In Kaushambi, Uttar Pradesh (UP) a group of Bajrang Dal members were seen provocatively shouting and sloganeering just near the Mosque in Muratganj area at the time of Zohr (afternoon) namaz. In Bengal, a video emerged of men and women taking out a grand rally celebrating Ram Navami, even as some of them could be seen flaunting weapons, including sickle and trident, in defiance of numerous court orders, where the courts have urged the State to ensure that no arms or weapons are carried out in the rallies. While no instance of violence or escalation was reported in these incidents, in at two of these incidents, the presence of communal elements like Bajrang Dal and Raja Singh suggests attempts to vitiate the harmonious religious environment. In fact, T. Raja Singh went on social media to ask his supporters to participation in the Ram Navami rally, after Hyderabad Police cancelled his rally, and eventually uploaded a video of his participation in the crowded rally as the “reaction” to the “action” of the police denying his own rally. 

In the morning, Indian Express reported that Bengal remained on high alert as police fortified the State with all its resources to prevent any untoward incidents or breach of law and order. Reportedly, some 5000 rallies were planned this Ram Navami in the state of West Bengal by Hindu Jagran Manch, an extremist Hindu right-wing organisation. 

Just yesterday the Calcutta High Court had also allowed the rallies to taken out by Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Anjani Putra Sena on their originally planned route on the occasion of Ram Navami, but had cautioned the organisers and administration to make sure that no breach of law and order takes place, no arms are flaunted and no DJs join rally. 

In addition, the Ranchi Police (Jharkand) had used drones to detect the presence of stones on the terraces of some of the residents a day before Ram Navami, and had sent notices to the homeowners instructing them to remove stones from their roofs and “warned them if any dispute arises during the procession, they will be held accountable”, The Free Press Journal reported.

Related:

Majoritarian Politics via Ram Navami Processions and Opportunist Muslim Elites

Ram Navami violence by Aaj Tak calls into question the lopsided portrayal of communally sensitive news

Police to closely monitor Ram Navami processions in Hyderabad and Mumba

The post Attempts to create communal tension reported during Ram Navami celebration in parts of Bengal and UP appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The plea was filed by the petitioner as the state government had suggested an alternative route for the procession to avoid repetition of violence which had taken place last year during the Ram Navami yatra on the same route, LiveLaw reported. 

In another plea filed in the Bombay High Court by Aftab Siddique, (pending for over a month) in which the petitioner was seeking registration of First Information Reports (FIRs) against BJP legislators Nitesh Rane, Geeta Jain and T. Raja for allegedly delivering hate speeches during communal clashes in Mira Road in January, as per LiveLaw. During the hearing of the same petition, the issue of carrying out Ram Navami rally in communally sensitive areas was also taken up for the discussion. The bench of Justice Revati Mohite Dere and Manjusha Deshpande while granting permission for the rally to be taken out in Mumbai’s Malwani area for Ram Navami celebration directed the police to take all necessary measures to prevent any potential breaches, and take action against speakers and organizers for violating the law, irrespective of political affiliations.

The petitioners had maintained that the rallies were carried out in communally sensitive areas and were stopped just behind the mosques to deliberately provoke them. Allaying the concerns of the petitioners, even as the bench permitted the rally for Ram Navami celebration, it asked the police to change the route and provide alternative options instead. In balancing freedom of expression and association and reasonable restrictions for the purpose of public order, the court noted that “We cannot stop any public rally, but we expect your officers will take appropriate action in accordance with the law if there is any breach, irrespective of political party. If the speaker says something in breach, they (police) can take action.”, Indian Express reported. In addition, it cautioned the police and said, “Ultimately, a law-and-order problem comes, you (police) will face problems.”, LiveLaw reported quoting the bench. In response, counsel for the state, Binrendra Saraf, informed the court that the Commissioners of Police (CPs) will review the speeches made by the speakers and decide within a week whether FIR(s) for hate speech should be lodged.

Additionally, the court expressed its displeasure over the incident in which Nitesh Rane gave a press conference from the Police Commissioner’s office during which he allegedly delivered a hate speech and asked the state to ensure that it is not repeated, as not anyone can hold a meeting with press from the Commissioner’s office. 

Spate of violence due to religious processions 

Historically in India, religious processions carried out through communally charged routes have often turned violent and resulted in loss of lives, livelihoods, damage to property, and polarisation of neighbourhoods. Whether it is Ram Navami, Eid, Muharram, Shobha Yatra, or any other any occasion for these religious processions to be taken out, it has been observed that in the absence of close monitoring by the authorities and proper planning of the routes, the possibility of flare up and violence is quite normal. Moreover, this has amounted in the past and present to a breach by both the jurisdictional police and district magistracy of statutory laws and guidelines, we tested and laid down.

Often, these processions at times have caused violence in the areas or themselves have come under attack from neighbourhoods they pass through, especially in cases where such yatras are mobilised by fringe political forces or extremist groups. In addition, these processions, when unregulated, have resulted in political actors and religious leaders delivering hate speeches, brandishing weapons, and inciting violence against members of other communities. Now, with the deployment of loud DJs and music system on the processions, the instances of playing hate songs targeting minorities have also increased. In recent years, these factors have cumulatively contributed to processions turning violent, or being attacked (for example, see here, here, and here).

CJP’s initiative for framing guidelines for the processions

In order to ensure that (religious) processions are carried out in a peaceful and non-violent manner, moreover to ensure that statutory law and guidelines are observed, Citizens for Justice and Peace had moved the apex court through a writ petition to issue definitive guideline and Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) governing the processions, including looking at the question of whether or when a procession should be allowed or not.  Though the petition was dismissed citing the jurisdictional issues, it is pertinent to highlight some of its demands.

In a petition that was filed by CJP in May 2022, soon after the violence that erupted in several cities following Shobha Yatra, the organisation prayed for directions from the Supreme Court to pass guidelines, SOPs, and issue directions to the Union and States to strictly implement and follow statutory provisions of law and act on recommendations of several Judicial Commissions of Inquiry that have dealt with the regulation of such religio-political processions (that have thereafter erupted into bouts of communal violence) in the past. The PIL was filed on the principles of secularism, equal protection of law, and protection against violence, which the State is bound to guarantee to all its citizens. The petition relied on a series of judicial precedents, statutory laws, Indian Penal Code (IPC), Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), an Advisory by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), Punjab Police Guidelines, and reports of Commissions of Inquiry, especially, the report of Justice DP Madon Commission of Inquiry. 

Citing the MHA advisory, issued separately in both 2018 and 2019, CJP highlighted the need to ban arms in the processions. The relevant portion of MHA advisory reads, “It is once again requested to ensure that strict legal actions are taken…against the person(s) indulged in the illegal practices of celebratory firing in marriages, public gatherings, religious places / processions, parties, political rallies etc. so as to curb such incidences. Further, licenses of such perpetrators…to be cancelled in accordance with the law”. 

Similarly, the Punjab Police Guidelines 2018 requires videotaping of the processions and undertaking from the organisers to maintain lawful behaviour and conduct. The guideline notes that the organisers are required to ensure that “no inflammatory speech or any unlawful activity is done at the venue of procession or assembly, which may cause tension in the area or create mutual hatred…amongst different communities, castes, groups, religions etc.”

The petition also referred to the judgement of the apex court in the case of Praveen Togadia v. State of Karnataka (2004) 4 SCC 684, which upheld the administrative order of the state government issued in order to restrict a gathering which could turn violent. 

Finally, CJP’s petition also highlighted the recommendations made in the reports of various Commissions of Inquiry, most importantly, the Justice DP Madon Commission, which was constituted in the aftermath of communal disturbances which took place in Bhiwandi and other places in the State of Maharashtra in May 1970. DP Madon Commission had specifically recommended that processions likely to provoke trouble stand on a special footing and before granting permission for such processions, the police should do a proper assessment of the routes and possible exit and entry points, including the bottles, to ensure that nothing untoward happens during the procession. 

Additionally, while the PIL in this case was dismissed, an Intervention Application (IA) in a separate but related case, related to the Shobha Yatra being unlawfully conducted at Jahangirpuri, Delhi is still pending along with the original petition. This IA also prays for directions from the Supreme Court to pass guidelines, SOPs, and issue directions to the Union and States to strictly implement and follow statutory provisions of law and act on recommendations of several Judicial Commissions of Inquiry that have dealt with the regulation of such religio-political processions (that have thereafter erupted into bouts of communal violence) in the past.

This week, CJP has compiled an easy-to-read Handbook, titled, “Towards a Hate Free Nation” which it has despatched to the police and administrative authorities in 36 districts in Maharashtra to ensure that they implement recent Supreme Court (SC) and Bombay High Court (HC) judgements on how to distinguish controversial speech from hate speech (speech that causes harm). Apart from excerpts and references to the recent judicial precedents, the Handbook also contains references to Circulars issued in 2023 by the Director General of Police (DGP) Maharashtra strictly instructing police stations to ensure preventive measures, investigate and prosecute hate speeches fairly. The Handbook may be accessed here 

As part of its continuing campaign to ensure a hate free neighbourhood and nation, CJP has urged the Maharashtra State Election Commission (SEC) to issue an advisory to all district authorities in light of the scheduled, Ram Navami observed on Wednesday, April 17. 

Related:

Ram Navami: Violent Clashes in many states of India 

Majoritarian Politics via Ram Navami Processions and Opportunist Muslim Elites 

Study reveals 668 hate speech cases in 2023, BJP major player

The post As courts grant permission for Ram Navami processions, they strictly caution administration to ensure no arms displayed, no DJs, no untoward incidents take place appeared first on SabrangIndia.

One can clearly see that there is quite a discernible pattern in the geography and stridence of majoritarian violence in the wake of Ram Navami processions last week. The provinces (regions) where BJP hasn’t ever been the sole hegemonic governing party, such as West Bengal, Bihar, Jharkhand, etc., the intensity was more virulent. These provinces of India are yet to offer a complete hegemonic state power to the BJP. In other words, the conquest of Hindutva remains an unfinished business, just yet. The long cherished saffron goal of complete subjugation, marginalization, invisibilization of Muslims remain far from accomplished. Moreover, no other route fetches as much of electoral majoritarian consolidation as the industry of communal hatred and polarisation. This should explain the recent disturbances in the name of Ram Navami. This also explains why Uttar Pradesh has seen relatively lesser instances of such aggressions last week. The insinuation/message was almost clear from the Union Home Minister: Vote for us, else, we will hang you upside down!

In Bihar, certain pockets were targeted rather more intensely. For instance, Nalanda, being the home turf of the incumbent chief minister Nitish Kumar, suffered greater fury; so much so that a very old theological seminary of Muslims, the Madrasa Aziziyah, has been ransacked irredeemably. Its valuable historic library of rare collections has been burnt down to ashes. The politically fragile Nitish Kumar has been making, breaking and re-making alliances with the BJP and its main challenger RJD alternately. Currently, Nitish Kumar is governing in alliance with the RJD. Bihar’s chief secretary is a Muslim, Amir Subhani, who had topped the list of the extremely daunting competitive examination in 1987. His success went on to inspire average lower middle class Muslim students to pursue the career within this elite services. This could have been an added impulse of the majoritarian hate-mongers to ‘show the Muslims their place’.     

A note on the history of this residential seminary is, therefore, important. This was founded in 1896 by Bibi Soghra (1815-1908), the widow of Abdul Aziz. The Soghra Waqf Estate is believed to be one of the wealthiest Estates in Bihar. The total property of Soghra Waqf Estate was 28,500 bigha spread in different districts of Bihar like Patna, Muzaffarpur, Samastipur, Darbhanga, Nalanda, Nawada, Gaya, Sheikhpura (Barbigha) and Bhagalpur. Besides this seminary, the Soghra Waqf runs institutions of modern education in Biharshrif, such as a high school (founded in 1917), and a college (founded in 1978). Remnants of its heritage houses or monuments still survive in the towns of Muzaffarpur and Biharsharif.

Ironically, the theologian of Pehnasa (Nalanda), Maulana Sajjad (1880-1940) of the Imarat-e-Shariah, Phulwarisharif (Patna), was a fierce critic of Jinnah’s two-nation theory. In his essay in Naqeeb, an Urdu weekly of the Imarat-e-Shariah, dated February 20, 1940, ‘Firqa-waaraana Muaamlaat ka faisla kin Usoolon per hona chahiye? (On what principles should the communal affairs be decided?)’,  Maulana Sajjad had written that the leaders of a multi-religious society like India should work out the limits of religious freedom which should be based on the judicious treatment of all sects. He writes that one’s faith should not be demonstrated in a public in a manner which proves hazardous to other faiths — it should not be provocative. He advised that no religious procession of any sect, or community, should be allowed in public spaces. While this may not be appreciated by all, he argues, that this is, nevertheless, desirable and judicious. Moreover, it will do away with frequent communal riots, he said.

Unfortunately, despite the recurrent troubles almost for the last one and a half century, rather than heeding such suggestions to sincerely work out effective resolution, there have been competitive identitarian politics in colonial as well as post-independence eras. Historically, such games have been played from both sides, while state power was in the hands of opportunistically (and therefore, occasionally) communal parties and a partisan administration. In recent years, things have changed drastically. Now, the overtly majoritarian party is not only in state power at the centre and in many provinces (regions/states), but also, its political hegemony in large parts of the country is near absolute. The state apparatuses have got embedded, and even more importantly, fairly huge proportion of the masses have been acutely and dangerously communalised. The criminal justice system especially with regard to communal violence has always been weak, fragile and partisan. In recent years, the large sections of media, particularly the electronic-visual ones, have been contributing rather much menacingly towards actively spreading anti-Muslim hatred.

In this context, one more thing needs to be kept in mind. In recent years, a rapid radicalisation of youth has taken place, across several castes and communities. Informed observers on the ground of Bihar will testify to this. In Bihar, sections of the youth among the Yadavas and the fishermen communities of Mallahs have joined the Bajrang Dal in large numbers. Several of my previous essays have recorded the details of these, particularly the ones I wrote on the Azizpur (Muzaffarpur) violence of January 2015, Lalganj (Vaishali) violence of 2015, as also the Make[y]r (Saran) violence of August 2016.   

See Through the Brazen Opportunism of Muslim Elites

Obviously, this “cumulative radicalisation” has not happened suddenly in recent years. It must be repeatedly stated that post-Independence understanding about fighting communalism has been more than a bit flawed. The Nehruvian understanding was that the Muslim communalism was a stronger force in the late colonial era, receiving a fillip from the active prodding from the colonial state. However, after independence, it is the majority communalism which is a bigger danger. In this understanding, at the practical level of fighting it, what was missed was that majority communalism derived much fodder from minority communalism. In other words, notwithstanding the varying implications of the two communalisms, there ought not to have been any letting off on the front of fighting out against the two variants. Most of the ‘secular’ parties, including the Left and the post-Congress regional parties, committed this specific error. Most of the religious and modern educated Muslim leaders have contributed immensely towards stoking majoritarian communalism. There has been a huge deficit on their part in persuading the Muslims to make efforts towards ‘secularising’ their socio-political spaces.

While making this proposition, am not referring only to the crucial issue of reforming Muslim Personal Laws. I have said enough on this specific aspect in my various columns over the past many years: various ‘secular’ regimes have disgustingly appeased the Muslim conservatives and thereby kept eroding their own credibility among the majority community. For the past three decades I have been studying, living and working in a Muslim majority space, which is the Muslim University campus in Aligarh. I have been watching the behaviour, attitude and conduct of the Muslim elite.

Just one instance! The issue of maintenance to the separated and divorced women still remains unresolved. That is decided in accordance with the secular law, Criminal Procedure Code, Section 125. Has the largest residential university of modern education, the AMU, getting Rs 1200 crores from the Consolidated Fund of India, contributed towards resolving such issues? No. What was their role in at the time of the Shah Bano controversy in the mid-late 1980s? Tremendous, as testified by The Telegraph (August 24, 1985). The scholars from the Aligarh Muslim University had joined their ranks with the patriarchic and reactionary forces such as the Muslim Personal Law Board and the Jamaat-e-Islami-e-Hind, as has been demonstrated by Saumya Saxena, in her recent book, Divorce and Democracy.

In response to the Shayera Bano issue (2017), have any significant number of the AMU academics written and spoken against the Muslim Law Board who shamelessly remain intransigent even on the un-Quranic practice of Instant Triple Talaq or divorce (ITT)? No. Insiders do know it pretty well, as to where does the overwhelming majority of AMU fraternity stand on all such issues of reforms!

Now, coming to the more recent issue on the AMU campus! Certain column writers have exposed, which is kind of a big scam. Over the last 103 years, all the Vice Chancellors (VCs) have been the male descendents of the upper caste elites of Uttar Pradesh and Hyderabad Nizam bureaucracy. The most progressive among the AMU faculty are not prepared even to acknowledge this mega scam. A retired professor of political Science, reacting against this, went on to write that “some stray dogs are barking”. The faculty is not even prepared to do adopt any corrective measures like for example, through their autonomous Executive Council, a substantial part of which comprises of regional lobbies operative in AMU. At the moment, one fourth (25%) of its members belong to just one district of UP. The academics fiercely denying such a scam have been promoted by a most progressive TV news anchor, not long ago. In short, the state as well as the progressive groups among the sections of civil society, have been extending support, more often, to the regressive among the Muslim elites.           

How many of such AMU academics and column-writers have had their past affiliation with the Muslim Right Wing, is hardly a matter of conjecture for informed insiders. Some of them have now suddenly turned to flattering the incumbent saffron regime, quite openly in their columns and videos. Thus, though they gained self-promotion under the ‘secular’ regime despite their proclivities towards or affiliation with the Muslim Right Wing, and now they are all set to gain personal favours from the current saffron regime. This opportunism needs to be exposed more bluntly and candidly. Once such opportunists are exposed and the community is alienated away from them, their worth would come down too low to be co-opted by the regime.

The minoritarians (some of them have grown up as Left student activists in the campuses) as well as sections of the Liberal-Left-progressives have all along been finding limitations and majoritarian biases in the Constitution, just as the Hindu Right has been saying that the Constitution is not Hindu enough. This exercise in corrosion has now reached the extent that even the arguably limited space granted to the minorities in the Constitution is now under severe threat; in fact, that stands substantially eroded, by now.

Hapless Muslims must be rescued not only from the majoritarian forces, they also need to be rescued away from the regressive and opportunist elites from among their own community.

Why am I harking back to such arguments rather more frequently?

This is for two reasons: the immediate one, and the other one has got more to do with what has been happening particularly since the 1980s. The immediate one is again to be seen through what has been happening in the AMU. Seeking favours from the current saffron regime is increasingly becoming a trend and is increasingly getting approval from a section of the Muslim elite. Certain AMU academics have been writing columns to welcome Hindu Rashtra, to drop secularism from the Constitution, etc. Such column-writing academics have been getting felicitations from the AMU alumni groups in India and abroad, particularly the ones in Lucknow, Riyadh, Jeddah, Doha, Dubai, USA, etc.  Large number of AMU academics, aspiring to become Vice Chancellors, has been thronging around the RSS offices and functionaries. They have been hosting parties and felicitations to certain pracharaks. These instances seem to suggest that certain self-serving Muslim elites thrive on persecution of Muslim masses.

These persons from among self-serving Muslim elites seem to be sending a loud and clear message to, or mocking at, the Secularists: “Dear liberal-secularists and Leftists, you fight for mere existential survival of the masses of Muslims, while we, the classes of Muslims would do everything to seek some privileged positions from the majoritarian rulers”. After each round of atrocities against Muslims, one or the other elite individual of Muslims get some favour of office or nomination in legislature.      

What we have been witnessing in India essentially since 2014, is basically an outcome of the grave errors which were committed by the ‘secular’ politics in the 1980s. This has been amply demonstrated in the two books of 2021, viz., Vinay Sitapati’s, India Before Modi and Christophe Jaffrelot’s Modi’s India. Jaffrelot says that in 2014, India became de facto ethnic democracy, and in 2019, it ushered in the era of competitive authoritarianism. Secularists’ refusal to “secualrise” or progressivise the Muslims has also contributed towards saffronisation of segments of Hindus.

Since the 1980s-1990s, there is one more development that needs comment. Owing to affluence among the subaltern Muslims through West Asian remittance as well as benefit of economic liberalisation accruing to the artisan communities of Muslims have created jealousies, as well as economic conflicts and rivalries among the corresponding castes and classes of Hindus at the grassroots level. Their identitarian assertion via religious processions in certain festivals such as Julus-e-Muhammadi, and rising number of well-built shining mosques with taller aspires and domes have contributed to the jealousies and rivalries. Saffronization of subaltern Hindus has happened also because of this. These neo rich Muslims, particularly in Bihar-UP-West Bengal, have also found much representation in the local bodies.

Also, Hindu elites working as corporate executives in the West Asian countries increasingly feel that the Hindus have now arrived in the 21^st century and that the Hindu identity should also find a place of recognition in the world. In this context, as evident from some of the social media narratives, they are now making a narrative that when in 6^th -7^th centuries or earlier, the Arabs were backward enough to have been grazing camels and goats in deserts, India had kingdoms, empires, art, architecture, literature, governance, etc.

Muslims have theocratic states in those regions. This creates sort of urge among these Hindus to have a Hindu theocratic state in India. In short, India’s Muslims taking pride in the petro-affluence of the Arab countries or taking historical-cultural vicarious pride in “they” having been the rulers of India, further creates certain psychological anxieties among large section of Hindus. Muslims, arguably, not taking as much of pride in India’s pre-medieval or ancient past, is also something which provides some pretext or fodder to the saffron narrative-makers.

The sections of Muslims basking in the reflected glory of the medieval rulers need to dismount the high horse of “having-been-rulers”. Things have changed rather drastically. The sooner they mend their attitudes the better would it be for their pluralist co-existence.

A Small Step towards Finding a Way Out    

India’s Muslims and the Liberal-Left need to do much self-introspection and stock-taking. Soft-pedaling with, or, appeasement of, the Muslim regressive forces need to be called out rather more candidly and their opportunist elites need to be exposed. Their crassest opportunism is on full display in their columns and videos. A mere reading of the texts and speeches of Golwalkars and Savarkars by the Liberal-Left (and also by the regressive and progressive Muslims) are not going to help anymore in fighting the Neo Hindutva.

The abovementioned steps however will possibly contribute a bit towards weaning away a section of newly saffronised Hindus to the side of the pluralists, once again. As of now, one can see, the Liberal-Left are staying away from such debates (on democratization of Muslim controlled institutions and also for justice based on gender, caste and region) within the Muslim communities. Without this, a broader and credible front of anti-majoritarian resistance and mobilization may not be possible.  Given the pace of the rise of “cumulative radicalisation” in India and beyond, the build-up for anti-majoritarian resistance and solidarity doesn’t have much time to wait further.

The challenge is unusual (and desperate), the solution too has to be less conventional.

Related:

Ram Navami violence by Aaj Tak calls into question the lopsided portrayal of communally sensitive news

Hindutva mobs in Bihar run amok, cause loss of Rs. 6 crores

Hindutva’s role in riots and official complicity

What was CJP’s PIL seeking directions for implementation of law for regulation of religious processions all about?

Ram Navami: West Bengal administration on alert as 2000 celebrations planned

Police to closely monitor Ram Navami processions in Hyderabad and Mumbai

The post Majoritarian Politics via Ram Navami Processions and Opportunist Muslim Elites appeared first on SabrangIndia.