In the 2024 general elections, the decline of the electoral clout of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its failure to reach the majority mark sparked hope that the democratic decline in values of pluralism and diversity may see a recovery.

During the elections, himself having realised that Ram Temple magic is no longer effective, Narendra Modi resorted to divisive language all through. He blamed the INDIA bloc for doing mujra (a bowing salutation, in Muslim tradition) for the minorities, whom they want to please. It was also said that the INDIA bloc will change the Constitution to take away reservations of SC/ST/OBC and give it to the Muslims.

To add further punch to his rhetoric, the prime minister frightened the Hindu majority by saying that Hindu women’s mangalsutra (chain indicating the marital status of some Hindu communities) will also be taken away and given to Muslims, among other such derogatory issues. As the matters stood, this hate speech failed to benefit the BJP, and it slid down from 303 seats to 240 in the Lok Sabha.

This gave hope that now minorities will be targeted less often and an atmosphere of amity may get promoted. The developments of the past few weeks in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), led by the BJP, have dashed this hope. The statements and actions of the saffron party leaders and the government in the BJP-ruled states show that they will pursue their old tactics as far as possible.

Hemant Biswa Sarma, Assam chief minister, notorious for such outpouring, stated that Assam will soon become a Muslim majority state. As per him, the percentage of Muslims in 1951 was 12% (later he revised this figure to 14%) and now Muslims are 40% of the state population. His figures are totally fake, intended to stir up fear and alarm among Hindus. The percentage of Muslim population in 1951 was 24.68% as per census figures and as per 2011 census figures Muslims in Assam are 34.22%. Old habits die hard for many. A classic case is here to be witnessed.

In West Bengal, where the BJP bit the dust coming down from existing 18 MP seats to 12 this time, party leader Suvendu Adhikari put the blame of BJP’s decline on Muslims, and proclaimed: “We do not need to talk about Sabka Saath and Sabka Vikas (everybody’s development, taking along everybody). We will decide who supports us, and we will support them. Stop this talk of Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas.” Many from the BJP stable disowned his statement, but Adhikari’s words and tenor reveals the real political goals of this party.

To cap it all, in Muzaffarnagar, the deputy inspector general of police (DIG) issued instructions that on the route of the Kanwar Yatra (a holy procession devoted to Lord Shiva), all the eateries, stalls and hotels should display the names of owner and workers right in front.

Notably, the Supreme Court on Monday (July 21) stayed these directions issued by the Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand governments, that directed eateries in Kanwar Yatra route to display names. A bench of Justices Hrishikesh Roy and S.V.N. Bhatti passed an interim order prohibiting the enforcement of the government directives.

As per the directive that was issued by the Uttar Pradesh local administration, “All the food outlets, eateries and food joints across the state will have to put up a ‘nameplate’, displaying the names of owners/proprietors and staff members.”

“This has been done to maintain the ‘purity of faith’ for Hindu devotees who undertake the Kanwar Yatra, in the month of Shravan (a holy month as per the Hindu calendar),” the administration had claimed, justifying the move. Uttarakhand had joined Uttar Pradesh in announcing the rule, and multiple other BJP-governed states were set to follow suit, signalling a broader adoption of this policy.

Statements and actions of saffron party leaders of BJP-ruled states show that they will pursue their old anti-minority tactics

In the face of criticism, the state administration added that this has to be done voluntarily. This is a very interesting order, where does the volition exist for those who are supposed to follow it? The honourable prime minister, the supreme leader has maintained a stoic silence on this order, indicating that this is the policy of the party. This move has been criticised by the BJP’s NDA allies like Janata Dal United (JD-U), Lok Janshakti Party (LJP-Ramvilas Pasvan), among others. This is a case where we come to know that in the coalition, the allies of the BJP don’t matter to the prime minister, and the BJP will rule the roost.

However, this is probably the most divisive step taken by the BJP. Already Muslims employees of Hindu establishments on the route have been laid off. The whole notion of purity and pollution should not be applicable in present times. The Kanwar Yatra from Haridwar to the local Shiva temples is a fairly old phenomenon. It became more prominent during the last few decades, from 1980s onwards, quite in tune with the rise of politics in the name of religion, beginning with the Ram Temple movement. Now lakhs and lakhs of people participate in it.

Let’s imagine the implications of such a directive. Most commentators recalled the apartheid regimes of South Africa and Nazi Germany. In Nazi Germany, the Jews were on the receiving end of fascist politics. They were asked to display the ‘Star of David’ in front of their establishments and wear the same on their body. Their persecution became easy as already their establishments could be easily identified. On the Kanwar route the step seems to be an anticipatory one and it is likely that the BJP in other states, on other pretext may find this an easy way to identify Muslims.

At present, it seems that sectarian politics has deep roots in the body politic of the nation. Electorally defeating this party and its opportunist allies is a mere first step to restore pluralism in the country. The targeting of Muslim community is also running parallel to decline in their political representation. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh-BJP (RSS-BJP) ideologues are arguing that they tried to de-communalise Muslim politics.

It is a hoax as the present episode shows. Still they are totally silent on why the BJP does not have a single Muslim MP in Lok Sabha, not a single Muslim minister in the Cabinet at any level. They argue that now the BJP is trying to link with the Pasmanda Muslims. Do they realise who is the biggest victim of the BJP’s politics? Just in the case of the present Kanwar Yatra episode, one can tell that the Pasmanda Muslims would have been the biggest losers with the present move of the BJP, if the apex court didn’t stay the directions.

One feels the INDIA coalition should vociferously oppose such a move of the BJP as it is imperative that the inclusive values have to be brought to forefront to confront such regressive policies aiming at further splitting the society and taking one more step towards a Hindu nation.

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Courtesy: https://www.counterview.net

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Such appeals are based on half truths and ignore the core problem which shapes the lives of Muslims in India. True, some elite Muslims may not be facing the problems so severely, but overall the central issue of insecurity, marginalization and ghettoization as a whole is not accounted for in such appeals.

The point that there is no major violence against Muslims since 2014 is a blatant lie. The horrific Delhi violence in the aftermath of massive Shaheen Baugh movement, instigated by BJP worthies (“goli maro”, and “we will get them removed from the place of dharna”) led to the death of 51 people, 37 of those being Muslims.

Day in and day out bulldozers are on the streets to target the Muslim properties on one or the other pretexts. In BJP-ruled states there seems to be a competition as to who can inflict more damage to Muslim properties. AP Shah, a retired chief justice of the Delhi High Court, reportedly affirmed, “Mere alleged involvement in criminal activity cannot ever be grounds for demolition of property.”

While the cow beef politics has led to stray animals causing accidents on roads and attacks on the standing crops, on one hand, on the other it has led to initiation of a new phenomenon of lynching on Indian streets. Starting from Mohammad Akhlaq there are many cases where Muslims (and also Dalits) have been the target of the incited mobs.

The case of Monu Manesar who was part of the crime of Nasir and Junaid is most frightening. Social activist Harsh Mander who visited victims’ families wrote: “I am profoundly chilled as I scan social media pages of Monu Manesar. He and members of his gang live stream as they openly brandish sophisticated firearms, sound sirens mimicking police jeeps, shoot at vehicles, and brutally thrash the men they catch.”

Proper data of bovine related violence is not available as the state wants to hide them, but it has created a fear among large sections of Muslims. In Mewat in particular, where Muslims deal with dairy business, face a tough time. Just a couple of horrific incidents which give us chills in our spine are when Shambhulal Regar not only killed but videotaped brutal killing of Afrazul in Rajasthan. We saw those accused of murdering Kalimuddin Ansari feted by Jayant Sinha, a Union Minister at the time. Such incidents have now become ‘new normal’.

We also saw the scare created around Love Jihad, and then types of Jihad were tabulated, UPSC, Land Jihad among others. The amusing one was Corona Jihad, where the Tablighi Jamaat meeting was blamed for the spread of Corona and Muslims hawkers were denied entry into societies.

Islamophobia is reaching new heights by the day. This intimidatary atmosphere is leading the rise in the process of ghettoisation of Muslims in the cities. Muslims are being denied housing in mixed localities in most places. This is accompanied by a decline in their educational and economic status.

One example of this is scrapping of the Maulana Azad Fellowship, the major beneficiaries of which have been the Muslim students trying to pursue higher education. The economic climb-down of the community continues in recent years.

Gallup data show that for both groups (Hindus and Muslims) perceptions that standards of living were worsening shot up between 2018 and 2019, as the Indian economy entered a deep slowdown. Among Muslim Indians, the percentage jumped to 45 in 2019, up from 25 the previous year. And among Hindu Indians, the percentage saying the same hit 37% in 2019, an increase of 19 percentage points from 2018.

Being backward, Pasmandas are discriminated against by higher caste Muslims. Ashrafs do need to ensure their better treatment

The threat of disenfranchising the Muslims through exercise of NRC, CAA is very much there. The Assam exercise showed that among the 19 Lakh people who did not have proper papers the majority were Hindus. For Hindus the safety clause of CAA is in place and for Muslims, detention centers are coming up.

The present show of sympathy for Pasmanda Muslims is a mere eye wash. No doubt, being backward, they are discriminated against by higher caste Muslims. Indeed, Muslim Ashrafs do need to ensure better treatment of the Pasmandas. But the bigger threat for the community as a whole is insecurity, which affects them both and makes a fertile ground for orthodox elements to flourish.

Reform amongst Muslim community is a must, however the point is reforms remain in the backyard till the community feels the threat to their existence and to their citizenship.

The BJP Government in different states is now planning things which are further discriminatory against Muslims. With Ram Temple inaugurated the RSS-BJP’s majoritarian politics may become more assertive. Already Muslims have been losing representation in the political institutions. We remember that in this Hindu nationalist party not a single MP is a Muslim.

Even earlier governments could not alleviate the suffering of this community. The major obstacle in this direction has been the opposition from RSS-BJP. Sachar Committee has been an example of how any affirmative action for this deprived community is marred.

In the aftermath of this report, the then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh stated that deprived and marginalized communities have the first right on national resources. That was propagated as if Singh is saying that Muslims have the first right on national resources. And then there was a brake in any initiative to alleviate the miseries of this community.

BJP’s claim that its free rations etc. are reaching all sections of society. Such schemes and the very concept of “labharthis” is against the democratic rights based approach. We do need to introspect about electoral choices in general for all the communities, and of course the luring of Muslim community is a hollow drum bereft of any substance.

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One recalls the forays of BJP into sections of Muslim community off and on. While it does not have a single Member of Parliament from among the Muslims currently, earlier it had Muslims adorning official positions of Governor (Sikander Bakht) and a couple of Ministers, Shah Nawaz Husain and Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi. Modi has also visited Bohra Mosque and announced that he is a part of their family and also keeps offering Chadar to Sufi Saint Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti of Ajmer.

Lately, a bigger focus is to woo the Pasmanda community among Muslims. In the 2023 UP elections for local bodies some Pasmanda Muslims were given tickets and some of them also succeeded. This trend has picked up more after the Hyderabad meeting of BJP in 2022 (July), where Modi called upon BJP workers to reach out to the Pasmanda section of Muslims. He pointed out that the Muslim community is not uniform and these Pasmanda Muslims are backward sections of Muslim community.

Following that, BJP has been trying to reach this community by pointing out that Modi’s policies don’t discriminate on the grounds of religion and that they (Pasmanda Muslims) are equal beneficiaries (Labharthi, in their lingo) of the ‘development schemes’ of the Modi Government. Following this prominent Muslims, like Lt Governor Nazeeb Jung, Ex Election Commissioner S Q Quraishi, Gen Zameeruddin Shah, Shahid Siddiqui and Saeed Sherwani wrote to the RSS chief Mohan Bhagawat, seeking appointment to meet him to aim for dialogue for reconciliation. After a month’s wait they were ushered into the durbar of RSS Supremo.

The prominent Muslims talked about the ‘Hate against Muslim’ community, Bulldozers’ justice and they being called Jihadi Pakistanis. Bhagwat shot back that Hindus feel offended by being called Kafirs and are hurt by Cow slaughter. The ‘dialogue’ was followed up by top leaders of RSS echelon like Indresh Kumar (Chief of Muslim Rashtriya Manch), Krishna Gopal, and Ram Lal had a meeting with the Chief Imam of the All-India Imam Organization (AIIO), Umer Ahmed Ilyasi on 22nd of September, 2022 where Ilyasi had expressed the hope that the talks would help create communal harmony.

How much the dialogue is affecting National politics, which affects the Muslim minority? Many prominent writers from within the Sangh like Ram Madhav and ex BJP leader Sudheendra Kulakarni are arguing that following the three lectures of Bhagawat in Vigyan Bhavan in September 2018, RSS is changing. Bhagawat had stated that Hindus and Muslim share the same DNA, Hindutva is not complete without Muslims etc.!

What is the truth? Truth of the claims of a political formation, even if it calls itself to be a cultural organization, lies in the issues and politics which it and its affiliates undertake in the society. Bhagwat himself had raised the issue of Cow-Beef. Cow-Beef has been raised into an emotive issue during the last few decades; it has also upset the applecart of Village economy apart from tormenting the Muslims in general. How can it be an issue in Cow belt and not in Kerala, North East and Goa? How can BJP leaders like Kiran Rijuju openly state that beef is a part of their plate. And how can the BJP leader of the stature of Vajpayee, consume the same?

As such Pasmandas are the biggest victims of the politics of Hate, Hate against minorities, Muslims in particular, which in turn is due to the misconceptions spread through the network of Shakhas, Shishu Mandirs, (run by RSS affiliates), social media and IT cell. The recent incident of Aurangzeb DB in some young Muslim boys was used to intensify the Hate. Sure Hate is the foundation of violence, polarization and in turn of ghettoisation of the Muslim community, going up by leaps and bounds. It is Pasmanda Muslims who are the biggest victim of the communal violence.

Similarly use of Bulldozers has been the add-on phenomenon of recent times. While RSS-BJP spokespersons claim all this is as per law, they are away from truth to say the least. The funny part of the whole thing is the rampant propaganda coming right from the top of RSS echelon hinting at Muslims will become a majority. One recalls that S.Y.Quraishi had gifted his book, ‘Population Myth’, to Mohan Bhagwat, which effectively burst this myth in a very rational manner. A few days later Bhagwat himself hinted that Muslim population is rising disproportionately.

Then, no occasion is left unused as far spreading Hate is concerned, be it the Corona Jihad or rising prices of tomatoes being attributed to Miyas (Muslims)! What to mention of the recent threat of implementing ‘undrafted UCC’, as a matter of giving justice to the Muslim women? We do recall the NRC and then CAA which threatened to disenfranchise the Muslims, in response to which Muslim women came out in one of the most remarkable protests of independent India, Shaheen Bagh.

The recent spate of films, aimed at driving a deep wedge between the Hindu and Muslim, like Kashmir Files, Kerala Story and 72 Hoorain, many of which, are actively promoted from the Sarsanghchalak to Prime minister to the BJP supporters who ensure full hoses at times by buying bulk tickets to ensure that the message of Hate goes far and wide.

In sum and substance, a tiger does not change its stripes. Newer language is formulated at a constant pace, the content of the Hindu Rashtra agenda is the same. For electoral purposes now wooing Pasmanda Muslim is one of the latest steps on one hand and to drive a wedge within Muslim community, in tune with the ‘divide and rule’ policy of sectarian nationalism on the other. Pasmanda or Ashrafs, both are targeted by this politics irrespective of their caste divide, is more than true. Creating one more delusion of sympathy for Pasmanda Muslims!

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There is no concept of caste in the religion of Islam but evidently caste and caste-based discrimination remain part of the shameful reality of lived Islam in South Asia and elsewhere too.

We stand in solidarity with the Dalit Pasmanda Collective Justice Project (DPCJP) who have condemned such blatant discrimination by the ‘Puthoorpally Muslim Jamaath’ mosque in Changanassery, Kerala.

The DPJC has demanded that the Kerala government and police take “strong action against these hate-mongers who hold casteist/racist beliefs.” Else, “we will take action against them in our own manner.” We support the democratic right to peaceful protest.

In principle, IMSD is opposed to all forms of caste-based discrimination. In the context of Muslims it is also bad politics considering that the ruling-BJP is working overtime in their attempt to woo Pasmanda Muslims and Muslim women to the saffron camp.

We call upon all Muslim organisations and individuals to demand that the concerned mosque committee in Changanassery apologise to Dalit Muslims and end the discriminatory practice.

Signatories:

1. A. J. Jawad, IMSD Co-convener, Advocate, Channai
2. Akbar Shaikh, Farmer, Activist, Solapur
3. Anjum Rajabali, Film Writer, Mumbai
4. Arif Kapadia, IMSD, Business, Activist, Mumbra, Thane
5. Arshad Alam, IMSD, Columnist, New Age Islam, Delhi
6. Askari Zaidi, IMSD, Senior journalist, Delhi
7. Aziz Lokhandwala, Businessman, Mumbai
8. Feroze Mithiborwala, IMSD Co-convener, Mumbai
9. Gauhar Raza, ANHAD, Scientist, Poet
10. Jasbeer Mustafa, Scholar, Australia
11. Javed Anand, IMSD, Convener, Mumbai
12. Kasim Sait, IMSD, Businessman-philanthropist, Chennai
13. Khadija Farooqui, IMSD, Gender Activist, Delhi
14. Madhu Prasad, IMSD, Educationist, Delhi
15. Mansoor Sardar, IMSD, Bhiwandi
16. Masooma Ranalvi, IMSD, We Speak Out, Delhi
17. Mohammed Imran, PIO, USA
18. Muniza Khan, IMSD, Varanasi
19. Nasreen Contractor, IMSD Co-convener, Mumbai
20. Nasreen Fazelbhoy, IMSD, Mumbai
21. Nuruddin Naik, Businessman, Activist, Mumbra, Tnane
22. Qutuib Jahan, NEEDA, Mumbai
23. (Dr) Ram Puniyani , IMSD, Author, Activist, Mumbai
24. Rashida Tapadar, Academic, Activist, Nagaland
25. Riyaz Shaikh, Mumbai
26. Sabah Khan, IMSD, Parcham, Mumbai
27. Saleem Saboowala, Activist, Mumbai
28. Shabana Mashraki, IMSD, Consultant, Mumbai
29. Shabnam Hashmi, ANHAD
30. Shama Zaidi, Documentary Film Maker, Mumbai
31. Sheeba Aslam, Fehmi, IMSD, TV Commntator, Delhi
32. Sultan Shahin, Editor-in chief and publisher, New Age Islam, Delhi
33. Teesta Setalvad, IMSD, CJP, Mumbai
34. Zakia Soman, BMMA, Delhi
35. (Dr) Zeenat Shaukatali, IMSD, Wisdom Foundation, Mumbai
36. Zulekha Jabeen, IMSD, Activist, Delhi

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Perhaps for the first time, he has publicly spoken about their issues. Speaking at the booth-level workers’ meet in Bhopal on June 27, Modi rightly said that Pasmanda Muslims were educationally backward and their “miserable life” was the result of their exclusion from the formal sectors of employment. Reservations, then? No. no.

He went on to say that they did not receive benefits from the previous regimes, nor had their voices been heard. Modi was correct to say they were denied equality and were exploited. However, his reference to Pasmanda Muslims, who are treated as “untouchables”, constitutes the most significant part of his speech.

Pasmanda, a Persian term, refers to those who have “fallen behind”. Simply put, Pasmanda Muslims are Backwards (Shudra) and Dalits (Ati-shudra), who embraced Islam centuries ago to free themselves from caste oppression.

But the change of religion did not liberate them. Till today, they continue to suffer from caste discrimination and material deprivation.

They are even victims of segregation and untouchability. It is ironic that Islam, as a textual religion, underscores equality and brotherhood, but the social structure of the Muslim community is far from being egalitarian.

In his speech, Modi unambiguously accepted that Pasmanda Muslims were victims of untouchability. As he put it, “Those who are Pasmanda Muslims have not been given equality so far; they are treated as inferior (neecha) and considered untouchable (achhut)”.

Note that Modi’s acceptance of untouchability has contradicted the denial mode of the Hindu Right as well as his own Government’s position in the Supreme Court that Islam and Christianity do not have oppressive systems of caste and untouchability.

For example, the Modi Government submitted an affidavit to the Supreme Court in November 2022 and denied the existence of untouchability in Islam and Christianity.

The affidavit was filed in response to a petition in the Supreme Court that demanded Scheduled Castes (SC) status for Dalits who had converted to Islam and Christianity.

The petitioners argued that the exclusion of Dalit Muslims and Dalit Chris- tians from the SC category was discriminatory and it violated Fundamental Rights.

However, the Modi Government told the Supreme Court that SC status for Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians could not be accepted on the ground that “religions like Islam and Christianity did not have “the oppressive system of untouchability”.

By accepting the ground reality that Pasmanda Muslims face untouchability, Prime Minister Modi has now supported the argument in favour of the extension of Scheduled Caste (SC) status to them.

According to the existing rules, SC reservations are extended to followers of Hinduism, Sikhism and Buddhism alone.

The Dalits, who have embraced Islam and Christianity, have been so far kept out of the SC list, even though there has been a strong movement for their inclusion. Through a Presidential Order of 1950, Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians have been denied SC status with the argument that Islam and Christianity are egalitarian religions and there is no existence of caste and untouchability. Remember that the SC reservations are given to those communities which show “extreme social, educational and economic backwardness arising out of the traditional practice of untouchability”.

. Petitions have been pending in the Supreme Court for over a decade.

However, a large corpus of empirical evidence and field works are available to show the existence of caste and untouchability in Islam and Christianity. Even the social, educational, and economic conditions of the Hindu Dalits, who are on the SC list and Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians, who are kept out of the SC list, largely converge.

In 2008, Professor Satish Deshpande and Geetika Bapna prepared a status report titled “Dalits in the Muslim and Christian Communities” for the National Commission for Minorities, Government of India and made “a strong case for ac- cording to Scheduled Caste status to Dalit Muslims and Christians”.

While giving authentic data on the social, educational and economic backwardness of Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians, they wrote that “untouchability” proper is sometimes practised” against Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians.

Similarly, Justice Ranganath Misra Commission, which submitted its report to the Government of India, in 2007, recommended SC status to Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians.

However, the Modi Government did not accept this Report and went on to tell the Supreme Court that the Misra could not be relied upon as it lacked empirical data.

Instead, the Modi Government constituted a new com- mission in 2022 to examine if Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians could be included in the SC list.

Three member commission is headed by former Chief Justice of India K. G. Balakrishnan.

Appearing before the Supreme Court, the Modi Government cited the newly formed commission and re- quested the Supreme Court to wait till the new commission submits its report.

However, critics argue that the rejection of the Misra Commission report and setting up a new commission is politically motivated.

It is high time Modi accepted the larger reality. Who would deny that Pasmanda Muslims have been the worst victims of systemic discrimination at the hands of the majoritarian state? During the communal riots, they have been the most vulnerable sections. Even those Pasmanda Muslims, who have been BJP workers, have not been spared during the communal mobilization as seen recently in Uttarakhand.

Should Modi not ensure security for them? Even Modi’s nine-year rule has failed to give relief to Pasmanda Muslims.

The rolling back of social welfare schemes, including the Maulana Azad scholarship for minorities and massive privatization, have negatively affected Pasmanda Muslims. It is high time PM Modi ensured social justice, going beyond paying lip service.

(Author is a Delhi based journalist. He has taught political science at the Non- Collegiate Women’s Education Board of Delhi University; This article was first published in News Trail and is being republished here with minor edits and the permission of the author)

Related:

Politics over Muslim Personal Law and UCC: The Pasmanda Position

Muslim society in India: Dynamics of Sects and Castes

UP: ‘BJP’s Pasmanda Appeasement is Nothing More Than Hollow Rhetoric’

Dialogue with the deaf?

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Lucknow: Months after Prime Minister Narendra Modi called for an outreach programme focussing on Pasmanda (Backward) Muslims, the Uttar Pradesh Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has launched an aggressive campaign ahead of the forthcoming urban polls in the state.

Three back-to-back conventions for the “socio-economic uplift” of the Pasmanda community were held in Lucknow, Bareilly, Rampur and Kanpur, respectively, as part of its Muslim outreach programme. At least half a dozen such events featuring top ministers of Yogi government 2.0 lined up till next month, especially in western Uttar Pradesh, where Pasmanda Muslims have a sizable presence.

Amid the buzz that the saffron party could field Muslim candidates, mostly in western Uttar Pradesh, in these urban elections, the BJP has been tactically aiming to win over the most backward among the Muslims, ones who do odd jobs for survival and have been among the beneficiaries of the various schemes of the “double engine” BJP governments at the Centre and in Uttar Pradesh.

Minority Welfare Minister Danish Azad Ansari, the lone Muslim face of the Yogi 2.0 government, said, “Both Central and State governments have worked for economic and social empowerment of Muslims so far without any discrimination. The BJP now wants the political empowerment of Muslims by ensuring their participation” during the first convention held in the state capital.

The president of the Uttar Pradesh BJP’s minority wing, Kunwar Basit Ali, said this time strong and trusted Muslim BJP workers will be given tickets in the urban local bodies elections.  

“The BJP government has done as much as it could do for the Pasmanda Muslims. Now, it has to take it from them,” he said.

“The government has given benefits of its schemes to 4.5 crore Muslims in UP, they have been made a minister, head of minority commission, president of Urdu Academy, 80 per cent share to Pasmanda Muslims in various commissions and morchas of the government,” Ali claimed during an outreach programme in west UP.

In Pasmanda Muslim meets, the BJP leaders highlighted that the Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party and Congress always used Muslims as a “vote bank” and did not give them their due.

The BJP top brass also pointed out the recent wins in the Lok Sabha by-polls in Muslim-dominated constituencies from Rampur and Azamgarh to state that the script is changing.

Attempt to Divide Muslims?

The party’s reach indicates that it wants to win over Muslims, who have traditionally been thought of as its rival parties’ vote bank in the state’s power.

Muslim intellectuals NewsClick spoke with, believe that it is another attempt to divide Muslims into sects.

Omar Rashid, who has been tracking UP politics for over a decade and formerly worked with The Hindu, told NewsClick, “The BJP’s Pasmanda Muslim outreach contradicts the BJP’s own approach towards Muslims in general as the party has marginalised the beleaguered minority community not only in representation but also through oppressive laws targetting their marriages, food habits, clothes, security as well as prayer. In such a scenario, the BJP’s outreach to create an artificial political division among Muslims appears nothing but a publicity stunt to further push the Opposition into submission and keep them constrained to the Muslim question, which in turn helps the BJP polarise Hindu communities. The BJP would not feel comfortable taking on the Opposition parties if the question evolved around the well-being and future of OBC and Dalit castes.”

He further added, “Although there are social differences within Muslims and their castes often mimic the hierarchical style of the Hindu caste system, the division is not as stark especially when it comes to politics. There is little to no anger amongst Pasmandas towards the upper-caste Muslims when it comes to critical questions of security and freedom. In the last four decades, it has been always directed at the BJP and its Hindutva agenda. After such a long experience with the BJP, which Muslims across classes and castes have repeatedly voted against, it seems unlikely that the BJP’s narrative would find any takers among the Muslim masses. By propping up a couple of opportunistic Muslim brokers in the hope of accentuating the narrative, the BJP can create a discussion in the media. However, building trust among Muslims, be they poor or rich, Pasmanda or Ashraf (Upper class), is a long journey for a party whose core is the subjugation of minorities and their constitutionally granted rights.”

Rashid questioned why did the BJP not reach out to the Pasmandas even once in eight years. The social justice report of 2018 which recommends the division of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) quota into three parts is still lying in storage. Pasmanda Muslims would benefit from that. So what stops the BJP from implementing the sub-quota?

Nakshab, a senior journalist based in Meerut, told NewsClick, “Muslims as a community itself is Pasmanda. According to the Sachar Committee, Muslims are the most prosecuted community in the country. In fact, the condition of Muslims is worse than Dalits as per the report. The intake of Muslims in government jobs is around one or two%, they are not being able to avail the social welfare schemes. This outreach by the BJP among Pasmanda is an attempt to divide Muslims into sects and would portray how Pasmanda Muslims are being exploited by Ashraf Muslims like the upper caste Hindu treating Dalits.”

When questioned will downtrodden Muslims be attracted by this outreach, he further added, “the same party doing prosecution of same Pasmanda Muslims in the name of cow protection and other hand you are talking about the welfare of the same community. These two things cannot go hand in hand.”

The journalists said that the BJP often comes out with outlandish claims to push its narrative and derail the opposition in the media. Earlier, the party vehemently claimed that Muslim women, that too those clad in burqa, were voting for the BJP due to the criminalisation of triple talaq and other welfare measures. Such claims infantilise Muslim women and also reduce their agency as thinking adults.

The Muslim intellectuals questioned the BJP government’s stand as to how its party leaders had kept quiet on volatile issues like CAA-NRC despite 23 Muslims, mostly Pasmanda being killed in alleged police firing. The victims killed during the violence hail from poor financial backgrounds. And most of them were daily wagers. Even mob lynching, bulldozing of homes of Muslims and public flogging still prevails across the state.

Who Are Pasmanda Muslims?

The word Pasmanda is derived from Persian and it means “left behind” or oppressed. The Pasmanda group makes up over 85% of Muslim voters in Uttar Pradesh.

Even though the Pasmandas are in the majority, the community is socially and economically backward. The community includes Dalit (Arzals) and backward Muslim (Ajlafs) population. The rest of the 15% of Muslims are considered upper class or Ashrafs.

The castes within Pasmanda Muslims are generally decided by their profession. It includes more than 45 communities such as Malik (Teli), Momin Ansar (weavers), Qureshi (butchers), Mansoori (those who make quilts and mattresses), Idrisi (tailors), Saifi (iron smith), Salmani (barbers), Ghosi (animal trader), Saifi (carpenter), Raeen (vegetable growers/sellers) and Hawari (washermen).

The Ashraf or elite class comprises the Sheikhs, Sayyeds, Turks and Pathans.

Ali Anwar Ansari, a former Member of Parliament may not have been the first person who coined the term ‘Pasmanda’ but he is credited for widely using it. In 1998, he founded All India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz (AIPMM), an apolitical body. This term is mostly used by the Muslims in north India- Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Jharkhand.

“BJP is habitual of such cheating and forgery. Their audacity with the Muslims has already been exposed. The entire politics of the current government is anti-Muslim and now they are talking about ‘Sneh’ yatra for Pasmanda Muslims which is only merely lip service. BJP only pretends to respect Babasaheb Ambedkar but opposes his ideology. Same in the Mahatma Gandhi case. PM Modi praises Gandhi on foreign soil but his leaders and workers praise and garland his killer. BJP does not have any stalwart leader so they keep mentioning Ambedkar and Gandhi in their speech. How will the party attract Pasmanda Muslims when it talks about an economic boycott of the community, give calls to make India a Hindu Rashtra and leave no stone unturned to harass Muslims in the name of love jihad, UPSC jihad with the help of media,” Ali Anwar told NewsClick.

The former MP further added, “Bilkis Bano belongs to the Ghanchi community of Pasmanda, the same community PM Modi belongs to but what happened with the accused? All of them were freed with the help of Modi. Where did his love for Pasmanda Muslims go then?

Taking a dig at the Opposition, he further said that as the ruling party continues to explore new ways to widen its support base, the Opposition’s space to manoeuvre appears to be shrinking.

“Former PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Lalji Tandon benefited from doing Shia-Sunni and Modi and Yogi want to do the same but it won’t happen. However, fearing BJP, the opposition parties including Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party and Congress stopped talking about secularism, leaving aside Pasmanda Muslims and addressing their issues. BJP wants to portray they are concerned for the Pasmanda community. Muslim religious scholars and intellectuals are also responsible for giving a little space to BJP among Pasmanda Muslims as they never address their issues on the ground which I had realised post-Babri demolition and doing my bit to bring them under one umbrella,” he stressed.

Ali Anwar Ansari also wrote an open letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi thanking him for using the word ‘Pasmanda during the BJP’s national executive in Hyderabad in July. Anwar in his letter questioned why backward Muslims had not been part of discussions earlier and why BJP thought of organising a ‘Sneh yatra’ now.

“It was a pleasant surprise to hear you talk about Pasmanda, but the Pasmanda Muslims want ‘Samman’ (equality and dignity), not ‘sneh’ (affection). The term ‘sneh’ has a specific connotation: That the Pasmanda Muslims need ‘sneh’ denotes that they are an inferior lot requiring patronage from the ones who are superior,” Ansari wrote.

(Photo of the letter accessed by NewsClick)
 

Commenting over the outreach by BJP, Abdul Hafiz Gandhi, Samajwadi Party (SP) spokesperson told NewsClick, “those who have been left behind should be talked about and welfare policies should be made for them. There is a difference between ‘kathni (saying) and karni’ (doing) of the BJP. It is evident that the party could not field any Muslim in 2014, 2017, 2019 and 2022 Lok Sabha and Assembly elections and they are talking about political representation of Pasmanda Muslims.”

The SP spokesperson also accused the ruling BJP to clear its stand on Article 341 of the constitution which was supposed to give benefits to the Pasmanda community.

The Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, stipulates that no person professing a religion different from Hinduism, Sikhism or Buddhism can be deemed to be a member of a Scheduled Caste. The original order under which only Hindus were classified was later amended to include Sikhs and Buddhists.

Congress leader Shahnawaz Alam also raised livelihood issues of the Qureshi community of the Pasmanda section. He said the plight of weavers in PM Modi’s constituency is not hidden from anyone.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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In general, Ashraf  Muslims evade ‘Caste debate within Muslim community’, for Caste has no theological recognition in Islam. Nonetheless, the Ashraf  having prefix’s like Syed, Khan, Pasha, Mirza, Sheikh, Siddiqui, Farooqui, in their name, argues for the idea of equality in Islam, and blame ‘diffusion of two cultural traditions’ for the formation of ‘social stratification among Muslim community’. These prefix subliminally define their social status. Contrary to their ‘condemnation’ for ‘Hindu caste like features’ in Muslim society, they trace their lineage from Central Asia and Arabian states. Just to mention, the word ‘Ashraf’ originated from the word ‘Sharif’ which means the noble; ‘Ashraf’ is an Arabic word.

In order to elaborate their argument, Ashraf argue that Biraadari (translated as Muslim caste) is not as rigid, and very much flexible in Muslim society, which is very much evident in cases of inter caste marriages. The question comes to my mind, is it enough to deny with the fact that Caste doesn’t exists in Muslim society.

The Caste question in Muslim society goes beyond the Arzal, Ajlaf, and Ashraf division; which further problematize it. The division on Sectarian line blurs the caste differences, and thus becomes critical for the entire debate.

The division further goes down to region, languages, sects, sub-sects, and other such affiliations. Unlike Caste, sects find theological basis in the four main school of thoughts in Islam i.e. Hanafi, Maliki, Hanbali, and Shafi’i. Which further gets divided into sub-sects.

In India, people generally follow Hanafi School, which has sub-sects like Deobandi, Barelvi, and Ahl I Hadith etc. This difference is such deep rooted that every sect has their own mosques, and avoid performing prayer in ‘others’. Hence notion of ‘purity’ and ‘impurity’ is applicable in these public spaces too. This difference dictates personal and public life, and sometimes leads to irreversible consequences.

Every sect group having their own interpretation of Islam, consider themselves as rightly guided ones, and all others as deviance. Moreover, they pass verdict who’s true believer and who’s not, and goes on witch-hunting for other’s in the name of Gustakh I rasool and Qabar parast.
Sadly, those who avoid caste debate fails to explain reason for the sectarian divide.

This brings us to the conclusion, that homogeneity of Muslim society is a utopian idea (especially in Indian context). The idea which is floated by the religious class (that is also belongs to Ashraf) to gain social and political mileage.

The same group see caste debate as a challenge to their hegemony, and thus argues that it will break the social fabric of Muslim society. Such naive they are!

I fail to understand how the Caste question, and more precisely political assertion by Pasmanda Muslims will lead to discord and disharmony. Actually Ashraf fears that acknowledging the caste debate will change the political equation (the communal-secular equation). For Ashraf(irrespective of their sects) constitute small percent in comparison to Pasmanda (Ajlaf/Arzal), and are still leading the community. Ultimately this will question Ashraf long held positions, and demand due political representation and social justice by Pasmanda. And it will turn the political stage upside down, which is not acceptable to self-proclaimed leaders of Muslim society. For them, marginalised Muslims are just a matter of table talk. Thus, Ashraf always see caste question as a threat to community’s harmony, and an attempt to defame Islam.

According to Asghar Ali Engineer, on the question of caste as anti/un-Islamic, they are mainly ‘upper’ caste Muslims spokesmen, who claimed that addressing the problems of the ‘low’ caste Muslim communities is an ‘anti-Islamic’ conspiracy to divide the Muslims since Islam has no room for caste. He argues that this denial of internal caste differences among Muslims as means to perpetuate the hegemony of ‘upper’ castes Muslim leaders and the ‘Ulema’ who present an image of Muslims as a seam-less monolith.

Ali Anwar, responding to the charge of dividing Muslims, points out that “far from doing so, we are trying to unite the dozens of Dalit/backward caste Muslim communities who have been kept divided for centuries! We are trying to bring them – Ansaris, Halalkhors, Kunjeras, Kalals, Dhuniyas, Mochis and who knows how many such castes – together on a common platform to voice their demands and concerns. Is this an attempt to divide or unite? You decide. The Pasmanda politics is not directed against Ashraf. Rather, we seek to strengthen and empower marginalised section of Muslim society, enable them to speak for themselves and to secure their rights and justice from the state. We welcome well-meaning people of Ashraf background as well as non-Muslims who are concerned about our (Pasmanda) plight and to join in our struggle.”

He goes on to argue that “so-called Ashraf have kept us divided for centuries by fanning sectarian (Maslaki) differences. Why don’t they put an end to this instead of telling us what to do? Ashrafhave created and magnified these sectarian divisions for their own interests, to run their own little religious and political shops, for which they have not stopped even at promoting bloodshed and hatred. First they should put an end to this sectarian hatred and division which they have created and then talk to us.”

This is a fact that Caste question among the Muslims is always seen through religious lens rather to see it as a sociological fact. Pasmanda constitutes 85% of total Muslim population needs to identify themselves as a distinct section within Muslim society who are highly marginalised. But the debate is always happening around the fundamental question of caste existence. We need go further to this, until then, the debate will not develop further, and the demand for redistribution and representation will not be listened.

P.S: The Muslim society needs do away with sectarian and caste differences, their prejudices and biases. The society needs to recognise the problems of their society, so that, together can fight against greater evils like illiteracy, poverty and backwardness etc.

Footnotes:
 

1. Ali, “Indian Muslim OBC: Backwardness and Demand for Reservation,” EPW, vol. 47, No. 36, 8 Sep 2012, pp. 74-79
2. Sikand, “Muslim Dalit and OBCs Conference: A Report”, Milli Gazette Online, 30 November 2005.
3. Sikand, “Voice of Oppressed: Empowering Dalit Muslims,” Communalism Combat, November 2005, Year 12, No. 12
4. Alam, “Democratisation of Indian Muslims: Some Reflections”,  Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 38, No. 46 (Nov. 15-21, 2003), pp. 4881-4885
5. Ali Engineer, “OBC Muslims and Their Problems”, the Hindu, September 12. 1996
6.  

Tausif Ahmad, PhD Scholar , IGNOU, New Delhi

Courtesy: Countercurrents.org
 

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This entrenchment of communal identities is aimed at suppressing the caste fault-lines present in both communities. The suppression of caste fault-lines is necessary to hold on to the privileges accumulated under the Brahmanical-Saiyyadvadi social order. Thus, the demand for UCC helps the BrahamanvadiSavarna to consolidate its dominance over the Bahujan under the garb of Hindu identity and the opposition to the UCC helps the SaiyyadvadiAshrafiya to consolidate its dominance over the Pasmanda under the garb of a monolithic Muslim identity. Pasmanda is the social category which includes SC, ST and OBC who converted to Islam and are now dubbed as Muslims. 

The UCC is not the exclusive issue used to construct this binary of the Hindu versus the Muslim. It is deployed in combination with various other cultural symbols which mark out the caste ridden diverse populace into two hostile groups.
The most prominent among them are Aligarh Muslim University and the Banaras Hindu University (Muslim modernity versus Hindu modernity), Muslim MadarssaEducation and Hindu Sarasvati Education (Muslim culture versus Hindu culture), the Muslim League andthe Hindu Mahasabha (Muslim Politics versus Hindu Politics), Muslim Personal Law versus Hindu Personal Law, Muslim Secularists and Hindu Secularists (Jinnah versus Gandhi), Muslim Fundamentalist and Hindu Fundamentalists (Iqbal versus Savarkar), the Muslim Liberal and the Hindu Liberal (MaulanaAbulKalam Azad versus PanditJawaharLal Nehru) and so on and so forth.

All these oppositional symbols can be ontologically understood by replacing the expression ‘Muslim’ by ‘Ashrafiya’ & ‘Hindu’ by ‘Savarna’. Similarly, the question of UCC can be understood within the dialectic of religious identity formation and the invisibalization of the caste identity and the need for their continuous reproduction through these hostile binaries.

The function of creating false binaries is performed as much by the secular, liberal and modern Ashrafiya-Savarna as by the priestly Ashrafiya-Savarna. In fact, the former often provides, with uncanny regularity, a momentum to the secular-communal bandwagon by invoking the symbol and then reprimanding their kith and kin on the other side of the pool.

When the Savarna demands the UCC by objecting to Triple Talaq or Polygamy permitted by Muslim Personal Law, the Ashrafiya ridicules Hindu Personal Law by pointing out that incidents of polygamy are higher among Hindus compared to Muslims or Hindus leave their women in the lurch without divorcing them due to stringent norms of divorce! The secular, liberal & modern Ashrafiya is better placed to achieve this result due to the superiority of his intellectual capital over the priestly Ashrafiya. It is no coincidence, then, that in the history of Indian subcontinent, the height of communal polarisation was achieved during the reign of Mr. Jinnah & Gandhi over Indian politics, both ofwhom had an impeccable track record of being secular-liberal leaders of their respective caste groups.

The Muslim League of Jinnah effectively killed the democratic aspirations of Abdul Qayyum Ansari in this process while the Congress of Gandhi substantially undermined the democratic space sought by Dr. Ambedkar.

In present times, this function is performed by leaders like SayedOwaisi and Subramanian Swamy. There is an inherent underlying unity in the apparent hostility of the two. Within the Gramcian frame of war of positions, both take a united position against Dalit-Bahujan-Pasmanda positions of material interests and seek to win the round by hook or by crook. It is often amusing to watch Ashrafiya intellectuals bat on the UCC while bowling to the Savarna in a playful display of bonhomie!      

However, the question of the protection and preservation of the patriarchal privileges of the Ashrafiya in the garb of existing personal law is only partially answered by the above analysis as this question goes to the very root of caste system.

As explained by Dr. Ambedkar in his paper titled “Castes In India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development”[1] patriarchy constitutes the core of the caste order.

Unlike hostile religious identity which is only a symptom of caste structure rather than the cause of it, patriarchy is the central pillar of the caste system itself. Therefore, the patriarchal privileges of Ashrafiya are not just protected under the garb of personal laws rather the garb of personal law itself is created by the patriarchal foundations of the Ashrafiya identity! Hence, patriarchy is the base on which Ashrafiya privileges are laid down and existing personal laws only partially support them. Naturally, Dr. Ambedkar underlines gender injustice in various forms as the chief mechanism of the origin of caste in India.

Both positions, in favourof and inopposition to the UCC are an outcome of an intuitive ‘higher caste’ consensus across religious categories rather than any pious allegiance to constitutional principles or Islamic tenets as they are made out to be. Neither the constitution mandates creation of the UCC nor does Islam oppose such a system as the very idea of UCC in practical terms is non-existent in both Constitutional & Islamic jurisprudence! The main reason for the demand for the UCC by the Savarnaand its opposition by Ashrafiya is due to the consolidation of communal identities by the invisibalizingof caste identities. Both functions go on to support caste order.  In any case, there need not be any real conflict between a secular uniform civil code and religious separate laws as the former can not come into being without accommodating the later. In fact, the existing secular uniform civil code in the form of Special Marriages Act performs the very same function although in a very biased and unscientific manner. 

Similarly, it is very much possible to develop a civil code without affecting the core values of Islam and cultural autonomies of ‘minorities within majorities’ if this question is approached from the vantage point of gender justice & justice to sexual minorities. If, however, the creation of a civil  code is to be utilised as hegemonic tool of dominant groups belonging to any category which is inherent in all exercises of law making, then such a possibility is impossible to imagine, and hence futile to explore. 

The Pasmanda identity, on the other hand, has emerged in opposition to minority politics as the later has failed to fulfill the aspirations of the former[2]. It is similar to the emergence of Bahujanidentity which was formed in opposition to majority politics for materially similar reasons. The Pasmanda identity is relatively young and  its arrival is and has been actively resisted by the Ashrafiya proponents of minority politics, in the present context by manufacturing an opposition to UCC.

Thus, the opposition to UCC through conservation of regressive laws and practices including Triple Talaq, Divorce without making sufficient provision for maintenance, Halala and polygamy along with the hegemonic symbols as discussed earlier continuously obstruct the articulation of Pasmanda concerns. It is evident that the UCC debate has no substantive objects to achieve apart from its role as consolidator of communal identities. Further, the question of gender justice can be addressed within the framework of existing personal laws provided that sincere efforts for reforming personal laws are made and the debate is not used to sustain the Hindu versus Muslim binary to sub-serve the Brahmanical-Saiyyadvadi agenda of a hierarchical social order.

Keeping this background in mind, the Pasmanda position on the UCC debateisrooted in ethical concerns of inter-sectionality. For this purpose I tentatively propose the following points for consideration by Pasmanda activists:
 

1. Codification of all Personal Laws without reference to communal identities
2. Incorporation of gender justice including justice to third gender as the guiding principle of all Personal Laws. In the immediate context it would mean undertaking the following reforms:

1. Abolition of Triple Talaq
2. Adoption of minimum waiting period of one year for any divorce to take effect
3. Compulsory provision for maintenance of women after divorce till remarriage or till the time she finds an independent means of sustenance
4. Abolition of Halala
5. Universal application of criminal provisions relating to bigamy/polygamy

3.  Recognition of inherent equality of genders on issues covered by Personal Laws
4. Legitimisationof  theAll India Women Personal Law Board
5. Legitimisation of the All India Pasmanda Personal Law Board
6. De-legitimisation of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board
7. Delegitimization of Madrassa’s and Mosques as the representative of Pasmanda concerns on the question of Personal Laws
8. Preparation of a Draft UCC after incorporating these concerns

Ever since the Shahbano fiasco, the Saiyyadvadi-Ashrafiya obsession with the Muslim Personal Law has significantly strengthened the Brahmanical position against a Dalit-Bahujan-Pasmanda discourse. The Pasmanda movement hopes to prevent a repeat of this by adopting the principle of gender justice in the field of personal laws. The Ashrafiya leadership both secular and priestly is singularly incapable of undertaking the agenda of reforms in personal laws as it would mean a loss of an important tool for the reproduction of Ashrafiya identity. Therefore, the Ashrafiya position that the call for reforms must come from within the Muslim community is nothing more than dilatory tactics adopted to please their Savarna kith and kin in order to safeguard their caste privileges.

For the Pasmanda, choking essential personal law reforms would mean delaying the arrival of their legitimate social, economic and political concerns which have been suppressed for centuries.
 
 
(The author is Head, Glocal Law School, Glocal University-Saharanpur-UP)

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