The post Arresting dissent: Punjab Government’s U-turn on farmer protests, protest site bulldozed, farmer leaders detained appeared first on SabrangIndia.
]]>The Arrests: a pre-planned action to neutralise leadership
Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM) leader Sarvan Singh Pandher and Samyukta Kisan Morcha (Non-Political) leader Jagjit Singh Dallewal were detained while they were en-route back to their respective protest sites after a meeting with the union government in Chandigarh. The meeting, which involved Union Ministers Piyush Goyal, Shivraj Singh Chouhan, and Pralhad Joshi, ended inconclusively as the Union had dismissed the farmers’ data supporting their demand for a Minimum Support Price (MSP) law.
The Punjab police, which had been trailing the farmer leaders since their departure from the meeting, acted swiftly as soon as they entered the state. Dallewal, who has been on a hunger strike since November 2023, was detained from his ambulance near Zirakpur, while Pandher was taken into custody in Mohali. Other farmer leaders, including Abhimanyu Kohar, Kaka Singh Kotra, and Manjit Singh Rai, were also detained and transported to separate locations. The decision to apprehend them away from the protest sites was a calculated move by the authorities to prevent an immediate backlash at the encampments.
A government under pressure: The industrial factor behind the crackdown
Until recently, the Punjab government had refrained from using force against the protesting farmers, despite multiple rounds of failed negotiations. However, the tide turned after former chief minister, Arvind Kejriwal, who was in Punjab at the time, reportedly received strong pushback from industrialists in Ludhiana. Traders and business leaders warned that the prolonged blockade at Shambhu and Khanauri was causing significant economic disruptions, potentially jeopardising AAP’s chances in the upcoming Ludhiana West Assembly by-elections.
On the night of March 20, top functionaries of the Punjab government and AAP had met industry leaders, after which the decision to remove the protest sites was finalised. As per a report of the Tribune, this sequence of events suggests that economic interests played a pivotal role in the sudden shift in Punjab’s handling of the protests. Rather than standing firm in support of the farmers, as it had done in the past, the AAP government chose to prioritise the concerns of businesses over the demands of agricultural workers, effectively betraying a constituency that had largely supported the party in previous elections.
Police operation: dispersal under the cover of darkness
By late Wednesday, the police moved in with a heavily coordinated strategy. As per multiple media reports, over 7,000 officers from various districts, along with riot control vehicles, water cannons, and cranes, were deployed to execute the operation. Authorities also cut off electricity at both protest sites, forcing officers to use torches for visibility. Protesters at the Khanauri site reported that they had no means to communicate as internet services had been curtailed, preventing them from sharing images or videos of the police action.
Despite the heavy police presence, farmers initially remained defiant. However, faced with overwhelming numbers, many eventually boarded buses voluntarily, while others were forcibly removed. As per the report of The Indian Express, Patiala Deputy Inspector General of Police Mandeep Singh Sidhu addressed the protesters, stating, “We are over 3,000, and you are only a few hundred. We have to clear the sites, come what may.”
Political reactions: AAP faces backlash for its ‘betrayal’
The opposition wasted no time in condemning the AAP government for its actions. Congress MP Amarinder Singh Raja Warring accused both the Punjab and union governments of deliberately isolating Punjab’s farmers. Former Chief Minister Charanjit Singh Channi and Union Minister of State Ravneet Singh Bittu also criticised the heavy-handed approach, with Bittu questioning why AAP, which had earlier claimed to stand with the farmers, had now turned against them.
Interestingly, while political leaders criticised the crackdown, industrialists hailed it. A report of The Tribune provided that Badish Jindal, president of the World MSME Forum, described the police action as a “welcome step,” arguing that punishing the farmers for disrupting business was necessary. This contrast in reactions further underscores the economic motivations behind the Punjab government’s sudden crackdown.
The farmers’ perspective: broken trust and continued struggle
For the protesting farmers, the crackdown represents a deep betrayal. Their demands—including a legal guarantee for MSP, debt waivers, and pensions for farm labourers—have been repeatedly dismissed or delayed by the union government. Despite over a year of protests, the union government has yet to take decisive action. Instead of meaningful engagement, the latest negotiations ended with the union questioning the legitimacy of the farmers’ financial estimates, while a next round of talks was scheduled for May 4.
A report in the Hindustan Times suggests that, the Punjab government’s narrative that the farmers should protest in Delhi rather than in Punjab, has also been met with scepticism. When the Punjab Finance Minister Harpal Singh Cheema defended the police action by stating that the protests were hurting Punjab’s economy, farmers pointed out that their grievances were ignored even when they attempted to engage in talks. The real issue, they argue, is not the location of the protests but the government’s unwillingness to implement structural reforms that would secure their livelihoods.
What beholds the future of the farmers’ movement?
The Punjab government’s crackdown may have cleared the protest sites, but it has also ignited a deeper resentment among farmers, whose trust in AAP has been severely shaken. Far from ending the movement, the heavy-handed action could strengthen resistance in the coming months, especially with crucial negotiations looming. If the government believes that force and industry-backed coercion will silence the demands of Punjab’s farmers, history suggests otherwise.
This episode underscores a troubling pattern: when economic and electoral pressures mount, governments—regardless of their professed allegiance to farmers—quickly abandon them in favour of more influential interests. By choosing to align with industrialists over the agrarian community, the AAP government has not only exposed its shifting priorities but has also set a dangerous precedent where dissent is managed through suppression rather than dialogue.
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Adverse impact of climate change? 43% of farmers found half of their standing crops damaged
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As many as 20 villages of Muktsar Sahib district, Punjab burnt effigies of the state government on the call of anganwadi workers and helpers on September 14, 2021.
Punjab Anganwadi Employees Union President Hargobind Kaur thanked the 20 villages for participating in the workers’ struggle that will go on till September 30. A state-wide protest will also take place on October 2.
The demonstrations began on September 13 during which villages of Lakhewali, Khokhar, Chautra, Fattanwala, Ramgarh Chunghan, Sirwali, Barkandi, Haraj, Fatui Khera, Dhulkot, Doda, Kotli Ablu, Dabra, Lakkarwala, Ward No. 11 Malout, Kaulianwali, Fatta, Ramnagar, Sheikhu and Chhapianwali showed solidarity.
Through these protests, employees reiterated their demand to reinstate children between 3 and 6 years, who were transferred from anganwadi centres to primary schools by the state government in 2017.
Further, women demanded that their job designation be promoted to nursery teachers. Earlier, the government promoted EGS volunteers to the same status. Along with this change in status, they demanded that the government offer them honorarium as per the Haryana pattern.
Hargobind Kaur also demanded that workers receive the pending money from Pradhan Mantri Matri Vandana Yojana (PMVY) 2017 – a maternity benefit programme.
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Punjab creche workers announce dharna if state gov’t fails to pay dues
Punjab: Anganwadi workers continue working without food or funds
All-Punjab Anganwadi Workers’ Union to hold a protest march on March 4
Will Anganwadi workers ever get their due?
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]]>The post Punjab: Contract workers put ‘No Entry’ signs for Ministers who failed employment promises appeared first on SabrangIndia.
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Punjab Water Supply and Sanitation Contract Workers Union members on April 3, 2021 resolved to gherao Chief Minister Amarinder Singh and Cabinet Ministers and wave black flags to protest the Punjab’s government’s “false promises” of door-to-door jobs and regularisation of contract workers.
Union State President Varinder Singh Momi said ministers will be surrounded and questioned with regard to the delay in regularising earlier contract employees and the reason for retrenchments. To display their frustration to frustration to political leaders, workers that availed low salaries for over 14 years in rural areas, put up ‘No Entry’ warning boards outside their homes on Saturday.
State General Secretary Mr. Kuldeep Singh Budhewal said that the government is shunning its responsibility towards about 3,500 contract employees serving in various posts in supply schemes and offices. Instead, policies are introduced to privatise rural water bodies and all departments.
According to Press Secretary Satnam Singh Falianwala such policies abolish the public institution water supply department, under which 177 BRCs have been set up.
“Chief Minister Amarinder Singh and Cabinet Minister Razia Sultana have lied and lied. Before winning elections, jobs were promised to the unemployed but more than four years have passed and the state government has not confirmed contract workers of any department,” said Falianwala.
The union leaders accused the Punjab government of betraying people by taking anti-farmer, anti-labour and anti-employee decisions under the guise of Covid-19. They warned that protests would continue until their demands were met and that the state government and water supply management would be directly responsible for any loss during this period.
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Punjab’s Workers Union promises to look after fields until farmers return
Labour Codes Issues: Spelling out the ABCs
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Punjab’s Contract Employees Sangharsh Morcha called upon workers across the state to burn effigies of the Punjab government on March 31, 2021 and wave black flags to denounce Chief Minister Amarinder Singh’s insensitivity towards contract employees.
Union members alleged that Singh and his Sub-Committee Cabinet Ministers “yet again ran away from meeting” with workers who had mobilised at the state-level earlier in March. On March 12, agitators demanded the regularisation of contract employees in all government departments and received a written assurance from authorities for a meeting with Singh at his Chandigarh residence on March 30.
However, upon arrival Morcha leaders were informed that the Chief Minister was not present and would continue the meeting with leaders between April 6 to April 10. Accordingly, state leaders Resham Singh Gill, Varinder Singh Momi, Balihar Singh, Jagroop Singh, Gurwinder Singh Pannu, Varinder Singh Bathinda, Sher Singh Khanna, Sevak Singh Dandiwal, Raisahib Singh Sidhu, Sulakhan Singh, and Mahinder Singh told media persons that the ‘Captain-government’ had failed to realise election promises to contract employees regarding regularisation and door-to-door employment.
“About 60,000 posts in all government departments have been abolished in the name of restructuring and the struggle of contract employees of all departments is being ignored which has eroded the confidence of contract employees in the government. The Captain Government is employing an evasion policy like the SAD-BJP government,” said Momi.
Leaders said that they would assert their demands for regularisation, abolishment of privatisation and reorganisation of government departments, abolish forced retrenchment of contract employees and the withdrawal of the farm and labour laws.
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Contract employees flood Patiala streets, demand regularisation of workers
Punjab workers to agitate against labour codes on March 12
Punjab’s Workers Union promises to look after fields until farmers return
Labour Codes Issues: Spelling out the ABCs
Haryana: Manohar Lal Khattar-led govt survives no-confidence motion
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Image Courtesy:economictimes.indiatimes.com
Chief Minister Captain Amarinder Singh led Punjab Government has revoked general consent orders issued to the Central Investigation Agency (CBI) under the ‘Delhi Special Police Establishment (DSPE) Act, 1946′. Now the CBI, which reports to the Central Government, will need to seek the consent from the State Government before investigating each case in the state.
Punjab has now become the eighth state to revoke this blanket consent after Maharashtra, West Bengal, Rajasthan, Jharkhand, Kerala, Tripura and Mizoram that also withdrew the general consent, alleging that the BJP-led government at the centre was misusing the agency to harass political opponents.
As reported earlier, according to Section 3 of the DSPE Act the Central Government may issue a notification to specify the offences or classes of offences, which are to be investigated by the Delhi Special Police Establishment, that is the CBI. Section 5 of the DSPE Act empowers the Central Government to extend to any area the powers and jurisdiction of the CBI for investigation of any offences specified in a notification under Section 3. However, as explained by news reports, the power under Section 5 of the DSPE Act is subject to Section 6, which provides for the consent of State Government to exercise powers and jurisdiction by the CBI under Section 5 read with Section 3.
Section 6 of the DSPE Act reads: “Nothing contained in Section 5 shall be deemed to enable any member of the Delhi Special Police Establishment to exercise powers and jurisdiction in any area in a State, not being a Union territory or railway area], without the consent of the Government of that State.]”. Under Section 6 of the Act, all states except Delhi and the Union Territories have the discretion to give their consent to the for a probe in the state. Except in Delhi, Law and Order, including the police are under state governments’ purview.
These are the states which recently withdrew the general consent:
November 8, Punjab
The Punjab government notification issued on Sunday, November 8 stated,”…the Government of Punjab hereby withdraws the general consent accorded to the members of the Delhi Special Police Establishment, anytime herein before. In view of revocation of all previous general consents issued earlier, prior consent of the Government of Punjab shall be required, hereinafter, on a case-to-case basis for investigation of any offence or class of offences…”
November 5 Jharkhand
Jharkhand government’s order withdrawing general consent to CBI to conduct investigations in the state said: “The powers vested on CBI were given dated 19th February 1996 by the erstwhile then Bihar Govt to CBI… the governments of West Bengal, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh and earlier Mizoram had recently withdrawn the general consent to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), a kind of blanket nod for the agency to probe scheduled offences specified in the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act (DPSE) Act, 1946.” Jharkhand government is a coalition of the JMM, Congress and the RJD, and defeated the BJP in December 2019. Jharkhand Chief Minister Hemant Soren had announced that the “order has been issued by the Government of Jharkhand to the members of the Delhi Special Police Establishment to withdraw consent to use powers and jurisdiction in the state under a law. There will no longer be a consensus for the use of powers and jurisdiction in Jharkhand Which was given under an order issued by the Government of Jharkhand (erstwhile Bihar) on 19 February 1996. Now CBI will have to take permission of the state government to investigate any case.”
November 4 Kerala
Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, withdrew the blanket ‘general consent’ given to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to conduct probes in its territory. The Kerala cabinet met and took this decision. According to news reports the immediate provocation for the decision was the CBI case being registered to probe ‘life mission’ housing project, a flagship initiative of the Kerala government to provide shelter and housing to the homeless. The project was stalled temporarily after the CBI registered a case to probe alleged irregularities in the ‘Life Mission’, forcing the state government to approach the high court. The high court stayed the CBI investigation for two months reported News18. On November 2 Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan had said that various central investigating agencies probing into the gold smuggling case were “exceeding their jurisdiction in a concerted effort to malign and destabilise the constitutionally elected government in the state.
October 21, Maharashtra
Maharashtra Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray withdrew a blanket consent given to the CBI to investigate cases in the state. States not run by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have been alleging a step-child treatment by way of a constant erosion of federalism by the central government. Uddhay Thackeray-led Shiv Sena is in power in Maharashtra in alliance with the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP). Two of the most high-profile cases in the state are already with central agencies: Bhima-Koregaon/Elgaar Parishad case is being investigated by the National Investigation Agency (NIA). Alliance partners, especially the NCP have been extremely vocal about the turn the case took after the NIA took over. From arrests of cultural activists of the Kabir Kala Manch, activists and lawyers like Surendra Gadling, Sudha Bharadwaj, Gautam Navlakha, Anand Teltumbde, even octogenarians like poet Varavara Rao and Fr. Stan Swamy, it has become clear that the case is being used to exact political vendetta against dissenters by finding new excuses to keep them in captivity. The Sushant Singh Rajput case saw a tussle over jurisdiction with Bihar police, following which the Supreme Court cleared the path for the CBI to take over. But even after all the drama that unfolded with both, the Narcotics Bureau and the Enforcement Directorate were drawn in, and the public shaming of a young woman amidst a media circus continues.
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Now, Jharkhand withdraws general consent to CBI to conduct investigations in the state
Kerala Govt withdraws blanket consent to CBI for probes in state
Uddhav Thackeray withdraws consent; CBI can’t just swoop in any more
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Image Courtesy:dnaindia.com
Why did the Punjab government not guarantee Minimum Support Price (MSP) for crops other than paddy and wheat while countering the three Central laws, asked the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) on October 22, 2020.
The organisation commended the Congress-led Punjab Government for the introduction of the three Bills – the Farmers Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Amendment Bill 2020, the Essential Commodities Bill 2020, and the Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Bill 2020 – that would counter the BJP-led central government’s agriculture laws and called it a step in the right direction. At the same time, they felt the move lost some of its edge due to its narrow focus on solely wheat and paddy crops.
“The Punjab Acts only partially address the demands of farmers across Punjab for providing MSP in two crops by provisioning for legal action against traders purchasing below the MSP in those crops. They fail to address the larger issues of corporate contract farming and takeover of farm land,” they said.
AIKS General Secretary Hannan Mollah said that state laws should have ensured MSP as per C2+50 percent for all crops and assured procurement. He compared the Punjab government’s move with steps taken by the Left Democratic Front (LDF)-led government in Kerala that announced MSP of 16 vegetables as well as procurement of paddy at Rs. 2,750 per quintal that is about Rs. 900 per quintal more than the centrally fixed MSP and assures remunerative prices through cooperatives.
Thus, the left organisation recommended enactment of laws that would promote Peasant-Worker Social Cooperatives for procurement, processing, value-addition and marketing against corporatisation of Agriculture.
“The need is to not merely ensure better prices for the primary produce but to ensure that a share of surplus from the sale of value-added products also accrues to the farmers. Only in such a situation agriculture will be an attractive proposition for the peasantry and corporate exploitation can be resisted to an extent,” he said.
Nonetheless, the organisation hailed the opposition given by the Punjab farmers as a “victory for the united struggles of the farmers.” The state government’s decision indicates that the three laws violate the federal character of the Constitution and provide undue power for stocking essential commodities, trading and trafficking in enhanced price and rapacious profiteering.
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Congress-led states consider party Bill to negate anti-farmer laws
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Image: PTI
After the Kerala Assembly, Capt. Amarinder Singh’s government in Punjab passed a resolution in the state Assembly demanding the repeal of the Citizenship Amendment Act on Friday.
Punjab CM Amarinder Singh has been very vocal about his criticism of the CAA and NRC. He had also voiced his concern about the attacks on the students at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, urging the Delhi Police to take strict action against the culprits.
Any legislation that seeks to divide people on religious lines is illegal, unethical & unconstitutional. India’s strength lies in its diversity and #CABBill2019 violates the basic principle of the constitution. Hence my govt will not allow the bill to be implemented in Punjab.
— Capt.Amarinder Singh (@capt_amarinder) December 12, 2019
With regards to the CAA-NPR-NRC, he had written an open letter to Union Law Minister Ravi Shankar Prasad asking him to urge the Central government to pay heed to the voice of the people.
As the leader of the state, I took my oath under the Constitution @rsprasad Ji. I’m neither naive nor misguided & it’s my duty to represent the voice of my people & Centre must pay heed to same. As the law minister, you’d know that #CAA fails the test of the Constitution. 1/2 pic.twitter.com/QKa68CDGi4
— Capt.Amarinder Singh (@capt_amarinder) January 3, 2020
In a cabinet meeting held on Tuesday this week, the CM and his colleagues in the ministry had voiced their concerns over the “blatantly unconstitutional and divisive CAA, NRC and NPR.”
Singh had earlier said that neither he nor the Congress were opposed to granting citizenship to minorities persecuted on the basis of religion but did not agree to the “discrimination in the CAA against certain religious communities, including Muslims”.
State Minister Brahm Mohindra read out the resolution saying, “The CAA enacted by Parliament has caused countrywide anguish and social unrest with widespread protests all over the country. The state of Punjab also witnessed protests against this legislation, which were peaceful and involved all segments of our society.”
The minister also called for the government to do away with the CAA saying it was “against humanistic values and secular values.”
The Tribune reported that the resolution stated, “It is divisive and stands for everything opposed to a free and fair democracy which must enshrine equality for all. Alongside the religion-based discrimination in granting citizenship, it is apprehended that the CAA is also likely to endanger the linguistic and cultural identity of some sections of our people. CAA also envisages cancellation of the registration of Overseas Citizens of India (OC) card holders, if they violate any law.”
It also stated, “The CAA is aimed at distinguishing illegal migrants on the basis of religion, which is not permissible under the Constitution. It is also violative of Article 14 of the Constitution, which guarantees the Right to Equality and equal protection of the laws to all persons. In the backdrop of these facts, it is evident that the CAA violates the secular identity of India, which is the basic feature of our Constitution; therefore the House resolves to urge upon the Government of India to repeal the CAA to avoid any discrimination on the basis of religion in granting citizenship and to ensure equality before law for all religious groups in India.
Given the apprehensions about National Register of Citizens (NRC) and that the National Population Register (NPR) is a prelude to the NRC designed to. Depriving section of persons from citizenship of India and implement CAA, this House further resolves that Central Government should amend the forms documentation associated with the NPR to allay such apprehension in the minds of the people and only thereafter undertake work of enumeration under NPR.”
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Image Courtesy: Hindustan times
Jagmel Singh’s family has finally relented and ended their protest after the Punjab government offered Rs. 20 lakh compensation, a government job to his wife, and free education to his three children, The Hindustan Times reported.
However, even this still appears to be woefully inadequate, considering Jagmel, a Dalit, died a slow death 9 days after being tied to a pillar, brutally thrashed with iron rods and lathis and forced to drink urine by upper-caste men in Changaliwala village on November 7 following a minor dispute.
“The victim was undergoing treatment at PGI, Chandigarh, and both his legs had to be amputated to control the spread of infection due to the injuries,” Lehra station house officer Satnam Singh had said.
The family of the 37-year-old had refused to allow the post-mortem of his body till their demand of Rs. 50 lakh compensation and a government job for his wife were met. They, along with several members from Dalit organizations had staged a protest at the Post Graduate Institute of Medical Education and Research (PGIMER) campus, where his body was lying in the mortuary.
Compensation details
Sandeep Sandhu, political secretary to Punjab Chief Minister Amarinder Singh, said a compensation of Rs 20 lakh, including Rs 8.15 lakh provided under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, will be given to the next of kin.
Out of the total compensation, Rs. 6 lakh would be given on the day when the post-mortem of the body would be conducted. The remaining Rs. 14 lakh would be given on the bhog (post death ritual) ceremony. His wife, Manjit Kaur, would be given a group-D job, near her residence, giving relaxation in the prescribed educational qualification. Apart from bearing the charges for the bhog ceremony, the government has also promised to provide Jagmel’s children with education up to the graduation level.
Sandhu also said that the government would pay an additional Rs. 1.25 lakh for the repair of their house and give free ration to the family for six months.
Punjab has the highest population of Scheduled Castes that is, 31.9 per cent of the total population of 277.43 lakhs. In 2016, the National Records Crime Bureau (NCRB) recorded a total of 132 crimes against the Scheduled Castes, with 130 cases still pending investigation.
Jagmel Singh’s death had sparked outrage in Sangrur where Dalit organisations called a protest, demanding compensation for the family.
जगमेल सिंह हत्याकांडः मामले ने पकड़ा तूल,दलित वर्ग ने इंसाफ के लिए लगाया धरना https://t.co/rhjRe8FkVk #JagmailSingh #MurderCase #Sangrur #Protest #Dalit pic.twitter.com/NWzjmIHdSx
— Punjab Kesari-Punjab (@KesariPunjab) November 18, 2019
“We want strict action against the culprits and the government should compensate the family. A member of the family should be given a government job on humanitarian grounds,” said Bikkar Singh, the district chief of Dalit outfit Zameen Prapti Sangharsh Committee.
The incident also saw attacks coming in from Opposition parties who attacked the Congress government over the ‘barbaric’ treatment being meted out to Dalits in the state, with the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) saying that the ‘rule of the jungle’ was prevalent in the state.
SAD President S. Sukhbir Singh Badal today condoled the demise of 37-year-old dalit construction worker Jagmail, who passed away after inhuman torture. S. Badal condemned the barbaric treatment being meted out to Dalits in Congress rule. pic.twitter.com/M5IpxIZ3xd
— Shiromani Akali Dal (@Akali_Dal_) November 16, 2019
Various activist organisations on Monday also gheraoed the residence of former Punjab CM Rajinder Kaur Bhattal at Lehra in Sangrur district whom they alleged of supporting the accused in the case.
The Opposition also raised the issue on the first day of the Winter Session of the Parliament.
.#JagmailSingh मामले में दोषियों को ऐसी कड़ी सज़ा मिले कि दोबारा कोई ऐसी हरकत ना करे, पीड़ित परिवार को 50 लाख रुपए मुआवज़ा और नौकरी दी जाए- भगवंत मान#Loksabha #BhagwantMann pic.twitter.com/SR4QTrkylk
— Zee PHH (@ZeePunjabHH) November 18, 2019
Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) State Chief Jasbir Singh Ghadi, who had arranged food for the family during their protest at the PGI, said, “BSP has formed a team of five lawyers to fight the legal battle for the family. The culture of rich and upper caste suppressing the poor and lower class has been going on in the country since long now, and though rules and acts have been made against it, no concrete steps have been taken….No personal matter can grow so deep that results in something so torturous.”
Chief Minister Amarinder Singh has ordered a comprehensive probe by ADGP Gurpreet Deo into the murder case, an official spokesperson said.
“The Chief Minister has ordered the police to file the challan in the case within a week. All effort would be made to ensure stringent punishment for the culprits within three months,” the spokesperson said.
The police have arrested Rinku, Amarjeet Singh, Lucky alias Goli, and Beeta alias Binder, all residents of Jagmel’s village and booked them for abduction, wrongful confinement, attempt to commit culpable homicide, voluntarily causing hurt and other charges under various sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. They were produced in a Sunam court on Monday and are sent to police custody till November 21.
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]]>The leadership of the Congress in Punjab has appointed a dis ciplinary committee to recom mend action against Brahm Mohindra, a senior leader of the party — a former Punjab minister and a member of the AICC. Mohindra had publicly opposed the decision that the Congress would celebrate the tercentenary of the birth of Khalsa (and take out a deg, teg, fateh procession). His allegation that this important decision was not taken by the executive of the party but by the president himself has been refuted.
By and large, the matter is an internal affair of the Congress. That, however, is no reason why those outside the Congress should not express their opinion about the merit or otherwise of the decision, because it concerns public and political life as a whole.
In our opinion, the decision is clearly wrong and harmful. In the words of the Supreme Court, a party should either be a political party or a religious one. The Akali party has been functioning as a political as well as a religious party. The Congress has been generally criticising the Akalis for that. It has strongly been opposing the Akali thesis that as far as the Sikhs are concerned, religion and politics cannot be separated. However, for opportunist electoral considerations it has been compromising its principles, including secularism and anti–communalism. The late Rajiv Gandhi did so in relation to the Babri Masjid–Ram Mandir issue. His calculation that it would help the Congress proved utterly wrong. It helped the BJP. In Punjab, the late Giani Zail Singh as the chief minister did the same. He hoped to weaken the Akalis by fighting against them on their own turf. Laying of the Guru Gobind Singh Marg was a part of this strategy. Speaking on this issue, this writer (then a MLA) had publicly warned that the attempt would prove counter–productive and strengthen not the Congress but the Akalis. Subsequent developments proved this assessment to be correct.
The government headed by Sardar Prakash Singh Badal took the initiative and decided to observe the tercentenary of the birthday of the Khalsa officially. A top Congress leader, who is now demanding action against Mohindra, was the first to criticise the government’s decision. His argument was that to observe such religious landmarks was not the job of a secular government. This could be done by some religious organisation. Congress president Amrinder Singh and other leaders sharing his views, however, thought otherwise. The decision referred to above was thus taken. No convincing argument in support of it has been forthcoming. The mere fact that Sonia Gandhi has approved this decision does not prove it to be correct.
Punjab is inhabited not only by Sikhs, though the Sikhs are in a majority. Hindus are a big minority, Buddhists and Jains too inhabit Punjab. Will the Punjab government and Congress observe the major occassions of these religions too? No clear answer has been given to this very valid question. Some have argued that Sikhism stands on a different footing: In what way? True, unlike Islam and Christianity, it was born on Indian soil — but so were Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism. In any case, to make any distinction on this ground goes against the Indian tradition and can only lead to the disintegration of the country.
The fact is that the Congress calculated that chief minister Badal’s decision was motivated by a hope of political gain and the Congress decided to do the same. Once again, this will prove counter–productive. It will strengthen not the Congress but the Akalis.
Besides, there is also the fact that Congress leaders did not realise the Akali game. The decision taken by Badal was not merely on account of electoral considerations. His not–so–hidden second motive was to beat down Gurcharan Singh Tohra in the factional fight between the two. Undoubtedly, there is even more to the Punjab government’s decision. This government, in which Akalis are the senior partners (having gained a large majority on their own in the Assembly), has been functioning as if Sikhism was the official religion of the state. Here are a few examples:
In government offices, in hospitals, etc. you will find photos of only Sikh Gurus and none of even the national leaders.In government schools, besides the National Anthem (Jana Gana Mana), Deh Shiv Var Mohe ihe, Shubh Karman se Kabhoon na Daron, is increasingly becoming compulsory. These shabads of the tenth Guru are indeed very inspiring and excellent. But the Saraswati Vandana, too, is said to be excellent. Incidentally, these shabads were sung on government functions too — on the occasion of August 15, 1997 as well as on Independence Day last year (at least in functions held at Amritsar). Will the Punjab government introduce such songs from every religion in government schools in Punjab and in other government organisations? In Amritsar at least, on more than one occasion, this writer saw on working days practically none on duty in almost all the district level government offices and district courts even on working days. The reason? There was an Akhand Path going on on the premises of the district courts. What will happen if Hindu employees start Akhand Paths of Ramayana, Gita etc., on working days? Incidentally, in the district courts at Amritsar, I found very few employees at the Akhand Path, most were just enjoying themselves in one manner or another.
There have been Akhand Paths and Gurmat Chetna camps on the premises of the municipal corporation of Amritsar too. At least once some Hindu employees wanted to start a parallel Akhand Path of Ramayana. They were wisely persuaded by some BJP leaders not to do so. Some government schools have started holding Akhand Paths on the eve of examinations. (It is believed that this would help students to pass/do well in the examinations.) More examples can be given, but that is not necessary. It is sufficient to recall one fact. Simranjit Singh Mann’s criticism that the Akali Dal (Badal) after coming to power, had given up its goal of the Anandpur Sahib Resolution. The reply given by one top leader of the Akali Dal (Badal) was that the Resolution was being implemented (slowly but steadily). The Resolution stands for a Sikh theocratic state though within India. The decision of chief minister Badal that the Punjab government officially celebrate the 300th birthday of Khalsa is also a part of the ongoing effort to have a Sikh theocratic state in Punjab. Many out of sheer opportunism may not like or may fear to say so, but the fact is not difficult to see. It cannot but have very negative effects for the country in the long run.
A relevant question is: Why does the BJP not object? In fact, the BJP welcomes this because it will help it to realise the objective of a Hindu Rashtra which the RSS has openly declared and refused to give up more than once. There seems to be an unwritten agreement between the BJP and the Akalis that the latter would not object to the Hindu Raj at Delhi and the BJP will not object to Sikh Raj in Punjab, that is, Khalistan within India. After all, the BJP, which strongly opposed the “religion and politics cannot be separated” thesis of the Akalis when Khalistani terrorists had their headquarters in the Golden Temple, are now ardent champions of the same thesis.
The Left must oppose this dangerous game as well as the Congress’ opportunism. At least the Left must not allow the long–term interests of the country to be sacrificed for some narrow electoral gains. In India everyone must have the right to profess the religion of his/her choice and also to worship according to it. However, neither the government of India nor the government of any state should have any religion. State and religion as well as politics and religion must be kept apart.
It is time to have a national debate as to whether religion–based parties should be allowed to take part in elections. Also, whether candidates for elections should also be required to sign a declaration that they don’t believe in theocracy. Coming back to Punjab, Amrinder Singh and others would have been perfectly correct had they set up a non–party committee to celebrate the tercentenary in suitable ways, for example, by running a mass campaign and taking out massive demonstrations against the caste system and in support of such other teachings of the Sikh Gurus which are relevant even today.
Archived from Communalism Combat, June 1999. Year 6 No. 54, Comment
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