Speaking to reporters after the incident, Nitish Rane has made some controversial comments himself, stating that, “One note, Nikhil Wagle is not a journalist at all. Don’t let him insult you as a journalist. It is an aberration. So, as a journalist, you should not insult yourself by calling him a journalist. That’s an insult.” Furthermore, to the alarm of many viewers, he stated that Wagle ‘got away easily’, as he continues, “And I have to only say this, he got away very easily (without much trouble). You understand this, if you see in reality (in all honesty) the work of Pune BJP has remained incomplete. Some time (later) the work should be completed, (and if they can’t do it) otherwise they should call me here.”

Rane was recently in the news for making an inciteful speech at Mumbai’s Govandi, where he was seen calling for the demolition of mosques and madrasas in the area, and arguing that the area was filled increasingly with ‘Rohingya and Bangladeshis’.  Rane was also in the news prior to this for wanting to take out a Hindutva rally in the Mira Road neighbourhood right after its Muslims-owned shops and vehicles were attacked by the a mob. 

Meanwhile, a report by the Indian Express has stated that senior party leaders have rebuked the local leaders for the incident. Dheeraj Ghate, BJP president in Pune, had organised the protest against Wagle the day he was attacked. 

Meanwhile, on February 12, PTI reported that journalists from Mumbai and various other parts of Maharashtra came together and held a protest against the attack on Wagle. The protest was also attended by the Mumbai Congress chief Varsha Gaikwad. 

Various press bodies, including the Editors Guild of India and Press Club of India, has condemned the incident and called for an arrest of the perpetrators. As per reports, over 10 BJP workers have been arrested in connection to the incident. The police have also registered a complaint against Nikhil Wagle as well as the Pune city unit presidents of the BJP, Shiv Sena (UBT) and Congress for reportedly violating section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code.

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The post BJP’s Nitish Rane says Nikhil Wagle ‘got away easily’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.

After the attack, a second FIR was filed against Wagle at the Parvati police station in Pune where he and several others, which includes organisers of the Nirbhay Bano event in Pune, are now subjects of an FIR. The FIR is based on charges for violation of a police notice. The list of named people in the FIR has members of various political parties, such as Dhiraj Ghate, the Pune unit chief of the BJP along with 250 party members, Arvind Shinde, the Congress party city chief, Prashant Jagtap representing the Sharad Pawar faction of the Nationalist Congress Party, and Sanjay More from Shiv Sena. Furthermore, the social media site X was also trending with people calling for his arrest. 

Meanwhile, on Saturday, ten members of the BJP were arrested in Pune in connection with the assault on senior journalist Nikhil Wagle. The arrested people have been identified as Deepak Pote, Ganesh Ghosh, Ganesh Sherla, Raghvendra Mankar, Swapnil Naik, Pratik Desarda, Dushyant Mohol, Datta Sagre, Girish Mankar, and Rahul Paygude. Several charges have been filed against them which include sections of the Indian Penal Code related to rioting and voluntarily causing harm.

Prior to the attack, BJP Pune’s president Dheeraj Ghate reportedly commented on the incident on X, associating Wagle with ‘naxalism’. There is thus far no news or reports of Ghate being arrested as of yet. 

*आम्ही जे बोलतो ते करतोच…!!*
स्वतःला पुरोगामी म्हणवणाऱ्या परंतु सत्यता बघितले तर नक्षलवादाला खतपाणी घालणाऱ्या निखिल वागळेने ऋषीतुल्य व्यक्तिमत्व भारतरत्न लालकृष्ण आडवाणी जी आणि देशाचे आदरणीय पंतप्रधान नरेंद्र जी मोदी यांच्या बद्दल स्वतःच्या प्रसिद्धीसाठी आक्षेपार्य विधान करून… pic.twitter.com/Dr8XypZqzA

— Dheeraj Ghate (@DheerajGhate) February 9, 2024

Meanwhile, the Indian Express has reported that Nikhil Wagle’s team, with Vishwambhar Choudhary and Asim Sarode, has called for the arrest of Dheeraj Ghate and other party figures purportedly after the attack on Wagle. 

On February 11, Sunil Deodhar from the BJP called for the arrest of journalist Nikhil Wagle who according to him has made “objectionable” remarks directed at Prime Minister Narendra Modi and former Deputy Prime Minister L K Advani.

According to reports, Deodhar has stated that he has lodged a formal complaint with the Pune police on February 8 against Nikhil Wagle, which he has done because of “offensive tweet” by Wagle posted on February 6. The FIR, filed at Vishrambaug police station, books Wagle for charges against his remarks under IPC sections 153A (promoting enmity between different groups), 500 (defamation) and 505 (statements conducing to public mischief). 

According to the report, Pune Police Commissioner Amitesh Kumar stated that an investigation into the matter is currently ongoing. Furthermore, a senior police official has stated to the newspaper that there are no immediate plans to arrest Wagle in connection with the case and the decision to arrest him will only be made after the investigation is complete. 

Wagle’s car was brutally attacked on February 9 in Pune with scores of people hitting his car with hockey sticks, stone, and iron rods resulting in smashed windows of the car and injured passenger. Wagle was informed about a tense atmosphere after he made a tweet by the police.

The police have issued a public statement saying that they had asked Wagle not to leave for the event until all the protestors were detained. However, the police has stated, that due to traffic the detaining people began to take time, but Wagle did not take note and left for the event and even ‘changed routes.’ However the police has stated that they had plainclothes police personnel following him for his safety. About the attacked they have stated that, “When the car was attacked, the plainclothes policemen standing between agitators and Wagle’s car tried to stop the attack, but heavy traffic and bystanders ruled out the possibility of using force of evacuating him and his car immediately.”

Speaking to Sabrang India after the incident, Nikhil Wagle narrated about how the events took place, “The fact that we survived was a chamatkaar (miracle). We were about to die, but got saved. This was a mob lynching. We were surrounded in all directions and chased. I’ve been attacked even before this, but this was the worst.” Further, he says that the attack took place in police presence, “The police came with us, but the police did not protect us.”

“The police stopped us at Asim Sarode’s house – this was a house arrest. They kept telling us to stop for half an hour, ten minutes more. But finally I decided to leave and I told the police I have committed to the people.” He further goes on to say that the stone-pelting started soon after they took to the road.

Meanwhile a BJP leader from Pune has reportedly stated that the party workers agitated against Wagle because of his own statements. According to the Indian Express, BJP spokesperson Sandeep Khardekar has said that, “Both actions are condemnable. The attack on Wagle’s car is condemnable, and his disparaging remarks against PM Modi and LK Advani are even more condemnable. Our party workers would not have done what they did if they were not instigated by Wagle’s objectionable comment. Wagle stooped very low but no one took him to task. Why are people silent on his derogatory comment?”

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Media fraternity stands with Nikhil Wagle after attack, EGI, PCI, NWMI release statements in support

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Around the inauguration of Ram Temple, communal tension erupted in Uttar Pradesh

The post 10 arrested after attack against senior Marathi journalist appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On January 3, 1831, 176 years ago Savitribai Phule, arguably India’s first woman teacher and forgotten liberator was born. With the first school for girls from different castes that she set up in Bhidewada, Pune (the seat of Brahmanism) Krantijyoti Savitribai as she is reverentially known, by the Indian Bahujan movement, blazed a revolutionary trial. There have been consistent demands to observe January 3 as Teachers Day. Without her, Indian women would not have had the benefits of education.
 
To mark the memory of this remarkable woman we bring to you her letters to life partner Jyotiba. Jyotiba and Savitribai were Comrades in Arms in their struggle against the emancipation of India’s disenfranchised people.
 
Translated from the Original Marathi with an introduction Sunil Sardar Reproduced here are the English translation of three important Letters – (originally in Marathi and published in MG Mali’s edition of her collected works, Savitribai Phule Samagra Wangmaya) – that Savitribai wrote to her husband Jyotiba in a span of 20 years.

The letters are significant as they write of the wider concerns that drove this couple, the emancipation of the most deprived segments of society and the struggle to attain for them, full human dignity and freedom.

This vision for a new and liberated society – free from ignorance, bigotry, deprivation, and hunger – was the thread that bonded the couple, arching from the private to the personal.

Theirs was a relationship of deep and shared concerns, each providing strength to the other. When large sections of 19^th century Maharashtrian society was ranged against Phule’s reconstructive radicalism, it was the unfailing and shared vision and dedication of his life partner that needs have been emotionally sustaining.  In our tribute to this couple and the tradition of radical questioning that they harboured, we bring to our readers these letters.
 
1856. The first letter, written in 1856, speaks about the core issue: education and its transformative possibilities in a society where learning, had for centuries been the monopoly of the Brahmins; who, in turn, used this exclusive privilege to enclave, demoralize and oppress. Away at her parental home to recuperate from an illness, Savitri describes in the letter a conversation with her brother, who is uncomfortable with the couple’s radicalism.
 
October 1856
The Embodiment of Truth, My Lord Jyotiba,
Savitri salutes you!
 
After so many vicissitudes, now it seems my health has been fully restored. My brother worked so hard and nursed me so well through my sickness. His service and devotion shows how loving he really is! I will come to Pune as soon as I get perfectly well. Please do not worry about me. I know my absence causes Fatima so much trouble but I am sure she will understand and won’t grumble.
 
As we were talking one day, my brother said, “You and your husband have rightly been excommunicated because both of you serve the untouchables (Mahars and Mangs). The untouchables are fallen people and by helping them you are bringing a bad name to our family. That is why, I tell you to behave according to the customs of our caste and obey the dictates of the Brahmans.” Mother was so disturbed by this brash talk of my brother.
 
Though my brother is a good soul he is extremely narrow-minded and so he did not hesitate to bitterly criticize and reproach us. My mother did not reprimand him but tried instead to bring him to his senses, “God has given you a beautiful tongue but it is no good to misuse it so!” I defended our social work and tried to dispel his misgivings. I told him, “Brother, your mind is narrow, and the Brahmans’ teaching has made it worse. Animals like goats and cows are not untouchable for you, you lovingly touch them. You catch poisonous snakes on the day of the snake-festival and feed them milk. But you consider Mahars and Mangs, who are as human as you and I, untouchables. Can you give me any reason for this? When the Brahmans perform their religious duties in their holy clothes, they consider you also impure and untouchable, they are afraid that your touch will pollute them. They don’t treat you differently than the Mahars.” When my brother heard this, he turned red in the face, but then he asked me, “Why do you teach those Mahars and Mangs? People abuse you because you teach the untouchables. I cannot bear it when people abuse and create trouble for you for doing that. I cannot tolerate such insults.” I told him what the (teaching of) English had been doing for the people. I said, “The lack of learning is nothing but gross bestiality. It is through the acquisition of knowledge that (he) loses his lower status and achieves the higher one. My husband is a god-like man. He is beyond comparison in this world, nobody can equal him. He thinks the Untouchables must learn and attain freedom. He confronts the Brahmans and fights with them to ensure Teaching and Learning for the Untouchables because he believes that they are human beings like other and they should live as dignified humans. For this they must be educated. I also teach them for the same reason. What is wrong with that? Yes, we both teach girls, women, Mangs and Mahars. The Brahmans are upset because they believe this will create problems for them. That is why they oppose us and chant the mantra that it is against our religion. They revile and castigate us and poison the minds of even good people like you.

“You surely remember that the British Government had organised a function to honour my husband for his great work. His felicitation caused these vile people much heartburn. Let me tell you that my husband does not merely invoke God’s name and participate in pilgrimages like you. He is actually doing God’s own work. And I assist him in that. I enjoy doing this work. I get immeasurable joy by doing such service. Moreover, it also shows the heights and horizons to which a human being can reach out.”

Mother and brother were listening to me intently. My brother finally came around, repented for what he had said and asked for forgiveness. Mother said, “Savitri, your tongue must be speaking God’s own words. We are blessed by your words of wisdom.” Such appreciation from my mother and brother gladdened my heart. From this you can imagine that there are many idiots here, as in Pune, who poison people’s minds and spread canards against us. But why should we fear them and leave this noble cause that we have undertaken? It would be better to engage with the work instead. We shall overcome and success will be ours in the future. The future belongs to us.

What more could I write?

With humble regards,

Yours,

Savitri
 
The Poetess in Savitribai
 
The year 1854 was important as Savitribai published her collection of poems, called Kabya Phule (Poetry’s Blossoms).
Bavan Kashi Subodh Ratnakar (The Ocean of Pure Gems), another collection of what has come to be highly regarded in the world of Marathi poetry was published in 1891. (The Phules had developed a devastating critique of the Brahman interpretation of Marathi history in the ancient and medieval periods. He portrayed the Peshwa rulers, later overthrown by the British, as decadent and oppressive, and Savitribai reiterates those themes in her biography.)
Apart from these two collections, four of Jyotiba’s speeches on Indian History were edited for publication by Savitribai. A few of her own speeches were also published in 1892. Savitribai’s correspondence is also remarkable because they give us an insight into her own life and into the life and lived experiences of women of the time.
 
1868. The Second letter is about a great social taboo – a love affair between a Brahman boy and an Untouchable girl; the cruel behavior of the ‘enraged’ villagers and how Savitribai stepped in. This intervention saves the lives of the lovers and she sends them away to the safety and caring support of her husband, Jyotiba. With the malevolent reality of honour killings in the India of 2016 and the hate-driven propaganda around ‘love jehad’ this letter is ever so relevant today.

29 August 1868
Naigaon, Peta Khandala
Satara
The Embodiment of Truth, My Lord Jotiba,
Savitri salutes you!
I received your letter. We are fine here. I will come by the fifth of next month. Do not worry on this count. Meanwhile, a strange thing happened here. The story goes like this. One Ganesh, a Brahman, would go around villages, performing religious rites and telling people their fortunes. This was his bread and butter. Ganesh and a teenage girl named Sharja who is from the Mahar (untouchable) community fell in love. She was six months pregnant when people came to know about this affair. The enraged people caught them, and paraded them through the village, threatening to bump them off.
 
I came to know about their murderous plan. I rushed to the spot and scared them away, pointing out the grave consequences of killing the lovers under the British law. They changed their mind after listening to me.

Sadubhau angrily said that the wily Brahman boy and the untouchable girl should leave the village. Both the victims agreed to this. My intervention saved the couple who gratefully fell at my feet and started crying. Somehow I consoled and pacified them. Now I am sending both of them to you. What else to write?
Yours
Savitri
 
1877. The last letter, written in 1877, is a heart-rending account of a famine that devastated western Maharashtra. People and animals were dying. Savitri and other Satyashodhak volunteers were doing their best to help. The letter brings out an intrepid Savitri leading a team of dedicated Satyashodhaks striving to overcome a further exacerbation of the tragedy by moneylenders’ trying to benefit.  She meets the local District administration. The letter ends on a poignant note where Savitribai reiterates her total commitment to her the humanitarian work pioneered by the Phules.
 
20 April, 1877
Otur, Junner
The Embodiment of Truth, My Lord Jyotiba,
Savitri salutes you!
The year 1876 has gone, but the famine has not – it stays in most horrendous forms here. The people are dying. The animals are dying, falling on the ground. There is severe scarcity of food. No fodder for animals. The people are forced to leave their villages. Some are selling their children, their young girls, and leaving the villages. Rivers, brooks and tanks have completely dried up – no water to drink. Trees are dying – no leaves on trees. Barren land is cracked everywhere. The sun is scorching – blistering. The people crying for food and water are falling on the ground to die. Some are eating poisonous fruits, and drinking their own urine to quench their thirst. They cry for food and drink, and then they die.

Our Satyashodhak volunteers have formed committees to provide food and other life-saving material to the people in need. They have formed relief squads.
Brother Kondaj and his wife Umabai are taking good care of me. Otur’s Shastri, Ganapati Sakharan, Dumbare Patil, and others are planning to visit you. It would be better if you come from Satara to Otur and then go to Ahmednagar.

You may remember R.B. Krishnaji Pant and Laxman Shastri. They travelled with me to the affected area and gave some monetary help to the victims.

The moneylenders are viciously exploiting the situation. Bad things are taking place as a result of this famine. Riots are breaking out. The Collector heard of this and came to ease the situation. He deployed the white police officers, and tried to bring the situation under control. Fifty Satyasholdhaks were rounded up. The Collector invited me for a talk. I asked the Collector why the good volunteers had been framed with false charges and arrested without any rhyme or reason. I asked him to release them immediately. The Collector was quite decent and unbiased. He shouted at the white soldiers, “Do the Patil farmers rob? Set them free.” The Collector was moved by the people’s plights. He immediately sent four bullock cartloads of (jowar) food.

You have started the benevolent and welfare work for the poor and the needy. I also want to carry my share of the responsibility. I assure you I will always help you. I wish the godly work will be helped by more people.

I do not want to write more.
Yours,
Savitri
 
(These letters have been excerpted with grateful thanks from A Forgotten Liberator, The Life and Struggle of Savitrabai Phule, Edited by Braj Ranjan Mani, Pamela Sardar)
 

Bibliography:

Krantijyoti : Revolutionary flame
Brahmans: Priestly “upper” caste with a powerful hold on all fairs of society and state including access to education, resources and mobility (spelt interchangeably as Brahmins)
Mahars:The Mahar is an Indian Caste, found largely in the state of Maharashtra, where they compromise 10% of the population, and neighboring areas. Most of the Mahar community followed social reformer B. R. Ambedkar in converting to Buddhism in the middle of the 20th century.
Mangs: The Mang (or Matang -Minimadig in Gujarat and Rajasthan) community is an Indian caste historically associated with low-status or ritually impure professions such as village musicians, cattle castraters, leather curers, midwives, hangmen, undertakers. Today they are listed as a Scheduled Castes a term which has replaced the former the derogatory ‘Untouchable’
Satyashodhak Samaj:  A society established by Jyotirao Phule on September 24, 1873. This was started as a group whose main aim was to liberate the shudra and untouchable castes from exploitation and oppression
Shudra: The fourth caste under the rigid caste Hindu system; these were further made more rigid in the Manu Smruti
Ati Shudra: Most of the groups listed under this category come under the untouchables who were used for the most venal tasks in caste ridden Hindu society but not treated as part of the caste system.
Jowar: The Indian name for sorghum

How the Education for girls was pioneered

The Phule couple decided to start schools for girls, especially from the shudra and atishudra castes but also including others so that social cohesion of sorts could be attempted in the classroom. Bhidewada in Pune was the chosen site, a bank stands there today. There is a movement among Bahujans to reclaim this historic building. When the Phules faced stiff resistance and a boycott, a Pune-based businessman Usman Shaikh gave them shelter. Fatima Shaikh Usman’s sister was the first teacher colleague of Savitribai and the two trained teachers who ran the school. The school started with nine girl students in 1848.

Sadashiv Govande contributed books from Ahmednagar. It functioned for about six months and then had to be closed down. Another building was found and the school reopened a few months later. The young couple faced severe opposition from almost all sections. Savitribai was subject to intense harassment everyday as she walked to school. Stones, mud and dirt were flung at her as she passed. She was often abused by groups of men with orthodox beliefs who opposed the education for women. Filth including cow dung was flung on her. Phule gave her hope, love and encouragement. She went to school wearing an old sari, and carried an extra sari with her to change into after she reached the school. The sheer daring and doggedness of the couple and their comrades in arms broke the resistance. Finally, the pressure on her eased when she was compelled to slap one of her tormentors on the street!
 
Once the caste Hindu Brahmanical hierarchy who were the main opponents of female education realized that the Phule couple would not easily give in, they arm-twisted Jyotiba’s father. Intense pressure was brought by the Brahmins on Phule’s father, Govindrao, to convince him that his son was on the wrong track, that what he was doing was against the Dharma. Finally, things came to a head when Phule’s father told him to leave home in 1849. Savitri preferred to stay by her husband’s side, braving the opposition and difficulties, and encouraging Phule to continue their educational work.
 
However, their pioneering move had won some support. Necessities like books were supplied through well wishers; a bigger house, owned by a Muslim, was found for a second school which was started in 1851. Moro Vithal Walvekar and Deorao Thosar assisted the school. Major Candy, an educationalist of Pune, sent books. Jyotirao worked here without any salary and later Savitribai was put in charge. The school committee, in a report, noted, “The state of the school funds has compelled the committee to appoint teachers on small salaries, who soon give up when they find better appointment…Savitribai, the school headmistress, has nobly volunteered to devote herself to the improvement of female education without remuneration. We hope that as knowledge advances, the people of this country will be awakened to the advantages of female education and will cordially assist in all such plans calculated to improve the conditions of those girls.”
 
On November 16, 1852, the education department of the government organised a public felicitation of the Phule couple, where they were honoured with shawls.
On February 12, 1853, the school was publicly examined. The report of the event state: “The prejudice against teaching girls to read and write began to give way…the good conduct and honesty of the peons in conveying the girls to and from school and parental treatment and indulgent attention of the teachers made the girls love the schools and literally run to them with alacrity and joy.”
 
A Dalit student of Savitribai, Muktabai, wrote a remarkable essay which was published in the paper Dyanodaya, in the year 1855. In her essay, Muktabai poignantly describes the wretchedness of the so-called untouchables and severely criticizes the Brahmanical religion for degrading and dehumanizing her people.
 

The post Love-Letters like no other appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Indian Express reported that the police “recovered four pipe-like-structures used for making “pipe bombs”, two country-made electric gun machines operating on electric current, gun powder, one more explosive powder wrapped in oily paper, two swords, two javelins, 59 detonators including 55 non-electric and four electric detonators, one electric switch, one electric battery, iron splinters, helmet and a hand-made body armor from the spot”. 

Per the Indian Express, the Pune Rural police issued a press release saying that Abhang had allegedly attempted to kill his wife with a bomb in 2003, after he suspected her of having an illicit affair. The Pune Mirror reported that he put a bomb on a motorcycle that he placed next to his home, and that his wife and three children in the area were wounded in the explosion. Abhang was arrested and booked under Indian Penal Code sections 286 (negligent conduct with respect to explosive substance), 307 (attempt to murder), and 486 (Mischief by fire or explosive substance with intent to destroy house, etc), the Indian Express said of the 2003 incident. He was kept in prison for three years before being released on bail. 

Assistant Police Inspector Jyoti Dhamale, who is investigating the case, told the Express that it wasn’t known if Abhang was affiliated to any particular group or outfit. 

Pune will go to the polls on Tuesday, April 23. 
 

The post Bomb-making materials recovered from man’s home near Pune appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Pune Police on Friday took into custody activists Vernon Gonsalves and Arun Ferreira hours after a Pune Sessions court rejected their bail pleas and applications seeking an extension of their house arrests for seven days. The period of their house arrests, as ruled by the Supreme Court, ended on Friday.

The review petition filed by RomilaThapar and others was heard today and the Order is still being awaited.

Gonsalves is being taken to MIDC police station in Mumbai’s Andheri and later will be taken to Pune.

Ferreira and Gonsalves, along with activists Sudha Bharadwaj, Varavara Rao and Gautam Navlakha, were arrested on August 28 in connection with their alleged involvement in an event that preceded the violence at BhimaKoregaon near Pune on January 1. On Thursday, a Hyderabad court had extended the house arrest of Varavara Rao. The Delhi High Court had ordered Navlakha’s release from house arrest on October 1.

The Supreme Court had last month extended the house arrest of all five activists by four weeks. Five other activists – ShomaSen, Surendra Gadling, Mahesh Raut, Rona Wilson and Sudhir Dhawale – were arrested in June as part of the same investigation. They are also accused of having links to the outlawed Communist Party of India (Maoist).
 
 

The post Lawyer and Activists Arun Ferreira, Vernon Gonsalves taken into custody after Pune court rejects bail plea appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Picture Courtesy: thelawofattraction.com
 

The post Gandhi accepted his faults, so should we appeared first on SabrangIndia.

 
The attacks on Dalits in Bhima Koregaon by sections of dominant caste groups bearing saffron flags on January 1, only vindicated the message of the Elgar Parishad, a massive conference organised by 250 progressive groups of Maharashtra the previous day in Pune. The bicentenary celebrations of the Mahar victory in the Battle of Bhima Koregaon over the Peshwas, who practised the worst forms of caste oppression and untouchability, carried with it a very distinct message for the present this year.  
 
The Elgar Parishad, which was a culmination of a week-long yatra across different parts of Maharasthra, casted the BJP/RSS as the Peshwas of the present times calling upon people to defeat them, taking inspiration from the Battle of Bhima Koregaon. But this neo-Peshwahi, to borrow their term, is not simply a replica of the past. 
 
Two hundred years hence, the ideology of Manuwaad has neatly coalesced with the demands of the market. The latter far from eradicating caste has co-opted and reconfigured it to meet its own requirements of cheap labour, land and other resources. This has accentuated older fissures in society while at the same time adding new layers of marginalization, dehumanization and oppression. 
 
For example, the subordination and indignation of the Dalits in the countryside, reflected in their abysmal land-holdings, has only been compounded by the present agrarian crisis. Or if we were to turn our gaze to our cities, do the Dalit workers forced into inhuman jobs such as manual scavenging and cleaning sewages, where they die unacknowledged deaths amidst toxic gases, even have the option to opt out of their ‘jobs’ when there is hardly any creation of dignified jobs in our country today? 
 
Today in India, the agrarian crisis is at its peak, job creation is at its lowest in the recent past, employment is most informal and insecure than it has ever been, labour reforms have added to the precarity of jobs and fund cuts in education and health have increased with each passing year of the Modi regime. The promises of Vikas & Acche Din have turned out to be bitter and brutal lies and a handful of big corporations have enriched themselves at the cost of the vast majority. Policies such as demonetization and the GST have only added to the woes of the people. Far from the promise of 10 million jobs, the unemployment rate has oly increased to 5%. And for even the jobs that exist ,a whooping majority (71.2%) of workers are beyond the purview of any social security benefits.

On the other hand, the violent manifestation of the RSS’s cultural project of Hindu Rasthra can be seen on a routine basis in lynchings and attacks on minorities and Dalits, be it in Rajasmand, Alwar, Una or Saharanpur – the list is long. The deafening silence of the Prime Minister to most of these attacks, while simultaneous campaigns by the BJP/RSS against cow slaughter or love jihad that were used as a pretext for most of these attacks, exemplify that these attacks enjoy political patronage from the ruling party.

The present regime can be seen as an exemplar of these twin assaults of Manuvaad and the Market. Our Prime Minister is hardly interested in abolishing manual scavenging, for it is not only a source of cheap labour and cost cutting, but he also sees it as a ‘spiritual exercise’ going by the tenets of Brahmanism that RSS upholds!  

But here in also lies an internal contradiction within the Sangh project today. On the one hand, its cultural project seeks to deepen the existing hierarchies and polarise people on the basis of caste and religion. But on the other hand, its economic policies are simultaneously creating an ever expanding underclass of the excluded that cuts across caste and community. 
 
As long as the responses to attacks on minorities and Dalits remained atrocity based and compartmentalized to each community fighting their own battles, it was not being able to make much dent in the larger game-plan of the RSS/BJP. 

Of late however, the historically disadvantaged are not only coming out of their ghettoised existences in resisting the fascism of the Sangh Parivar but are also showing exemplary imagination in seeking to carve out newer alliances. In doing so, they are operationalising in practice Ambedkar’s message that both Brahmanism and capitalism are the enemies of the oppressed in our country. 

For example, the attacks on Dalits in Bhima Koregaon and subsequent protests in Maharashtra were largely portrayed as a caste clash between Dalits and Marathas. But contrary to these representations, both Dalit and Maratha organisations were present at Elgar Parishad in Pune which focussed, apart from other things, on the agrarian crisis, unemployment and famine like conditions in Maharashtra – of which both Dalits and Marathas are victims. Maharashtra accounts for the highest number of farmer suicides in the country. Prior to that in Una, the struggle against lynching of Dalits not only joined hands with the Muslims in their shared oppression, but also sought to raise the question of material dispossession by raising the demand for land for the landless dalits.

The same cross-sectional alliance, hitting out at this internal contradiction of the sangh project, was also visible in the Yuva Hunkar rally which sought to unite a diverse section of students and youth along with minority and dalit organisations. The demand for justice for the persecuted minorities and Dalits was weaved into a larger demand of economic and social justice of all the oppressed. 

A new alignment is emerging on the ground – where the historically oppressed, marginalised and the persecuted along with the students and youth are coming together to take on the sangh. This alignment is still in its nascent stages, and faces enormous challenges.  But if it succeeds in bringing together diverse movements for people’s rights, the Sangh Parivar has much to worry about.
 
(The writer is a research scholar at JNU, member of Bhagat Singh Ambedkar Students’ Organisation and was one of the invited speakers at the Elgar Parishad in Pune on the eve of the bicentenary celebrations of the Battle of Bhima Koregaon)

Images Courtesy: Mid-Day and Hindustan Times
 
 

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The National Green Tribunal Bench west zone Pune comprises of Justice U.D. Salvi and Dr. Ajay Deshpande appointed a three member Court Commission comprising of Director MoEF with Senior Scientist of NEERI and Director of Marine National Park and Sanctuary, Jamnagar to probe and ascertain the exact area being used by the Essar Bulk Terminal (Salaya) Ltd. This is seen as a jolt to the big corporate like Essar Bulk Terminal (Salaya) Ltd.
 
The order dated May 25, 2017 says that –
 
(1) A committee comprising of Director of MoEF, Senior Scientist, NEERI and Director of Marine National Park and Sanctuary, Jamnagar is constituted to carry out local investigation at the project site of Respondent No.1 Essar Bulk Terminal (Salary) Ltd; 2.
 
(2) The Committee shall ascertain the extent of constructions going on and carried out by Respondent No.1 Essar Bulk Terminal (Salary) Ltd, particularly, soil-bund referred to in the Application, navigation route as well as location of the constructions with reference to the area of Marine National Park and Marine Sanctuary and ESZ, referred to in the Notification dated 22nd August, 2013; tidal water current and destruction of Mangroves, if any, and tidal current in and around Salaya Creek.
 
(3) The committee shall furnish its report on or before the next date of hearing on July 26, 2017.
 
(4) Logistic arrangements of the Committee-Members for the work of commission shall be made by Respondent No.2- State of Gujarat through the Collector, Jamnagar.
 
(5) Copies of the Application and record shall be furnished by the Registry, NGT (WZB) Pune to the Committee.

The plea was made on behalf of the Salaya Fishermen’s Association an application for appointment of Court Commissioner/Commission to carry out local investigation in order to ascertain the facts concerning the alleged illegal construction, soil bunds carried out by the Essar Bulk Terminal (Salaya) Ltd. 

The petition before the NGT alleged that Essar Bulk Terminal has encroached upon protected Eco-Sensitive Zone (ESZ) of Salaya Marine National Park and Sanctuary resulting in the destruction of mangroves, obstruction to inter-tidal water in Salaya Creek which is harmful to environment and biodiversity. The Essar Bulk Terminal (Salaya) Ltd. In its reply had stated  that there has been no illegal construction made by the corporation.
 
On behalf of Salaya Fishermen’s Association,  advocate Asim Sarode submitted before the NGT that the Notification dated August 22, 2013 declared area admeasuring 326.26 sq.km. around the Salaya Marine National Park and Marine Sanctuary as ESZ of which area admeasuring 208.5818 sq.km towards landward side and 105.14 sq.km towards seaward and 12.5384 sq.km area covered by rivers; and therefore, the communication dated 28.8.2014 by CCF, Marine National Park, Jamnagar is not a complete disclosure of the facts, particularly, when Essar Bulk Terminal (Salaya) Ltd has not produced any lay-out or sanction-plan of the construction of the project and any details of the construction to be carried out in the project. He further submitted that a thorough,  on the spot, local investigation is necessary to answer clearly the questions raised by concerned fisherfolk.
 
The NGT,  after perusing the letter dated 28.04.2014 of CCF, Marine National Park realised that some directions were found as to the exact location of Essar Bulk Terminal (Salaya) Ltd. where the proposed Marine Facilities including conveyor corridor and Jetty of M/s. Essar Bulk Terminal (Salaya) Ltd. are being constructed. It is mentioned that the nearest point of Eco Sensitive Zone from the said Jetty is approximately 150 meters and the distance of 4.6 Hectare forest land diverted for this purpose is approximately 1.9 km. from the nearest point of the Marine National Park and Marine Sanctuary.
 
Given this background to the dispute raised by local fishermen's association,  the NGT  set up the Committee to get to the actual facts.

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“I consider this factor in favour of the applicants/accused. More-over, the applicants/accused do not have any criminal record and it appears that in the name of the religion, they were provoked and have committed the murder,” Justice Bhatkar observed.

Shaikh was brutally murdered by members of Hindu Rashtra Sena in June 2014 while he was on his way back from a mosque after offering prayers. 14 of 21 accused have already been granted bail by the court.

A case of murder was registered against the members of HRS at the Hadapsar police station and 21 HRS members, including their leader Dhananjay Jayram Desai alias Bhai, were arrested.

A report in Indian Express said that Justice Bhatkar on 12 January, while granting bail to Vijay Rajendra Gambhire, Ganesh alias Ranjeet Shankar Yadav and Ajay Dilip Lalge, noted that the accused had attended a meeting “prior to the incident of assault. The applicants/accused otherwise had no other motive such as any personal enmity against the innocent deceased Mohsin.”

Her bail order stated, “…Dhananjay Desai was the one who was the speaker in the meeting and he instigated the audience… the transcript of the speech given by Dhananjay Desai was sufficient to show that he had incited feelings of religious discrimination. The meet was held… prior to the incident of assault.”

In its chargesheet, however, the cops quoted at least two witnesses, who heard HRS members plan the attack.

The chargesheet said, “The activists were carrying hockey sticks, wooden batons etc. During the meeting, they started discussing that HRS president Dhananjay Bhai has said that Muslims should be thrashed for posting derogatory pictures of Shivaji Maharaj on Facebook. Their vehicles, shops should be damaged. They should not be allowed to do any business in the area. There should be terror of HRS in Hadapsar.”

While the bail plea of Desai will come up for hearing in Bombay High Court on 1 February, the murder victim’s family plans to challenge the bail order in the Supreme Court.

Courtesy: Janta Ka Reporter
 

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मराठा समर्थक एक समूह ने इस घटना की जिम्मेदारी लेते हुए कहा कि गडकरी के नाटकों में छत्रपति शिवाजी के बेटे संभाजी की ‘खराब छवि’ पेश करने के बदले में यह कार्रवाई की गई।

यह घटना ऐसे समय में घटी है जब कुछ दिन पहले ही प्रधानमंत्री नरेन्द्र मोदी द्वारा अरब सागर में शिवाजी के प्रस्तावित विशाल स्मारक के लिए ‘जल पूजन’ समारोह किया गया।

मंगलवार की घटना ने राजनीतिक और सांस्कृतिक गलियारों में विरोध पैदा कर दिया, जबकि मराठा समर्थक संगठन संभाजी ब्रिगेड ने इस घटना का यह कहते हुए समर्थन किया कि गडकरी की कृति ‘राज सन्यास’ में उन्होंने संभाजी की खराब छवि पेश की है।

भाषा की खबर के अनुसार,  संभाजी ब्रिगेड ने कहा कि उस बगीचे से प्रतिमा को हटाकर एक नदी में फेंक दिया गया. पुणे नगर निगम ने इस घटना की जांच का आदेश दिया जिसके बाद चार लोगों को हिरासत में लिया गया।

डीसीपी (जोन-1) सुधीर हीरेमठ ने कहा, ‘‘ हमने चार लोगों को हिरासत में लिया है जिनकी पहचान 25 वर्षीय प्रदीप कनासे, 23 वर्षीय हषर्वर्धन मगदूम, 24 वर्षीय स्वप्निल काले और 26 वर्षीय गणेश कराले के रूप में की गई है।’’ उन्होंने कहा कि पुलिस ने सीसीटीवी फुटेज बरामद किया है जिसमें चार लोगों को प्रतिमा उखाड़ते हुए देखा गया है।

संभाजी ब्रिगेड के नेता संतोष शिंदे ने कहा, ‘‘ हम संभाजी गार्डन से उस प्रतिमा को हटाने की मांग कर रहे थे और पुणे नगर निगम के साथ इस संबंध में आवश्यक पत्र व्यवहार किया था। हालांकि, उन्होंने हमारी मांग पर कोई ध्यान नहीं दिया जिससे हमारे कार्यकर्ताओं को उस गार्डन में घुसकर प्रतिमा को हटाने पर बाध्य होना पड़ा।’’

Courtesy: Janta Ka Reporter
 

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