The incident:

On the fateful day of January 2, 2006, tribal villagers from the Kalinga Nagar area assembled to protest the construction of a boundary wall for the Tata Steel plant. The locals, who had lived on the land for generations, had already been displaced by the project, but were yet to receive proper rehabilitation or compensation. As the villagers gathered in protest, demanding justice and the halt of construction on their ancestral land, the local government, led by a coalition of the Biju Janata Dal (BJD) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), dispatched hundreds of police officers to secure the site.[1]

When the levelling machine was doing its work, the protestors wanted to enter the rope cordon and stop the machine; the police tried to stop them. So, there arose a situation where there was pushing and pulling from both sides. In their attempt to scare the protesters, Police used teargas shells, and rubber bullets. When ‘peaceful’ means failed to disperse the crowd, police resorted to live ammunition. All this was done in quick succession. The tribals, some armed with bows and arrows, fought back in self-defence. But their resistance was met with a brutal crackdown. Twelve tribal villagers, including women and children, were shot dead by police. A 13-year-old boy and three women were among those killed.[2] This massacre triggered widespread protests and solidarity across the region. The tribal villagers, who had lost their loved ones in the police firing, were joined in solidarity by steel workers, many of whom worked at the Jindal and Mesco steel plants located in the Kalinga Nagar industrial zone. In an act of defiance against the authorities and in support of the oppressed villagers, the steel workers at both Jindal and Mesco plants went on strike.[3]

Inquiry commission and its failures:

In response to the nationwide outcry over the Kalinga Nagar massacre, the state government initially constituted the Justice A.S. Naidu Commission to investigate the police firing and the subsequent deaths. However, in May 2007, the Supreme Court intervened, ruling that a sitting high court judge could not head an inquiry commission, leading to the dissolution of the Naidu Commission. Subsequently, in January 2008, the Justice R.K. Patra Commission was formed to continue the investigation. However, in a turn of events, the commission was abruptly dissolved after Justice Patra was appointed as the Lokpal. The inquiry was once again shifted, and the Justice P.K. Mohanty Commission was given the responsibility of continuing the probe into the tragic incident. The commission, headed by Justice Pradyumna Kumar Mohanty, took almost a decade to submit its report.[4] Yet, despite the chilling evidence of excessive police violence, no meaningful action was taken against the police officers or government officials responsible for the deaths.

The Justice P.K. Mohanty Commission Report, tabled in the Odisha Assembly after two years of its submission, offered a controversial justification for the tragic Kalinga Nagar police firing. According to the Commission’s findings, the Executive Magistrate had no choice but to authorize live firing on the “riotous mob” due to the failure of all other deterrent measures. The report states, “In my considered opinion, there was no option for the Executive Magistrate than to pass orders for opening of live firing on the riotous mob when all deterrent measures i.e. firing of Tear Gas shells, Stinger shells, Stun shells and then firing of Rubber 88 bullets and the firing to air failed to scare away and disperse the mob.”[5] This explanation was met with criticism, as many argue that the use of lethal force was excessive and unjustified, particularly given the nature of the protest and the presence of unarmed tribal villagers. The injuries sustained by the victims were telling many were shot in the face at close range, raising serious questions about the use of force. If the goal was to deter the protesters, why did the police target their faces, a vulnerable area far above the waistline? This suggests that the police were not merely trying to disperse the crowd, but were deliberately aiming to kill.[6] While the inquiry report on the Kalinga Nagar massacre acknowledged that the expressions of discontent by the tribal communities regarding the acquisition of their land were “peaceful and democratic,” it failed to address the critical issue that fuelled the unrest: the administration’s and elected representatives’ handling of the matter, particularly concerning the lack of adequate compensation and rehabilitation for the displaced people.[7]

Dehumanized after death:

The tragedy did not end with the killings. After the victims were shot, their bodies were further dehumanized. The disfigurement of the bodies occurred shortly after the massacre, when authorities had reportedly removed the palms in an attempt to collect fingerprint evidence for identification purposes. The palms of five of the deceased were severed to ascertain their fingerprints, as their faces had been disfigured due to close-range gunfire. This brutal act, which was later condemned by the Odisha Human Rights Commission,[8] added to the humiliation and pain experienced by the grieving families. However, years later, when the palms were returned to the families of the deceased victims, they were met with refusal. The victims’ relatives demanded a DNA test to confirm the identities of their loved ones, rejecting the returned palms. Once the DNA results verified their authenticity, the community accepted the confirmation. The preserved palms were then carefully stored in a medical box at the club, where they remained until they were later found to thrown down near the memorial dedicated to the victims. This act had sparked outrage and renewed trauma among the local tribal communities, many of whom view the treatment of the victims’ bodies as an added layer of disrespect and dehumanization.[9]

The poverty of development:

The fears and concerns voiced by the tribal communities of Kalinga Nagar have tragically become a harsh reality, as the plight of the displaced people continues to worsen. The land acquisition for the Kalinga Nagar steel plant, which led to the 2006 police firing that claimed the lives of 13 tribal individuals, was supposed to bring development and prosperity to the region. However, nearly two decades later, the displaced people remain trapped in a cycle of poverty and deprivation, with little to show for the promises made by the government and corporate entities.  While Odisha is rich in natural resources, including about 30% of India’s iron ore and 24% of its coal reserves, the wealth extracted from these resources has not benefited the state’s impoverished tribal communities. The construction of steel plants, including the Kalinga Nagar complex, has displaced thousands of tribal people who remain among the poorest in India, with little to no access to the economic opportunities promised by industrialization.[10] Despite being home to a wealth of minerals, Kalinga Nagar and the surrounding districts have seen little improvement in the living conditions of the displaced people. Villages in the area are riddled with poor infrastructure, lack of sanitation, pollution, and inadequate housing. The authorities, who are supposed to ensure the well-being of the local population, have shown a disturbing reluctance to address the suffering of the displaced families.

A nation’s failure to address systemic injustice:

The Kalinga Nagar massacre remains a tragic chapter in India’s history, symbolizing the dehumanization of marginalized communities, the unchecked power of corporates, and the violence of state repression. Nineteen years later, the families of the victims continue to mourn the loss of their loved ones, with little to show for the countless protests and calls for justice that have echoed through the region.[11] The tribal villagers, who were promised rehabilitation in exchange for the land given to Tata Steel, were left in limbo. The compensation and rehabilitation packages were either delayed or inadequate. Despite the acquisition of the land for over a decade, the affected people had not been properly resettled or compensated. This resulted in heightened tensions and an increasingly hostile environment between the people and the state. The discontent among the villagers was deep, and it could have been addressed through a more transparent, humane approach from both the government and the corporates. Instead, the state chose violence as a means of resolving the issue. The failure of the authorities to ensure the dignity and rights of the tribal communities led directly to the Kalinga Nagar massacre.

The question still remains unanswered that why did the state prioritize the interests of a powerful corporation over the lives of its own citizens? Why did Tata Steel, a company that prides itself on its social responsibility and nationalist image, remain untouched by the consequences of the killings? And why, despite an inquiry and widespread outrage, has no one been held accountable for the deaths of 13 innocent people? As we remember the victims of Kalinga Nagar, we must ask these questions and continue to fight for justice, not just for those who lost their lives, but for the countless other marginalized communities whose voices are silenced in the name of development and profit.

[1] https://www.downtoearth.org.in/urbanisation/tribals-observe-13th-anniversary-of-kalinga-nagar-firing-62658

[2] https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2006/01/oris-j17.html

[3] https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2006/01/oris-j17.html

[4] https://www.newsclick.in/kalinganagar-police-firing-2006-killed-13-tribals-was-justified-says-enquiry-commission

[5] https://www.newsclick.in/kalinganagar-police-firing-2006-killed-13-tribals-was-justified-says-enquiry-commission

[6] https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/chopped-palms-of-five-tribals-killed-found-scattered-in-odisha-club/story-BIm7V4GXABCZpOAWaPzvgO.html

[7] https://www.newsclick.in/kalinganagar-police-firing-2006-killed-13-tribals-was-justified-says-enquiry-commission

[8] https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/chopped-palms-of-five-tribals-killed-found-scattered-in-odisha-club/story-BIm7V4GXABCZpOAWaPzvgO.html

[9] https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/10-chopped-palms-recovered-in-odisha-1391510-2018-11-19

[10] https://www.newsclick.in/kalinganagar-police-firing-2006-killed-13-tribals-was-justified-says-enquiry-commission

[11] https://www.newindianexpress.com/states/odisha/2023/Jan/03/tribals-offer-tributes-to-kalinga-nagar-victims-2534260.html

Related:

15 years on, memories of the Kalinganagar massacre still haunt

The post Remembering the Kalinga Nagar Massacre: A tragic reminder of a 19-year struggle for justice after the brutal police firing on tribal protestors appeared first on SabrangIndia.

After the inhuman act of evicting impoverished families hailing from the minority community and demolishing their modest homes in the Darrang district of Assam, the administration stooped even lower on Thursday. Police opened fire at those protesting the evictions, killing two people and injuring 10. 

Images sent by eye-witnesses present on the spot show how instead of firing only below the knee as is mandated by law, police opened fire on the upper bodies of protesters. Images available with SabrangIndia show bullet injuries to the chest, stomach and even the face and head of people. Some of the injured also appear to be just teenagers.

The discourse is now tipping towards how much force is too much force. Ideally speaking, the force used by the police should be proportionate to that of the protesters. There are several crowd control measures that the police can employ before having to resort to extreme measures such as opening fire. Taking such extreme steps certainly amounts to violation of human rights, and the police need to be held accountable. 

However, the modes of holding the police responsible for such acts are limited due to the vast powers and the immunity granted to them under all laws via the clause of “acts done in good faith”. Yet, it is pertinent to look at what our laws and police reforms say about crowd controlling powers of the police as also the international standards on the same.

Provisions in Indian criminal law

The Code of Criminal Procedure consists of a couple of provisions to deal with unlawful assemblies. Section 129 deals with Dispersal of assembly by use of civil force and states that the officer in charge of the police station can command the assembly to disperse. If they do not heed, the police officer can disperse the crowd or if necessary arrest and confine persons in the assembly.

Section 130 deals with use of force using arms to disperse assembly, but under sub-section 3 states, “He (Police officer) shall use as little force, and do as little injury to person and property, as may be consistent with dispersing the assembly and arresting and detaining such persons.”

Section 131 deals with power of certain armed force officers to disperse assembly which allows use of armed forces when public security is manifestly endangered by any assembly and it allows the armed forces to arrest and confine any persons forming part of it or punish them according to the law.

Further, Section 99 of the Indian penal Code (IPC) elaborates upon which situations cannot be used to justify “right of private defence”. It states that if there is no apprehension of death or grievous hurt, a public servant’s act in good faith may not be justified by law. “The right of private defence in no case extends to the inflicting of more harm than it is necessary to inflict for the purpose of defence,” it further states.

Code of Conduct for Indian Police

The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) in 1985 released Code of Conduct for the Police in India which states under Clause 4: 

“In securing the observance of law or in maintaining order, the police should as far as practicable, use the methods of persuasion, advice and warning. When the application of force becomes inevitable, only the irreducible minimum force in required in the circumstances should be used.”

The UN Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials adopted in 1979 states under Article 3 that Law enforcement officials may use force only when strictly necessary and to the extent required for the performance of their duty.

Model Rules on the Use of Force by the Police against Unlawful Crowds adopted by the Inspectors General of Police Conference, 1964 state that minimum necessary force should be used to achieve the desired object. Force should be regulated according to the circumstances of each case. The object of such use of force is to disperse the assembly and no punitive or repressive considerations should be operative while such force is being used.

Assam Police Manual

Since the Assam Police is involved here, it is also important to look at the Assam Police Manual and what it says about managing crowds. 

Under section 47 (Part 1), the Manual speaks about dispersals of processions and inter alia states that it is not uncommon for the members of the procession to become violent with the slightest iota of provocation. So it is very much desired of the police to keep utmost restraint and should have a preconceived idea of the motivations and the elements mingled within the procession.

“A procession if peaceful and orderly even if some apparent elements of nuisance need not be policed, since repressive policing is by itself a threat to public tranquility. What is essential IS better appreciation of public psyche. The police have to be seen and to see themselves as protectors of liberty within the law,” its states.

Under section 49 it states that in ordinary cases where no serious opposition is expected, the constables should be armed with bamboo lathies. It also states that “when assemblies of the public are not permitted to carry weapons of offence, the police with their batons and lathies will be sufficiently equipped to -be able to maintain and enforce order even against large crowds” and that armed police should only be kept in reserve and only called out to disperse the crowd or to arrest them.

Under section 50, it states, “Where a police officer did not believe it necessary for the public security to disperse an assembly by firing on them; but nevertheless gave orders to shoot with the result that a man was shot dead, it was held that he did not act in good faith.” It further states, “Discretion in the use of deadly force demands self-control and where the police acquires a reputation for, hasty shooting they seem more likely to become victim of murder themselves. Since right to life is a fundamental human right, life should never be taken by a police officer even if he has a legal excuse, if he can resolve the problem without doing so.”

Immunity and impunity

The section 197 of Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) provides immunity to public servants from prosecution for any misappropriate acts done by public servants which includes police personnel. Most cases of police brutality have to be brought to the notice of the judiciary directly by means of writ petitions and in some cases, the courts have awarded compensation to the victims of police excess and brutality. One wonders how is that adequate? There is a fine line between violation of human rights and a police officer acting in disposition of his duty. “I was just doing my duty” is the shield used by police men, unless the excess can be somehow proved and it can take years before any compensation is received, but in most cases, the police officer will complete his years of service and reap the benefits of being a public servant.

Although the Indian Police Act does penalise police for violation of duty or wilful breach or neglect of any rule or omission of duty under section 29, there is no specific section that deals with police brutality.

International Standards

The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, in 2004, released a booklet titled “Human Rights Standards and Practice for the Police” the underlying principle of which is that police officials must respect human rights and must not do any action in derogation of such rights. The topics covered include non-discrimination in law enforcement, abiding by human rights in investigations, arrests, proportionate use of force, and detention. It also states how there should be accountability for use of force and forearms, permissible circumstances for use of force and firearms, and so on. In case of violation of human rights by police, it says that there should be a proper system in place for receipt of complaints against the police, the investigations of which should be transparent, thorough, impartial, prompt and competent. It also says that obedience to superior orders cannot be a defence for violations. While all these guidelines are ideal, they are also very idealistic and very difficult to be imposed in reality.

The UN also adopted Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials in 1990 which asks governments to include the development of non-lethal incapacitating weapons for use in appropriate situations, with a view to increasingly restraining the application of means capable of causing death or injury to persons. Under Clause 4, it states,

“Law enforcement officials, in carrying out their duty, shall, as far as possible, apply non-violent means before resorting to the use of force and firearms. They may use force and firearms only if other means remain ineffective or without any promise of achieving the intended result.”

The other provisions include providing medical relief to the injured and exercising restraint in proportion to the seriousness of the offence and the legitimate objective to be achieved.

On use of firearms, it states that they should be used only in self defense or defence of others against the imminent threat of death or serious injury. In handling even unlawful assemblies which are non-violent use of force is not considered practicable.

Remedies

The only three practical and viable remedies that one has against police brutality are:

–  to file a complaint with the State Police Complaints Authority 

–  to file a writ petition at the High Court, or Supreme Court, whatever the case may be 

–  approach the State or National Human Rights Commission. 

All processes can prove to be long drawn as none are bound by a statutory time frame.

However, these violations need to be arrested and only true political will and some serious reforms in police administration at state and local level is capable of bringing about real change to avoid human rights violations.

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The post Police firing in Assam: Illegal and unforgivable appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Just this week, SabrangIndia reported on how on September 20, nearly 200 families, all hailing from the minority Muslim community were evicted from their homes in Fuhuratoli in Darrang District of Assam. After their modest huts were demolished, purportedly to make space for a community farming project, the evicted families were left to the mercy of elements amidst heavy rainfall, floods and Covid-19. In latest developments, after a fresh round of evictions, 150 more huts were demolished in the same area today, on September 23. 

Given how people were served notice only last midnight, the residents understandably protested. But the police personnel present at the spot retaliated by opening fire. Two people have been killed in the police firing so far. They have been identified as Saddam Hussain and Sheikh Forid. At least 10 others are said to be injured.

Images sent by eye-witnesses present on the spot show how instead of firing only below the knee as is mandated by law, police opened fire on the upper bodies of protesters. Images available with SabrangIndia show bullet injuries to the chest, stomach and even the face and head of people. Some of the injured also appear to be just teenagers.

TRIGGER WARNING: Disturbing images

This is a developing story and will be updated with more information.

Ever since Himanta Biswa Sarma became Assam’s chief minister, the eviction initiative appears to have become his pet project. Unmoved by the plight of people rendered homeless amidst a deadly pandemic, that too in a flood-prone riverine region during the monsoon season, Sarma flaunted his support for the evictions carried out on September 20:

Continuing our drive against illegal encroachments, I am happy and compliment district administration of Darrang and @assampolice for having cleared about 4500 bigha, by evicting 800 households, demolishing 4 illegal religious structures and a private instn at Sipajhar, Darrang. pic.twitter.com/eXG6XBNH6j

— Himanta Biswa Sarma (@himantabiswa) September 20, 2021

At the time of going to press, he was yet to offer any official statement about the police firing on September 23, 2021.

But what is truly shocking is that it appears that the eviction drives are disproportionately targetting members of the Muslim community.

Here are a few examples of recent evictions:

May 17, 2021 – 25 families evicted of Dighali chapori, Laletup, Bharaki Chapori, Bhoirobi and Baitamari in Sonitpur District. These are flood-prone riverine areas.

June 6, 2021 – 74 families evicted from Kaki in Hojai District. Roughly 80 percent of the population here is Muslim.

June 7, 2021 – 49 families evicted from Dhalpur, Phuhurtuli in Darrang District. All, except one family, are Muslim.

August 7, 2021 – 61 families evicted of Alamganj in Dhubri District. 90 percent of the population here is Muslim. 

September 20, 2021 – Around 200 families evicted from Fuhuratoli, Dhalpur in Darrang District.

Related:

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The post BREAKING: 2 killed, 10 injured in police firing in Assam appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Social activists Bela Bhatia and Jean Dreze have been “detained by the Bijapur administration at the Circuit House since last night,” according to information shared by people’s union for civil liberties (PUCL), Chattisgarh. Bela Bhatia accompanied by Jean Dreze have been stopped from meeting the villagers at Silger, in Bastar. Bhatia and Dreze wanted to meet families of victims and survivors of recent police firing. But they were stopped and were taken to the administration’s own Circuit House, where they are still reported to be. 

The villagers’ protests continue outside the camp, while police claim three Maoists were killed during the exchange of fire. “What does the government have to hide?” asked Bhatia in a social media post. 

Stopped from going to Silger (Bijapur) to meet victims of recent police firing. What does the government have to hide?@bhupeshbaghel

— Bela Bhatia (@Belaben) May 20, 2021

ICU patient in Bijapur district hospital who was shot in the back by the police on 17th May in Silger (on Bijapur-Sukma border). pic.twitter.com/U6XBq7N6pd

— Bela Bhatia (@Belaben) May 20, 2021

The two activists who have worked with the people of Chattisgarh’s tribal area for decades, were going to visit Silger village, where the Adivasi villagers are still sitting in protest against the setting up of a police camp on their land. According to the PUCL another group of Sarv Adivasi Samaj has also been stopped from visiting the area.

However, SP Kamlochan Kashyap, told SabrangIndia that the two activists have “not been detained”, adding that they have been asked to get tested for Covid-19 as they have come from “outside” the area. According to the SP, it is “mandatory to get them tested,” but he added that the two “were hesitant” and have thus been asked to stay in the guest house till they get tested. “The administration is in touch with them,” he added.

While PUCL has stated that as “lawyers and social activist they have every right to visit the villages and the sight of the police firing and meeting the affected persons and families,” the SP maintains the official response that apart from the Covid-19 protocol. “No one is being prevented from visiting anyone,” said the SP, adding that “Even we have to get tested when we go anywhere, or come from outside.” He, however, confirmed that the group of villagers continued to sit in protest even now but said that the “situation is under control.”

According to P Sunderaj, IG Bastar Range, the area needs to be “cleared” before it is “safe” for the activists to visit. “The situation is tense, hence we have requested them to stay… we have provided the accommodation at the rest house,” Sunderaj told SabrangIndia, adding that there was also a bandh announced in the area. He further said, “They can go but we need to clear the areas first. We are responsible for peace.”

So is there still a threat of violence in the area which the SP has said was “under control”? And when asked why the activists had been detained the IG also said the activists were “not detained”. However, he said, “Today the naxals target activists and media persons. People fail to appreciate that it is not the villagers but it [referring to the protest and the violence that ensued] is a big conspiracy by Naxals.” According to the IG, a number of “naxal” cadres have come from other areas in “civilian camouflage” and have blended in with villagers, he accused the “Left Wing extremists and Maoist supporters,” of instigating, and even threatening the villager to protest the camp as it brings “development, education, healthcare, roads” into the are and thus weakens the “[Maoist] strong hold”. 

According to the IG, the collectors office has been in touch with Bela Bhatia and Jean Dreze. He added that a group of 15-20 villagers met him as well and that the residents of the village had some apprehensions “which were cleared.” When asked why the massive violence and firing that led to many deaths ensued if this was the case, he said “Naxals were instigating villagers to protest. The Naxals got people/cadres from far away places, their sangathan members…” 

According to the IG “none of the people who died were from Silger” and added that they were from “Naxal central organisation cadres”. He said the security forces “fired in retaliation” to “firing” by those he said belonged to the “People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) cadres who were there in civilian camouflage.” When both senior policemen were asked if the Covid-19 tests had been done for Bela Bhatia and Jean Dreze, so they could then leave the Circuit House, they said the District collector was in touch with the activists. Meanwhile, Collector Ritesh Agarwal has not been reachable on phone so far. 

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The post Silger police firing: Bela Bhatia, Jean Dreze stopped from meeting survivors appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Police opened fire on peaceful protesters, say residents of a village in Chhattisgarh’s Sukma district. Nine people have been reported dead in the violence, reports NDTV. The villagers have contradicted the police version of events that a shootout that took place on Monday was with “Maoists”. The firing took place outside the new CRPF camp. According to the police version, “three Maoists have died during the exchange of fire,” reported NDTV.

The CRPF security camp near Silger village still bears “signs of Monday’s clash”, reported Indian Express. There is the ‘debris’ of “strewn stones, charred tree trunks, embers, and the dented windshield of a bulletproof anti-landmine vehicle.” As per the IE report, for the past four days, tribals from over 30 villages of Sukma and Bijapur have gathered in protest outside the camp. A protester Korsa Somaru, 65, told the IE, that since they had been camping here for many days and were now low on ration, they had planned to submit a memorandum against the camp seeking its removal, and return to the villages. However, things have changed since the firing and the deaths of their own have fuelled their resolve to continue the protest.

In this interview to Chhattisgarh’s TV channels, an adivasi at the spot says nine were killed.

The police claimed 3 deaths because they recovered and carried 3 bodies with them.
The other six bodies are with the villagers. pic.twitter.com/fqoqyerCeO

— Ashutosh Bhardwaj (@ashubh) May 17, 2021

The security forces meanwhile continue to alleged that it was “Naxal cadres, in the garb of protesting villagers,” attacked the Silger camp with “stones and gunshots… our men returned the fire and managed to bring the situation under control,” Bastar IG P Sundarraj told IT. Police also detained five people, including a woman, and according to IE even the dead bodies have not been handed over to the villagers. Police claim the bodies “have not yet been identified”. However, the villagers told the media that the dead were “protesters” named Kawasi Wagha, 37, from Chutwai; Korsa Bhima, 32, from Gundam; and Uika Murali, 22, from Timmapuram.

The Indian Express’s report from the spot states that villager alleged they “were beaten up by the security forces” when they went to submit the memorandum. “We also got angry and some of our people pelted stones at their vehicles and at the camp. First, the security personnel threw tear gas bombs, and then opened fire,” Krishna Kadti, 18, a Class 12 student from Jagargunda told IE adding, “people in the front fell, some of them died. When we tried to go get their bodies, we were lathi-charged again. That led to a stampede and several people fell over each other.”

According to NDTV, the  police maintain that the villagers were staging  protests against the new camp “under pressure from Maoists”. P Sunderraj, the Inspector General of Bastar told mediapersons, “On Sunday night, the locals had returned to their villages, but on Monday afternoon, some people, including some Maoists of the Jagargonda Area Committee, reached the camp and started firing. The security personnel retaliated, and the exchange of fire continued. After the firing stopped, we found three bodies, which are yet to be identified.” Eighteen people were injured in the incident, reported IE, 11 people were admitted at the Sukma field hospital, seven were taken to the Bijapur district hospital.

However, there still seems no “official” response to the allegations that the villagers were beaten up by the police when they went to submit the memorandum. Nor is there any answer to why the security forces opened fire at the villagers who they alleged had pelted stones at them. 

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The regime has blood on its hands. Indeed, it was those invisible and powerful men who actually ordered the police firing at Sitalkuchi on April 10, on peaceful citizens and voters, who have blood on their hands. The Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) were their pawns on a political chessboard that isn’t just black and white anymore, but has hues of saffron and is now also stained blood red.

There seems a pronounced sub-text in this macabre script and it seems transparent. Clearly, in the political subconscious of Bengal, and, perhaps, of India, this blood won’t wash too easily. This blood won’t wash easy.

Ominous on all counts, especially in election season.

Three poor migrant workers and one first-time voter who ran an internet café were killed in this unprovoked firing.  crime? They wanted to participate in free and fair elections! The migrant voters had actually returned from North India to vote, and there was a joyous atmosphere among families in the village on polling day.

The killings, thereby, turned more macabre and sinister.

All the victims shared the same identity – they were Muslims. In contemporary India, this is no mere coincidence.

If there is a pattern in this predictable panning of events, to a conspiracy theorist, it all might seem predetermined, almost pre-meditated. One only hopes that it was not so. One only hopes that it was not a nightmare which was waiting to happen as Bengal enters the crucial last phase of the polls, with Trinamool Congress strongholds now going to vote.

Surely, the entire country knows, including the honourable Election Commissioner and the rest of his esteemed colleagues, who are these powerful forces with deep pockets and formidable State power, and what has been their time-tested dominant narrative in recent times, including in these assembly elections, especially in Assam and Bengal. Will the last phase in Bengal, therefore, see an escalation of this hate rhetoric and diabolical mind games targeted to polarise voters and divide peaceful social communities? And will the Election Commission (EC) please step in with full impartiality and a secular vision, take note, and act decisively to stop it?

In the first instance, the EC should quickly show impartial and deliberate intent and take strong and immediate action against BJP state chief Dilip Ghosh, who is reported to have said: “Aar jodi barabari korey, Sitalkuchitey dekhechhen ki hoyechhe. Jaygaye jaygaye Sitalkuchi hobey (If they cross the limits, you have seen what has happened in Sitalkuchi. There will be a Sitalkuchi everywhere).” Surely, the EC cannot overlook this brazen statement of sheer declaration of war against one community?

Earlier he had apparently said that if artists dare to do politics, he will crush them. Rogre debo, he said. Surely, his party seems totally comfortable with this kind of crass totalitarian discourse, because he has yet again chosen to unleash himself in full public glare, yet again! He has done it umpteen times. His party loves him and his discourse, no doubt.

But, what about the EC?

However, first, the black holes.

Unprovoked firing?

Yes, the firing seems totally unprovoked. There is not an iota of evidence, not even one video, or any other substantial proof, which proves the official version as even remotely correct. There was no violent crowd out to attack the CISF. Period. Hence, this clichéd theory of firing in self-defense on defenseless and unarmed citizens, in a booth with very few voters, and in a Muslim majority area, in a district bordering the historically mixed twilight zones of Bangladesh, seems totally manufactured. In contrast, there seems to be a sinister idea behind it.

One video shows women running in an empty expanse, screaming.  Pray, is that what our central forces are meant to do during the poll process – make ordinary rural women run helter-skelter, screaming in stark terror, as bullet shots are heard in the background? Do they want to make Bengal an occupied territory?

More evidence. There was no tear gas, rubber bullets, lathi-charge or other ways to stop or scatter the people, if the official version is correct. Were there loudspeaker announcements? If there was public or individual persuasion, show it please? In contrast, as in Myanmar under the military junta, the CISF allegedly shot to kill. Was this, then, anything short of murder?

Interestingly, Director General of Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) Kuldiep Singh told media persons, “I’ll not comment on what is being said by political parties. I can guarantee that all paramilitary forces and people of their state, who are under EC;s responsibility, are working as per EC’s directions.”

Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has said, “This was genocide. It’s unprecedented. The central force just sprayed them with bullets… They should have fired below the waist, but the bullets were fired at the neck and the chest.”  She claimed that she has seen images of the bodies.

The official version is indeed full of black holes. According to Telegraph, Special police observer Vivek Dubey, deputed to Bengal by the Election Commission, claimed that the boy (Mrinal Haque) had fallen sick near a polling booth in his official report. “When a group of CISF personnel approached them to ask whether they wanted to send him to hospital in a vehicle parked nearby, some onlookers mistakenly thought the jawans had beaten the boy and raised an outcry, the report says. This prompted 300 to 350 villagers to gather near the booth. The situation escalated thereafter, culminating in the fatal shootings.” It should be remembered that Mamata Banerjee had earlier strongly opposed the appointment of Vivek Dubey as police observer by the EC.

According to the Telegraph, “Records at the hospital, 10km from Mrinal’s home in Jorpatki, show that the boy had arrived with severe body ache and blunt injury marks on his buttocks, back and shoulder… Mrinal said in a weak voice on Sunday: “I was in the local market (in Jorpatki on Saturday morning) when a central force jawan grabbed me by the neck and hit me several times with his stick. I pleaded with him but he kept beating me. After some time, he stopped and I fell to the ground.”

Besides, the CISF is deputed at airports and industrial areas. It directly operates under the Union Home Ministry. So how come it was asked to operate in a polling booth with no prior experience on the ground, and who gave these orders, and how was such a major murderous lapse allowed? Surely, firing is the last resort and jawans don’t fire due to some personal whims.

They are ordered to fire.

The SabrangIndia team has travelled in the interiors of Bengal reporting the polls. Everywhere they found peaceful villages and towns with peaceful citizens, and no apparent tension on the ground. With an unprecedented deployment of central forces with little knowledge on the ground or familiarity with the local language, while pushing the West Bengal police into in the sidelines, the Election Commission seemed to have missed the wood for the trees. The long phase of the polls, even while it ended quickly in three other states, has led to uncanny questions of fair play and bias. Even while the Trinamool Congress and civil society groups organised peaceful protests in every block of West Bengal and Kolkata, it is hoped that the Election Commission will move quickly, judiciously and without any partisan motive. That strong action will be taken against those who ordered the firing. And that such brazen brutality will just not be allowed to disrupt free and fair polling till the end of April in West Bengal.

Indeed, the Election Commission should not only act with fairness and firmness, it should be seen to be impartial and unprejudiced in both text and action.

Surely, there will be other times to read political texts. This is no time to read and reread the text of Niccolo Machiavelli. Not even the gospel of Joseph Goebbels.

It’s time that sanity is restored. Because, not only Bengal, Indian democracy itself is at stake! Let not some obsessed, fanatic men, flush with power and money and muscle unleashed, take it over.

The post Sitalkuchi killings: This blood won’t wash easy… appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The first phase of the Bihar Assembly election begins on Wednesday. However a shadow may loom large over the voters’ mood in the wake of the firing during a Durga idol immersion procession in Munger on Monday night. By Tuesday evening, Munger was trending on social media and the horrific photo of the young man who was shot in the head was shared thousands of times. It is reported that 27 others were also injured in the violence that flared up during the procession. 

Right-wing aligned social media users have begun comparing this tragic incident with the attacks on ‘sadhus’ in Palghar, and have called for the resignation of Munger’s superintendent of police Lipi Singh, who they accuse as the one who ‘gave the order to fire’. According to a news report in The Hindustan Times, while traditionally in the area, the Durga idols are immersed after three days of Vijayadashami, this time the administration insisted on the immersion to be done by 5 AM on Tuesday in view of the upcoming elections.

The victim, identified as 18-year-old Anurag Kumar, was killed in the firing and 27 people including 20 policemen were injured. The clash between the police and a mob turned violent on the intervening night of Monday and Tuesday, said news reports. According to eyewitness accounts reported by the media “police opened fire to control the violence that followed an argument between revellers participating in immersion of Durga idols and Kotwali police personnel”. The police are reported to have initially used tear gas shells but that proved ineffective. According to the police however, it was someone from the crowd of revelers who fired. 

“The mob pelted stones and opened fire on police which led to the death of one person and injured 27 people including 20 policemen,” Munger’s superintendent of police Lipi Singh was quoted by the media. 

During Durga puja immersion, some anti-social elements restored to stone pelting which injured 20 policemen after this someone from the crowd fired leading to one death. Situation under control: Lipi Singh, SP Munger pic.twitter.com/gWjBxofjdw

— ANI (@ANI) October 27, 2020

However, the social media RW voices have begun chanting for her resignation as well. They have connected Lipi Singh to Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, via her father Ramchandra Prasad Singh. As profiled in NewsD news portal, “fondly known as RCP” he is the closest confidant of the CM. “From making poll strategies for JD-U to controlling the bureaucracy in the state, formulating government policies and even proper implementation, it all comes as RCP’s responsibility,” stated the former bureaucrats profile. Singh is now a JD-(U)’s  Rajya Sabha member, who had taken voluntary retirement from the administrative services to join Nitish Kumar. 

His daughter Lipi Singh, SP Munger, is now being attacked after she gave this statement: “ During Durga puja immersion, some anti-social elements restored to stone pelting which injured 20 policemen after this someone from the crowd fired leading to one death. Situation under control.”

During Durga puja immersion, some anti-social elements restored to stone pelting which injured 20 policemen after this someone from the crowd fired leading to one death. Situation under control: Lipi Singh, SP Munger pic.twitter.com/gWjBxofjdw

— ANI (@ANI) October 27, 2020

This has set the entire RW online army on her, calling her ‘Lipi Dyer’ holding her responsible for what they alleged is a ‘Hindu massacre’ and demanding that she be sacked, and even arrested. According to news reports Munger’s district magistrate Rajesh Meena and superintendent of police Lipi Singh had rushed to the spot and remained at the site of the clash till 3 AM until the situation was brought under control.

“The police took the help of public representatives to facilitate the immersion,” Meena was quoted by HT, adding that people must  adhere to prohibitory orders and inform the police control room about any troublemakers. “We are seeking video footage from local residents,” said Meena. Singh said the police recovered three firearms, live cartridges and empty bullets from the scene of the clash. However, that does not matter to the social media RW influencers, who are calling the state police “anti-Hindu”. Hints are being dropped that the voting is yet to happen and this incident could influence the election outcome.

With so much evidence stacked up against her, I demand the termination of service of Munger SP, Ms. Lipi Singh. After termination, please initiate criminal proceedings for killing innocent Hindu devotees.
Dear sir, Bihar hasn’t voted yet.
Please do the needful.

Thread ends. pic.twitter.com/Od8OrB13D1

— Soumyadipta (@Soumyadipta) October 27, 2020

Who is SP #LipiSingh of #Munger ?
She is a 2016 batch IPS and daughter of @NitishKumar ‘s JD(u) leader Ramachandra Singh!
She got her police shoot armless & defenceless hindu devotees
This lady should be behind bars!
HM @amitshah why r law enforcement agencies so anti hindu? pic.twitter.com/XFSfodqXkM

— Ritu (सत्यसाधक) #EqualRightsForHindus (@RituRathaur) October 27, 2020

Just like the Palghar one, this video from the famous Munger Durga Visarjan is poetic representation of pathetic state of Hindus in India under the Secular Constitutional setup with a bureaucracy trained under a communist curriculum. pic.twitter.com/d3WSY1fd44

— Divya Kumar Soti (@DivyaSoti) October 27, 2020

Jallianwallah Bagh 1919 : brave Hindus assembled for a political rally butchered by Gen Dyer. He was dismissed by the British govt, later met his karma. 101 yrs later same happens Non Political sadhus, Durga devotees at Palghar, Munger. No action taken yet#HinduLivesDontMatter https://t.co/6e74ZD02H6

— English बहन (@English_bahen) October 27, 2020

HT reported the background of the incident quoting Prakash Bhagat, a member of Durga Idol Immersion committee who confirmed that the administration insisted on the immersion to be over by 5 AM Tuesday in view of the first phase of the Assembly election on Wednesday. The news report added that organisers took out a procession allegedly with loud music being played. Around 11.50 PM when police officials allegedly beat four persons who were carrying idols on their shoulders and this sparked a face off, the organisers demanded action against the policemen. The mob reportedly started pelting stones on the police which retaliated with a lathi charge. Eyewitnesses said the police also used tear gas shells and fired 15 rounds in the air to disperse the violent mob, reported HT. 

At least 20 policemen including SHOs of Sangarmpur, Kotwali, Kasim Bazar, Basudeopur police stations were injured in the clashes which continued till 1 AM stated news reports, adding that personnel from the Bihar Military Police (BMP) and paramilitary forces were also deployed in affected areas and the situation in Munger town and surrounding areas continued to be tense on Tuesday.

There has been no official comment from Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar yet, he is busy addressing election rallies. However, this incident does threaten to add to his electoral concerns, as his popularity  is said to be on a decline, and he is more dependent on the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) political weight to attract votes this time. If the Munger issue is picked up by Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM) or the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) the vote bank may further get divided.

Related:

Bihar elections: Is Nitish Kumar’s popularity dropping?
Kaimur firing: Fact-finding report makes startling revelations!
Divisive videos promoting hate resurface as Bihar elections draw closer
Bihar elections: Is Nitish Kumar’s popularity dropping?
Bihar Elections: If Chirag Paswan is Hanuman, PM Modi is Ram, who is Nitish Kumar?
Dalit Bahujan alliance takes shape ahead of Bihar elections

The post Bihar: 1 killed, several injured in firing during Durga procession in Munger appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Guwahati, 24^th January: Sam Stafford was a 17-year-old student of class 10 and an aspiring musician when he was killed in police firing at Hatigaon in Guwahati on December 12, 2019, on his way back from a protest against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). Now, his post-mortem report is out and it proves that the teenager did indeed sustain gun-shot wounds, negating decisively the police’s version that they had fired blanks.

According to this report, Sam Stafford’s death was due to shock and hemorrhage as a result of injuries sustained antemortem or before death. While some were bullet injuries including four entry and exit wounds due to two bullets, there were six injuries caused by blunt force impact. He was shot in the face and in the back, and also sustained injuries to his knees. The report says, “died due to shock and hemorrhage as a result of injuries sustained over the body as described. All the injuries were antemortem and caused by rifled firearm, accept the injury no. 1, 2, 3, 4, 7 and 8 which were caused by blunt force impact.”

The entire report may be viewed here. 

We spoke to a few medical experts who told us on condition of anonymity that it appears that based on the angle of entry and exit wounds, Stafford was fired at close range. It is also noteworthy that while one bullet was fired from behind into Stafford’s back, another was fired from the front, suggesting there were two people firing at the same young boy. This also suggests that the firing was deliberate, revealing the cold-blooded and planned nature of the attack.

Here’s a brief account of how things transpired in the run up to the police firing.
 

What happened on December 11, 2019

CAB was tabled and passed in the floor of the Lok Sabha on December 11, 2019. Immediately, the situation in Assam began to deteriorate rapidly. The government of Assam declared curfew in Guwahati city along with various parts of Assam at 7 pm on the same day. A huge number of protesters in Guwahati city were burning effigies of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Union Home Minister Amit Shah, Chief Minister of Assam Sarbananda Sonowal and powerful Minister of Assam Himanta Biswa Sharma. Lakhs of people came out of the road and almost all corner and cross roads were littered with burning tyres, bringing traffic to a stand-still and making it impossible for anyone to pass through.

This is when Aktar Ali, CJP state team member who was returning from Cotton College area after covering the news of heavy protest by students along with other team member of CJP, found that Sam Stafford was busy in saving lives and properties of people in Hatigaon area. Aktar Ali said, “When we were returning from Cotton College, we were unable to find a way to reach Bhetapara which was our last destination of the day. After crossing the railway over bridge near B. Baruah College we found that the road from flyover to Ulubari was blocked. There was no option to proceed through the road. So, we entered Solapara road but that was also closed due to heavy protest.”

Explaining the team’s predicament, he added, “We moved one sub road to another and thus we could reach at Sijubari mazar after about three hours. From there we could not proceed to the road from Sijubari to Ghoramara for which we took the way through Hatigaon to Bhetapara.” Shortly after this Akhtar met Stafford. He says, “When we passed Hatigaon police station a group of teenagers requested us not to proceed further as our car may be burnt by the protestors. Sam Stafford was leading this group of teenagers. We could not ignore them and returned to Sijubari and all other members of our team walked through the road to reach their destination. I was saddened to hear that the same Sam Stafford who saved our life and car the previous day, was brutally killed by Assam police personnel on December 12.”

What happened on December 12, 2019

On December 12, 2019 there was a huge rally at Latashil playground violating the curfew. The protest was led by All Assam Students Union (AASU) where popular artists like Zubin Garg, Manash Rabin and Barsharani Bishaya made an appearance, and thousands of people attended. Sam Stafford was fond of music and fan of Zubin Garg as he was also playing music with Manash Rabin and Nekib, he attended the protest to see Zubin Garg up close. When he was returning from Latashil playground after the day long protes, he became a victim of gun fire by the Assam police. The incident took place near Namghor path of Hatigaon area in the evening of that day.

The post EXCLUSIVE: Sam Stafford died of gun-shot wounds: Post-mortem report appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Sabrang India had reported that violence across Meerut, Muzaffarnagar and Bijnaur had reported 7 deaths in Uttar Pradesh where the administration under Yogi’s orders is unleashing extreme brutality on protestors. There were unconfirmed reports of 20 deaths in the state.

NDTV confirmed that 15 people died in police crackdown on CAA-NRC protestors in Uttar Pradesh. The State police had maintained that it had not fired a single bullet at protestors and in stark contradiction to this statement, police in western Uttar Pradesh’s Bijnor have told NDTV that of the two protestors killed in the town, one of them, was killed in police firing. The UP police stand has been that only protesters were using firearms in the violence in the state

The police chief of Bijnor said that a constable fired at 20-year-old Mohammed Suleiman, a UPSC Aspirant in self defence. “When one of our constables moved ahead to take back the gun that was snatched, a member of the crowd opened fire at him. He had a narrow escape. In retaliatory, self-defence firing, the upadravi (rioter or a vandal) was shot at,” Bijnor Superintendent of Police Sanjeev Tyagi told NDTV.

The victim’s family states that he was not even part of the protests, he had merely gone to the mosque to offer prayers and while returning home, he was shot at.

Another young man aged 21, Mohammed Anas, father of a seven-month-old, who had just gone out to buy milk, was shot at in Bijnor. Both of the bodies were not allowed to be buried in Nehtaur, Bijnor so the last rites had to be conducted 20 kms away and the District magistrate told The Print this was a “perfectly normal requirement”, given the volatile law and order situation. 

69 persons have been illegally arrested or detained in Banaras/Varanasi and as many as 62 at least have been arrested/detained in Lucknow. Lawyers who plan to file a petition before the Allahabad High Court in the matter told National Herald that the violence escalated due to instigation from local BJP leader Sanjeev Baliyaan. 

Related:

‘They killed my UPSC aspirant son’ — mother of man killed in Bijnor anti-CAA violence
IAS Aspirant Dies During UP Citizenship Law Protests, Cops Admit Firing
Adityanath’s UP launched a brutal crackdown on HR defenders, Muslims: #anti-CAA, anti-NRC-NPR
Journalist detained, communally abused and questioned by UP police
Allahabad HC asks UP Govt., AMU admin to file replies regarding police brutality
At least 7 killed in UP in clashes with police during anti-CAA protests
Lucknow Police detain and assault peaceful protesters, including women

The post Cops admit IAS aspirant amongst those killed in police firing on CAA protestors appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Meawhile the commission has also ordered an inquiry into the high rate of child mortality at Ahmedabad’s Civil Hospital in October last year. Moreover, in the matter pertaining to cases manual scavenging deaths, where the state records a worrisome figure of 161, NHRC member Jyotika Kalra said, “The state government has assured Rs 10 lakh compensation for each of the 40 victims who died after 2014.”

The commission said that of the 17.5 lakh human rights cases across the country since the inception of the NHRC, Gujarat has reported 26,500 cases.
 

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