harun Rasid	s/o Hafizuddin	9	M	Do
237	Md. Nabi Hussain	s/o Hafizuddin	5	M	Do
238	Mosa Nur Nehar	s/o Amiruddin	4	M	Do
239	Md. Rafiqul Islam	s/o Hafizuddin	1	M	Md. Mafizuddin
240	Md. Safiqul Isalm	s/o Hafizuddin	8 mth.	M	Do
241	Mosa Anuwara Khatun	w/o A. Sahid	50	F	Md. A. Khaleque
242	Mosa Sahera Khatun	s/o A. Sahid	7	M	Do
243	Mosa Nur Banu	d/o A. Sahid	27	F	Do
244	Mosa Khairun Nessa	s/o Ayakub Ali	5	M	Do
245	A. Hamid	s/o Huidali	80	M	Md. Bilal Uddin
246	Md. Ali Hussain	s/o Abdul Hamid	50	M	Do
247	Md. Raham ali	s/o Ali Hussain	7	M	Do
248	Md. Fajar Ali	s/o Ali Hussain	4	M	Do
249	Md. Alal Uddin	s/o Sukkur Ali	20	M	Md. Sukkur Ali
250	Mosa Upjan	s/o Do	25	M	Do
251	Mosa Fatema Khatun	w/o A. Kadir	35	F	A. Kadir
252	Mosa Halima Khatun	s/o Do	1.5	M	Do
253	Md. Innas Ali	s/o A. Kadir	7	M	Do
254	A. Nekim	s/o Do	22	M	Do
255	Mosa Samala Khatun	w/o Chan Miya	20	F	Md. Samsuddin
256	Amena Khatun	d/o Samsuddin	7	F	Do
257	Md. Sadagar Ali	s/o Surat Ali Munshi	70	M	MD. Hasen Ali
258	Mosa Sairan Nessa	w/o Lokman Hakim	60	F	Md. Mustema
259	Md. Jamaluddin	s/o Maharuddin	23	M	Md. Alaluddin
260	Mosa Amena Khatun	w/o Maharuddin	40	F	Do
261	Sahera Khatun	w/o Jain Uddin	27	F	Md. Jain Uddin
262	Jaleka Khatun	w/o Do	25	F	Do
263	Khairun Nessa	d/o Do	6	F	Do
264	Nur Nehar	d/o Do	2	F	Do
265	Basi Shekh	s/o Do	7	M	Do
266	Md. Abed Ali	s/o Khesa Shekh	70	M	md. Usman Ali
267	Amiran Nessa	w/o Abed Ali	55	F	Do
268	Raimun Nessa	s/o Abed Ali	25	M	Do
269	Rahima Khatun	d/o A. suvan	3	F	MD. A. Suvan
270	Jamiran Nessa	w/o style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>	40	F	Md. Mujibur Rahman
271	Abu Kalam	s/o Md. Munnas Ali	2	M	Md. Mannas Ali
272	Aisa Khatun	w/o Ajimuddin	30	F	Ajimuddin
273	Saleha Khatun	d/o Do	1	F	Do
274	Fatema Khatun	w/o Abdul salam	35	F	A. Salam
275	Fazila Khatun	d/o Abdul salam	4	F	Do
276	Marjina Khatun	d/o Do	3	F	Do
277	Iman Ali	s/o Isha Shekh	60	M	A.Kadir
278	Saleha Khatun	w/o Rabiu Ayal	22	F	Do
279	Jamena Khatun	w/o Qurban Ali	46	F	Qurban Ali
280	Md. Kasem Ali	s/o Do	11	M	Do
281	Alimuddin	s/o Sadat Ali	55	M	Abdul Hekim
282	Hasmat Ali	s/o Do	35	M	Do
283	Jamila Khatun	w/o Abdul Hakim	24	F	Do
284	Rashida Khatun	d/o Do	9	F	Do
285	Mazida Khatun	d/o Do	7	F	Do
286	Md. A. Kalam	s/o Do	5	M	Do
287	Md. Abul Nasar	s/o Do	3	M	Do
288	Afiya Khatun	d/o Sultan Ali	8	F	Md. Sultan Ali
289	Saharbanu	x:str=”w/o Amiru Uddin “>w/o Amiru Uddin style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>	19	F	Md. Amir Uddin
290	Alima Khatun	d/o Do	7	F	Do
291	Rehana Khatun	d/o Do	3	F	Do
292	Md. A. Hamid	s/o Julu Shekh	80	M	Md. Nuruddin
293	Maviya Khatun	w/o Nur Uddin	17	F	Do
294	Jamila Khatun	w/o Tamir Uddin	30	F	MD. Tamir Uddin
295	Saleha Khatun	w/o Do	27	F	Do
296	Furkan Ali	s/o Do	7	M	Do
297	Rabiya Khatun	d/o Do	5	F	Do
298	Safiya Khatun	d/o Do	4	F	Do
299	Nurun Nessa	d/o DO	3	F	Do
300	A. Sahed	s/o Do	4	M	Do
301	Md. Raham Ali	s/o Kasem Ali	60	M	Md. A. Karim
302	Rahima Ali	w/o Raham Ali	45	F	Do
303	Rahima Nessa	w/o A. Hakim	19	F	Do
304	Mamina Khatun	d/o Do	6	F	Do
305	Josnara Begum	d/o A. Khalil	6	F	Md. A. Khalil
306	Minara Begum	d/o A. Khalil	3	F	Do
307	Md. A. Maleque	s/o Jabed Ali	11	M	Md. Akbar Ali
308	Robjan Bibi	w/o Jafar Ali Munsi	55	F	Jafar Ali Munsi
309	Hajrat Ali Munsi	s/o Ahmed Moral	60	M	A. Matin
310	Maleka Banu	w/o Hajrat Munsi	45	F	Do
311	Halimon Nesha	d/o Do	8	F	Do
312	Jamila Khatun	w/o A. Gofor	45	F	A. Gofor
313	Hanufa	d/o Do	3	F	Do
314	Rahima Khatun	d/o Do	10	F	Habibur Rahman
315	Afia style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>	d/o Do	14	F	Do
316	Abul Kalam	s/o Ayakub Ali Munsi	50	M	Md. Khairul Islam
317	Hasamon Nessa	w/o A. Kalam	39	F	Do
318	Momina Khatun	d/o Do	8	F	Do
319	Idris Ali	s/o Sunaullah Shakh	90	M	Md. Rustam Ali
320	Jaida Khatun	style=’mso-spacerun:yes’> Rustam Ali	40	F	Do
321	Surhab Ali	s/o Do	12	M	Do
322	Fatema Khatun	d/o Do	10	F	Do
323	Molika Khatun	d/o Do	8	F	Do
324	Julhas Ali	s/o Do	6	M	Do
325	Honufa Khatun	d/o Do	4	F	Do
326	Sufia Khatun	d/o Do	2	F	Do
327	Sahara Khatun	w/o Do	36	F	Nurul Islam
328	Salama Khatun	d/o Do	3	F	Do
329	Khudaja Khatun	w/o Aub Ali	26	F	Aub Ali
330	Momotaj Begum	d/o Do	75	F	Do
331	Abdul Kadir	s/o Do	5	M	Do
332	Hazrat Ali	s/o Abad Ali Sarkar	55	M	A. Ajit
333	Sunabon Bibi	w/o Hazrat Ali	48	F	Do
334	Hasan Ali	s/o A. Mozit	8	M	Do
335	Abdul Hamid	s/o Amjod Ali	65	M	Rofikul Islam
336	Rahimon Nasa	w/o A. Hamid	45	F	Do
337	Jamina Khatun	d/o Do	12	F	Do
338	Raqia	d/o Do	8	F	Do
339	Firuja	d/o Do	5	F	Do
340	Ijalot nasa	w/o Kasam Ali	50	F	Nurul Islam
341	Toimon Nasa	d/o Do	20	F	Do
342	Isob Ali	s/o Do	35	M	Do
343	Honufa Khatun	d/o Isob Ali	2 mth.	F	Do
344	Barak Munshi	s/o Umad Ali	75	M	A. Suvan
345	Khudaja Khatun	d/o A. Hoque	2	F	A. Hoqe
346	Hormuj Ali	s/o Hasan Ali	8	M	Hasan Ali
347	Abdullah	s/o Do	3	M	Do
348	Foijan	w/o Rustam Ali	35	F	Rustum Ali
349	Innus Ali	s/o Do	2	M	Do
350	Alkas Ali	d/o Rasan Ali	13	F	Hasan Ali
351	Salamon Nesa	w/o Nosor Ali	45	F	Nasar Ali
352	Habibur Rohman	s/o A. Rahim	8	M	A. Rahim
353	Joigon Nasa	w/o Ijjot Fokir	60	F	Rajot Ali
354	Rohimon nasa	w/o Ummad Ali	50	F	Umab Ali
355	Sufia Khatun	d/o Do	7	F	Do
356	Kodorjan	w/o Ijjot Fokir	80	F	Abdul Hoqe
357	Gandhimon nasa	w/o Abdul Hoqe	9	F	Do
358	Haibur Rohman	s/o Do	4	M	Do
359	Ahmod Ali	s/o Ijjot Fokir	40	M	Gakir Hussain
360	Jubada Khatun	w/o Hussan Ali	35	F	Hussan Ali
361	Poranjan Bibi	w/o MAhi Shake	70	F	Do
362	Sahara Khatun	d/o Hassan Ali	4	F	Do
363	Ijan nasa	w/o Mohor Ali	28	F	Mohor Ali
364	Sangshar Ali	s/o Ahmod Ali	55	M	Safian Ali
365	Malaka Banu	w/o A. Mojid	25	F	A. Majid
366	Anuara Khatun	s/o Wasen Ali	20	M	Hasam Ali
367	Somiran Nessa	d/o Ibrahim Ali	0	F	Do
368	Morjan Bibi	w/o Momin	50	F	Soha Ali
369	Maleka Khatun	w/o Habibullah	40	F	Habibulla
370	Rabia Khatun	Do	35	F	Do
371	Afia Khatun	d/o Do	5	F	Do
372	Mirazul Islam	s/o Do	3	M	Do
373	Md. Jaiabur Rahman	s/o Ali Hussain	4	M	Ali Hussain
374	Saleman Nessa	w/o Sabed Ali	40	F	Raazuddin
375	Husanara Begum	d/o Do	6	F	Do
376	Katab jan	w/o Ayad Ali	50	F	Abdul Hussain
377	Kudeja Khatun	w/o Abdul	30	F	Do
378	Fazar Ali	Do	1	M	Do
379	Jayman Nessa	d/o Abbas Ali	25	F	Abbash Ali
380	Falani Nessa	w/o Abdul Rahim	20	F	Do
381	Abdusahed	s/o Amjad Ali	1	M	Do
382	Bibijan	w/o Falu Mia	35	F	Falu Mia
383	Asrab Ali	s/o L. Sarafat Ali	60	M	*Suruj Bahnu
384	Samatyu Bhanu	w/o Awal Hussain	60	F	Abdul Barik
385	Milik Jan Nessa	w/o Gulam Mustafa	20	F	Gulam Mustafa
386	Md. Jahur Ali	s/o Asimuddin	20	M	Asaruddin
387	Amena Khatun	w/o Hussain Ali	35	F	Hussain Ali
388	Nurul Islam	s/o Do	15	M	Do
389	Saidul Islam	s/o Do	12	M	Do
390	Sahera Khatun	d/o Do	6	F	Do
391	Sirajul Isalm	s/o Do	3	M	Do
392	Muntaz Ali	s/o Abdul Kadir	50	M	Narzul Islam
393	Saimen Nessa	w/o L. Muntaz Ali	30	F	Do
394	Sirajul Islam	s/o Do	7	M	Do
395	Hanufa Khatun	d/o Do	5	F	Do
396	Abdul Khalek	s/o Do	3	M	Do
397	Atabjan Nessa	d/o Rausan Ali	22	F	Rasun Ali
398	Halima Khatun	d/o Muntaz Ali	20	F	Do
399	Salema Khatun	w/o Nurul Islam	25	F	Nurul Islam
400	Nurjahan	d/o Do	4	F	Do
401	Sulema Khatun	w/o Muslimuddun	35	F	Muslimuddin
402	Sahabuddin	s/o Do	12	M	Do
403	Majeda Khatun	d/o Do	6	F	Do
404	Sahera Khatun	style=’mso-spacerun:yes’> Do	2	F	Do
405	Ful Bhnu	w/o Jamsar Hazi	40	F	Jalaluddin
406	Khatiza Khatun	w/o Abdul Awal	30	F	Abdul Awal
407	Baharul Islam	s/o Do	7	M	Do
408	Nurul Islam	s/o Do	2	M	Do
409	Anisujaman	s/o Abdul Karim	7	M	Abdul Karim
410	Rukia Khatun	d/o Do	5	F	Do
411	Hussain Ali	s/o Isabdi	95	M	Abdul Rahim
412	Sahar bhanu	w/o Hussen Ali	80	F	Do
413	Aimon Nessa	d/o Abdul Rahim	4	F	Do
414	Saleman Nessa	w/o Samed Ali	40	F	Samed Ali
415	Taharum Nessa	d/o Do	20	F	Do
416	Aijul Hoque	g/f Do	3	M	Do
417	Sufia Khatun	d/o Abdul Ajit	24	F	Abdul ajit
418	Januara Khatun	w/o Hanif	20	F	Hanif
419	Sahar Ali	s/o Inai Box	35	M	Allauddin
420	Subekjan	w/o Miachan Fakir	60	F	Ahed Ali
421	Naibali	s/o Suraj Ali	40	M	Aninal Hoque
422	Arina Khatun	w/o Naibali	25	F	Do
423	Ajgar Ali	s/o Abdul Hamid	1	M	Abdul Hamid
424	Nur Hussain	s/o Asar Ali	50	M	Moniruddin
425	Khatiza Khatun	w/o Nur Hussain	35	F	Do
426	Monjura Khatun	d/o Do	6	F	Do
427	Amiruddin	s/o Do	14	M
428	Abeda Begum	d/o Do	4	F	Do
429	Sabeda Begum	style=’mso-spacerun:yes’> Do	1	F	Do
430	Said Hanif	s/o L. Abdul Aziz	18	M	Abdul Rezzak
431	Akbar Ali	s/o Abdul Razzak	14	M	Do
432	Samiruddin	s/o Abdul Karim	6	M	Abdul Karim
433	Atabjan	w/o Ali Bepari	40	F	Abdul Suban
434	Jubeda Khatun	w/o abdul Kadir	40	F	Abdul Kadir
435	Abdul Kalam	s/o Abdul Rafik	1	M	Abdul Rafik
436	Abeda Khatun	d/o Atab Rahman	5 mth.	F	Atab Rahman
437	Rahima Khatun	w/o Ibrahim	17	F	Ibrahim
438	Miss Rokia Begum	w/o Gias Uddin	20	F	Gias Uddin
439	Miss Asmina Begum	d/o Do	2 mth.	F	Do
440	Amena Khatun	w/o Sharafat Ali	45	F	Sharafat Ali
441	Mofiza Khatun	d/o Do	7	F	Do
442	Aizul Islam	s/o Do	2	M	Do
443	Ismail	s/o L. Innos Mia	60	M	A. Hakim
444	Shamal Khatun	w/o Mofizuddin	40	F	Mofizuddin
445	Rofikul Islam	s/o Muslemuddin	5	M	Muslemuddin
446	Alimon Nessa	w/o Nekbar Ali	50	F	Hafizuddin
447	Sabed Ali	s/o L. Amjot Ali	60	M	Saib Ali
448	Hazira Khatun	w/o Sabed Ali	45	F	Do
449	Majida Khatun	d/o Do	10	F	Do
450	Amir Uddin	s/o Shahed Ali	15	M	Shahed Ali
451	Ful Banu	w/o Alimuddin	30	F	Alimuddin
452	A. Salam	s/o Do	5	M	Do
453	Shadot Ali	s/o L. Amjot Ali	60	M	Ajit Ali
454	Idris Ali	s/o shadot Ali	7	M	Do
455	Hushen Ali	s/o Do	5	M	Shadot Ali
456	Ful Banu	w/o Do	50	F	Do
457	Jamila Khatun	w/o Abbas Ali	20	F	Anjob Ali
458	Hazera Khatun	s/o Habej Ali	7	M	Habij Ali
459	Rohim Uddin	s/o Do	5	M	Do
460	Amena Khatun	w/o A. Jabbar	45	F	A. Jabbar
461	Ashok Ali	s/o Do	12	M	Do
462	Aiton Nessa	w/o Hashmat Ali	50	F	Adam Ali
463	Kulsum Bibi	w/o Adam Ali	25	F	Do
464	Shariful Rohman	s/o Do	9	M	Do
465	Nabiza Khatun	d/o Do	7	F	Do
466	Afia Khatun	d/o Do	4	F	Do
467	Nuruddin Munahi	s/o Kirat Ali	66	M	Assat Ali
468	Aisa Khatun	w/o Hashem Ali	29	F	Hashen Ali
469	Alaluddin	s/o Do	6	M	Do
470	Monora Khatun	d/o Do	7	F	Do
471	Minara Khatun	d/o Do	1	F	Do
472	Nurjahan	w/o Mainul Islam	22	F	Mainul Islam
473	Mozibur	s/o Do	9	M	Do
474	Hbibur	s/o Do	6	M	Do
475	Jalekha Khatun	w/o Akbar Ali	70	F	Ali Akkas
476	Jahura Khatun	w/o Ali Akkas	25	F	Do
477	Anuwara Khatun	d/o Do	5	F	Do
478	Janura Khatun	d/o DO	2	F	Do
479	Momtaz Ali	s/o L. Shadar Ali	80	M	Ajehar Ali
480	Fatikjan Bibi	w/o L. Momtaz Ali	60	F	Do
481	Jamal Uddin	s/o Ajahar Ali	5	M	Do
482	Rukia Khatun	d/o Sunnat Ali	4	F	Sunrot Ali
483	Jamila Khatun	w/o Rusmot Ali	40	F	Rusmot Ali
484	Kutub Uddin	s/o Do	7	M	Do
485	Jahura Khatun	w/o A. Hakim	50	F	Shahar Ali
486	Jahura Khatun	w/o Mannas Ali	35	F	Mannas Ali
487	Hamida Khatun	d/o Do	2	F	Do
488	Sulema Khatun	d/o Hashmat Ali	3	F	Hashmat Ali
489	Safua Khatun	d/o Do	1	F	Do
490	Firuja	w/o Ashu shekh	26	F	Ashu Sekh
491	Nia Hussain	Do		M	Do
492	Kulsum	d/o Do	4	F	Do
493	Kitabjan	d/o Hamid Ali	70	F	Intaz Ali
494	Khudeja Khatun	w/o Intaz Ali	30	F	Do
495	Kashem Ali	s/o Hashen ali	2	M	Hashen Ali
496	Amor Ali	s/o L. Rohmot Ali	25	M	Mamud Ali
497	Jahura Khatun	d/o Khaiurul Islam	4	F	*Khairul Isia
498	Safar Uddin	s/o Md. Hussen Ali	12	M	Md. Husen Ali
499	Salama Khatun	w/o Arpan Ali	28	F	Md. Arpan Ali
500	Jahura Khatun	w/o Do	26	F
501	Hanufa Khatun	d/o Do	8	F
502	Akowara Begum	d/o Do	3	F
503	Moqules Ali	s/o Do	1	M
504	Siraj Ali	s/o Do	1 mth.	M
505	Amir Ali	s/o Kurpan Ali	32	M	Piruja Khatun
506	Samar Ali	s/o Japar Ali	40	M	Suburi Khatun
507	Jaiman nesa	w/o Samar Ali	30	F
508	Amicha Khatun	d/o Do	6	F
509	Ramicha Khatun	d/o Do	3	F
510	Sakhina Khatun	w/o Shamsher Ali Hazi	55	F
511	A. Kadir	s/o Hasmat Ali	12	M	Hasmat Ali
512	Ramisa Khatun	w/o Kasem Ali	30	F	Kasem Ali
513	Halima Khatun	d/o Do	6	F
514	A. Kadir	s/o Do	3	M
515	Salemon Nessa	w/o Abdul Ali	28	F	Abdul Ali
516	Akbar Ali	s/o Do	3	M
517	Saleman Nessa	w/o Janabali	28	F	Janabali
518	Jharina Khatun	d/o Do	2	F
519	Marjan	w/o Abdul suban	35	F	Abdul Suban
520	Ataur Rahman	s/o Abdul Suban	6	M
521	A. Khaleque	s/o Azmat Ali	15	M	A. Rahim
522	Aimon Nessa	w/o Jamdar Shekh	50	F	Jamdar Shekh
523	Abdul Samed	s/o Kasum Shekh	75	M	Nur Mohammad
524	Maran Nessa	w/o Matlep	36	F	Matlep
525	Fakaruddin	s/o Do	8	M
526	Md. Samed Ali Fakir	s/o Abjal Fakir	63	M	M. Jalil
527	Md.Ramjan Ali	s/o Umar Ali	8	M	Umar Ali
528	Banesa Khatun	d/o Do	4	F
529	Saheda Khatun	s/o Md. Hamed Ali	1	M	Hamed Ali
530	Mafiz Uddin	s/o idris Moral	50	M	Rup Banu
531	Majeja Khatun	d/o Makkisuddin	12	F
532	Intaz Ali	s/o Do	8	M
533	Aphia Begum	d/o Do	3	F
534	Moiram Jan	w/o Ibrahim	46	F	Ibrahim
535	Md. Jakir Husain	s/o Abdul Rashid	16	M	Abdul Rashid
536	Asiya Khatun	w/o Hasen Ali	40	F	Hasen Ali
537	Naba I Shekh	s/o Basir shekh	60	M	Swahid Jan
538	Abdul Latif	s/o Jabed Ali	60	M	Jamila Khatun
539	Wahidur Rahman	s/o Abdul Latif	12	M	Do
540	Halima Khatun	w/o A . Maleque	18	F	A. Maleque
541	Jamila Khatun	w/o Marjat Ali	30	F	Marjat Ali
542	Kitab Ali	s/o Do	2	M	Do
543	Md. Ali	s/o Jabed Ali	7	M	Islam Uddin
544	Rustam Ali	s/o Abed Ali Bepari	45	M	Chan Banu
545	Safiya Khatun	Rustam Ali	7	F	Surhab Ali
546	Kulchum Bibi	s/o Nur Jamal	13	F	Hasen Ali
547	Abdul Kasem	s/o Nur Jamal	13	M	Nur Jamal
548	Maiman Nesa	w/o Mannat Ali	25	F	Mannaf Ali
549	Belu Khatun	s/o Do	4	M	Do
550	Jaigan Nessa	w/o Kasam Ali	30	F	Kasam Ali
551	Aisa Khatun	d/o Do	10	F	Do
552	Hamid Seikh	s/o Do	3	M	Do
553	Ajuban Nessa	w/o Innar Ali	22	F	Ianas Ali
554	Jabbar Ali	h/o Mallika Khatun	50	M	Mallika Khatun
555	Innas Ali	s/o Do	2	M	Do
556	Majiran Nessa	m/o Satar Ali	50	F	Sattar Ali
557	Asrab Ali	f/o Jamiruddin	56	M	Jamiruddin
558	Sadar Ali	f/o Hasen Bano		M	Hasen Banu
559	Nurier Khatun	m/o Do		F	Do
560	Nizamuddin	m/o Do		M	Do
561	Abdul Hakim Seikh	f/o Jabbar Ali	42	M	Jabbar Ali
562	Asaba Ali	s/o Do	3	M	Do
563	Abdul Karid Seikh	f/o Asia Khatun	60	M	Aisa Khatun
564	Anuara Khatun	d/o samsuddin	1 mth.	F	Samsuddin
565	Asrab Ali	f/o Supia Khatun	38	M	Rupia Khatun
566	Rahikul Nessa	m/o Do	32	F	Do
567	Jaheda Khatun	s/o Do	5	M	Do
568	Jonbarun Khatun	d/o Do	2	F	Do
569	Manik Jan	d/o Rustum Ali	5	F	Rustam Ali
570	Abdul Karim Ali	s/o Do	2	M	Do
571	Halima Khatun	w/o Ahamad Ali	18	F	Ahamad ali
572	Begum Saheba	d/o Do	2	F	Do
573	Khatiza Bibi	w/o Mafizuddin	33	F	Mafizuddin
574	Yasin Ali	f/o	30	M
575	Anuara Khatun	m/o Alaluddin	30	F	Alaluddin
576	Sahidullah	s/o Do	2	M	Do
577	Jahur Ali	h/o Mayman Nessa	50	M	Mayman Nessa
578	Sahara Khatun	h/o Rahim	30	F	Rahim
579	Gulam Hussain	s/o Rupchand	3	M	*Rapehand
580	Fazran Nessa	d/o Sufia Khatun	42	F	Sufia Khatun
581	Md. Hasen Ali	s/o Suruj Ali	57	M	Suruj Ali
582	Mosa Chan Banu	s/o Md. Jasimuddin	25	M	Jasimuddin
583	Md. Amir Hussain	Do	1	M	Do
584	Abed Ali	s/o Mannas Ali	50	M	Mannas Ali
585	Mosa Solema Khatun	w/o Innas Ali	25	F	Md. Innas Ali
586	Malique Jan Khatun	d/o Do	7	F	Do
587	Mosa Fazila Khatun	w/o Harjat Ali	28	F	Harjat Ali
588	Safiya Khatun	s/o Md. Taher Ali	10	M	Taher style=’mso-spacerun:yes’> Ali
589	Md. Fazila Khatun	Do	8	F	Do
590	Md. Ismat Ali	Do	5	M	Do
591	Mazada Khatun	Do	3	M	Do
592	Jaigan Nessa	w/o Ali Hussain	50	F	Ali Hussain
593	Md. Akbar Ali	s/o Moroj Bali	5	M	Md. Rajabali
594	Sirajali	Khatijei Khatun	50	M	Khatijai Khatun
595	Sahera Khatun	Do		F	Do
596	Amiruddin	Nurjahan Bibi	3 mth.	M	Nurjahan Bibi
597	Robana Nessa	Md. Quddus Ali	45	F	Md. Quddus Ali
598	Sahina Khatun	w/o Abdul Jalil	30	F	Abdul Jalil
599	Md. Babar Ali	s/o Umed Ali	60	M	Samar Ali
600	Mazida style=’mso-spacerun:yes’> Khatun	w/o Rahamat Ali	50	F	Abdul Hamid
601	Kad Banu Bibi	w/o Umed Ali	70	F	Abdul Jabbar
602	Ayesha Khatun	w/o Akbar ALi	50	F	Akbar Ali
603	Jamina Khatun	w/o Sabed Ali	25	F	Sabed Ali
604	Hisnara Begum	d/o Sabed Ali	7	F	Sabed Ali
605	Suffia Khatun	w/o Giasuddin	20	F	Maimuddin
606	Md. Ahmed Ali	s/o Gunjar Ali	50	M	Sarban Nessa
607	Khudeja Khatun	d/o Hussain Ali	7	F	Hussain Ali
608	Minara Khatun	Do	3 mth.	F	Do
609	Abdul Habej	s/o Dinaj Ali	55	M	Mafizuddin
610	Jamina Khatun	x:str=”w/o Abdul Habej “>w/o Abdul Habej style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>	45	F	Do
611	Md. Ainuddin	s/o Do	5	M	Do
612	Moriom Begum	d/o Amanulla	25	F	Amanulla
613	Fizubor Rahman	s/o Sukur Ali	12	M	Sukur Ali
614	Abbas Ali	s/o Manbollah Fakir	60	M	A. Islam
615	Jarina Khatun	w/o A. Falan	15	F	A. Falan
616	Maleka Banu	w/o Akub Ali	45	F	Akub Ali
617	Mafij Uddin	Do	5	M	Do
618	Hafiza Khatun	Do	3	F	Do
619	Amirun Nessa	s/o Akub Ali	1	M	Akub Ali
620	Sangshar Ali	s/o L. Turab Ali	85	M	Cheratan Nessa
621	Amrajul Hoque	s/o Sansher Ali	24	M	Parul Hoque
622	*Bbul Haque	s/o Shirajul Hoque	3	M	Shirajul Hoque
623	Kurjat Ali	s/o Rostam Ali	18	M	Rostam Ali
624	Taiman Nessa	Do	6	F	Do
625	Furkan Ali	Do	3	M	Do
626	Fulzan Begum	d/o Nurul Islam	11	F
627	Khairun Nessa	w/o Hasam Ali	60	F	Iman Ali
628	Anuwara Begum	w/o Isahaf	20	F	Isahaf Ali
629	Rafiqul	s/o Do	3	M	Do
630	Aitan Nessa	w/o Kashem Ali	40	F	Nurul Islam
631	Fulchahera Khatun	w/o Doilat Shekh	45	F	Md. Raisuddin
632	Abdul Jalil	s/o Do	30	M	Do
633	Ayesa Khatun	w/o L. Yakub Ali	27	F	Ayub Ali
634	Aiman Nessa	d/o Do	9	F	Do
635	Israfil	s/o Do	6	M	Do
636	Safida Khatun	w/o Jalal	15	F	A.Jalal
637	Abul Kalam	s/o Archab Ali	10	M	Do
638	Nurjahan Bibi	w/o Hamid	45	F	Momin Sarkar
639	Jaleka Khatun	d/o Do	9	F	Do
640	Innas Ali	s/o Do	3	M	Do
641	Latifa Biwi	w/o Jamal	40	F	Md. Jamal Uddin
642	Firuja Khatun	d/o Do	10	F	Do
643	Ramisa Khatun	s/o A. Mannan	4	M	A. Mannan
644	A. Rahman	s/o Basir Ali	50	M	Do
645	Rahera Khatun	d/o Abdul Mannan	20	F	Do
646	Iman Ali	s/o L. Hasmat Ali	32	M	Mosa Amina
647	Manuruddin	s/o L. Sabed Ali	60	M	Saleha
648	Rahima Khatun	d/o Nur Mohammad	3	F	Nur Mohammad
649	Abdul Rahman	s/o Do	5	M	Do
650	Jahanara	d/o Jalaluddin	5	F	Jalaluddin
651	Samla Khatun	w/o Samar Ali	25	F	Samar Ali
652	Kadbanu Biwi	w/o Mafizuddin	50	F	Md. Mafizuddin
653	Rajat Ali	s/o Akkabu Ali	55	M	Md. A. Matin
654	Hamida Khatun	w/o Rejat Ali	30	F	Do
655	Mehor Jan Biwi	w/o A. Matin	22	F	Do
656	Fakuruddin	s/o Do	6	M	Do
657	Ajimuddin	s/o L. Hamid Sarkar	35	M	Md. Saijuddin
658	S. Sarbanu	w/o Ajimaddin	25	F	Do
659	Jusnara Begum	s/o Samunddin	8	M	Md. Samsuddin
660	Sahera Khatun	w/o L. Hamid Saikar	65	F	Giyasuddin
661	Mosa Sultana Begum	d/o Hafisur Rahman	6	F	Md. Haquijur Rahman
662	Md. Emran Hussain	s/o Halimuddin	1	M	Md. Halimuddin
663	Mosa Rumesa Khatun	s/o Halimuddin	14	M	Md. Ashraf Ali
664	Jamena Khatun	s/o Ashraf Ali	30	M	A. Manunf
665	Jafiya Khatun	w/o A. Nanuaf	9	F	Do
666	S mia Khatun	s/o Do	3	M	Do
667	Amiruddin	s/o Do	1	M	Do
668	Kumala Khatun	Do	1	F	Abdul Jalil
669	Safiruddin	d/o Abdul Jalil	85	F	A. Mutalib
670	Khatija Begum	s/o L. Ismail	65	M	Do
671	Munsur Ali	w/o Munsur Ali	70	F	Md. Ramjan Ali
672	Kurful Jan Nesa	s/o L. Hanman Ali	50	M	Do
673	Ayesa Khatun	w/o Mansur Ali	25	F	Nurul Islam
674	Aijuddin	w/o Nurul Islam	2	F	Do
675	Gulesa Khatun	w/o A. Mannanl	28	F	Abdul Mannaf
676	Hanufa Khatun	s/o Do	3	M	Do
677	Fajila Khatun	s/o Do	1	M	Do
678	Safura Khatun	w/o Alimaddin	45	F	Alimaddin
679	Sahajan	s/o Alimaddin	5	M	Alimaddin
680	A. Saman	s/o Do	5	M	Do
681	Habibur Rahman	s/o Nurul Islam	3	M	Nurul Islam
682	Hanufa Khatun	s/o Md. Tutamiya	6	M	Md. Tutamiya
683	Mainul Hoque	s/o Do	4	M	Do
684	Marufa Khatun	s/o Do	2	M	Do
685	Banasa Khatun	w/o Samiya	22	F	Md. Sammiya
686	Amituddin	s/o Do	7	M	Do
687	Jamiruddin	s/o Do	6	M	Do
688	Mamta Bagum	s/o Do	1	M	Do
689	Asar Ali	s/o Iman Ali	4	M	Md. Iman Ali
690	Harjat Ali	s/o Do	6 mth.	M	Do
691	Jamana Khatun	w/o . Karim	32	F	Abdul Karim
692	Safiya Khatun	s/o Do	10	M	Do
693	Akbar Ali	s/o Do	4	M	Do
694	Sairul Islam	s/o Do	2	M	Do
695	Abul Nasar	s/o Akkel Ali	4	M	Akkal Ali
696	Abul Kashen	s/o Do	6 mth.	M	Do
697	Mariyam Nessa	w/o A. Mai	55	F	Do
698	Ahammed Ali	s/o I. salam	7	M	Do
699	Jaleka Khatun	s/o Subed Ali	13	M	Subed Ali
700	Sulema Khatun	Do	11	F	Do
701	Samla Khatun	Do	8	F	Do
702	Jushanara Begum	Do	4	F	Do
703	Diluwara Begum	Do	1	F	Do
704	Anuwaya Khatun	w/o Aptar Ali	25	F	Md. Aptar
705	Fajar Bnau	s/o Do	7	M	Do
706	Kamala Khatun	s/o Do	3	M	Do
707	Rafiqul Islam	s/o A. Bareque	6	M	*A. Barequ
708	Ayesa Khatun	w/o L. Nasaruddin	60	F	Md. Ismail
709	Majida Khatun	s/o Ismail	9	M	Do
710	Jamal Uddin	s/o Nasaruddin	22	M	Do
711	Jagir Hussain	s/o Ismal	5	M	Do
712	Amir Hamja	s/o Do	3	M	Do
713	Asiman Nessa	w/o Rahtman Shekh	30	F	A. Rahman
714	Hanufa Khatun	s/o Do	4	M	Do
715	Ainul Shekh	s/o Do	1	M	Do
716	Fulsum Biwi	s/o A. Shahed	3	M	Md. A. Shahed
717	Ahajali style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>	s/o Rajabali	38	M	Md. A. Ajit
718	A. Manaan	s/o Ahajali	7	M	Md. A. Ajit
719	Md. Nuruddin	s/o A. Mazid	8	M	Md. A. Mazid
720	Majida Banu	Do	10	F	A. Ajit
721	Jubed Ali	w/o Samsul Alam	52	F	Jubed Ali
722	Halima Khatun	w/o Aykub Ali	35	F	Aykub Ali
723	Guljan	d/o Do	15	F	Do
724	*Marfot Ali	s/o Do	10	M	Do
725	Joinul Abdin	s/o Do	8	M	Do
726	Jafor Ali	s/o Do	1	M	Do
727	Momina Khatun	d/o Akkal Ali	5	F	Akkal Ali
728	Maina Khatun	w/o Taiab Ali	30	F	Taiab Ali
729	Hasen Ali	s/o Do	14	M	Do
730	Madhumala	w/o Sultan	55	F	Sultan style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>
731	Suleman Ali	s/o Do	18	M	Do
732	Kasem Ali	s/o Nurul Islam	4	M	Nurul Islam
733	Firuja Khatun	d/o Najim Uddin	5	F	Nazim Uddin
734	Mabia Khatun	d/o Do	3	F	Do
735	Jarina Khatun	d/o Sirfat Ali	10	F	Abdullah
736	Habibur Rahman	s/o Abdur Rahim	11	M	Habibur Rahman
737	Abdul Rahim	s/o Salim Fakir	55	M	Nurul Islam
738	Rahimunnessa	w/o Gias Uddin	60	F	Halimuddin
739	Rashida Begum	w/o Halimuddin	22	F	Do
740	Kairul Islam	s/o Do	7	M	Do
741	Husneara Begum	d/o Do	5	F	Do
742	Baharul Islam	Do	3	M	Do
743	Rahima Khatun	s/o Salim Fakir	58	M	Suleman Ali
744	Chande Ali	w/o Abdul Majid	60	F	A. Quddus
745	Amina Khatun	s/o Chande Ali	52	M	Do
746	Kulsum Begum	w/o Hazarat	30	F	Hazrat Ali
747	Josnara Begum	d/o Do	10	F	Do
748	Aspiara Begum	d/o Hezarat Ali	8	F	Do
749	Rabia Khatun	d/o Muslemuddin	28	F	Muslemuddin
750	Abeda Khatun	d/o Do	8	F	Do
751	Afia Khatun	d/o Do	6	F	Do
752	Majeja Khatun	d/o Do	4	F	Do
753	Jaigun Nessa	w/o Rabiullah	18	F	Rabiullah
754	Kulsum Bibi	w/o NurulHAq	41	F	Nurul Haq
755	Kharirul Islam	s/o Nurul Haq	4	M	Do
756	Saidur Rahman	s/o Do	7	M	Do
757	Kulbanu	d/o Faraz Ali	14	F	Faraz Ali
758	Ambia Khatun	d/o Do	3	F	Do
759	Fatema Khatun	w/o Samsuddin	28	F	Abdul Gafur
760	Kasem Ali	s/o Kudrat Ali	7	M	Do
761	Saleha Khatun	w/o Junab Ali	22	F	Abdul Khalek
762	Jarina Khatun	d/o Do	2	F	Do
763	Jamila Khatun	w/o A. Salam	23	F	A. Salam
764	Jarina Khatun	d/o Jonab Ali	2	F	A.Khalek
765	Jamila Khatun	w/o salam	23	F	Salam
766	Harej Uddin	s/o A. salam	5	M	A. Salam
767	Hussain Ali Fakir	s/o Asan Fakir	60	M	Kat Banu
768	Matabjan Bibi	w/o Muniruddin	50	F	A. Hekim
769	Karim Ali	s/o Do	9	M	Do
770	Katbanu	w/o Rashid Miah	58	F	A. Akbar
771	Halima Khatun	w/o A. Akbar	28	F	Do
772	Firuja Khatun	d/o A. Akabar	28	F	Do
773	Nuruddin	s/o Do	4	M	Do
774	Nur Ali	s/o Do	1	M	Do
775	Sahera Khatun	w/o Faizuddin	50	F	A. Hashim
776	Matiza Begum	w/o Hassim	18	F	Do
777	Halima Khatun	w/o Khalek	22	F	A. Khalek
778	Ikramul Hussain	s/o Khalek	4	M	Do
779	Taraban Nasa	s/o Atab Uddin	38	M	Aftab Uddin
780	Sahad Ali	s/o Do	6	M	Do
781	Sajada Khatun	d/o Do	1	F	Do
782	Dulu Banu	w/o A. Kadir	28	F	A. Kadir
783	A. Rahman	s/o Do	5	M	Do
784	Somola Khatun	d/o Do	1	F	Do
785	Amena Khatun	w/o Osumoddin	48	F	Osumoddin
786	Sakina Begum	d/o Sirajuddin	16	F	Abdul Ali
787	Monabbat Ali	s/o Sabad Ali	60	M	Abdul Hye
788	Kadbanu	w/o Mohabbat Ali	50	F	Do
789	Fojori	s/o Do	7	M	Do
790	Sattar Ali	s/o Do	4	M	Do
791	Jonab Ali	d/o Shakandor Ali	55	F	A. Falan
792	Rupaton Bibi	w/o Jonab Ali	50	F	Do
793	Jusnara Begum	d/o Sultan Ali	5	F	Sultan Ali
794	Salimuddin Fokir	s/o Kudart Munsi	68	M	A. Jabbar
795	Rafik Ahmed Master	s/o Salim Fokir	36	M	Robiullah
796	Firoja Khatun	w/o Rafik Master	30	F	Do
797	Faruk Ahmed	s/o Do	1	M	Do
798	Fakir Hussan	s/o Khasu Shekh	9	M	Khasu Shekh
799	Safila Khatun	w/o Nisor Ali	50	F	Kasum Ali
800	Alekjan Bibi	w/o Kasum Ali	28	F	Do
801	Kulsum	s/o A. Hassan	1	M	A. Hasan
802	Alakjan	w/o Miraj Ali	18	F	Miraj Ali
803	Faijuddin	s/o Do	1	M	Do
804	Ummahani	d/o A. Mannas	10	F	A. Mannas
805	Monuara Begum	d/o Do	8	F	Do
806	x:str=”Kolsomjan Bibi “>Kolsomjan Bibi	w/o Intaz Ali	52	F	A. Hasan
807	Fatama Khatun	d/o Hatam Ali	14	F	Ajijul Hoque
808	Abul Kasam	s/o Do	12	M	Do
809	Jusnara Begum	d/o A. Hasan	8	F	A. Hasam
810	Jamena Khatun	d/o Iman Ali	3	F	Iman Ali
811	Asia Khatun	d/o Aman Ali	3	F	Aman Ali
812	Abdul Jalil	s/o Do	2	M	Do
813	Asa Banu	w/o Amjot Ali	50	F	Raham Ali
814	Sahara Khatun	w/o Momraj Ali	27	F	Momraj Ali
815	Nurjamna	s/o Do	13 mth.	M	Do
816	Malaka style=’mso-spacerun:yes’> Banu	w/o Gaji Rahamn	32	F	Gaji Rahman
817	Johura Khatun	d/o Do	15	F	Do
818	Fatima Begum	d/o Aptabuddin	14	F	Aptabuddin
819	Jaida Khatun	w/o Jaharuddin	60	F	Iddris Ali
820	Jahur Ali	s/o Alimuddin	23	M	A. Khalek
821	Jomila Khatun	d/o Kalu Shekh	18	F	Tutamia
822	Hanhjma Begum	d/o Tutamia	5	F	Do
823	Samsul style=’mso-spacerun:yes’> Islam	s/o A. Hakim	10	M	A. Hakim
824	Anuara Begum	d/o Do	4	F	Do
825	Nurjahan	d/o Do	6	F	Do
826	Hurijaman Khatun	s/o Do	4	M	Do
827	Gulbahar	d/o Do	1	F	Do
828	Haider Ali	Akbar Ali	7	M	Akbar Ali
829	Harmat Ali	s/o Do	4	M	Do
830	A. Khalek	s/o Alimuddin	12	M	Alimuddin
831	A. Malek	s/o Do	15	M	Do
832	Alauddin	s/o Jamir Master	35	M	Alimuddin
833	Ajir Rahman	s/o Nasib Ali	32	M	Abdur Rahman
834	Alekjan Bibi	w/o Miraj Ali	27	F	Do
835	Mujibur Rahman	s/o Do	1	M
836	Anuara Khatun	d/o Hasan Ali	3	F	Do
837	Nozuma Begum	d/o Hasan Ali	1 mth.	F	Do
838	Tahir Uddin	s/o A. Hakim	21	M	Mushida
839	Anjuara Khatun	d/o Sofiqul Islam	9 mth.	F	Somsul Islam
840	Salimuddin	gf/o Md. Eddris Ali	70	M	Md. Iddris
841	Kulsum	gm/o Akkas Ali	4	M	Akkas Ali
842	Salaha Begum	w/o Ismath Ali	40	F	Afsar Ali
843	Murshida Begum	d/o Do	10	F	Do
844	Jamaluddin	d/o Abdur Rahman	26	F	Abdul Rahman
845	Kulsum	d/o Do	8	F	Do
846	Kudeija Bibi	d/o Asrof Ali	24	F	Asaraf Ali
847	Abdul Rahman	gs/o Do	1	M	Do
848	Amina Begum	s/o Ismat Ali	12	M	Md. Ismat Ali
849	Md. Amjal Ali	c/o Hozrot Ali	20	M	Hazrat Ali
850	Saheran Nesa	w/o Abdul style=’mso-spacerun:yes’> Monnaf	50	F	Abdul Mannaf
851	Fuljan Bibi	d/o Do	15	F	Do
852	Nurjahan	d/o Do	8	F	Do
853	Ajit style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>	s/o Do	10	M	Do
854	Habibur Rahman	f/o abu Kalam	70	M	Abu Kalam
855	Safuran Nesa	w/o Do	45	F	Do
856	Kulsum	d/o Sister	10	F	Do
857	Hasmat Ali	b/o Do	8	M	Do
858	Abdul Hasim	b/o Do	5	M	Do
859	Juleka Katun	w/o Samser Ali	35	F	Samser Ali
860	Jamila Khatun	d/o Do	7	F	Do
861	Sahed Ali	s/o Do	6	M	Do
862	Abdul Kasem	b/o Do	3	M	Do
863	Abdul Hamid	c/o Shirajuddin Ahmed	20	M	Abdul Barek
864	Abdul Rahman	s/o Abdul Barak	48	M	Sirajuddin Ahmed
865	Safiya Khatun	w/o Nazim	30	F	Md. Kazimuddin
866	Ruphool Amin	s/o Do	3	M	Do
867	Fazila Khatun	w/o Hazrat	25	F	Hazrat style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>
868	Hormat Ali	s/o Do	4	M	Do
869	Samsul Hoque	*s/o Plar Box	30	M	Mosa Sahajan Begum
870	Miss Guljan	w/o Jamiruddin	55	F	Md. Alauddin
871	Halima Khatun	d/o Nazrul Islam	5	F	Nazrul Islam
872	Anuyara Begum	d/o Do	20	F	Do
873	Misss Joshnara Begum	w/o Md. Nurul Islam	19	F	Md. Nurul Islam
874	Md. Abbas Ali	s/o Imamuddin	5	M	Imamuddin
875	Miss Anowara Begum	w/o Aijmuddin	18	F	Md. Alimuddin
876	A. Kadir	s/o A. Gafur	45	M	Nur Mohammad
877	Nurjahan	w/o A. Kadir	37	F	Do
878	Nur Hassan	d/o Do	8	M	Do
879	Rasida Khatun	d/o Do	5	F	Do
880	Rahima Khatun	Do	30	F	Do
881	Md. Mannach Ali	s/o Md. Akkas Ali		M	Akkas Ali
882	Miss Habija Khatun	d/o Ahmad Ali	12	F	Ahammad Ali
883	Miss Monowaora Begum	d/o Do	10	F	Do
884	Miss Hasnara Begum	d/o Do	8	F	Do
885	Md. Abu Taheb	s/o Ahmed Ali	3	M	Ahammad Ali
886	Md. Alimaddin	s/o Nuimaddin	45	M	Md. A. Rahim
887	Safia Khatun	w/o Jalaluddin	18	F	Abbas Ali
888	Jharina Khatun	w/o Md. Rafique Ali	18	F	Rafique Ali
889	Rustam Ali	s/o L. Faijuddin	35	M	Sohrab Ali
890	Asia Khatun	w/o Rustom Ali	22	F	Md. Ismail
891	Marijan Nessa	w/o Taijuddin	70	F	M. A. Hye
892	Must Mumina Khatun	d/o Akkas Ali	2	F	Akkas Ali
893	Must Joynal Abedin	s/o Alimuddin	4	M	Alimuddin
894	Jinnat Ali	s/o Samiruddin	32	M	Samiruddn
895	Khursheda Begum	w/o Do	40	F	Do
896	Ruhila Khatun	w/o Iddris Ali	25	F	Do
897	Mumtaz Bagam	d/o Do	3	F	Do
898	Arfan Ali	s/o Sunamuddin	25	M	Sunamuddin
899	Formuj Ali	s/o Abbas Ali	55	M	Hasen Ali
900	Jahuri Sekh	s/o Tamijuddin	35	M	Tomijuddin
901	Abul Gafur	s/o Musim Uddin	13	M	Muslimuddin
902	Hasaruddin	s/o A. Hakim	26	M	A. Hakim
903	Banasa Khatun	x:str=”w/o Abdul Rajak “>w/o Abdul Rajak style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>	50	F	A. Rajak
904	Mehmuda Begam	w/o Moinul Haque	25	F	Moinul Hoque
905	Asmina Begum	d/o Do	2	F	Do
906	Abu Kasam	s/o Taijul Haque	7	M	Taijul Hoque
907	Mobarak Ali	s/o Do	4	M	Do
908	Aptab Uddin	s/o Sarog Ali	55	M	Fulbano
909	Mogbol Islam	s/o Aptabuddin	5	M	Do
910	Norneher	w/o Hasen Ali	20	F	Hosen Ali
911	Abdul rof	s/o Aptabuddin	29	M	Aume Kulsum
912	Aisa Khatun	w/o Abdul Rof	22	F	Do
913	Mofijul Islam	s/o Do	6	M	Do
914	Jomila Khatun	w/o Jaial Abdin	25	F	Md. Jainal Abdin
915	Hobibur Rahman	s/o Do	7	M	Do
916	Aiman Nessa	d/o Rajab Ali	55	F	Mostafa Ali
917	Jobeda Khatun	d/o Abdul Ali	5	F	Do
918	Johora Khatun	w/o Sokor Ali	25	F	Sokor Ali
919	Aisa Khatun	x:str=”w/o Sahab Uddin “>w/o Sahab Uddin style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>	25	F	Sahab Uddin
920	Kairul Islam	s/o Do	2	M	Do
921	Kodeja Khatun	w/o Abdul Hai	22	F	Abdul Hai
922	Abdul Barek	s/o Do	1	M	Do
923	Montaz Ali	s/o Somsher Ali	55	M	Abdul Motaleb
924	Norol Islam	s/o Ali Hussain	5	M	Ali Hussen
925	Somola Khatun	w/o Summeia	25	F	Md. Ausman Ali
926	Abdul Hekim	s/o Hosen Munshi	37	M	Hosen Munshi
927	Komied Ali	s/o Sabad Ali	70	M	Jainal Abdin
928	Sohora Khatun	s/o komied Ali	50	M	Do
929	Mollika Begum	w/o Rohul Amin	25	F	Rohul Amin
930	Abdul Islam	s/o Do	7	M	Do
931	Sadakul Islam	s/o Do	5	M	Do
932	Ais Ali	s/o Gulam Ali	65	M	Habibur Rahman
933	Kolbanu	w/o Aisa Ali	60	F	Do
934	Cherabe Khatun	d/o Do	29	F	Do
935	Aisa Khatun	w/o Mirgali	55	F	Moslemuddin
936	Aitan Nessa	d/o Do	20	F	Do
937	Abdul Hasien	s/o Abdul	20	M	Motaleb
938	Kul Banu	w/o Abdul Soban	50	F	Abdul Karim
939	Ambia Khatun	d/o Soker Ali	8	F	Sokor Ali
940	Nabi Hussen	s/o Abdul Sunan	5	M	*Abdul Sunon
941	Rahela Khatun	w/o Do	23	F	Do
942	Jakir Hussain	*s/o Kaliak	4	M	Abdul Kaliak
943	Kulsum Bibi	w/o Ayub Ali	30	F	Ayub Ali
944	Anuwar Rahman	s/o do	3	M	Do
945	Malika Begum	w/o Abu Bakkar	35	F	Abu Bakar Siddik
946	Hajara Khatun	d/o Do	25	F	Do
947	Nurjahan Nessa	d/o Do	9	F	Do
948	Ramjan Ali	s/o Do	7	M	Do
949	Rahmat Ali	s/o Do	5	M	Do
950	Aysa Siddik	d/o Do	4	F	Do
951	Munwara Khatun	d/o Abunasar	7	F	Abu Nasar
952	Rupbanu	w/o A. Halim	60	F	Rustam Ali
953	Rahela Khatun	w/o Taiab Ali	25	F	Taiab Ali
954	Nurjahan Nessa	w/o Samsuddin	65	F	Samsuddin
955	Anowara Khatun	w/o Safiruddin	35	F	Safiruddin style=’mso-spacerun:yes’>
956	Afajuddin	s/o Do	6	M	Do
957	Samela Khatun	w/o Muslemuddin	20	F	Muslemuddin
958	Majida Khatun	d/o Do	3	F	Do
959	Kadbanu	w/o Rustam Ali	60	F	Habibur Rahman
960	Barkat Ali	s/o L . Samtali Munshi	70	M	Md. Shirajul Alam
961	Chahina Khatun	w/o Barkat Ali	45	F	Do
962	Rupjan Nessa	h/o Samsul Alam	32	F	Samsul Alam
963	Rashida Khatun	sister of Do	3	F	Do
964	Sahara Khatun	d/o Jafar Ali	5	F	Jafar Ali
965	Jahura Khatun	w/o Altab Hussain	40	F	Ajit Ali
966	A. Swahid	s/o Do	12	M	Do
967	A. Saiyad	s/o Do	8	M	Do
968	Jahar Uddin	s/o L. Ahed Ali	50	M	Do
969	Jaher Uddin	h/o Fatema Khatun	50	F	Fatema Khatun
970	Afiya Khatun	d/o Do	9	F	Do
971	Ainul Hoque	s/o Do	3	M	Do
972	Apjan Bibi	s/o Do	60	M	Md. Quddus Ali
973	Jalal Uddin	s/o Raful Amin	35	M	Raful Amin
974	Nur Amin	b/o Do	3	M	Do
975	Hanoman Khatun	d/o Hajera Khatun	40	F	Hajera Khatun

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Anti-CAB protests intensify in Assam

Fri, 06 Dec 2019 11:29:04 +0000

The Times of India reported that amidst these reports, unrest in Assam has intensified and has further spread to Tripura. The central executive of All Assam Students Union (AASU) discussed in a meeting the feasibility of approaching the Supreme Court against the Bill if it gets passed in the Parliament and further receives the President’s assent, which will just be a procedural step. AASU’s General Secretary Lurinjyoti Gogoi said, “The government has gone all out to bulldoze the aspirations of the people of Assam and the rest of the northeast. They want to invalidate the Assam Accord by passing the citizenship bill on December 10, which is observed as Swahid Diwas in commemoration of the sacrifices made by one of the slain torchbearers of the Assam Agitation, Khargeswar Talukdar.” He further said that AASU is determined to take legal recourse in case CAB get passed in Parliament next week.

A meeting is scheduled to take place between AASU and representatives of NESO (north East Students’ Organization) to make plans to strengthen the movement against CAB.

An IIT-Guwahati professor, Swaroop Nandan Bora said, “I pray that this bill does not disturb communal harmony in the state. I believe the provisions of the Assam Accord should be adhered to because it is the one document that everyone accepted.”

Tripura

The Indigenous Nationalist Party of Tripura, BJP’s ally in the state, held a dawn to dusk protest on December 5 during which they blocked road and rail traffic. According to the party’s President, Bijoy Kumar Hrangkhawal hundreds of indigenous people across party lines joined the protests to protect the rights of tribals, as the controversial bill aims to grant citizenship to all non-Muslim illegal immigrants from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan, albeit, the main concern in the North east is of influx of people from Bangladesh.

Even Tipraland State Party (TSP) held protests on December 2 with a dual agenda to oppose CAB and to demand separate state for tribals in Tripura. The Times of India reported that during this protest, normal life was hit as vehicles remained off the roads and markets and government institutions remained closed. The TSP President, Chittaranjan Debbarma, said, “The indigenous people in Tripura have been reduced to a minority due to the influx of illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and other countries. If the CAB is passed and all illegal immigrants are allowed to stay here permanently, then the indigenous people of the NE region will slowly lose their identity and rights.”

Meeting with NE representatives

After the meeting with organizations from north east who were opposing the bill and the Chief Ministers of north-eastern states of Assam, Manipur and Nagaland, held at the end of November, CAB was reportedly redrafted. The bill is likely to exclude three States in the North-East with the ILP (Inner Line Permit) regime out of its ambit besides the tribal areas in as many as three other the Northeast States, namely, Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura. These are the tribal areas where autonomous councils and districts were created under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution.

The ILP is an official travel document issued by the Government of India to allow inward travel of an Indian citizen into a protected area for a limited period. The ILP regime is under the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation, 1873. Section 2 of the regulation says the ILP system is present in Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram and Nagaland.

Thus, what gets left out is the whole of Sikkim and Manipur as well as non-tribal areas of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura. Hence, the agitation is continuing and the exceptions to ILP and Sixth Schedule are being seen as a band aid to a much bigger injury that the entire region will have to nurse.

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36 Years Since the Massacre, People from Nellie Still Suffering

Sat, 09 Nov 2019 04:20:46 +0000

I’m in the village Borbari, at the Post Office Beltola, Dharamtul Police Station, Morigaon District. I am standing here along with my co-volunteers of CJP, Paulomi Baruah, Nandu Ghosh, Faruk Ahmed, Aftar Ali, and some other friendly volunteers. The village Borbari is famous as the region where, in 1983, more than 1800 people were killed by chauvinist forces during the Assam Movement. I am at the mass grave site where 585 Muslims were buried.

In 1983, maximum minors and women died in the same spot. Still, after 36 years, it is a poor village, mixed populated, where 1330 person are living here as per the Census of India, 2011. Among them, 606 are female, 727 are male, 237 are minors. Its literacy rate is much lesser than the national and Assam average at 66.24%. Total Scheduled Caste population here is 585 persons. Total number of house holds is 252.

It is astonishing that after the Nellie Massacre in 1983, as Borbari (the larger part of Nellie), where the biggest genocide all over the world witnessed in a single day—in this Borbari village, and other people were checked by various agencies,and it was found that each and every person who died in the massacre was an Indian citizen.

At present, each and every family, cutting across religious lines is having at least one or two persons who are D-Voters or facing Foreigner Tribunal cases. About 150 persons have been declared Indian in this village, but most of them (about 90%) of their names have not been included in the final NRC.

30-40% is facing repeat cases before the Foreigners Tribunal. It is an overwhelming situation. Specifically, there are women who are declared Indian in the case IMDT Case No. 695/2004 (Date of Order: 9/7/2014). In this case, those women were declared Indian but in a case of mistaken identity, several women were detained or declared to be foreigner. One of these women has been in a detention camp for the last three years.

In the family of Ali Hussein, Foreigner Tribunal cases were pursued against his brothers Rahul Amin and Noor Nobi, and his wife Halina Khatoon—all three were declared Indian but subsequently were all out of the final NRC list. It is blind discrimination: not one or two cases, but each and every family who have ties with the black history of Nellie, Borbari are facing FT discrimination.”

Who is An Indian: Voices from Assam

CJP is committed to defending all genuine Indian citizens: Zamser Ali

Politicians must stand up against NRC: TeestaSetalvad

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Why was Assam’s Nellie massacre of 1983 not prevented, despite intimations of violence?

Sat, 18 Feb 2017 08:21:39 +0000

A long-buried report submitted to the state government in 1984 tried to answer the question about the large-scale killings on February 18, exactly 34 years ago.

A still from the film, What the Fields Remember by Subasri Krishnan.

On February 15, 1983, a wireless message went out from the officer in charge of the Nagaon police station in Assam. It read:

“INFORMATION RECEIVED THAT LAST NIGHT ABOUT ONE THOUSAND ASSAMESE PEOPLE OF SURROUNDING VILLAGES OF NELLIE ARMED WITH DEADLY WEAPONS ASSEMBLED AT NELLIE BY BEATING OF DRUMS (.) MINORITY PEOPLE ARE IN PANIC AND APPREHENDING ATTACK AT ANY MOMENT (.) SUBMISSION FOR IMMEDIATE ACTION TO MAINTAIN PEACE.”

Three days later, the crowd moved in. On the morning of February 18, Nellie and 13 nearby villages were surrounded by mobs wielding country guns and machetes. For more than six hours, between eight in the morning and three in the afternoon, they killed around 1,800 people. The unofficial toll counts 3,000 dead.

But why was the local administration not able to prevent the massacre despite intimations of unrest?

Commissions of enquiry

In the aftermath of the violence, the state government took the tried and tested route. It set up a Commission of Enquiry on the Assam Disturbances in July 1983, headed by TP Tewary, an officer in the Indian Administrative Service. The terms of the enquiry were: “to look into the circumstances” leading to the violence that spanned from January to April 1983, “to examine the measures taken by the concerned authorities to anticipate, prevent and deal with these disturbances”, and “to suggest measures to prevent the recurrence of such incidents”.

The commission produced a sprawling, 547-page report in May 1984, having interviewed hundreds of witnesses as well as state officials. But the many layers of forgetting that fell upon Nellie also buried the report. It was never tabled in the state Assembly. For decades, its contents remained a closely guarded secret, with a few photocopies circulating among activist groups. It was only in the last few years, after an application under the Right to Information Act was filed by the Centre for Equity Studies, that the contents of the report entered the public domain.

The report concludes: “It is entirely unwarranted to give a communal colour to the incidents under enquiry.” It is at pains to argue that the motivations of the violence that occured in a three-month period were rooted in conflicts over land, language and ethnicity, in Assam’s old struggle to eject the “outsider” and restore the homeland of its “original inhabitants”.

It points out that in some parts of Assam, Muslims were the aggressors and Hindus the victims. In some areas, Bengali Hindus and Muslims banded together to attack Assamese villages. In other areas, there were clashes between tribal groups and ethnic Assamese. “If there is a Nellie there is also a Chamaria or a Malibari,” the report says, referring to incidents where Assamese Hindus had been attacked.

The violence that engulfed the state in those three months grew out of the Assam Movement. Launched by the All Assam Students Union in 1979, the agitation was aimed at “illegal Bangladeshi immigrants” who had migrated to the state in waves, settling on land that was in short supply and entering electoral rolls. Matters came to a head when the government scheduled Assembly elections in 1983, prompting the AASU to step up its agitation and call for a boycott. It divided the population into two camps, those who supported elections and those who did not, and violent clashes erupted.

But another story also emerges from the testimonies recorded in the Tewary Commission, that of an administration trying to account for itself and failing. However, the commission tries to direct attention to cases of individual guilt. For that fateful morning in Nellie, at least, the report narrows responsibility down to three specific officers.

February 18, 1983

In Nagaon district , where Nellie is located, the elections had been scheduled for February 14. About 40% of the district’s inhabitants were Muslim, many of them immigrants. The Assam agitation had shaded into extremist violence here, and the AASU had come into conflict with the All Assam Minority Students Union. The district had seen blasts and clashes in the three years leading up to the elections. So when the government decided to go ahead with polls, the deputy commissioner expected violence.

The administration was prepared, he said, with polling stations divided into three categories – “safe”, “moderately safe” and “unsafe”. There were preventive arrests of more than 1,000 people and 22 persons were detained under the draconian National Security Act. On February 16, the army was asked to help with law and order in certain areas of the district.

What, then, went wrong? The Tewary commission traces it to the wireless message sent on February 15. The officer in charge at Nagaon sending it had omitted to inform the deputy commissioner and the superintendent of police. So the district control room, located in Nagaon, remained in the dark. But the Tewary commission pins the blame on the three recipients of that message.

They included the commandant of the 5th Assam Police Battalion, who was also in charge of law and order in Morigaon, the subdivisional police officer of Morigaon, and the officer in charge of the Jagiroad police station. All three denied receiving the message, which was delivered to the officer’s wife in one case, languished on a table in the other and in a “put up basket” in the third.

But there was another intimation of impending violence. The same day, Hindu inhabitants of the village had complained to the deputy superintendent that they feared an attack. KPS Gill, then inspector general of police in Assam, had asked the Jagiroad officer in charge to patrol the area and form a peace committee.

On February 17, the officer had visited Borbori, one of the 14 villages that would be hit by violence. Residents there had asked him to post armed police at the spot but he declined, later saying he did not have enough men. The report refutes this claim, pointing out that reinforcements had arrived in time.

The next day, he got word of trouble in Nellie at 10.54am but chose to send two platoons of the Central Reserve Police Force. He followed hours later, claiming he did not know a path to the village. He also said he was forced to stop and rescue drowning persons in a river on the way. A barely veiled note of amusement enters the report at this point: “On that day, within a period of three hours he is supposed to have rescued two hundred drowning persons, indeed a miraculous task.”

The subdivisional police officer of Morigaon was also notified about the violence at 12.30 pm on February 18 but merely passed the message on to his colleague in Jagiroad. It is not clear what lapses the commandant was guilty of, apart from neglecting to check his mail.

The officer in charge at Jagiroad was suspended and the government ordered disciplinary action against him. The subdivisional police officer from Morigaon was suspended for 10 days but then reinstated. There is no record of action taken against the commandant.

For the deputy commissioner and the superintendent of police, the report has praise: their performance was “in keeping with the high traditions of public services”.

A few bad men?

Could the tragic events at Nellie been avoided if the three men had “been more careful with their dak (letters)”? For the most part, the Tewary commission exonerates the law and order machinery: “There were lapses of individuals but the system worked well.”
Yet its own findings contradict this statement. In almost every district, it is the same story – trouble starts with the AASU declaring a boycott and extremist offshoots of the agitation implementing it with violence. Roads were blocked, bridges blown up and phone lines cut. Isolated police officers, short of vehicles and unable to communicate, found itself unable to contain largescale violence. What system, exactly, was working well?

Disciplinary action, if it was taken at all, was largely restricted to mid- or lower-level officials. The report admits that “Lower formations of the police had a soft corner for the agitation.” Many of them were Assamese, and in some places they had suffered directly from the violence. Besides, four years of policing the agitation had frayed nerves and “demoralised” the police force. When elections were declared, many were reluctant to turn up for poll duty.

In Goalpara district, one senior official admitted that “certain administrative actions”, such as mass suspensions and physically forcing government servants to election duty, could have contributed to the violence. Indeed, it was in Goalpara that members of the Assam Police Battalion shot two sentries guarding a polling station on February 16. A crossfire had then ensued between the battalion and the CRPF, killing personnel on both sides. The incident had played a large part in undermining law and order.

Who is to bear responsibility for sending out disaffected, ill-equipped men to deal with raging mobs, for pressing forward with elections even though there were large-scale strikes among government employees? The Tewary report gives a clean chit to the state administration, even defending its decision to hold elections at that volatile moment. It also makes scant mention of the Centre, which was largely absent.

Yet in the years that followed, 688 first information reports were filed for the Nellie massacre, resulting in just 299 chargesheets and no prosecution – the state administration had not thought it necessary to press for justice. And then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was later asked why she had not responded promptly to the Nellie massacre. “One has to let such events take their course before stepping in,” she replied.

Grimly prescient words, given the events which followed the prime minister’s own death in Delhi 1984.

This article was first published on Scroll.in

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The culture of impunity must end

Mon, 31 Oct 2011 18:30:00 +0000

Courtesy: saddahaq.com

It is often said that India is afflicted by three Cs, all in capital letters: Casteism, Communalism, Corruption. The issue of corruption and Team Anna’s own peculiar recipe to deal with it have so hogged the headlines through most of 2011 that insufficient attention has been paid to another bill on the anvil – the Communal and Targeted Violence Bill – which addresses the other two Cs. In May this year the Sonia Gandhi-headed National Advisory Council (NAC) placed its draft Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence Bill 2011 in the public domain, inviting comments from the public. The draft bill now awaits the consent of the union cabinet before it can be tabled in Parliament. Meanwhile, the sharpest attacks, the loudest howls of protest against the proposed law have come from the BJP, other constituents of the sangh parivar and their political allies. The fact that communal organisations are so vehemently opposed to the proposed law indicates that something must be very right with what has been suggested.

It is true that some misgivings have also been expressed vis-ŕ-vis certain provisions of the draft bill by some allies of the Congress and a few others from within secular quarters. The rationale behind the bill is the subject matter of our cover story this month, in which the misconceptions and apprehensions of some secularists have also been comprehensively dealt with. Our limited purpose here is to draw our readers’ attention to an issue that Communalism Combat has repeatedly focused on, more so since the genocidal targeting of Muslims by the Narendra Modi-led BJP government in Gujarat in 2002.

The issue in question is the culture of impunity in the context of communal or targeted violence, which has prevailed in the country since independence. Reports of various judicial commissions – appointed by different governments from time to time to probe incidents of communal violence, fix responsibilities and make recommendations – have two conclusions in common. One, the violence was not spontaneous but the result of meticulous planning, organisation and implementation by Hindu communal bodies. Two, the police and the administration displayed anti-minority bias. The repeated recommendations by commission after commission on what needs to be done to pre-empt violence and punish the police officers and administrators guilty of dereliction of duty have gone unheeded. It is in this climate of permissiveness and the absence of accountability mechanisms that the culture of impunity has flourished.

As lawyer HS Phoolka – who for over two decades has spearheaded the legal battle for justice for the victims of the anti-Sikh carnage in 1984 – has repeatedly stated in recent years, if the perpetrators of 1984 had been prosecuted and punished, the 1992-93 anti-Muslim pogrom in Mumbai may have been prevented; and if the perpetrators of 1992-93 had been punished, the 2002 genocide in Gujarat may have been pre-empted. Not only have the perpetrators and errant policemen and civil servants never been punished; in the last 25 years we have repeatedly seen the state playing the role of mute witness, co-conspirator or even sponsor of mass crimes whose targets have been the country’s religious and other minorities.

It is against this backdrop that civil society groups have been campaigning, since the 2002 killings, for an appropriate law to bring an end to this unconscionable and blatantly unconstitutional state of impunity. It was in response to this persistent campaign, in which Citizens for Justice and Peace and Communalism Combat were among the most vocal, that in 2005 the first UPA government floated a draft – The Communal Violence (Prevention, Control and Rehabilitation of Victims) Bill 2005 – for discussion and debate. The bill elicited widespread criticism from the very groups and organisations which had been at the forefront of demands for a new law. To them, it was evident that the bill as it stood then would be worthless in preventing future massacres. A principal demand was that the new law should hold public servants – politicians, senior civil servants and police officers – accountable for their failure to control targeted violence. If anything, the 2005 draft envisaged even greater powers for the police instead of holding them accountable. In the face of all-round criticism, the draft was reworked but even the second draft was far from satisfactory.

In a welcome move, soon after the UPA-II government took charge in 2009 and the NAC was revived on Sonia Gandhi’s initiative, the council included a Communal Violence Bill among its priorities. The bill of 2011 is a result of that initiative. We need only add here that since both the UPA-I and UPA-II governments had in principle accepted the need for such a bill, they now have an obligation to ensure that the new bill sails through Parliament notwithstanding the expected resistance from the BJP and its allies. For the UPA government to delay or procrastinate on the bill – simply because, unlike Team Anna, the NAC members have neither threatened indefinite hunger strike nor issued deadlines and ultimatums – would be unfortunate, to say the least.

– EDITORS

Archived from Communalism Combat, November 2011, Year 18, No.161- Editorial

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Act Now – Why the Communal and Targeted Violence Bill must be codified into law

Mon, 31 Oct 2011 18:30:00 +0000

In 1998, five years after we launched Communalism Combat, we had pointed out, in possibly one of the first researched compilations on judicial pronouncements on communal violence, that from the first ever bout of communal violence in free India (Jabalpur, 1961) to the full-blown pogroms that followed some decades later, two characteristics typified the violent frenzies that frequently cost us lives and property (‘Who is to blame?’, Communalism Combat, March 1998).

Both characteristics hold good today.

One is the silent yet strident mobilisation by right-wing supremacist groups through hate speech and hate writing against religious and other minorities for months beforehand. Though these have always amounted to violations of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), they have gone unchecked and unpunished, creating a climate that is fertile ground for the actual outbreak of violence. The other major cause of such violence has been found, by several members of the Indian judiciary, to be the failure of large sections of the administration and the police force to enforce the rule of law, resulting in a complete breakdown indicating deliberate inaction and complicity.

Both these features combined each time – whether in Jabalpur (1961), Ranchi (1967, Justice Raghubir Dayal Commission of Inquiry), Ahmedabad (1969, Justice Jagmohan Reddy Commission of Inquiry), Bhiwandi, Jalgaon and Mahad (1970, Justice DP Madon Commission of Inquiry), Tellicherry (1971, Justice Joseph Vithayathil Commission of Inquiry), Hashimpura (1987) or Bhagalpur (1989) – to ensure that minorities were not just brutally targeted but also denied free access to justice and reparation.

The organised violence in Delhi in 1984, Bombay in 1992-1993 and Gujarat in 2002 took the levels of impunity for state and non-state actors to hitherto unknown heights. A historiography of communal violence since Indian independence thus reveals a poor report card on justice delivery and reparation. Today unfortunately, we have extant examples of victim survivors, Muslim, Sikh and Christian, still waiting at the threshold for the first stages of investigation and trial to begin decades after the crimes have taken place.

The newly drafted Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill 2011 (commonly referred to as the Communal and Targeted Violence Bill), which awaits a nod from the cabinet before it is tabled in Parliament, is an attempt to address the imbalance and the despair caused by over six decades of discriminatory justice delivery. Far from being discriminatory against the majority, it entitles any victim – whether from the majority or a minority – to a robust scheme for compensation and reparation.

The bill is legislative acceptance of the discriminations in justice delivery faced by sections of our population that have long been subject to communal and targeted violence. When citizens who are numerically weak and socially disadvantaged are attacked on account of their identity, institutions of governance – law enforcement and protection and justice delivery – most frequently act in ways that discriminate against them.

The Communal and Targeted Violence Bill seeks to protect religious and linguistic minorities in any state in India, as well as the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, from targeted violence, including organised and communal violence. Apart from including the offences listed under the penal code, the proposed law modernises the definition of sexual assault to cover all sexist crimes that heap indignity on the victims (including stripping in public, etc), not just rape, and broadens the definition of hate speech and writing already penalised under Section 153A of the IPC.

Most significantly, it deepens the definition of dereliction of duty – which is already a crime under the IPC – and for the first time in India includes offences by public servants and/or other superiors for breach of command responsibility. “Where it is shown that continuing unlawful activity of a widespread or systematic nature has occurred,” the draft bill says, “it may be presumed that the public servant charged with the duty to prevent communal and targeted violence has failed… to exercise control over persons under his or her command, control or supervision and… shall be guilty of the offence of breach of command responsibility.” With the minimum punishment for this offence being 10 years’ imprisonment, superiors will hopefully be deterred from allowing a Delhi 1984 or Bombay 1992-1993 or Gujarat 2002 to recur. The proposed law will also act as a deterrent to acts of complicity by public servants during smaller bouts of violence and awards fair compensation and reparation to victims when they do occur.

Positive and reasonable legislative steps to correct either the discriminatory exercise of state power or the discriminatory delivery of justice draw strength from a clear constitutional mandate. Article 14 of the Indian Constitution states that: “The state shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India”. Article 21 clearly places the responsibility on the state to ensure equal protection of life and liberty (and, by implication, property) and Article 15(1) provides that “the state shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them”. This is recognition that vulnerable groups may require protection from the state.

Every democracy is premised on the assumption that while the majority can take care of itself, minorities need special protection. Consider for a moment India’s experience in tackling communal violence (or its failure thereof) alongside our history of recurring bouts of targeted violence, when numerically weaker and socially disadvantaged groups –linguistic or religious minorities or Dalits or tribals – are attacked because of their identity. Throw into this analysis the review of the application (or non-application) of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989. And the reasoning behind the need for this law, applicable to minorities defined not just by faith but also by other criteria, becomes immediately evident.

“Minority” is not, or should not be, a rigidly frozen concept based on religion alone. The reality is otherwise, as our sordid experience of the attacks on Kashmiri Pandits in the Kashmir valley or the violence unleashed on North Indians/Biharis in Mumbai and Maharashtra or Tamils in Karnataka has shown. With the migration of populations and altering demographies, democracies need to develop sound measures for the protection of all the people. Jurisprudence through justice delivery and reparation through compensation packages must reflect this ever changing reality.

There is a simple way in which to make the proposed law applicable to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. The Jammu and Kashmir assembly must first pass a simple resolution addressed to the president of India asking that the law be made applicable in the state. Thereafter, it would require a reference made to Parliament by the president of India for amendment of the Jammu and Kashmir (Extension of Laws Act) 1956 so as to extend the new law to Jammu and Kashmir.

A law to protect the minorities draws its source from already existing powers granted to the centre, implicit in Article 355 of the Indian Constitution regarding the “Duty of the union to protect states against external aggression and internal disturbance” which provides that: “It shall be the duty of the union to protect every state against external aggression and internal disturbance and to ensure that the government of every state is carried on in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution”. This has generated considerable debate and will also be deliberated upon when the bill is put before the parliamentary Standing Committee. Detractors who speak only of India’s federalism baulk at admitting the ground realities during prolonged bouts of violence; such selective public amnesia negates years of bitter experience in dealing with outbreaks of majoritarian mob frenzy.

Over the decades the collective experience of civil libertarians and jurists at such times has been to ask for law and order enforcement to be temporarily handed over to the army. Assimilating this experience without impinging on the responsibilities of state governments to protect lives and property, the proposed law, under Chapter IV, envisages the creation of a National Authority for Communal Harmony, Justice and Reparation. The authority’s role will be to serve as a catalyst for implementation of the new law. Its functions will include receiving and investigating complaints of violence and dereliction of duty and monitoring the build-up of an atmosphere likely to lead to violence.

The National Authority cannot compel a state government to take action – in deference to the federal nature of law enforcement – but it can approach the courts for appropriate directions. There will also be state-level authorities, staffed, like the National Authority, by a process that the ruling party of the day cannot unduly influence. The monitoring of relief and rehabilitation of victims will be a major part of their responsibilities.

The creation of this new entity was incorporated in the draft bill after much deliberation with practitioners, including former judges who felt that without a body to supervise, monitor and properly intervene when smaller but recurring bouts of communal and targeted violence take place, state governments would continue to be lax, as we have seen even recently in Bihar (Forbesganj, June) Rajasthan (Bharatpur, September) and Uttarakhand (Rudrapur, October 2011).

The powers of this authority are recommendatory and in no way violate federal principles. Similarly, the state-level authorities have also been created in order to facilitate district-level inputs towards the prevention of violence and its containment as well as justice delivery. Moreover, the National Authority has no power to issue binding orders against any state government except for the purposes of providing information. The National Authority is only empowered to issue advisories and recommendations with which the concerned state government/public servants may disagree, the only condition being that the reasons for such disagreement must be recorded.

Since mid-2011 when the National Advisory Council (NAC) invited comments on the draft bill, many voices have been raised expressing concerns about some basic precepts of the proposed law. These concern, in the main, the definition of the victim group – religious and linguistic minorities and scheduled castes and scheduled tribes – and the creation of a National Authority to monitor the build-up and occurrence of targeted and communal violence, issue advisories, extract replies from the state governments and intervene in courts hearing the cases. The provisions on witness protection, the rights of victims during trials and the thorough scheme of compensation and reparation have been largely welcomed.

There are two questions of concern expressed among those, across the ideological spectrum, who have objected to the draft bill’s definition of the victim group. One of these voices disquiet about a law which, if it comes into existence, will divide people on the basis of minority and majority. The second objection is sharper; it asks whether a law premised on the assumption that a minority has never committed or will never commit acts of violence can be just or fair. It comes as no surprise that the second criticism was first made through an article by Arun Jaitley, the leader of the opposition in the Rajya Sabha who is also a senior lawyer. Others who have vociferously echoed Jaitley’s criticism – with the sole exception of Tamil Nadu chief minister Jayalalithaa who is also dead against the law – belong to India’s main opposition party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), or are among its votaries. Lending voice to this criticism is the ideological fountainhead of the BJP, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and its affiliates, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and the Bajrang Dal.

Other protests against the bill have come from the leaders of some regional parties, such as West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee of the Trinamool Congress who appears to be more concerned with the role of the centre/National Authority under the proposed law and how this may impinge on the rights of state governments.

Let us first address the concern relating to the definition of the victim group.

Democracies, based as they are on electoral and representative politics, reflect the voice of different sections but do also privilege the majority. This majority is not always religious; it could be from a certain social stratum or caste or committed to a certain ideology. At their best, democracies maintain the balance of power while always giving space and protection to the minority voice, the single voice. Short of this delicate balance, democracy can tip over into the rule of the mob, a mobocracy. Values of constitutional governance, equality for all, especially equality before the law, are principles that could fall by the wayside when mob rule takes over. Can we in India – looking back with candour – accept that we have collectively succumbed to the rule of the mob?

While we rightly celebrate elections as a fundamental reaffirmation of the vibrant, live democracy that India is, the power of every individual’s right to vote can and has been subverted by the manifestation and legitimisation of brute majority power through the same electoral process that we celebrate.

Sober reflection reminds us that even while we cringe at categories like majority and minority, the anomalies of the very electoral victories we celebrate must force us to reconsider our views. Mass crimes have sat comfortably with electoral politics in India. And electoral discourse seems reluctant to propagate the principles of justice for all and discrimination against none.

Let us recall a moment in our history. In November 1984, within a short and bloody spell lasting about 72 hours, more than 3,000 Sikh residents of Delhi were massacred in cold blood. When Parliament convened in January the following year, no official condolence motion was moved to mark the massacre. And what is worse, among those who sat in the wells of the lower house, having ridden to victory in elections held just a month earlier, were Congress leaders HKL Bhagat, Jagdish Tytler and Lalit Maken, men who, along with Sajjan Kumar, had been named as guilty of inciting mobs by the People’s Union for Civil Liberties and People’s Union for Democratic Rights in their 1984 report ‘Who are the Guilty?’. (This was later corroborated by the testimonies and affidavits of victim survivors.)

Twenty-seven years have passed since then.

The four politicians identified as perpetrators of the 1984 Sikh massacres have never been punished. Instead, three of them were elected to Parliament within a month of the violence, from the city where they were accused of leading mobs, signalling democratic sanction for the brutal massacres. They had not only been given tickets by the ruling Congress party but Hindu voters, expressing brute majority support for their actions, had voted them in.

Should this brute democratic sanction of mob violence by the majority have gone legislatively unchecked?

Should Indian democracy not rise above political and partisan interests and enact a law that ensures protection of its minorities?

Following a similar pattern, those named as perpetrators of the violence against innocent Muslims in Bombay in 1992-1993 by Justice BN Srikrishna in his report on the post-Babri Masjid demolition violence in Bombay – Bal Thackeray’s Shiv Sena and its leaders – rode to power in the state of Maharashtra in 1995. Shiv Sena leader Madhukar Sarpotdar was elected member of Parliament from the Mumbai North-west constituency in 1996 and again in 1998. The man elected had been named in the Srikrishna Commission report as leading mobs, as was Gajanan Kirtikar, the Sena leader from Goregaon. The judge’s report also indicted 31 policemen who, instead of being prosecuted and punished, were elevated by a cynical Congress-Nationalist Congress Party regime that has ruled the state since 1999.

The genocide in Gujarat in 2002 and the near decade since has taken the “democratic” sanction for mob violence to new heights. The Concerned Citizens Tribunal – Gujarat 2002 in its findings held chief minister Narendra Modi to be “the chief author and architect” of the state-sponsored genocide. Modi not only rode to power in December 2002 and again in 2007 but he and the party that he represents have also shamelessly used these electoral victories to erase his guilt in the massacres. As chief minister and home minister, he is responsible for the subversion of justice in many pending cases and faces the possibility of being charge-sheeted as the main accused in a criminal complaint. The offences are as serious as destruction of official records and the appointment of public prosecutors with an ideological affiliation to the very groups that perpetrated the violence.

Here constitutional governance has been held to ransom by the very aspects of democracy, the electoral politics that we celebrate. Unchecked with each bout of violence, the subversion of the justice process has reached an all-time high. When majoritarianism creeps into systems of governance, legislative checks like those contained in the Communal and Targeted Violence Bill become vital.

It is therefore evident that one of the greatest challenges of our time – though by no means the only one – is how we in India equally protect all citizens. Can we safely say that there is no bias in the delivery of justice? Can we deny that during periodic bouts of targeted and communal violence over the years it is the minorities who have suffered the greatest loss of lives and property and who have also been denied justice? And that the perpetrators of such targeted crimes have got away unpunished?

Nowhere does the Communal and Targeted Violence Bill make the assumption that targeted violence can never be perpetrated by a minority group. There is no denying that in, say, Marad (Kerala), Malegaon (Maharashtra) or Bhiwandi (Maharashtra), Muslims were rioters. The bill simply reflects a legislative acknowledgement that when such incidents do occur, the police and the administration will behave in accordance with existing laws and will not fail to record accurate first information reports (FIRs), carry out thorough investigations and prosecute the guilty – which has been the sorry record of communal and targeted violence in India to date. If the criminal justice system is tardy and floundering for all Indians, when it comes to those in the minority, it is that much worse.

Hence the bill through its definition provisions provides that apart from the sections relating to remedy and reparation, all aspects that involve higher performance from the policeman and administrator are made applicable only if the victim is a member of the defined group. To ensure fair and non-discriminatory governance, the protected group comprises the religious and linguistic minorities and scheduled castes and scheduled tribes.

In 2009 about 50 Dalit organisations had collectively reviewed the functioning of the 20-year-old Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989. In the course of this review, it was identified that among the many factors responsible for the failure in the act’s implementation was the absence of any provisions for pinning down the accountability of public servants. This coupled with the fact that in the caste hierarchy, scheduled castes and scheduled tribes represent the most deprived minority was the rationale for their inclusion in the protected group in the proposed law.

Apart from the Atrocities Act, we have in place the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act 2005 which was also a special legislative response to social reality and experience. Until this law was enacted, the amended Section 498A of the IPC was the section of criminal law invoked when domestic violence against women occurred. Many of those who had opposed the empowerment of women through this amendment had long argued for the repeal of Section 498A on the grounds that it had in a few cases been abused. Fortunately, the facts on the ground carried the day.

The BJP through Jaitley has also sought to project communal violence as a mere “law and order” problem even as it conveniently disregards the crucial element that allows communal violence to occur in the first instance, intensify in the second and fail to deliver justice in the third. They are equally outraged that the proposed law recommends that four of the seven members of the National Authority should, in the interests of representative governance, belong to minority communities.

The crucial component mentioned above – administrative and police bias – is blithely overlooked in Jaitley’s outraged arguments. This should come as no surprise, since his party rose to power on a wave of majoritarian mob frenzy and the crimes committed by BJP leaders (including a former deputy prime minister) in Faizabad-Ayodhya in 1992 and Gujarat in 2002 – to give only two examples – reflected the impunity of men secure in the knowledge that institutional tardiness and majoritarian bias would assist them in escaping prosecution. And punishment.

At a more intellectual level, the arguments proffered by sociopolitical commentator Ashutosh Varshney also appear to be mired in a frozen reality, three decades old. Unlike in the 1960s and 1970s when communal violence generally occurred in communally sensitive cities like Bhiwandi, Ahmedabad, Aligarh, etc – a hypothesis that Varshney uses – communal violence and serious eruptions of mob frenzy are today spreading to rural India and to towns and cities hitherto free from this malaise. A major reason for this is the widespread currency of majoritarian communalism which accompanied the BJP’s rise to power together with the moral failure of the “secular” Congress or the left to tackle the ideological onslaught. This encroachment by the majority, brutish and arrogant, has crept into our systems of governance, the administration and the police. While the proposed Communal and Targeted Violence Bill in no way pretends or purports to tackle the scourge of irrationality and prejudice, it certainly aims to hold to account those public servants who fail to abide by Articles 14 and 21 of the Indian Constitution, to protect the lives and liberties of innocent victims who are targeted simply because they belong to a minority group.

It is imperative that those concerned with justice and reparation join the campaign for the restoration of fair debate. Currently the proposed law has become the victim of hysterical propaganda – led, unsurprisingly, by players whose political trajectory gained momentum by legitimising irrational prejudice and even hatred, who rose to power on the wings of communal mob frenzy.

To enable a reasoned rational discourse on a long overdue law, the Communal and Targeted Violence Bill must be tabled in Parliament and be put before a Standing Committee forthwith. Any anomalies within it can be ironed out at that stage. We must not allow this process to be derailed by the same cynical political players who have gained political brownie points and mileage through the spread of hatred and the generation of mob frenzy.

Archived from Communalism Combat, November 2011,Year 18, No.161, Cover Story

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