[Note: Before proceeding, I should situate myself: I studied Literature at AMU between 2015–2018 and lived in one of its hostels. This is not to claim privileged insight, but to underline that my reflections come from lived proximity rather than distant observation.]

The recently aborted student protest at Aligarh Muslim University (AMU)—ostensibly about reviving the Students’ Union (AMUSU) rather than resisting the fee hike—offers a troubling yet instructive window into the nature of campus politics at AMU.

A Legitimate Beginning

At the outset, it must be remembered that the agitation began on a legitimate plank: the arbitrary and unjustified fee hike. For many students from modest backgrounds, AMU’s subsidized education is their only ladder to upward mobility. Their resistance was therefore natural and justified. The protest was marked by determination and—crucially—visible leadership from female students who camped at Bab-e-Syed. Their resilience forced the administration to roll back the hike to 20%.

But soon, the focus shifted.

The Twist

Before engaging with this shift, a brief background is essential. AMUSU—short for Aligarh Muslim University Students’ Union—was, in principle, meant to bridge the administration and the student community by offering effective representation. In practice, however, its history paints a sorry picture.

Supporters romanticise AMUSU as a “nursery for leadership,” pointing to names like Azam Khan and Arif Mohammad Khan. Yet, since 2017, when the University suspended it on the flimsy pretext of law and order, AMU has remained without an elected student body. The suspension was arbitrary and undemocratic, contradicting the very spirit of a university as a space for debate, dissent, and contrarian thought.

Reality, however, diverges sharply from the romanticism. Over the past decade, AMUSU has drifted far from its founding purpose. Most office-bearers—barring rare exceptions—have been academic underperformers or regional strongmen who treated the Union as a launchpad for failed political careers or as a network for contracts, patronage, and admissions. Regionalism thrived through collusion with faculty members from their own provinces, while the welfare of the broader student body remained a mere veneer. Unsurprisingly, AMUSU enjoys little respect among ordinary students.

Against this backdrop, the fee hike protest had nothing to do with AMUSU elections. Yet, seeing a readymade platform for mobilization, the AMUSU lobby opportunistically inserted itself. For a few days, they kept the rollback of fees as the visible agenda and AMUSU revival as a secondary one. But when their chances dimmed, anxiety set in. Their desperation

was rooted in past failures—one prominent activist had even approached the Supreme Court with a contempt petition citing the Lyngdoh Committee, only to have it dismissed in July 2025, a fact he concealed from fellow students. With the fee protest gaining momentum, the lobby saw its golden chance: a mass movement they could never build on their own was suddenly available to hijack.

How AMUSU Aspirants Hijacked the Fee-Hike Protest

Sections of students who had long lobbied for AMUSU elections—despite lacking credibility among peers—seized the protest as a platform to advance their agenda. History shows that AMUSU has ceased to represent students in any meaningful sense. Much like Ambedkar’s critique of Indian villages as “sink of localism, a den of ignorance, narrow mindedness, caste and communalism,” AMUSU has degenerated into a den of factionalism, patronage, and regressiveness.

Rather than critiquing, confronting and exposing systemic issues—declining academic standards, nepotistic faculty and administrative recruitments, inbreeding in admissions, or entrenched elites’ dominance—the AMUSU camp staged hunger strikes and moral dramas, allegedly under the blessings of a Law professor and the Eastern UP faction. These theatrics were less about student welfare and more about arm-twisting the administration.

Gender Insensitivity and Hypocrisy

Equally glaring is the hypocrisy. The same AMUSU hopefuls who now cloak themselves in the language of student rights were absent when female students were mishandled by the Proctorial team during protests over electricity shortages. Their selective silence exposes a deep gender insensitivity. Worse, when the fee hike protesters—mostly girls—refused to be co-opted, they were abused, branded “dalals,” and smeared on social media.

A movement that cannot respect women within its own ranks stands discredited- and rightly so.

The Deal with the Administration: Regional Politics at Play

Perhaps the most disturbing development was the timing of the administration’s assurance to the hunger striker: elections in December, after semester exams. This timing was no coincidence. By then, most outstation students—from Bihar, Bengal, the Kerala, and Kashmir

—would have left, leaving the electoral field to Western UP students and their Azamgarh allies.

Why not hold elections in August–September, when all students are present? Neither the administration nor the hunger striker offered a convincing answer. Their silence reeks of sub- regional opportunism.

What Went Off the Agenda?

Equally telling is what disappeared from the protesters led by hunger striker’s list of demands:

1. School fee hikes—despite RTE 2009 and the active role of Ahmadi School students— were quietly dropped, even though they had kept Centenary Gate closed till 19 August
2. Administrative accountability—the demand for replacing the Proctor, Director (Schools), and Controller of Exams was abandoned. The moment students pressed for the removal of the long-serving ad hoc Controller (a local appointee with entrenched clout), the entire protest was abruptly called off before sunrise on 19

This sequence exposes the deeper malaise: protests shaped less by genuine grievances than by the compulsions of entrenched elites.

The Larger Picture: Opportunism of the Muslim Elite

This episode raises uncomfortable questions not only about AMU but about India’s Muslim elites more broadly:

1. Why do entrenched cliques, clouts, lobbies monopolize university offices and student bodies?
2. Why is regional dominance—particularly of Western UP and Azamgarh—normalized, while voices from other provinces are systematically muted?

• Why do organizations like SIO or IYF remain silent on nepotism, gender insensitivity, or ad hoc appointments, yet selectively speak up when AMUSU’s revival is at stake?

The answer is crude opportunism. These elites are less invested in reform than in safeguarding their own hegemony.

Conclusion

The August 2025 AMU protests reveal a painful truth: genuine student concerns—fee hikes, gender justice, transparent governance, fair examinations—were eclipsed by the opportunism of a narrow faction bent on reviving AMUSU for self-interest.

The December election timeline, the abandonment of school fee issues, the silence on the ad hoc   appointments of high administrative officers/directors that too from within the internal teachers , and the abuse of female protesters expose the agitation for what it was: a cynical power       play.   Far      from sacrifice,               the    hunger    strike    was    political theatre. And the administration, complicit through opaque bargains, stands equally discredited.

In the end, one is left asking: was this agitation ever meant to empower students, or was it always designed to pressure the Hon’ble Supreme Court, which heard the case of VC’s appointed on 18 August 2025; the Petitioners, too, in the said case are insiders; and protect sub-regional dominance?

The anatomy of this protest leaves little doubt: AMUSU and the AMU administration mirror each other’s failures. Together, they embody what is wrong with entrenched elite politics of Muslims—visionless, opportunistic, and hostile to the aspirations of common students.

(The author of this article known to the Editors chooses to remain anonymous)

The post Power, Patronage, and Protest: The Making of AMUSU’s Opportunism appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The meeting was permitted only after the Bombay High Court intervened for a second time this month. On August 12, the Mumbai Police informed the court that it would allow the gathering subject to strict conditions under the Maharashtra Police Act, 1951, including prohibitions on provocative speech, as per Indian Express. Earlier, police had rejected requests citing “law and order concerns” over protests linked to international conflicts.

Calling the High Court order a “huge victory”, veteran journalist P. Sainath, founder-editor of the People’s Archive of Rural India (PARI), reminded the audience that “Palestine is not just a global issue, it’s a super local issue.” According to the report of The Hindu, he also recalled Mahatma Gandhi’s 1938 article in Harijan, where Gandhi wrote: “Palestine belongs to the Arabs in the same sense that England belongs to the English or France belongs to the French.” 

Speakers across parties denounced Israel’s actions as “genocide”, citing the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrants against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defence Minister Yoav Gallant for crimes against humanity in Gaza. They also condemned the killings of journalists in Gaza, with references to Reporters Without Borders (RSF) documentation that dozens of Palestinian journalists have been targeted since October 2023.

Congress leader Hussain Dalwai, CPI(M) leaders Vivek Monteiro and Prakash Reddy, activist Feroze Mithiborwala, Samajwadi Party’s Shabana Khan, and cultural figures like actress Swara Bhaskar, theatre personality Dolly Thakore, and writer Beena Elias addressed the crowd. “What is happening in Gaza is not just a political conflict, it is a humanitarian crisis. No child should grow up under bombs, and no journalist should be silenced for telling the truth,” said Rashid Khan, a college professor from Kurla, echoing international human rights language, according to the IE report.

Placards at the protest read: Free Palestine, Stop the Genocide, Babies Are Not Collateral Damage, and India Stands for Peace. One participant carried an effigy of a baby wrapped in white cloth, smeared with red paint to symbolize blood, alongside a sign asking: “What if these children were yours?” Such imagery, participants said, was meant to highlight the humanitarian devastation in Gaza, where over 40,000 Palestinians have been killed since October 2023, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

Although the Bombay High Court initially told the petitioners to “look at the challenges in their own country first”, it ultimately recognized the citizens’ constitutional right to peaceful assembly under Article 19(1)(b) of the Indian Constitution, directing police to ensure that the protest could proceed lawfully, according to the report of Bar and Bench.

The demonstration concluded peacefully, with organizers declaring it a united stand against war crimes, forced displacement, and starvation in Gaza, and a call for an immediate ceasefire, lifting of the blockade, and accountability for crimes against civilians and journalists.

Related:

Azad Maidan erupts in protest as Maharashtra set to enact sweeping law aimed at silencing dissent

As protests intensify in Kerala over arrests of nuns, family members of Adivasi women say nuns are innocent, left national leadership to visit Chhattisgarh

Resignation in Protest: MP woman judge quits over elevation of senior she accused of harassment and discrimination

Protest decision of Union Government to Scrap 11% Import Duty on Raw Cotton: AIKS

The post Azad Maidan Rises for Gaza: Citizens, parties, artists unite after Bombay HC greenlight appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The resignation comes a day after the union government, on July 29, 2025, notified Gupta’s appointment as a judge of the Madhya Pradesh High Court for a two-year term. This appointment was made despite Sharma’s formal representations to the Supreme Court Collegium, the President of India, the Ministry of Law and Justice, and the Chief Justice of the MP High Court, opposing his elevation. Sharma had submitted that Gupta had subjected her to continued humiliation, discrimination, and casteist behaviour when he was her administrative superior.

A resignation letter that reads like an indictment

In her resignation, accessed and reported by The Print, Sharma declared she was resigning with the “ache of betrayal — not at the hands of a criminal or an accused, but at the hands of the very system I swore to serve.” She described being subjected to “unrelenting harassment, not merely of the body or the mind, but of my dignity, my voice, and my very existence as a woman judge who dared to speak up.”

Rejecting the notion that her resignation was an act of personal defeat, Sharma wrote, as reported by Hindustan Times, “I am resigning from judicial service, not because I failed the institution, but because the institution has failed me.” Her words were not just personal; they carried an institutional warning: “Let this letter haunt the files it enters. Let it whisper in the hallways where silence once reigned.”

Allegations ignored, harassment unchecked

Sharma’s allegations were not anonymous, nor unsupported. As The Print and Hindustan Times both confirm, she made detailed and documented complaints against Gupta—including incidents of public humiliation, caste-based insults, and interference in her professional assessments. She alleged that Gupta and his wife not only demeaned her, but also sought to control her social interactions, particularly objecting to her friendship with their daughter.

In her petition before the Supreme Court, filed earlier this year, Sharma accused Gupta of abusing his administrative position to downgrade her performance ratings and creating a hostile work environment during her tenure as a trainee judge. The harassment, she claimed, extended to personal insults and attempts to damage her reputation.

Yet, despite multiple representations, Sharma states there was no inquiry, no notice, no opportunity to be heard—a complete abandonment of even the most basic tenets of natural justice. “The same judiciary that sermonizes about transparency from the bench failed to even follow the basic tenets of natural justice within its own halls,” her letter reads, as per The Print.

A troubling elevation amid allegations

Notably, Gupta’s elevation had previously been blocked by the Supreme Court Collegium in 2023, headed by then CJI D.Y. Chandrachud, after it received Sharma’s and other complaints. The file was returned to the Madhya Pradesh High Court for further inquiry. However, after what appears to be a perfunctory probe, where Sharma was never even called to testify, according to The Print, Gupta was given a clean chit and his name re-sent for reconsideration in April 2025.

ThePrint also reported that Gupta faced multiple complaints from other judicial officers, including a Dalit judge who accused him of casteist harassment, and another senior judge who alleged intimidation and derogatory remarks about High Court judges. None of these complaints, Sharma notes in her resignation, were adequately investigated.

Supreme Court had earlier reinstated Sharma

In February 2025, Sharma won a significant legal victory when the Supreme Court set aside her 2023 dismissal, calling it “punitive, arbitrary and illegal.” A bench led by Justice B.V. Nagarathna noted that her appraisal had ignored critical factors, including a miscarriage and long COVID-related complications. The judgment emphasised institutional responsibility in supporting women judges, particularly during health crises or maternity.

Yet even after her reinstatement, Sharma said she continued to face subtle retaliation, including an “advisory” from the HC to mend her behaviour. Her attempts to convert her earlier complaint into a formal grievance were met with silence.

A system that rewards power, not truth

Throughout her letter, Sharma reiterates that her protest is not about revenge, but about accountability. “. Shri Rajesh Kumar Gupta who orchestrated my suffering was not questioned – was rewarded. Recommended. Elevated. Given a pedestal instead of a summons. Shri Rajesh Kumar Gupta the man I accused not lightly, not anonymously, but with documented facts and the raw courage only a wounded woman can Summon was not even asked to explain. No inquiry. No notice. No hearing. No accountability—is now titled Justice, a cruel joke upon the very word,” she wrote, as per ThePrint.

In a scathing indictment of the collegium system, she warned that rewarding impunity sends a chilling message to other whistleblowers within the judiciary. “In that silence, I saw the brutal truth of our times that integrity is optional, power is protection, and those who speak the truth are punished more severely than those who violate it,” she wrote. “The same institution that teaches equality before law handpicked power over truth.”

Senior Advocate Indira Jaising: A structural betrayal

Senior Advocate Indira Jaising, who represented Sharma in her SC challenge against dismissal, told ThePrint: that this is not the first time she was dealing with a case where a woman judge has been forced to resign. She added: “As she said, ‘the judiciary’s daughters’ have been let down by the judiciary itself. I agree. There is something very wrong with the process of appointing judges of the high court behind closed doors. Surprisingly, the judiciary and the government are on the same page”

Jaising argued that closed-door appointments without adequate scrutiny of complaints were symptomatic of institutional decay. She said, “We lost a very good judicial officer with an unblemished record of service. She won in the judicial side but lost on the administrative side.”

A call for institutional introspection

Sharma’s resignation is not merely a personal exit—it is a formal indictment of the judiciary’s failure to uphold its own principles. She closes her letter with piercing words:

“I leave now, with wounds that no reinstatement, no compensation, no apology will ever heal—but also with my truth intact. Let this letter haunt the files it enters. Let it whisper in the hallways where silence once reigned. Let it live longer than the reputations hastily protected, and the wrongs quietly buried. 

I sign off not as an officer of the court, but as a victim of its silence. 

Where were the rules then? Where was the revered transparency then? 

You refused to protect one of your own. 

You refused to uphold the principles you preach. 

You refused to be just where it mattered the most. 

And if this does not shake your conscience, then perhaps the rot runs deeper than we dare admit.

I leave this institution with no medals, no celebration, and no bitterness—only the bitter truth that the judiciary failed me. But worse—it failed itself. 

This letter of resignation is not closure. It is a statement of protest. Let it remain in your archives as a reminder that there once was a woman judge in Madhya Pradesh who gave her all to justice, and was broken by the system that preached it the loudest. 

And if even one judge, one registrar, one member of the Collegium reads this and feels unease then perhaps, my voice has done more justice than my robe ever could.”

Her act—bold, painful, and unflinchingly honest—now stands as a testament to how women in the judiciary are treated. It raises deeply troubling questions about the integrity of appointments, the erasure of women’s voices in power structures, and the danger of silencing dissent through procedural opacity.

Related:

Beed to Delhi: Lawyer beaten in Maharashtra, judge threatened in Delhi—what the path for justice means for women practioners in today’s India

When Courts Fail Survivors: How patriarchy shapes justice in sexual offence against women cases

Surviving Communal Wrath: Women who have defied the silence, demanded accountability from the state

‘We are considered servants, not humans’: Women of Jai Bhim Nagar reveal the violence of domestic work

The post Resignation in Protest: MP woman judge quits over elevation of senior she accused of harassment and discrimination appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The leaders also denounced the Hindu right-wing Bajrang Dal’s “coercive role” in the arrest of Sister Vandana Francis and Sister Preeta Mary of the order of the Assisi Sisters of Mary Immaculate. Both nuns, Preeti Mary and Vandana Francis, and Sukaman Mandavi from Narayanpur were arrested on Friday, July 25 after a local Bajrang Dal member, Ravi Nigam, filed a complaint with the police, saying that Mr. Mandavi had brought three women to the Durg railway station, from where they had to go to Agra with the two nuns.

Meanwhile, the Hindu reported that the Union Minister of State for Minority Affairs George Kurian said that the matter was sub judice and he was therefore not hazarding an opinion until the court processed the nuns’ arrest. He stated that BJP’s Kerala president Rajeev Chandrasekhar was “working closely with the Central and Chhattisgarh governments, as well as the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India, to secure the early release of the nuns.”

Even as Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan wrote a strong letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi demanding justice for the “unfairly incarcerated” nuns, a delegation of left leaders led by leaders like Brinda Karat and Annie Raja has left for Chhattisgarh on the matter. Leader of the Opposition V.D. Satheesan also stated the attacks against Christians in BJP ruled States had multiplied after Prime Minister Narendra Modi came to power at the Centre. Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee president Sunny Joseph, MLA, said Christians in the BJP-ruled States lived in fear of persecution.

A delegation of Left MPs led by senior Left leaders like
@BrindaKarat and @AnnieRaja are leaving for Chhattisgarh. Our struggle for democracy and secularism shall continue, inside and out of the Parliament. pic.twitter.com/dLVZxk0T3l

— A A Rahim (@AARahimdyfi) July 29, 2025

Nuns are “innocent”, say family members of tribal women

Even as the arrest of the Keralite nuns in Chhattisgarh made national headlines, siblings of the purported victims reject allegations of trafficking and forcible conversion; they say the tribal women were accompanying the nuns to Agra for a job with the consent of family members. However BJP’s Chhattisgarh Chief Minister has defended the arrest.

Only days after the Chhattisgarh Police arrested three persons, including two Keralite nuns, on charges of trafficking and forcibly converting a few tribal women, the latter’s family members have denied the police claim. Family members clearly stated that the women accompanied the nuns and a man from Narayanpur of their own volition, and that they are innocent.

However, Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai, on Monday (July 28, 2025), backed the arrests, saying that “through inducement, an attempt was being made [by the arrested persons] to engage in human trafficking and conversion”.

‘They are being framed’

The younger sister of another woman who was in Narayanpur also demanded the release of the nuns and said her sister left home on July 24, and that the family had converted to Christianity five years ago. Besides, post the arrests, all three families gave a written submission to the Narayanpur Police on July 26 saying that they were aware that the women were being taken for jobs, said Narayanpur Superintendent of Police Robinson Guria.

Related:

Targeted by Mob, Arrested without Cause: Two Catholic nuns jailed in Chhattisgarh despite consent documents and no evidence of conversion

The post As protests intensify in Kerala over arrests of nuns, family members of Adivasi women say nuns are innocent, left national leadership to visit Chhattisgarh appeared first on SabrangIndia.

• In Thane, Parbhani, and Kolhapur, opposition parties, including the Maharashtra Congress, and civil rights groups are rallying against the newly passed Maharashtra Public Safety Act (MSPS)—a sweeping law that criminalises democratic dissent.

जनसुरक्षा कायद्याला कडाडून विरोध करण्यासाठी कोल्हापूर जिल्हाध्यक्ष श्री.सतेजजी पाटील यांच्या उपस्थितीत आज कोल्हापूर जिल्हा व शहर काँग्रेसच्या वतीने काँग्रेसच्या कार्यालयाबाहेर जनसुरक्षा कायद्याची होळी करून संविधानिक मार्गाने काम करणाऱ्या विरोधी पक्ष संघटना, शिव- शाहू- फुले-… pic.twitter.com/Z8hz5JEODR

— Maharashtra Congress (@INCMaharashtra) July 21, 2025

परभणी जिल्हा व शहर काँग्रेसच्यावतीने परभणीतील डॉ. बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर यांच्या पुतळ्याजवळ जनसुरक्षा कायद्याला कडाडून विरोध करण्यासाठी संविधानिक मार्गाने काम करणाऱ्या विरोधी पक्ष संघटना, शिव- शाहू- फुले- आंबेडकरवादी संघटना, पुरोगामी, शेतकरी कामगार संघटना यांना संपवणाऱ्या आणि… pic.twitter.com/AG6GSGSzjT

— Maharashtra Congress (@INCMaharashtra) July 21, 2025

• In Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar and Nanded, members of the Qureshi Muslim community have initiated a state-wide boycott of the cattle trade in protest against a decade of mob lynching, police harassment, and what they call a campaign of “economic strangulation.”
• And on the shores of Sassoon Dock in Mumbai, the Koli fishing community is resisting sudden evictions despite years of assurances, demanding protection of their ancestral rights and the right to the sea.

Together, these protests tell a larger story: of how state power, legal instruments, and vigilante violence are reshaping the rights, identities, and futures of working-class and marginalised communities across Maharashtra.

• The Public Safety Act: A law to silence the people

When the Maharashtra Special Public Security (MSPS) Bill, 2024 was passed by the Maharashtra legislature in June 2025, the government claimed it was a necessary measure to combat “urban Naxalism” and protect public order. But opposition parties, constitutional scholars, and over 12,500 citizens who submitted objections to the Joint Select Committee saw the law for what it is: a legal instrument to suppress protest, stifle opposition, and criminalise constitutional expression.

The law allows the state to declare any activity or organisation “unlawful” if it is seen to disturb “public order” or interfere with “established institutions.” But these terms are undefined, vague, and dangerously expansive. Jan Suraksha Vidheyak Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti approached the Governor of Maharashtra on July 16, 2025 and submitted a memorandum against the said Bill.

The memorandum stated that “The Sangharsh Samiti has strongly opposed the Jan Suraksha Bill (Bill No. XXXIII of 2024), as the Bill is a direct assault on the democratic and fundamental rights of the citizens of the State.  We believe that in the name of curbing Naxalism, due to its vague formulation, the Act is likely to be misused against common citizens, social activists and organisations who legitimately raise their voice against unjust government policies and actions.  The stifling of any form of opposition and dissent, is antithetical to the democratic frame of our Constitution. A more detailed note outlining our major objections to the Bill, is attached herewith.”

The additional memorandum submitted to the Governor on July 22, 2025 highlighting that Section 2(f), which defines unlawful activity argued that the state definition is so wide it could criminalise rasta rokos, satyagrahas, pamphleteering, or even social media posts.

The additional memorandum to the Governor provided that “The definition of “unlawful activity” is too broad and all-encompassing.  While the Chief Minister has repeatedly stated that morchas, andolans, and other democratic forms of protest will not be disallowed, the fact is that the definition of “unlawful activity” as defined in Sec 2 (f) of the Act is so broad that morchas, andolans etc. fall squarely within the said definition. It is necessary that the assurances in this regard as given on the floor of the House, must be translated into black and white on paper.”

Under Section 5, the Advisory Board, originally meant to serve as a constitutional check, has also been structurally weakened. Under amendments introduced by the Joint Select Committee, the Board may now include retired district judges and government advocates, compromising its independence.

Opposition erupted state-wide:

• In Parbhani, Congress leaders gathered at the Ambedkar statue to burn copies of the Bill and denounce it as an attack on Ambedkarite and Phule-Shahu ideals.
• In Kolhapur, 2,000 people blocked a police contingent and set fire to symbolic effigies of the law, calling it “black inside and out.”
• In Thane, a major public meeting on July 27 brought together journalist Kumar Ketkar, Rajya Sabha MP Sanjay Raut, former minister Jitendra Awhad, and retired judge Abhay Thipse, all calling for the repeal of the Act.

As reported by The Week, Congress state president Harshvardhan Sapkal, in a widely covered press conference at Gandhi Bhavan, alleged that the law was designed not to curb extremism but to protect industrialists grabbing land in Dharavi, or extracting mineral wealth from Surjagad in Gadchiroli.

“This law is draconian inside and out and is meant to suppress the common people… The only beneficiaries will be the government and the industrialists who support it — the ones who have grabbed land in Dharavi, looted mineral resources in Surjagad (Gadchiroli), and want red-carpet access to the Shaktipeeth highway corridor.”

The Governor is yet to grant assent, and civil society groups continue to demand that the Bill be returned to the Assembly under Article 200 of the Constitution. More such protests are planned in Maharashtra. On July 27, 2025 there is a protest meeting in Thane that will be addressed among others by former judge, Abhay Thipsay.

• The Qureshi Community’s economic boycott against mob violence

On July 1, 2025, a quiet revolution began in Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar. Members of the Qureshi Muslim community, who are traditionally involved in buffalo meat and cattle trade, announced they were ceasing all commercial activity indefinitely.

The reason? A decade of mob lynchings, extortion, and police collusion under the pretext of gau Raksha (cow protection). Haji Aslam Sultan Qureshi, president of the Maharashtra Jamat ul Quresh, spoke with Hindustan Times and stated that “We are legal traders, but gau rakshaks beat us, loot our vehicles, and often kill with impunity. Even when we transport buffaloes, which are legal, they attack us. And the police help them.”

The community cites multiple fatal cases:

• Rafeeq Tamboli, beaten to death in 2021;
• Affan Ansari, killed in 2024;
• Seven deaths in Washim district alone, the report provided, as per local community leader Nabi Qureshi.

Over time, slaughterhouses in many districts have been shut down or denied veterinary certification, making legal slaughter impossible. As per a report of The Wire, in Nanded, there are no functioning taluka-level veterinary officers. As a result, butchers are forced to slaughter in homes, illegal under the law, making them further vulnerable to FIRs and raids. “We are being pushed into illegality by design,” said a butcher from Parbhani, according to The Wire report, “then arrested for surviving.”

On July 15, the HT report provided, a Qureshi delegation met Minister of State for Home Yogesh Kadam and DGP Rashmi Shukla, demanding a written assurance of protection. Kadam refused, offering only oral promises.

Meanwhile, according to the report of The Wire, the government’s official position hardened. On July 14, Minister Pankaj Bhoyar announced:

• A new law to combat beef smuggling;
• Withdrawal of all cases against gau rakshaks;
• Possible invocation of the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA) against cattle transporters.

The report of The Wire provides that activists like Juned Atar have documented how vigilante groups coordinate across districts, sending tip-offs when cattle transport begins and ambushing vehicles with police support. “The state is now weaponising bureaucracy against us,” said Kaizer Patel, AIMIM lawyer, who estimates that ₹300 crore worth of trade has been halted state-wide. “The real victims are the poor—Qureshis, farmers, drivers, meat vendors, and even the hotel industry.”

• Sassoon Dock Standoff and the Fight for Coastal Rights

The third protest front opened in Mumbai—on the land and waters of Sassoon Dock, a historic fishing port that sustains tens of thousands of Koli fisherfolk, warehouse operators, ice vendors, and boatmen.

On July 23, a team from the Mumbai Port Authority (MbPA) arrived with police support to evict godown operators on the basis of a 2014 Supreme Court ruling. The MbPA claims the godown operators are unauthorised sub-lessees and that the original leaseholder is the Maharashtra Fisheries Development Corporation (MFDC).

But, as reported by Hindustan Times, the Koli community sees this eviction as a betrayal of past assurances. In a 2015 ministerial meeting at Vidhan Bhavan, Nitin Gadkari and Eknath Khadse had assured that:

• Ready Reckoner rent rates would not apply, and
• No eviction would be carried out without consultation.

“If MbPA claims otherwise, they should give us that in writing,” said Krishna Pawle, president of Shiv Bharatiya Port Sena, reported Hindustan Times. 

“Today they’re coming for the warehouses. Tomorrow, they’ll come for our boats,” warned Bhaskar Tandel, former chair of the Machimaar Sarvoday Society, while speaking with HT, “We have been here longer than the Port Authority itself.”

The eviction was stalled by a mass protest of over 2,000 people, and Koli leaders have warned that 20,000 will occupy Sassoon Dock if the eviction continues after the seasonal fishing ban ends on August 1.

For the Koli community, this is about more than tenancy. It is about ancestral claims, survival, and identity in a rapidly gentrifying Mumbai.

Conclusion: Criminalisation as policy, resistance as survival

In all three protests, a clear pattern emerges:

• Legal frameworks—whether the MSPS Act, cow protection laws, or tenancy regulations—are being used to delegitimise, displace, or detain.
• Marginalised communities—Muslims, Tribals, Bahujans, and traditional coastal dwellers—are increasingly forced into protest just to survive.
• And when they protest, they are labelled as Naxals, smugglers, or encroachers.

These protests are not merely political reactions. They are defences of constitutional existence, carried out in courtrooms, streets, markets, docks, and under statues of Ambedkar and Shivaji. In Maharashtra today, protest is not dissent. It is self-defence.

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Maharashtra Rises in Protest: State-wide agitation against draconian Maharashtra Public Safety Bill on April 22

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A heavy police deployment, including the Rapid Action Force, continues to maintain vigil across sensitive areas, particularly in and around Jangipur town, where the worst of the violence unfolded on April 8. Authorities have also intensified patrolling and naka-checking to prevent further unrest.

How the violence unfolded

The violence erupted on the afternoon of April 8, 2025, in Omarpur, under Raghunathganj police limits, when hundreds of protesters blocked National Highway-12 (NH-12) demanding a rollback of the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025. Clashes began after police attempted to disperse the crowd, leading to widespread stone-pelting and arson. At least five police vehicles were vandalised—two of which were set ablaze—and a firearm was reportedly snatched from a policeman.

According to official reports, nine people, including four police personnel, were injured in the violence. The mob allegedly shattered windows of vehicles and ransacked shops and houses near the protest site. Protesters refused to clear the highway despite repeated police warnings. In response, police resorted to lathi-charges and tear gas to disperse the crowd and regain control.

Government measures and public safety

In response to the unrest, Murshidabad District Magistrate Rajarshi Mitra passed an executive order imposing restrictions under Section 163 BNSS, prohibiting gatherings of five or more people in areas where there is a perceived threat to public order. State Home Secretary Nandini Chakraborty later issued an order suspending internet services in the entire Jangipur region until April 11 to prevent the spread of misinformation and communal tension.

Superintendent of Police Ananda Roy, who visited the violence-hit areas, confirmed detentions and ongoing operations to identify more suspects. “Some policemen were injured, including a deputy superintendent. Legal proceedings will follow against those involved in the violence and rumour-mongering,” he said, as per Hindustan Times.

Political fallout and divided reactions

The incident has sparked sharp political reactions. West Bengal Governor C V Ananda Bose condemned the violence and urged the state government to take “bold action” against those disturbing law and order. “Attempts to disturb public peace must be crushed with an iron hand,” he said, as per Times of India.

The opposition BJP was quick to blame the Mamata Banerjee-led state government for “minority appeasement” and deteriorating law and order. BJP state president Sukanta Majumdar claimed “violent Islamist mobs” were behind the riots and accused the administration of suppressing the truth by suspending internet services. He further alleged that Hindus were being targeted under the garb of protests.

Congress leader Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury held both the BJP and TMC responsible, accusing them of politicising the issue for communal gain. He criticised the police for their excessive force and demanded a more sensitive approach in a region where over 70 percent of the population is Muslim. Chowdhury warned against stoking further unrest in Murshidabad’s communally fragile landscape.

In contrast, Siddiqullah Chowdhury, a senior TMC leader and state minister, criticised the police crackdown. “Even during the Left rule, police never baton-charged minorities. If there was violence, action must be taken against the guilty. But lathi-charging an entire rally is unacceptable,” he said.

The Waqf (Amendment) Act and its wider impact

The Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025—passed by the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha after extended debates and signed into law by President Droupadi Murmu—officially came into effect on April 8. The law aims to allegedly modernise the governance of Waqf properties by enhancing transparency, ensuring better coordination between Waqf boards and local authorities, and safeguarding heritage assets.

However, it has been met with opposition from several Muslim organisations and political parties, who argue that the new provisions, especially the inclusion of non-Muslim members in Waqf boards, amount to undue interference in religious affairs. The opposition has labelled the law “anti-democratic” and accused the union of undermining the rights of religious minorities.

The Murshidabad incident is the most violent among a string of protests that have taken place in West Bengal and other states like Tamil Nadu. As per a report of Mint, BJP leaders circulated unverified videos allegedly showing protesters rejecting the Indian Constitution—claims that have been strongly contested by local groups.

Conclusion: Calm returns, but tensions linger

As of April 9, the police report that normalcy has been restored, with traffic on NH-12 resuming and no further incidents reported. However, prohibitory orders and internet restrictions continue to ensure preventive security. Authorities have promised strict legal action against those who instigated violence and against anyone spreading misinformation online.

The political and communal overtones of the protest continue to reverberate across West Bengal, revealing the deep polarisation around religious legislation. While the law has been enacted, the resistance to it—and the state’s handling of dissent—signals that tensions are far from resolved in Murshidabad and beyond.

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In post-independence times, various social and environmental movements have made good and effective use of the foot-march. The Chipko movement in Himalayan region was particularly good at this. The famous Kashmir-Kohima foot march initiated by Sunderlal Bahuguna was very useful for knowing more about ecological ruin being caused even in very interior and remote areas as well as for understanding the problems of people of remote villages. The Askot-Arakot march of young activists was also a very memorable and useful experience. Some Chipko activists like Vijay Jardhari and Kunwar Prasun later became equally involved in the movement for saving and conserving diversity of traditional seeds called Beej Bachao Andolan. This was also known for several very useful foot marches leading to collecting not just a lot of information about diversity of traditional sees but also collecting and exchanging these seeds so that their growth on farms could continue or restart.

More recently, foot marches organized by Vaagdhara voluntary organisation in Rajasthan to spread the message of Gram Swaraj have made a good contribution.

However not all foot marches have been equally useful or effective. A review of several foot marches reveals that those foot marches are able to make durable contributions in which the outcomes regarding important desired results are clearly planned, and then activities relating to the achievement of these objectives regularly take place during the course of the march. On the other hand, if there is a lot of walking and just random inter-actions without any careful planning regarding desirable results, then durable benefits are unlikely to be realized.

A recent water conservation march in Bundelkhand region of central India provides a good example of a march that is carefully planned to realise desirable objectives and these objectives have in fact been realized at a relatively early stage when some of the planned follow-up work is still continuing.

This was a march of jal-sahelis or women water volunteers, mobilised by a voluntary organisation Parmarth, who have been playing a widely appreciated role in the region to improve water conservation and drinking water supply. This march was interwoven with a number of dialogues with on route villagers on water and related issues. A lot of attention was given to gathering relevant information on water-related problems.

As a result of such efforts, it has been possible to collect detailed information on water tanks in this region, what kind of problems are faced by them and what sort of remedial actions are needed. The review of these issues published recently provides a lot of useful information regarding which tanks have a seepage problem and which ones have excessive silting, which tanks need deepening and which tanks need cleaning, which tanks are being encroached upon or have already been encroached upon to a substantial extent. This kind of detailed information which could be collected during the march will be very useful when remedial actions are planned.

Parmarth and Jal Sahelis have also been involved in efforts to improve the Jal Jeevan mission. In the course of the recent march, problems could be identified regarding this too. It is now known which habitations are still not receiving water and these are generally located in the upper portions of villages. Similarly the villages or hamlets which are facing problems in terms of the quality of the supplied water not being satisfactory have also been identified and this information too will be very useful for remedial actions.

One of the aims of the march was to tell more villagers of the inspirational work of many jal sahelis so that the people of more villages feel motivated to take up similar work. This expectation of this march too has been more than fulfilled as after listening to the stories told by jal sahelis many women of villages on the route of the march felt highly motivated to do similar work and nearly 400 women have enlisted themselves as future jal sahelis. Similarly contacts with other people were established who are keen to take up water conservation and related work including protection of tanks and rivers. All this will be very helpful for future water conservation and protection work.

In terms of increasing solidarity and empowerment of jal sahelis also the march of the jal sahelis has been a very important experience. Jal sahelis from several different villages could come together for several days, stay together, share their experiences, make future plans, and come in daily contact with a very large number of people. This has certainly added greatly to their empowerment, confidence and capability, and they are better prepared to take up bigger responsibilities.

The march has also enabled activists and jal sahelis to closely observe several situations closely and to listen to villagers regarding what can be done to about this and what kind of difficulties they face while trying to resolve these problems. This has enabled Parmarth and jal sahelis to come up with more specific and detailed recommendations which are more likely to work in real life situations. Several of these recommendations are addressed to governments, departments and water authorities.

At the practical level it is very important for such efforts that people feel that their problems are being reduced and actions to correct existing problems are being taken at the level of the government level and at other levels. Most problems ultimately need government actions for effective solutions to emerge. In this context also the march has been helpful as this has given the jal sahelis a wider and more effective presence and they can approach the authorities for resolving various problems with greater confidence.

Some of the expected good results have already started emerging within a short period of the march and it is hoped that a lot of more follow-up work can be taken up. Certainly a more hope-giving situation has emerged soon after the march.

(The author is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, Earth without Borders, When the Two Streams Met and A Day in 2071.)              

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The protesters voiced demands for rehabilitation of the families affected by these incidents, especially Somnath Suryavanshi’s family, and called for the dismissal of high-ranking officials allegedly involved in covering up the cases. This protest, which started in Parbhani on the evening of January 17, follows weeks of growing tension in Marathwada over caste-related issues, with the protests intensifying in recent weeks due to the escalating violence and the perceived injustice in both incidents.

Samata Sainik Dal (Parbhani) is organizing a long march from Parbhani to Mumbai.

The main demand of this march is that when will the family of martyr Somnath Suryavanshi die/be murdered in police custody and due to the delay in this case, when will justice be given to his family… pic.twitter.com/km0agJjO2T

— हेमंत भाऊ (@NetaClix) January 17, 2025

Scheduled long March in Jalna district and Parbhani to Mumbai

From January 21 to 25, 2025, a significant long march will take place in Jalna District, aiming to raise awareness about the brutal murders of Somnath Suryavanshi and Santosh Deshmukh. The march will begin at Watur Phata, Watur, and will conclude at Badnapur.

Notably, the protesters from Parbhani have organized a long march from Parbhani to Mumbai in response to the recent incident and the ongoing atrocities against Dalits and killing of Santosh and Somnath.

Violence and tensions after Dalit youth dies in custody, following Constitution replica vandalism

The tension in Parbhani boiled over after an incident involving the vandalism of a constitution replica on December 10, 2024. As per eyewitnesses, the incident was allegedly carried out by Sopan Pawar, a 45-year-old Maratha man. This act triggered protests from Dalit groups and Ambedkarite organizations, with the Vanchit Bahujan Aaghadi (VBA) party playing a pivotal role in mobilizing the crowds.

The following day, a “Parbhani Bandh” (strike) was declared, which, while initially peaceful, later descended into chaos. Protesters clashed with the police, leading to multiple vehicles being torched and property being damaged. According to the police, they arrested 50 people involved in the unrest, among them Somnath Suryavanshi, a 35-year-old Dalit youth. Suryavanshi, who had been detained during the protests, later died in judicial custody on December 15 due to what was reported as “shock following multiple injuries” reported Frontline.

His death has sparked outrage, with many accusing the police of brutality. According to local sources, Suryavanshi’s mother, Vijaya, claimed that her son had been beaten by the police, leading to his death. Her claims were substantiated by a postmortem report, which confirmed external injuries. However, the police have denied allegations of abuse, stating that Suryavanshi’s death was due to natural causes.

Dalit groups have condemned the police’s treatment of protesters, especially the manner in which Dalit youth were targeted. Prakash Ambedkar, leader of the VBA, demanded an investigation into the police’s role, highlighting the ongoing issues of caste discrimination. He was quoted as saying, “The real battle for equality is still being fought, and we must ensure justice for every oppressed community.”

Dalit and political outrage over Police brutality and murder in Parbhani and Beed

Several political parties and social organizations are raising their voices in protest over the death of Somnath Suryavanshi in judicial custody and the kidnapping and subsequent murder of Santosh Deshmukh, the Maratha Sarpanch in Beed. According to Dalit groups, the police’s crackdown on protesters in Parbhani was disproportionately harsh, with claims of excessive use of force against Dalit youth and women.

In response to the incidents, the Matang Ekta Andolan and Republican Party of India (RPI) staged protests in Pune, demanding an independent inquiry into the events. As per sources, the police have been accused of carrying out violent search operations, targeting individuals without any solid evidence of involvement in unlawful activities.

Further compounding the unrest was the murder of Deshmukh, which escalated tensions between the Maratha and OBC communities. According to reports, Vishnu Chate, the alleged kidnapper and murderer, belongs to the Vanjari OBC community, and the growing friction over reservation issues has deepened the divide between caste groups.

The tragic events in Parbhani and Beed have led to an outpouring of support for both families involved, with political leaders from across Maharashtra rallying behind the victims. Prakash Ambedkar, addressing the media, drew parallels between these incidents and the historical struggles against discrimination, notably the Koregaon Bhima battle, marking over 200 years of ongoing battles for equality.

Struggle for equality in Beed and Parbhani echoes historical caste struggles

Prakash Ambedkar, while commemorating the 207th anniversary of the Koregaon Bhima battle, linked the present-day struggles in Parbhani and Beed to the ongoing battle for equality in India. As per Ambedkar’s statement, despite the long history of caste discrimination, the incidents in Parbhani and Beed reveal that the struggle for social justice and equality is far from over.

Ambedkar cautioned the Maharashtra government about the sensitive handling of the Beed murder case, which has been cast in a Maratha versus Vanjari OBC context. He stressed the importance of avoiding further division and ensuring that justice prevails for all communities involved. Meanwhile, Chandrashekhar Azad of Bhim Army visited Parbhani to meet Suryavanshi’s family and vowed to continue the protests to expose the government’s failures in addressing the plight of Dalits and marginalized communities.

These events have thrown the spotlight on the persistent caste fault lines in Maharashtra, exacerbated by the government’s handling of these incidents. The continuing unrest calls for a deeper introspection into the state’s caste politics and its impact on the marginalized sections of society, reported Times of India.

Massive all-party march in Parbhani over Beed sarpanch’s murder

According to reports, a massive all-party march was organized in Parbhani, Maharashtra, demanding a thorough and unbiased investigation into the murder of Santosh Deshmukh, the sarpanch of Massajog village in Beed district. The protest also targeted the state’s food and civil supplies minister, Dhananjay Munde, who stands accused of shielding Walmik Karad, the alleged mastermind of the murder. Karad surrendered to the police just days prior, adding fuel to the fire of political and caste tensions.

The march, which saw a turnout of thousands, included elected representatives, political leaders, and Maratha community organizations. It marks the second major protest following Deshmukh’s murder. The previous protest on December 28, 2024, in Beed had also garnered massive support, with around 50,000 participants. The Parbhani march was attended by influential figures from both ruling and opposition parties, underlining the political ramifications of the crime.

As per the march organizers, the demands were clear: an impartial investigation, punishment for the politically powerful individuals behind the crime, and the immediate resignation of Dhananjay Munde. BJP MLA Suresh Dhas, speaking at the rally, argued that Munde was deeply involved in a multi-crore crop insurance scam in the region, which he claimed had far-reaching implications.

The murder of Santosh Deshmukh, a Maratha leader, has been exacerbated by the caste dynamics at play. Karad, the primary accused, hails from the Vanjari community, an OBC group, and this has sparked a war of words between Maratha and OBC factions in the region. As per the leaders present at the protest, the case is symptomatic of a larger political crisis within Maharashtra’s power structure.

Panel formed for Judicial probe into Beed Sarpanch’s murder and Parbhani protester’s custodial death

In response to mounting public outrage, the Maharashtra Government has appointed two judicial committees to probe significant incidents in Beed and Parbhani. A single-member panel, led by retired High Court Judge M.L. Tahaliyani, has been established to investigate the murder of Sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh in Beed district. The violence that led to Deshmukh’s murder sparked intense political and social unrest, prompting the state to initiate the judicial inquiry.

Additionally, the government has appointed retired Judge V.L. Achliya to investigate the custodial death of Dalit protester Somnath Suryavanshi in Parbhani. The investigation will assess the role of law enforcement, examine the handling of the protests, and determine if there were any lapses in maintaining public order.

As per report, both inquiries aim to hold accountable those responsible for the incidents and evaluate the preparedness of local authorities.

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According to Yashant Kale, the officiating Superintendent of Police (SP) in Parbhani, Suryavanshi began complaining of severe chest pain early Sunday morning while in custody. He was immediately taken to the district civil hospital, where doctors examined him and pronounced him dead. Shahaji Umap, Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police for the Nanded Range, confirmed the sequence of events, stating that Suryavanshi and others were initially presented in court on Thursday and remanded to police custody for two days. On Saturday, they were shifted to judicial custody and transferred to the district jail, where the fatal incident occurred.

Dr Shivaji Sukre, Dean of the Government Medical College and Hospital (GMCH), Parbhani, had announced that a detailed post-mortem examination would be conducted by a team of senior doctors, including forensic and toxicology experts. The post-mortem will be performed in-camera to ascertain the precise cause of death.as per the post-mortem report that have been circulating on social media, Suryavanshi died owing to “shock due to multiple injuries.”

The incident has sparked outrage, particularly among Ambedkarite groups, as Suryavanshi was identified as a Bhim Sainik belonging to the Wadar community, a marginalised group. Prominent Dalit leader Prakash Ambedkar, in a statement on Monday, described the custodial death as “gut-wrenching, sickening, and intolerable.” He expressed particular concern that the death occurred despite Suryavanshi’s bail application being approved. Ambedkar added that his legal team had requested the court to ensure the post-mortem examination is conducted thoroughly, involving CT and MRI scans as well as forensic and pathological analyses. He further emphasised that the procedure should be filmed and conducted in a government hospital equipped with a forensic department to maintain transparency.

The custodial death of Somnath Suryawanshi — a Bhim Sainik belonging to the Wadar community — in Parbhani is gut wrenching, sickening and intolerable to say the least.

What is more intolerable that his death happened in judicial custody despite his bail application being…

— Prakash Ambedkar (@Prksh_Ambedkar) December 15, 2024

Anandraj Ambedkar, another prominent Ambedkarite leader, also condemned the incident, calling for immediate action against the police officers involved. He highlighted the broader context of arrests in Parbhani following the desecration incident, noting that many Ambedkarite activists were detained under various charges. On the night of December 11, 50 individuals were arrested, and 300 to 400 others were booked on charges of rioting and related offences. Suryavanshi was among those identified as suspects and was presented in court on December 12.

The custodial death of Suryavanshi has reignited long-standing concerns about police brutality, systemic discrimination against marginalised communities, and the misuse of custodial powers. For many in the Ambedkarite movement, the incident represents a stark reminder of the impunity often afforded to state authorities, particularly in cases involving Dalits and other oppressed groups. With protests expected to intensify, the incident is likely to put renewed pressure on the judiciary and the government to ensure accountability and justice.

Parbhani erupts in protests over desecration of constitution replica and custodial death

The town of Parbhani in Maharashtra’s Marathwada region has been gripped by unrest following the desecration of a replica of the Indian Constitution at a statue of Dr B. R. Ambedkar and the subsequent custodial death of 35-year-old Somnath Vyankat Suryavanshi. The protests, which began on December 10, escalated dramatically after Suryavanshi’s death on December 15, bringing issues of police accountability and caste-based violence to the forefront.

Desecration of Constitution replica triggers anger: On December 10, tensions erupted after an unidentified person vandalised a replica of the Constitution held by a statue of Dr Ambedkar near Parbhani Railway Station. The act, widely perceived as an attack on Dalit identity, sparked outrage. Around 200 people gathered near the statue, chanting slogans and demanding justice. As news of the incident spread, the protests turned violent, with acts of arson, stone-pelting, and vandalism reported across the town.

Protesters blocked railway tracks and disrupted train services, including roughing up the loco-pilot of the Nandigram Express. Public properties, including the district collector’s office, were damaged, with protesters smashing furniture and window panes. The bandh, initially intended to be peaceful, quickly turned violent. Protesters set pipes on fire outside shops, vandalised public properties, and attacked the district collectorate, prompting the police to fire tear gas to disperse the crowds. Acting Superintendent of Police Yeshwant Kale confirmed that the situation was eventually brought under control but acknowledged the deep-rooted anger among the Dalit community.

NCP-SP MP Fauzia Tahseen Khan, representing Parbhani, urged citizens to maintain peace while condemning the vandalism as deeply disrespectful to the Constitution. She also criticised the slow police response, which she said exacerbated tensions. Leaders of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and other groups extended support to the bandh, calling for justice and systemic reforms to prevent such incidents in the future.

Senior police officials, including Special Inspector General Shahaji Umap, were deployed to oversee the situation. The protests and violence have drawn attention to the state government’s failure to address caste-based violence effectively. Prakash Ambedkar reiterated his call for unity and non-violence while warning that the Dalit community’s patience should not be mistaken for weakness. He vowed to continue the fight for justice for Suryavanshi and protection of Dalit symbols like Ambedkar statues.

Notably, the police arrested 45-year-old Sopan Pawar, who was identified as the perpetrator. Initial reports described Pawar as a “disturbed” individual, but Dalit leaders dismissed these claims, insisting the act was deliberate and caste-motivated. The administration imposed prohibitory orders to prevent mass gatherings, while police used loudspeakers to urge calm.

The desecration drew strong reactions from across the political spectrum. Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) leader Prakash Ambedkar called the incident “shameful” and demanded swift arrests of all those involved. Ambedkar warned that the failure to act decisively would lead to severe consequences. Union Minister Ramdas Athawale also condemned the act, urging protection for Ambedkar statues across the state to prevent future incidents.

Custodial death of Dalit man fuels protests: The unrest reached a boiling point on December 15 when Somnath Suryavanshi, a Dalit labourer and law student, died in judicial custody. Suryavanshi, who was arrested on December 12 for his alleged role in the earlier protests, was reportedly shifted to judicial custody on December 14. According to police, he complained of chest pain and was admitted to a hospital, where he died shortly after. However, Dalit leaders and activists have alleged that he succumbed to severe police brutality.

Suryavanshi, described as a committed Bhim Sainik and vocal activist from the Wadar community, had no prior criminal record. His arrest and sudden death in custody sparked outrage. Leaders, including Prakash Ambedkar, termed the incident “gut-wrenching” and demanded a transparent autopsy with video documentation to ensure accountability. VBA workers staged peaceful sit-ins, while Dalit organisations across the state called for a bandh to protest the custodial death.

Union Minister Athawale called for the dismissal of the police officials involved, a ₹25 lakh compensation for Suryavanshi’s family, and the withdrawal of charges against innocent individuals caught up in the protests. Activists also criticised the police for their indiscriminate arrests, which reportedly targeted over 300 locals, predominantly Dalits.

Social and political implications: The incidents in Parbhani highlight the simmering caste tensions in Maharashtra. The desecration of the Constitution replica and the custodial death of Suryavanshi are seen as symptoms of deeper systemic issues, including caste-based discrimination and police misconduct. The demands for justice have extended beyond individual accountability to include structural reforms, better protection for Dalit symbols, and more stringent action against caste-based violence.

As the Maharashtra Legislature begins its session in Nagpur, the government faces mounting pressure to take meaningful action. Dalit leaders have warned that failure to address these grievances could lead to further unrest. The Parbhani unrest has not only shaken the state but also reignited nationwide conversations about caste-based injustice and the need for comprehensive reforms in law enforcement and governance.

Postmortem procedures amid rising tensions

The postmortem of Somnath Venkata Surwanshi, who died in judicial custody, became a focal point of tension at the Government Medical College and Hospital (GMCH) in Parbhani. As news of his body reaching the hospital spread, a crowd of Ambedkarite leaders, activists, and youth gathered at the mortuary, demanding justice and accountability. Slogans were raised, reflecting the community’s anger and grief, prompting heavy police deployment to maintain order.

To ensure transparency, a team of five doctors was constituted to conduct the postmortem, supervised by the Sub-Divisional Officer and senior police officials. Dr Shivaji Sukre, the GMCH dean, personally inspected the mortuary to monitor the situation. Hospital sources confirmed that a CT scan would be mandatory before proceeding with the autopsy, aligning with standard practices in custodial death cases.

Our demand has been accepted!

The postmortem examination will take place in a government hospital which has a forensic department, and that the postmortem is filmed and undertaken by both the forensic and pathology department.

As I write this, the mortal remains of Somnath… https://t.co/vrfDQKDwSj

— Prakash Ambedkar (@Prksh_Ambedkar) December 15, 2024

However, delays marred the process as close relatives of the deceased were required to identify the body before the examination could begin. Surwanshi’s parents, travelling from Pune, had not reached GMCH by late evening, raising concerns about their whereabouts after relatives reported losing contact with them during the journey. Activists alleged that the family might have been intercepted, further fueling suspicions and unrest.

Family members have accused the police of assaulting Surwanshi, pointing to visible injuries on his body. His death, amidst allegations of custodial violence, has intensified calls for accountability, with the community and activists demanding a thorough and impartial investigation.

Opposition raises demands for accountability after Parbhani violence

The Maharashtra Congress has called for the suspension of Superintendent of Police Ravindrasingh Pardeshi following the recent violence in Parbhani town, which erupted after the desecration of a B.R. Ambedkar statue near the Parbhani railway station. Alleging police atrocities against the Dalit population, Congress State President Nana Patole termed the statue’s desecration a “grave insult” and demanded swift action against those responsible. Highlighting the legacy of icons such as Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, Shahu Maharaj, and Jyotirao Phule, Patole criticised the Maharashtra government, accusing Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and his deputies of focusing on political portfolio allocations while neglecting public welfare.

Patole also condemned the police’s heavy-handed response, which included imposing a curfew, suspending internet services, halting public transport, and using tear gas and batons against Dalit protesters. This, he argued, reflected a lack of sensitivity in managing the situation. The Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) and Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH) echoed these concerns, with VBA President Prakash Ambedkar urging the cessation of arrests and combing operations in Dalit neighbourhoods. Ambedkar warned of intensified agitations if police action against Dalits did not cease soon. Similarly, JIH President Maulana Ilyas Khan Falahi described the statue’s desecration as a “provocative act” aimed at undermining the Constitution.

Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut also weighed in, criticising the Maharashtra government over the custodial death of one of the accused, Somnath Surwanshi. Calling the death a “failure of the system,” Raut held Chief Minister Fadnavis, who also serves as home minister, responsible. Accusing the government of being “anti-constitutional,” Raut questioned how protectors of the Constitution were losing their lives under its administration. He vowed to raise the issue in the Rajya Sabha, further intensifying the political fallout of the Parbhani violence.

BJP defends police action amid unrest

Meghana Bordikar, BJP MLA from Jintur in Parbhani, defended the police’s actions in the wake of the violence in the town. In a statement following her swearing-in as a minister of state in the Maharashtra government on Sunday, Bordikar described the incident as unfortunate but emphasized that the police had acted swiftly, with the accused being arrested promptly. She further clarified that the death of Somnath Suryawanshi, one of the individuals involved in the unrest, was caused by a heart attack, dismissing allegations of custodial violence. Bordikar stated that the police were handling the situation appropriately and reassured the public that while Parbhani was observing a bandh, normalcy was gradually returning to the region.

Allegations of excessive force and custodial death

The death of Somnath Suryawanshi has brought to light the extent of police brutality in Parbhani, Maharashtra, during the aftermath of protests triggered by the desecration of a statue of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Suryawanshi, who had no involvement in the violence on December 11, was arrested by the police along with many others from his slum settlement, Priyadarshini Nagar. His lawyer, Pawan Jondhale, stated that Suryawanshi was subjected to merciless beating by the police during his arrest and was not involved in the protest. On December 14, Jondhale had moved for his bail, citing Suryawanshi’s law exams and the possibility of him missing them if not released. Despite this, he remained in police custody, and his health deteriorated.

The allegations against the police are grave. Several other individuals, mostly young men and women from Dalit communities, have accused the police of using extreme force during the crackdown. According to activists on the ground, videos have emerged showing members of the local police and the State Reserve Police Force (SRPF) indiscriminately attacking people, including women and minors, in Dalit localities like Priyadarshini Nagar and Bhim Nagar. One of the most disturbing incidents captured on CCTV footage shows Vachala Bhagwan Manavte, a local woman who had just returned from work at a nearby hospital, being violently assaulted by the police. As Manavte tried to record the incident, she was dragged to the ground and kicked in her face and private parts. The footage supports her account, and she was later admitted to a local hospital with severe injuries across her body.

Despite claims by Special Inspector General Shahaji Umap that the police were forced to use “force” to control a mob, Manavte and many others targeted were not part of any violent crowd. The brutal actions extended to minor girls from Dalit families, who were reportedly beaten and named in one of the multiple FIRs filed by the police. Activist Rahul Pradhan, who has been working on the ground in Parbhani, described the police’s actions as “murderous anger” while speaking to The Wire. He stated that almost all those arrested suffered injuries and were sent to judicial custody without any medical treatment. In some cases, police reportedly surrounded the detainees, making it difficult for them to raise complaints about the violence.

In addition to this, while speaking to the team of SabrangIndia, activist Rahul Pradhan stated that “the desecration of Constitution and Babasaheb is despicable. B.R. Ambedkar has always been an advocate for democracy and protests. The violence that took place during the protests should be condemned and those who had indulged in it should be prosecuted. The police should follow the legal process in doing so. But, what is actually happening is that the police is weaponising the violence and indulging in a targeted crackdown against the Dalit community. Somnath has died in custody. There are many youth who remain inside the jail till now, and have suffered through many injuries. These people have even brutalised women and minors inside their own homes.”

Pradhan is raising his voice in this case and has demanded a judicial inquiry into the incident, calling for accountability for the police officers involved in the violence. He has also demanded compensation of Rs 50 lakhs for Suryawanshi’s family and Rs 10 lakhs for the other youth injured during the police crackdown. Additionally, they are seeking charges of murder and attempt to murder of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita 2023 against the guilty officers, along with charges under Sections 3(2) and 3(3) of the SC/ST Atrocities Act, which protect marginalised communities from violence and discrimination.

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The custodial death of Suryawanshi has further raised questions about the treatment of those in police custody. According to legal norms, when an accused person is produced before a magistrate, the magistrate is required to inquire whether they have been ill-treated during custody and check their medical reports. However, Suryawanshi’s lawyer, Jondhale, has indicated that this legal procedure was not followed, and many detainees were denied medical attention. The death of Suryawanshi in judicial custody has drawn sharp criticism, with activists calling for an independent judicial inquiry into the cause of his death. They have also demanded that the post-mortem be conducted in a hospital outside Parbhani to ensure impartiality, as local authorities are seen as compromised due to the ongoing tension.

In a broader context, this situation has drawn comparisons to the 2018 Bhima Koregaon violence, where police similarly targeted Dalit activists with what many believe were politically motivated arrests. Pradhan has called for the establishment of an independent judicial inquiry into the Parbhani incident, emphasising that the state’s actions against Dalits and Ambedkarite activists are part of a larger pattern of oppression. The activists’ demands are clear: justice for Suryawanshi and accountability for the police violence that has marred the investigation into the protests.

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Questions included, ‘If elections are held on ballot papers in most developed countries of the world, then why not on ballot papers in India?;’ ‘Why are doubts regarding EVMs not being cleared?’ In the afternoon, citizens discussed the issue with experts on the subject. Shyamshil Bhopale, the organiser of the ‘EVM Hatav, Loktantra Bachao’ movement, has been given a notice by the Hiwarkhed police under Section 168 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Samhita. Gajanan Rathod of Hiwarkhed Police Station personally visited the said silent dharna and issued a notice to the organiser Shyamsheel Bhopale under Section 168 of the BNS. But peaceful protests by voters and citizens were directly monitored and no case was registered.

The importance of the venue

The location of the protest, at the square (chowk) named after historic freedom fighter and patriot Sampatrao Bhopale Chowk of Hiwarkhed is that it was at this spot –Bhopale Chowk—that the movement to compel Britishers (colonial powers) to leave had begun, the famed Bartanda movement led by the late V. R. Korpe. Similarly more recent movements for better prices to cotton farmers were also launched here. Similarly, on Thursday, the EVM removal movement “Hum Hivarkhedkar” silent movement was successfully launched and conducted.

‘EVM hatao’ protesters

Poster of ‘EVM Hatao’ Protest

Letter of protesters

Police Notice served on protesters

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