“Waseem Bari and his entire family have been very good workers of our party, and the way he was killed by terrorists has hurt us a lot. We came here to condole, and give  immediate help to the family [of Waseem Bari]. All the leaders and workers of Bharatiya Janata Party stand with the party workers here in this tough situation. We hope no one else has to make such a sacrifice. Those who have done this [killings] should be tracked neutralised soon, is our appeal,”  BJP general secretary, Ram Madhav who is also in charge of Jammu and Kashmir did not mince words when he visited Kashmir on Sunday. 

“We came here for immediate help to the family of Waseem Bari. All the national leaders of BJP stand with the party workers in this grave situation.We also appeal that all those who are involved in this incident should be neutralised soon,” BJP General Secretary, @rammadhavbjp pic.twitter.com/vMVjnhhkY1

— Kashmir Dot Com (@kashmirdotcom) July 12, 2020

A week after Bharatiya Janata Party leader Sheikh Waseem Bari, his father and brother were gunned down in a militant attack, in Bandipore District near their home in Kashmir, Ram Madhav was the first senior leader of the party, along with Union Minister Jitendra Singh to visit the bereaved family.

The 27-year-old politician had 10 cops, including eight security commandos guarding him when he was gunned down outside his shop and home near the Bandipore Police Station. His father and brother were also killed in the same attack. Bari was the District President of the party. Hours later, around 10 policemen assigned to his security detail were arrested for their alleged negligence in protecting the leader, and his family. Speaking about the security for local politicians, Madhav said, “Whatever security measures are required, it is being done by authorities… Security arrangement was also made for our martyr Waseem Bari, but there was some mistake because of which tragedy took place. Authorities will definitely take action. Not only our workers, administration is making preparations to provide required security to all political workers.”

Union minister @DrJitendraSingh, BJP National General Secretary @rammadhavbjp along with other party leaders visits residence of slain BJP leader Wasim Bari in Bandipora North Kashmir. pic.twitter.com/fetCcZDLJC

— The RealKashmir News (@TheRealKashmir_) July 12, 2020

These killings, of a local political leader in the Kashmir Valley, were a month after the Congress Party’s sarpanch Ajay Pandita was gunned down on June 8, 2020. Both incidents shook the UT’s political establishment across party lines.  

Visited Bandipora, Kashmir today together with MoS Dr Jitendra Singh to meet the wife n family members of martyred BJP leader Wasim Bari and his father and brother and condole their demise. Offered financial assistance from the party side. Child in my lap is Wasim’s 2 yr daughter pic.twitter.com/MGsAWxSAWi

— Ram Madhav (@rammadhavbjp) July 12, 2020

Ram Madhav’s strong statement on Sunday is also an indication of the renewal of the political battle in the Union Territory. Madhav has also said that the Legislative Assembly will be formed only after the delimitation exercise is complete in the Union Territory. While this is the first big political announcement since the abolition of article 370  and the creation of the UT, Madhav also gave talking points to the other party workers and took a no hold barred dig at the regional parties National Conference (NC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), saying they were just “scared and making excuses. These people are scared. They do not want to take part in the political process that is ongoing. Will they start political activities only when elections are announced? There were panchayat elections, mandal elections, so why did they not take part in those?”

Shri @rammadhavbjp ji in #Bandipora at condolences to the bereaved family of #WaseemBari. @BJP4India @BJP4JnK @BJPLive pic.twitter.com/ID9HHi7qMF

— Gulistan News (@GulistanNewsTV) July 12, 2020

Madhav asserted that now, when there was a martyrdom, was the time for regional parties to come forth. “Those who are saying there is no political process in the Valley, are the ones responsible for it”, he said the BJP is doing its best but wants local parties to come forward too. According to a report in the Indian Express Madhav also spoke to the media in Srinagar and said ”…this time priority is to first fight COVID-19 now, then delimitation exercise will take place and then for UT, legislative Assembly will be formed. At an appropriate time, the government of India will decide about other matters as well.” 

These political statements can be read as a response to the comments made by veteran leader Farooq Abdullah who had recently said that his focus may now be on seeking a reversal of the decision scrapping Article 370 and 35A of the Indian Constitution. He had called the domicile law “unconstitutional” and said it was “not acceptable” to him. “When we are saying that we are united against everything that they have done, which is illegal, unconstitutional, how do you think am I going to accept what is unconstitutional,” had been quoted in news reports.

Meanwhile, a strict lockdown has been imposed in Srinagar as there has been a surge in Covid-19 cases in the Valley.

Authorities imposed restrictions in city-centre Lal Chowk to enforce lockdown amid surge in COVID19 cases in Srinagar.

Camera?| Shah Jehangir #KashmirMirror pic.twitter.com/VlcULMz0Sr

— Kashmir Mirror (@Kashmir_Mirror) July 13, 2020

A move that was criticised by Mehbooba Mufti’s party PDP,  via her social media handle, “Last week, J&K admin threw open parks in Kashmir & decided to go ahead with Amarnath Yatra despite a spate of COVID cases. Which is why today’s directive to reimpose lockdown is baffling & emblematic of their rudderless approach”

Last week, J&K admin threw open parks in Kashmir & decided to go ahead with Amarnath Yatra despite spate of COVID cases. Which is why today’s directive to reimpose lockdown is baffling & emblematic of their rudderless approach

— Mehbooba Mufti (@MehboobaMufti) July 12, 2020

Related: 

Sheikh Waseem Bari shot dead despite 10 cops being assigned to guard him! 
We are united against everything that they have done: Farooq Abdullah 
Joe Biden bats for restoration of rights in Kashmir

The post Perpetrators must be neutralised soon: BJP Gen Secy on Waseem Bari’s murder appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Participating in a panel discussion in the Raisina Dialogue, BJP General Secretary Ram Madhav claimed that German dictator Adolf Hitler and Italian dictator Benito Mussolini were the “products of democracy”

Taking a dig at the Opposition parties over their agitation against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), he said that those who lost in the “democratic process” converted the “streets into the democratic platform” and engaged in violence.

Without naming anyone and taking a jibe at the protesters he said, “When someone loses in the democratic process and makes roads into the democratic platform, involves in violence and say the government is not listening, that is not the democratic spirit.”

The post Hitler, Mussolini were products of democracy: BJP’s Ram Madhav appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Madhav’s contention whether India is less corrupt and less violent could be contested. There was a 67% jump in complaints of corruption as reported by the CVC. A recent survey by Transparency International (TI), an anti-corruption global civil society organization, stated that India had the highest bribery rate among the 16 Asia Pacific countries surveyed. Nearly seven in 10 people who accessed public services in India had paid a bribe. In contrast, Japan had the lowest bribery rate, with 0.2% respondents paying a bribe. The survey suggested serious corruption risks when people try to access these basic services – 58% for access to public schools and 59% had to pay bribes for accessing healthcare.

That India is less violent is also open to serious challenge with cow vigilantism in Gujarat, UP, Jharkhand, MP, Chhattisgarh, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Maharashtra among other states having jumped up considerably; minorities forcibly converted in Agra and Aligarh, lynching of members of Muslim community if anyone is in love with a Hindu woman and both desire to marry each other; BJP MP and his followers in Saharanpur attacking SSP’s residence; anti dalit riots in Saharanpur; communal riots in Vadavali in Gujarat, Bijnor and Kasganj in Western UP,  riots during Ramnavmi processions in several places in Bihar and Asansol in West Bengal and many other places; incessant stone pelting and massive force being used on stone pelters in J & K; number of attack on churches on increase are just a few instances of increased violence and deteriorating law and order situation in the country. Also Union Ministers, Parliamentarians and senior leaders of BJP have demonized the minority community and outraged their religious feelings with impunity.

However, we can agree with Madhav that India is less undisciplined and less argumentative. The social media in a lighter vein labels these “disciplined, less argumentative Indians” as bhakts of the PM Mr. Narendra Modi. It is difficult to estimate numerical strength of bhakts of Modi and their growth but there can be little doubt that they have grown in leaps and bounds since the campaign during the Lok Sabha elections began in 2013. Bhakts are dedicated followers of the PM whose commitments have been obtained using sacred symbols and issues that touch their emotional quotient. Bhakts could be relied on for their dedicated support, no matter what decision their leader, PM Modi takes. They would not be expected to use their reason to evaluate or bother to understand good or bad implication of decisions taken. The leader is assured of support for every decision, no matter how harmful or adverse it may be to the interest of large majority of people, social harmony or political institutions.

Demonetization was one such measure which the Govt. survived on the strength of bhakts in spite of its adverse impact on the economy and immense hardships for the common people and no appreciable gains or advantages to the country. If people died for lack of money in their hands (though enough in their bank accounts) to buy life saving medicines; died standing in queues to withdraw rationed amounts; farmers suffered for lack of purchasing power to buy seeds or pesticides or fertilizers for their agricultural operations; small industries could not hire wage labourers and raw materials and had to slow down or even close their production, all these were but a small insignificant pain to be borne for the greater good their leader had promised. Madhav is perhaps alluding to this behaviour as instance of “less indisciplined”. No amount of rational discourse on greater disadvantages of demonetization could convince any bhakt. If their leader told them that demonetization would bring in black money, fight corruption, terrorism and fake currency in circulation, then demonetization would achieve all of it. When there was no evidence of any of the goals being achieved in any significant manner, the goal post of demonetization was changed to advantages of cashless transactions and even that was acceptable to bhakts.

Creation of Bhakts
Three crucial elements go into creation of bhakts – ideology, political programme and an icon, a charismatic leader. Ideology outlines ‘ideal’ way of life or ‘ideal’ community that is superior to others. Hindutva, political Islam, Zionism, Nazism, Christian evangelism, racism, etc. can be misused as ideologies. The ideology invests in construction of sacred symbols – religious, national, ethnic or racist symbols which signify their superiority over ‘others’. Ideology obfuscates reality for bhakts.

Political programme aims to assert superior rights and hegemony over others, aims to expel or eliminate demonized ‘others’ – non-believers, followers of other religions, races  or ideologies. If elimination is not possible, then the objective would be to oppress them and relegate them to second class citizenship. Recently, bhakts were called upon to invade AMU campus with a programme to forcibly pull down portrait of M. A. Jinnah escorted by the UP Police. In Gurgaon age old practice of offering Friday namaz in open spaces was problematized threatening violence.
However, in order to achieve the political objectives, strong organization is necessary along with an unquestionable and above board charismatic leader. There are no such infallible leaders in reality. Image of a leader as ‘wholly selfless, super human, dedicated to the glory of ‘nation’ or community or race is meticulously constructed through anecdotes and spreading them far and wide using media. Sangh Parivar based on Hindutva ideology needed a charismatic leader and Prime Minister Modi politically surviving the 2002 Gujarat pogrom proved ideal for him to be constructed as the charismatic poster boy of Hindutva. Hindutva ideology demonized the Muslims and Christians in particular as enemies of the Hindu nation for nearly 90 years since its inception in 1925 and advocated for an authoritarian Hindu state, antithetical to libertarian democracy that treats all its citizens equally, acknowledges liberties of all citizens and provides for mechanisms for justice in case of violation of their rights by the state or non-state actors.

Bhakts are products of careful construction of charisma of Narendra Modi. Image of the leader is taller than life and capabilities are projected to be super human and almost Godly. Character of the individual has to be above board and ideal. Stories of “bal Narendra” fighting an alligator to retrieve the ball with which children were playing; rag to riches story – chaiwala to the CM of Gujarat; careful construction of “Gujarat Model”; a strong powerful leader who could ‘discipline’ the Muslims of Gujarat; a person who had sacrificed his family life for the ‘nation’ and has no self interest whatsoever; who works tirelessly for long hours; a person capable of taking quick, even if risky decisions; a person who works tirelessly for development and will lead India to be world super power.

The swelling ranks of middle class which was product of neo-liberal reforms ushered in the 1990s by Narsimha Rao-Manmohan duo needed new ideology to justify fast growing prosperity of a few amidst equally fast growing poverty that would normally put any human being to shame. The Nehruvian socialism that controlled consumption by regulating imports was no more an attractive ideology. The Nehruvian ideology (if we take the liberty of calling it an ideology) matched liberal social outlook with political commitment to orient capitalism to the needs of the lower classes through planned growth. Nehruvian ideology was pitted against remnants feudal values and dominance of feudal classes in the rural areas. The post independence middle class, though numerically less, still imbued with the idealism of freedom movement. Large section of post-Independence middle class was neither entirely feudal, nor liberal Nehruvian. They had not yet accepted the capitalist ideology of individualism pitting individuals and her interests above society. They valued liberties but sense of community prevailed. A section of the post independence middle class associated with social movements, including trade union movement, peasant movement as evident in the leadership of Naxalbari peasant uprising.

Post liberalization middle class
However, the post liberalization middle class with its growing numbers and prosperity desired comforts, luxuries, branded products and upward mobility cheering reforms even though the reforms did not address the issues of working class or the peasantry. This new middle class cheered the slogan of development and development even if it was jobless and futureless (harming the environment). Development meant creation of islands of prosperity with latest infrastructure, flyovers, entertainment centres etc. A section of the new middle class found Hindutva ideology more acceptable than the Nehruvian ideology of liberal socialism. The new regurgitated Hindutva of 1990s stood for growth and unfettered liberalization so long as Muslims and Christians could be demonized. Hindutva has the potential and power to counter social disruptions on account of political agitations of the marginalized rural and urban poor on account of growing inequality as it borrows from and masquerades as religion.

Creating bhakts is Hindutva’s answer to potential social disruptions on account of growing inequalities and marginalization, which Madhav prefers to call “less indisciplined” and “less argumentative. Hindutva’s way of pre-empting disruptions on account of growing inequalities is to make the socially and economically excluded and deprived sections take ‘pride’ in the sacred symbols – Lord Ram, patriotism, nationalism, Indian military and its actions against ‘enemy’ Pakistan and its fight with reprehensible Islamic terrorism and establishing superiority of Hinduism (read Brahmanism) and superior rights of Hindus in ‘their own country’. It also imbues feeling of pride in the excluded sections of the Hindu community (the dalits and other backward castes) that Hindutva is fighting depletion of their ranks on account of poaching of Hindu women by Muslim men and poaching of members of Hindu community by Church through conversions.

Hindutva divides the excluded sections of the society on basis of their religion and pits one against the other. They mobilised the Hindus (read adivasis) in Kandhamal to attack Christians (read dalits) during 2007 and 2008 anti-Christian violence and dalits and adivasis in communal riots to attack Muslims. The excluded and marginalized sections of Hindus – dalits, OBCs, adivasis, women, workers, peasants, are mobilized to support the cultural, political and economic hegemony of the elite – Mahatma Jotiba Phule called this class sethji and bhatji. The Sangh Parivar organizations tirelessly work to mobilize the dalits and other marginalized sections of the society – not for their welfare or their rights, but over temples, festivals and issues that instil false religious pride. They also use some dalit icons after ‘neutralizing’ their resistance to caste hegemony and so far as they can be misused and projected as anti-Muslim and anti-Congress. For example, Dr. Ambedkar, Suheldev, etc.

Hindutva, more particularly, its charismatic leader the Prime Minister mobilizes and calls upon the most deprived and marginalized sections to sacrifice for the ‘nation’, however small the sacrifice might be. Creating a semblance of sacrifice is another route to instil pride in and own up the idea of ‘nation’ as peddled by Hindutva. The image of the charismatic leader as the one making supreme sacrifices for the nation by working for long hours, undertaking incessant travels abroad and even sacrificing his family is created to inspire the bhakts to make small sacrifices of standing in queues post demonetization, cleaning their area, constructing and using toilets etc.

Religion is another tool which creates bhakts – by instilling pride as well as unquestioned obedience to God, the head of the nation and head of the family. The religious entrepreneurs also known as sadhus and babas tour every village and locality to preach virtue of obedience and religion. Women in many north Indian villages for example are attracted by ‘shiv charcha’. There is an increasing trend of kanwadias – undertaking long journeys – scores of kilometres for days – on foot with kanwars on their shoulder to worship their deity in a distant temple. Saibaba’s bhakts in Maharashtra have recently followed the example of kanwadiyas and walk from Mumbai to Shirdi on foot. There are numerous other examples of increasing pilgrimages and religiosity and attitude of submission along with it. There is higher growth in number of sadhus and babas than the GDP of the country with all of them attracting various sections of the society in every nook and corner of the country.

Inequalities are rapidly growing with the neo-liberal capitalism persuading the foreign capital by promising them cheaper land, cheap labour, infrastructure, liberal environmental regulations, tax concessions and with reduced state expenditure on welfare of dalits, adivasis, women and minorities are leading to large sections of powerless and deprived sections. On the other hand, the organizations and unions that would defend the economic interests of the workers and farmers have weakened. The left, liberal, democratic and secular sections of society have thus far ignored the potential of cultural issues to mobilize the excluded and marginalized sections of the society. Even though there is some realization, on this score, the left, liberal democratic and secular organizations would have to engage much more with cultural issues. There cannot be democracy without democratic culture. Religion cannot be simply written off. Potential of religion as a transformative force towards inclusive social democracy cannot be ignored anymore. These organizations will have to arouse the self respect and dignity in every individual citizen through solidarity struggles.

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Interview with Prabir Purkayastha
Interviewed by Pranjal

Satyapal Singh, Minister of State for Human Resource Development, issued a statement claiming evolution never happened since no one saw an ape converting into a human. Such statements by our highest ranking ministers show the lack of rationality in BJP’s core ideologies. What can be the future of India’s science and technological development when our government doesn’t want the country’s children to be able to think?

The post BJP’s Unscientific Ideologies Will Result in Slow Death of Scientific Temper in Education appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Madhavargues that the Hindutva Right was truly representative of the anti-imperialist impulse, not because it did anything to contribute to the freedom struggle since its leaders openly collaborated with their colonial masters,but because “in a way India, like America,” is “essentially a nation with a conservative ethos”. Hence they must be accepted as natural heirs to the courageous struggle extending over more than a century in which other forces and sections of Indians sacrificed their lives for the cause andidea of freedom.

Madhav’s statements are like declarations made to a fawning shakha gathering where no one would contest or question his ill-informed and unsubstantiated pronouncements.He claims thateminent leaders of the `humble’ Indian, “from Swami Vivekananda to Annie Besant to Mahatma Gandhi”, (the latest, one presumes, would beNarendraModi), were always enamoured of the “genius of our country, which is rooted in its religio-social institutions like state, family, caste, guru and festival. . . .Naturally at the advent of independence we ought to have had a leadership that understood and appreciated the value of this Indian genius. . . .Unfortunatelyat the dawn of our independence”, we had Jawaharlal Nehru who represented “the colonisers view while Gandhi became the voice of native wisdom”.

After this claim one wonders why the Hindu Mahasabha’s V.D. Savarkar masterminded and organised, as then Home Minister Sardar Patel officially stated, a group including RSS cadre like Nathu Ram Godse, to systematically plan the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi. They succeeded at the sixth attempt.The RSS is known to have distributed sweets to celebrate the silencing of this `voice of native wisdom’.

Even in these days of “post-truth” and fake news, Ram Madhav’s version of the role oftwo leading figures of the nationalmovement is hard to swallow. Accusing Nehru of adhering to the `colonizers views’ isindeed astonishing.For Nehru, a prominent leader of thefreedom struggle, had a perspicacious understanding of the role of colonialism not just in the national arena in India but as an international system that was an instrument for the exploitation of the entire Asian and African region.His role in utilising the contradictions between international  capital, the erstwhile colonial powers, and the rising socialist states in order to forge ties with the latter and chart a path of relatively independent development in India, building up a public sector at the `commanding heights’ of the economy, is part of modern India’s history.  Ram Madhav’s attempt to divert from the significant influence exerted by this revolutionary ideology in determining the course and content of India’s freedom struggle, not just in Nehru’s conception of an independent India but in Gandhi’s perspective which was deeply inspired by Russian anarchist thinkers like Tolstoy, is a hopelessly prejudiced ideological construct.

With a select group of nationalist leaders from other countries, Nehru’s international contribution to uniting and strengthening the newly independent nation-states of Asia, Africa and parts of Europe in the non-aligned movement prevented their being absorbed in either the imperialist or the socialist camps,thereby allowing them to play an important progressive role in world affairs.The anti-colonial impact of this movement, initiatedand sustained by the political leadership of independent India, is too well-known to be dismissed by the canards now being spread by RSS functionaries.

Gandhi and Nehru often disagreed but had enormous respect and confidence in each other’s opinions and abilities to further the anti-colonial struggle. In fact, at crucial phases when the leadership question came to the forefront, Gandhi unequivocally expressed his support for Jawaharlal Nehru. This might seem incomprehensible toRam Madhavwhose entire experience of politics has been within the doctrinal confines of the `shakha’, and the non-transparent coterie functioning of Nagpur’s circle of RSS leaders, but it comes as no surprise to those who are familiar with the free exchanges between the plurality of views and ideologies united within the coalition of anti-colonial patriotic forces represented by the Indian National Congress at the time.

Ram Madhav prominently lists`caste’ as evidence of the` genius’ of the country. In that case, he  must certainly regard Dr. BhimRaoAmbedkar as being, in his opinion, yet another leader that we were `unfortunate’ enough to have at the `dawn’ of independence. Dr. Ambedkar views on caste are crystal clear and the Annihilation of Caste, the title of one of his major writings, was always his goal. Like Nehru, Ambedkar too rejected the village as the basic unit of India’s future democratic structure. A leading architect of the Indian Constitution he insisted that the individual must be the basic unit of Indian democracy, the true holder and recipient of its rights and benefits, as the village was itself the site of the worst form of oppression, caste oppression. Of course since the RSS-led Modi government is currently trying to appropriate BabasahebAmbedkar to attract a Dalit vote-bank, one cannot expect Madhav to embark on an honest expression of his fundamental conflict with Ambedkar’s ideas. Nothing along the lines of the open Gandhi-Nehru debates.

A post script on Ram Mahdav’s use of terms like `advent’ and `dawn’ for independence having `arrived’ like a natural phenomenon, justas day follows night. No doubt it happened that way for the RSS which only sought to obstruct but never to participate in the anti-colonial struggle against British rule.

However, those who fought for independence, risking life, limb and personal comforts; who spent years in British jails at the cost of their health; who were hanged at the infamous Kala Panicentral jail in the Andaman’s (unlike Savarkar who slavishly bowed before the foreign rulers and bought his freedom with servile letters of apology); the youthful Bhagat Singh, Raj Guru and Chandrashekhar Azad who went to the gallows with revolutionary slogans of `InquilabZindabad’ on their lips; they knew the price of the freedom they helped secure for their countrymen, women and children. Freedom from British imperialism demanded agency and they willingly sacrificed themselves to become catalysts of the struggles that brought about India’s independence.
 

The post Turning History of India’s Struggle Upside Down & Inside Out, the RSS Way appeared first on SabrangIndia.

 

राम माधव ने इसके अलावा एक टीवी चैनल के वीडियो को भी एक कमेंट के साथ रिट्वीट किया है। जिसमें लिखा है- ‘देशभक्तों से मिलना चाहते हैं तो इसे देखें।’

राम माधव से पहले सोमवार को बीजेपी के राष्ट्रीय उपाध्यक्ष विनय सहस्त्रबुद्धे ने एक सवाल के जवाब में कहा कि कई बार लोग राशन की लाइन में इंतजार करते-करते मर जाते हैं।

प्रधानमंत्री मोदी ने कहा है कि लोगों को मुश्किलें होंगी वो सह लें। लेकिन कुछ तकलीफें ऐसी भी होती हैं जिन्हें सहना भी मुश्किल है। नोटबंदी के बीच देश से कुछ दर्दनाक खबरें भी आई हैं। अब तक नोटबंदी के कारण 16 जान जा चुकी हैं।

सरकार की घोषणा के अनुसार 10 नवंबर से बैंकों में पुराने नोट बदले और पैसे निकाले जाने लगे लेकिन ज्यादातर जगहों पर कुछ ही देर में पैसे खत्म हो गए।

वहीं 11 नवंबर से देश के सभी एटीएम में पैसे निकलने शुरू हुए लेकिन वहां भी स्थिति बैंकों जैसी ही रही है कुछ ही देर में पैसे खत्म हो गए। बैंकों में लोगों को 2000 के नए नोट दिए जा रहे थे जिसकी वजह से जिन्हें पैसा मिला उनके
सामने खुले पैसों की दिक्कत आने लगी। पैसों की किल्लत देखते हुए सरकार ने रविवार को 500 के नए नोट जारी किए।

बता दें कि 8 नवंबर को नरेंद्र मोदी ने 500 और 1000 के नोट बंद करने का एलान किया था, उन्होंने अनडिक्लेयर्ड कैश को मेनस्ट्रीम इकोनॉमी में लाने के लिए इस कड़े कदम को जरूरी बताया था।

Courtesy: Janta ka Reporter

The post देश भक्ति मापने का नया यंत्र कौन कितनी देर लाइन में खड़ा रह सकता है: भाजपा नेता राम माधव appeared first on SabrangIndia.

 
A recent news report (‘Now, RSS plans to launch a Christian outfit’; The Times of India, January 4, 2016) has taken the Christian community in India by storm. The report quotes Indresh Kumar, senior pracharak, member of the national executive and margdarshak (guide) of the Muslim Rashtriya Manch as saying: “On December 17, 4-5 Archbishops, 40-50 Reverend Bishops from across 10 to 12 states met and it was decided to build a movement. This is preparing the ground to lay the seeds for an organisation.” According to the report, the proposed organisation, likely to be named Rashtriya Isai Manch, is to work along the lines of the Rashtriya Muslim Manch. The supposed aim is to build “goodwill” among India’s Christians.
 
The report also mentions that while addressing a Christmas celebration organised by the Catholic Bishops Conference of India in December, Union home minister, Rajnath Singh assured Christians that he would not let any "injustice" happen to them. Singh added that he was deeply hurt by the attacks on churches in the year before. This was followed a few days later by Union finance minister Arun Jaitley hosting clergy and professionals from the Christian community at a gathering which was attended, among others, by Cardinal Oswal Gracias, who is a member of Pope Francis' advisory council.

In short, Indian Christians are being wooed simultaneously by the RSS and top ministers in the government led by Narendra Modi, the sangh parivar’s preferred candidate for the the prime ministerial chair. It is curious, to say the least, that the man chosen by the RSS to be the face of the proposed Christian outfit, Kumar, is the same person who stands accused of instigating the most widespread and vicious anti-Christian violence in 300 years – Kandhamal, Odisha during 2007-08 and whose name has also figured in ‘saffron terror’ cases.
 
What’s going on here? Why this sudden love and affection for a community which has been demonised and repetedly targeted, especially since the late 1990s? Is this a fresh RSS hoax or a case of naivete among a few church members? How does RSS propose “to build bridges of goodwill with the Christian community”? What, if any, was the outcome of the several dialogues with the Church in the recent past? Does RSS have some hidden agenda behind such dialogues? How does the Church respond to the idea of an RSS-inspired Christian outfit? While the top Church leadership is yet to respond to the proposal of launching an RSS-friendly Christian outfit, let us try to understand what is behind the proposed launching of this outfit and the possible options before the Church.

The series of attacks on adivasi Christians in Gujarat in 1998 rattled and unnerved the peace-loving Christian community in India. The Church leadership did not know how to respond to these diabolical attacks. The Church leaders’ prime concern for the protection of the members forced them to have direct talks with the leaders of the perpetrators rather than the state actors (the latter, in many cases, were hand-in-glove with the former).

 
Talking peace with the bully
The Church in India has and continues to contribute to nation building, especially in the sphere of education and health care of the marginalised groups. The Church’s humanitarian response to all disasters, whether man-made or natural, remains unparallelled. Yet, in recent years the sangh parivar has repeatedly targeted the community with hate campaigns, physical attacks and intimidation, questioned the intention behind the services provided by the Church for the marginalised groups as never before.
 
The series of attacks on adivasi Christians in Gujarat in 1998 rattled and unnerved the peace-loving Christian community in India. The Church leadership did not know how to respond to these diabolical attacks. The Church leaders’ prime concern for the protection of the members forced them to have direct talks with the leaders of the perpetrators rather than the state actors (the latter, in many cases, were hand-in-glove with the former).
 
Thus began the story of dialogue between Church groups and the sangh parivar in December 1998. Those who participated in the first conference included the then BJP president Shashikant 'Kushabhau' Thakre, RSS joint general secretary KS Sudershan, BJP general secretary Narendra Modi on one hand and Catholic Bishops Conference of India president Archbishop Alan de Lastic of Delhi, Archbishop Aruldas James of Madras, Evangelical Fellowship of India general secretary Richard Howell, the Church of North India's Sushma Ramaswamy, All-India Association of Christian Higher Education director Mani Jacob, Indian Social Institute director Father Ambrose Pinto and All-India Catholic Union national secretary John Dayal on the other.
 
A vicious cycle
Archbishop Alan De Lastic who led the first dialogue with the BJP-RSS for the protection of the community was quick to realise the futility of the talks. At a meeting immediately after the dialogue, he told the then home minister LK Advani: “The dialogues with the sangh parivar would serve no purpose unless there was an immediate end to the physical and verbal violence against the community, particularly in Gujurat”. “What I have noticed is that ever since this government (BJP-led NDA) came to power at the Centre, the attacks on the Christians and Christian missionaries have increased,” he added.
 
Of equal concern was the NDA government's wilful refusal to condemn the violence, the fact that as home minister Advani was not living up to his oath of office (do right to all manner of people in accordance with the Constitution and the law without fear or favour, affection or ill-will). But the official response was: “There is no law and order problem in Gujarat”. Alan de Lastic’s untimely car accident in Poland in June 2000 left a void.
 
The chart below clearly shows how dialogues between the Church and the sangh parivar have not resulted in any let up in the attacks against Christians:
 

 
As indicated above, dialogue after dialogue continued over the years at different levels. But it meant nothing for the Christian community which was under relentless attack even, as the RSS laid claim to ongoing dialogues with the Church. Chaos was evident among the Church groups as some unknown faces with varied interest holding dialogues with the RSS and claiming positive outcomes. But for the RSS, it was simply a joy ride. Meeting a few self-serving individuals/fronts and Church associates at different locations, billing them as Church-RSS meets were too part of their strategies. The only use of these dialogues was to lend credence to the pretence of BJP leaders in government that the attacks on Christians were the handiwork of anti-social elements unrelated to the sangh parivar. As the dialogue drama unfolded, Christians who had participated in them despite their reluctance and apprehensions realised that the RSS was not at all serious and that it could not meet the community expectations.
 
In 2002, the Kerala Council of Churches, affiliated to the National Council of Churches of India (NCCI), urged its parent body to reassess the process of dialogue. “The strategy adopted by the RSS for a dialogue with churches, the committee observed, “appeared to be intended to divide the churches”.
 
A year earlier, Bishop Thomas Mar Athanasius, president, Ecumenical Study and Dialogue Centre flayed the move for a dialogue between the CBCI-NCCI and the RSS arguing that those entering into a dialogue with the RSS were only weakening their credibility to speak on behalf of the Christian community.
 
Seeing through the hidden agenda
Fr. Ambrose Pinto, former director of Indian Social Institute, New Delhi, one of the delegates for the first-ever meeting between top Church and RSS leaders held in 1998 sees the future of any further Church-RSS meet thus: “First of all, we need to know:  a) what RSS stands for, b) why is the RSS saying what it is saying? c) the difference between its propaganda and facts, and d) in case Christians join them, do those Christians represent us? Understanding the nature of the fascist organisation, we should resist them as a community in solidarity with the prople of goodwill”. Would he like to be part of any future dialogue? “I was a reluctant participant. I did not want to be there. Even at that meet, I was one of those who spoke against their designs. I shall never join any kind of dailogue with RSS. You cannot dialogue with fascists”.
 
Says John Dayal, one of the delegates for the first Church-RSS dialogue: “To the parivar, there is only one mantra. Stop Conversions, and everything will end. To the sangh parivar, a dialogue is a monologue in which it speaks its mind, and the other has to take it or lump it. After all, Christianity is all about dialogue, both within the church and outside. Parivar spokespersons keep on repeating the same old manufactured lies like a Goebblesian zombie. If any single community, Sikh or Christian or Muslim, thinks it can reach a bilateral peace with the sangh parivar, it is only deceiving itself, and allowing the parivar to buy time”.
 
As the above chart shows for the RSS dialogue was mere pretense. The dialogues were punctuated with increasing violence year after year. The worst ever violence against Christians in India in 300 years was in Orissa in 2007-08 which continued unabated for over four months. It took nearly four years for the displaced adivasi and dalit Christians to return to their homes; even today there are several villagers where the forcibly displaced are not able to return eight years after the carnage.

The only use of these dialogues was to lend credence to the pretence of BJP leaders in government that the attacks on Christians were the handiwork of anti-social elements unrelated to the sangh parivar. As the dialogue drama unfolded, Christians who had participated in them despite their reluctance and apprehensions realised that the RSS was not at all serious and that it could not meet the community expectations.
 
While the dialogue was underway, the sangh parivar stepped up its hate campaign and violence against the Christian community. It is important to reflect why the earlier dialogues have failed to yield results. What are the issues that the RSS and the Church bring to the table? The RSS is quite clear about its agenda as has been articulated both in words (media) and actions (violence). As for the Church, it is still debatable whether it does or does not want any further dialogue. If yes, for what purpose and towards what end?
 
No one should be confused about what the RSS stands. There are certain key issues on which the sangh parivar’s stand is consistent and clear. The real agenda behind the so-called dialogue it seeks with Christians is to browbeat the community into meekly concurring with its ‘non-negotiable’ stands on these issues. These are repeatedly articulated through its mouthpiece, the Organiser. Here below are just a few examples:
 
Hindutva on conversions: ‘anti-national’ act
 

• Ram Madhav, spokesperson of RSS and general secretary of BJP calls for dismantling the evangelical establishment in the Organiser, November 2, 2008)

 
“Evangelists are subverting Indian culture… conversion, especially in tribal areas, leads to demographic disturbances which in turn lead to resentment and violence.”

• (Late) MV Kamath, sangh parivar ideologue in the Organiser, November 2, 2008.

 
“Conversion is an act of violence… Religious conversion destroys centuries-old communities and incites communal violence. It is violence and it breeds violence.”

• Swami Dayanand Saraswati in an ‘Open Letter’ to Pope John Paul II in the Organiser, October 1999.

 
“Conversions ban [are] a national necessity… Conversions are resorted to for political reasons and not for faith. There is, therefore, absolute justification for imposing a ban on free conversions. Lawlessness in India has taken place whenever the governments have failed the people to satisfy their legitimate feelings”.

• Swami Asangananda Bharati, director, Himalayan International Institute of Yoga Science and Philosophy, in the Organiser, January 9, 2005.

 
“They went away (to other religion) because of some allurement and thus there is nothing wrong in bringing them back to original fold… It is like a thief who steals our valuables. The thief is caught and we will get our valuables back. They are ours.”

• RSS Supremo Mohan Bhagwat, in The Hindu, December 21, 2014.

 
“Is conversion necessary? Will any country allow changes in its demographic character?”

•  Union home minister, Rajnath Singh signalling the central government’s willingness for an anti-conversion law, PIB release, March 23, 2015.

 
“An aggressive campaign is required for ghar wapsi of those Hindus who had converted to other religions in the past.”

• BJP’s Lok Sabha MP, Yogi Adityanath, at a conference ‘Dharmantaran Rashtranataran Hai’ (Religious conversion is the same as change of nationality) at Gorakhnath Temple in Gorakhpur. It was announced that BJP MPs Yogi Adityanath and Tarun Vijay will introduce private member bills in the the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha respectively to stop religious conversions and debate the issue in next session of the Parliament, in The Indian Express, September 27, 2015.

 
Hindutva on affirmative action for minorities: vehement opposition
 
The denial of justice to the Dalit Christians and Muslims goes against the letter and spirit of Articles 14, 15, 16 and 25 of the Constitution of India on equal justice, equal opportunities and freedom of religion. Both Ranganath Mishra Commission and Sachar Committee reports address the anamoly in denying reservation meant for Scheduled Castes to Christian and Muslim Dalits. The sangh parivar however remains vehemently opposed to any affirmative action, as is evident from the writings and statements of its leaders, spokespersons and ideologues:
 
“The Ranganath Misra Commission’s report is… a sinister, treasonous conspiracy… it is the UPA’s gift to the Vatican and the Pakistani-Arab sponsors of jehad. It is on the verge of capitulating to a notorious paedophile organisation, masquerading as a religious dispensation and the licentious, Islamist criminals enthroned by the British… For quite sometime now Christian evangelists and Islamist jehadis have been working overtime to subvert the Indian judiciary. They want to disempower it and for real decision-making authority to reside with suborned politicians ready to facilitate the rapid ensnaring of Indian society… If reservations (for Scheduled Castes) are extended to Christians and Muslims a no-holds-barred campaign of bribery and chicanery will commence to entice underprivileged Hindus into their political fold. At present Hindus are harder to lure because Hindu society legislated reservations to help them overcome historic disadvantages. The Islamo-Christian calculation is that an extraordinary opportunity to finish Hindus off is at hand”.

• Dr. Gautam Sen, member, steering committee, World Hindu Economics Forum; president, World Association of Hindu Academicians in the Organiser, January 31, 2010.

 
“If perverted reports like those of Justices like Sachar and Ranganath Misra indulge in travesty of justice, who will save the law of the motherland? Ours is a nation governed by the will of the people. These justices may come and go, the nation is inexorably an essential unity, adhering to only one global ethic – dharma.  Sachar and Ranganath Misra have done a signal disservice to the integrity and unity of the nation by promoting a sectarian view, which will not achieve an integrally developed Bharat with equal opportunities for everyone to realise his or her full potential”.

• Dr S Kalyanaraman, in the Organiser, January 31, 2010.

 
“Minorities cannot ask for caste quotas. If either Christians or Muslims accept and practice caste discrimination amongst themselves, the conversion process among such groups or individuals should be legally declared to be inadequate and incomplete. In other words, they may be declared as non-Christians and non-Muslims and asked to either complete the process of their transformation to the new faith, or return to the Hindu fold. There can be no half-way house in this matter”.

• Sandhya Jain, Hindutva ideologue, in the Organiser, July 23, 2006.

 
“The need to strip converts of quota regime: The Kendriya Sarna Samiti (KSS) asserts that tribal converts no longer belong to the Scheduled Tribe as they have renounced their traditional identity as a sine qua non of the conversion process”.

•  Sandhya Jain, Hindutva ideologue, in the Organiser, September 3, 2006.

 
Cannibalizing Hindu society: Evangelicals have jealously sought access to the caste-based reservation benefits of Hindu depressed classes. They saw their chance when the Mandal Commission listed some ‘Muslim castes’ among the OBCs. Political parties were too short-sighted to challenge this dangerous opening, and Christians began to lobby for SC/ST benefits for ‘Dalit Christians’.”

• Sandhya Jain, Hindutva ideologue, in the Organiser, June 3, 2007.

 
“Enough is enough! Stop looting! Don’t try patience of Hindus: Why should Hindu tax-payers pay for vicious design by Islamic fanatics? Why should Hindu SCs, OBCs and STs and other meritorious Hindus allow Muslims and Christians to snatch their school/college seats, jobs, loans, lands and political rights?… STs converted to Christianity should not be allowed to retain and enjoy their ST reservations. Articles 25 to 30, minority privileges should be cancelled”.

• Pravin Togadia, VHP leader, in the Organiser, January 31, 2010.

 
“It is the story of another anti-Hindu policy of Orissa government, which is going to create an explosive situation… Levinus Kindo, IAS, the member of state board of revenue, has issued a circular to all the collectors that during his last tour of the tribal areas, he found that the tribal Christians (tribal converted to Christianity) are being deprived of getting proper benefit as they are being recorded as only Christians in the government records and in their respective Record of Rights (RoR) too… ‘Such an illegal and anti-national circular of Orissa government will encourage the missionary to undertake more conversions in the tribal areas. Christians will enjoy double privilege as tribals along with their present religion, says Sarat Chandra Sarangi, state general secretary of VHP, Orissa while expressing his reaction on the issue’.”

• Debasis Tripathy, in the Organiser, May 15, 2005.

Hindutva on secularism: ‘a façade for anti-Hinduism’
 
For the ideologues and votaries of Hindutva, secularism is a dirty word:
 
“Secularism has degenerated as the backbone of terrorists & evangelists: This India had to be a Hindu India. The ideology of Indian secularism, misconceived from the very outset, has become the backbone of Islamic jihad and fundamentalist evangelism. The one is committing mass murder, the other attempting to transform India’s cultural and political landscape in order to reimpose foreign rule over it”.

• Dr.Gautam Sen, president, World Association of Hindu Academicians, in the Organiser, November 2, 2008.

 
“Secularism: A facade for anti-Hinduism: We became enamoured of the word secular because of our contact with the Britishers during their 150 years rule or because of our association and appreciation of the British polity… Why are not Pakistan and Bangladesh secular states?”

• MG Vaidya, all-India Prachar Pramukh, RSS, in the Organiser, October 12, 2008.

 
“For RSS, secularism is irrelevant in India: The perversion of the concept of secularism has resulted in the terming of nationalists as communal and people with communal thinking being hailed as secular. Saffron should have been the only colour on the national flag as other colours represented a communal thought.”

• MG Vaidya, all-India Prachar Pramukh, RSS, in The Indian Express, September 20, 2015.

 
“Rajnath is right. Secularism has become communal”.

• Shyam Khosla, on the then BJP president, Rajnath Singh calling for  a national debate on secularism, in the Organiser, June 15, 2008.

 
“Secularism is the most misused word in the country…This must stop. Because of the rampant misuse of the word, there have been instances of tension in society.”

• Rajnath Singh, Union home minister, NDTV, November 26, 2015.

 
Issue after issue of the Organiser is splashed with headlines such as ‘Secularism as insulting Hindus’, ‘Obnoxious application of secularism’. The media and secular groups who ‘dare’ to spoke out against anti-Christian or anti-Muslim atrocities are severely castigated for alleged “minority appeasement” and “pseudo-secularism”.
 
 
Hindutva on India’s minorities: ‘Your Safety lies in our goodwill’
 
“Hindutva is facing severe jolts all over the world. Muslim fundamentalists and Christian missionaries are the age old enemies of Hinduism. Next to them the communists have come forward to squeeze the throat of this great way of life. They have also walked a long way in this deadly mission”

• Jagadguru Swami Sri Nischalananda Saraswatiji of Puri (Odisha) Govardhan Peetham, one of the four Sankaracharyas, in the Organiser, June 18, 2006.

 
“Minorities must have good relations with the majority for their safety”.

• (Former) RSS Chief KC Sudarshan, talking to the media after a dialogue with Christian leaders, in The Times of India, March 22, 2002.

 
“Unravelling the poisonous power of discourse: The UPA government made a great communal leap when it formed the Ministry of Minority Affairs… The creation of National Commission for Minorities is another instance of communalism… The Sachar Committee’s functioning needs to be probed… it has violated not only its terms and references but created a poisonous atmosphere. The recommendations are not [only] communal and divisive [but] a complete retreat to hey days of the Muslim Leagues’ politics”.

• Rakesh Sinha, RSS ideologue, in the Organiser, January 31, 2010. 

 
Hindutva on the Vatican: Pope a ‘dacoit’
 
“Conversion to Christianity in the pretext of service, health, education and co-operation is an insult and devaluation to the service itself and a crime against humanity… It proves that your services are selfish motivated and expansionist as well as intolerant… In all the states, districts, areas where the Christian missionaries are active and powerful, the hatred, crime, social unrest, separatism, addiction are on the increase and the environment of peace, harmony, brotherhood and happiness are fading away”.

• Indresh Kumar, in an open letter addressed by him to Pope Benedict XVI, reported by the Organiser, October 19, 2008.

 
“The pontiff, who is a dacoit, cannot be India’s guest”.

• VHP vice-president Acharya Giriraj Kishore in a scathing attack on Pope John Paul II, in The Telegraph, October 29, 1999.

 
“Christianity inherited this [Roman] instinct of cruelty. The Pope wants to convert us Hindus into Christianity. The West wants to have control over our destiny. Can we allow these things to happen?”

• MSN Menon, in the Organiser, March 20, 2005.

. 
Hindutva’s advise to Christians: set up Indian nationalistic churches 
 
“Indian Christians must free themselves from from the stranglehold of foreign countries by setting up Indian nationalistic churches."

• KS Sudarshan, RSS sarsanghchalak (chief), at an RSS rally in Agra. A few days earlier, Sudarshan had argued that this was essential in the interests of national security; in The Washington Times, October 18, 2000.

 
“Church is an arm of the West's defence forces. It has been used to guide Christians into domestic as well as international politics”.

• KS Sudarshan, RSS sarsanghchalak (chief), at an RSS rally in Agra, in the Fontline.

 
“An Indian Christianity not just desirable, it is a must: Indian Christians must purge their faith of… imperial distortions… Indian Christians must leave this tradition of violence. They are legatees of the Indian (Vedic) tradition of love (of humanity as a family) and the Buddhist tradition of compassion. But this also happens to be the tradition of Jesus. Christianity was born as a religion of love. Today it is a religion of hatred. This must be a matter of concern to Indian Christians. Only the guidance of a lofty world view such as that of Vedanta can release them from their predicament. Only they can save Christianity’.

• MSN Menon, in the Organiser, July 29, 2007.

 
The above quotes are just a few examples, taken mostly from the RSS mouthpiece, Organiser, which clearly shows the hostility of the sangh parivar towards the principles and values enshrined in the Indian Constitution, demonisation of Christianity and Islam, animosity and hostility towards’s the country’s Christians and Muslims. There is nothing new here.
 
The term Hindutva was coined by Vikram D Savarkar leader of the Hindu Mahasabha a century ago. In his book with the same title, he had argued that India belongs only to those for whom the country was both a pitrubhoomi (fatherland) and punya bhoomi (holy land). Madhav S Golwalker, the second and the longest serving sarsanghchalak (chief) of the RSS (1940-1973) in its 90-year-old history, till date remains the most revered ‘Guru’ of the sangh privar. In his book We, or our nationhood defined first published in 1939, had also asserted that non-Hindus may at best aspire to continue living in his imagined Hindu Rashtra as second class citizens. In the early 1960s, he had identified Muslims, Christians and communists as the three “internal enemies” who are far more dangerous than external enemies and Hindus must guard against them.  
 
Thus, what the leadership and the ideologues argue of the sangh parivar argue today, as may be seen from statements and writings such as those referred to above lie spring from the core ideas of Hindutva formulated a century ago. Even today, the sangh parivar remains committed to turning secular-democratic India in to a Hindu Rashtra.
 
As in case of the Rashtriya Muslim Manch, through the institution of the proposed Rashtriya Isai Manch, the sangh parivar wants to create a forum of RSS-friendly Christians to legitimise its anti-Constitution, anti-secular democratic, anti-minorities world views. It is important to recall that the Rashtriya Muslim Manch was floated in the aftermath of the anti-Muslim pogrom of 2002 in Gujarat under the watch of then chief minister Narendra Modi and the proclamation by the RSS top leadership that Muslims must have cordial relations with Hindus in the interests of their own safety. It is no less important to remember who Indresh Kumar, the man who is being projected as the RSS face for the proposed Christian front, is. For the Survivors Association of Kandhamal (SAK), Odisha, he along with VHP leader, PravinTogadia are the masterminds of the 2008 mass crimes against the state’s Christians. 
 
Church for combating Fanaticism and fundamentalism
Contrary to the sangh parivar’s baseless allegations of forced or induced conversions, the Church promotes the idea of “building bridges of friendship with the followers of all religions, in order to seek the true good of every person and of society as a whole”. But it also warns against the dangers of religious intolerance, fundamentalism and extremism.
 
In 2013, Cardinal Tauran, president of Justice and Peace Commission affirmed that religious freedom was a sacred and inalienable right, convinced that to deny or limit religious freedom in an arbitrary fashion means cultivating a reductive vision of the human person and rendering impossible the affirmation of an authentic and lasting peace for the whole human family.
 
During his visit to Turkey in 2014, Pope Francis stated: “Fanaticism and fundamentalism, as well as irrational fears which foster misunderstanding and discrimination, need to be countered by the solidarity of all believers. Inter-religious and inter-cultural dialogue can make an important contribution to attaining this lofty and urgent goal, so that there will be an end to all forms of fundamentalism and terrorism which gravely demean the dignity of every man and woman and exploit religion.
 
Cardinal Parolin, Vatican’s secretary of state is not quite optimistic about the dialogue with fundamentalists: “I don’t think that it’s possible to dialogue with fundamentalists. One can offer to dialogue, but I don’t see many opportunities of establishing a dialogue”.
 
Final Comments
Should the Church join hands with those who believe in a just, equitable and diverse world or should they seek security from communal, hate-filled and violent groups that demonise other religious traditions? This is a very important moment in history when the Church could and should join eminent writers, thinkers, academicians, film makers and civil society who speak for the overwhelming majority of all Indians and who believe in a secular democratic polity which protects and promotes the equal rights and freedoms of all citizens, including the right to freedom of religion. Of course, the Church could and should also engage in dialogue with Hindu religious leaders too. But nothing is to be gained in cozying up with the wolves of the sangh privar parading about in sheep’s clothing.
 
ajaysingho@gmail.com

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