Former metro editor of “The Times of India”, Mumbai, Singh’s column in the daily “The Fault With Reality” in FPJ, which he began at the start of the pandemic, was suddenly discontinued following his last piece ‘India isn’t a safe place for comedians either’ (May 7, 2022), where he scathingly asks, “Where was the need to rely on the global index published by the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders when hundreds of your own brethren are being locked up under trumped-up charges ranging from sedition to spreading infectious diseases?”

While the book doesn’t contain this last piece, there is reason to wonder why the column wasn’t stopped earlier. No doubt, it has several pieces on environment, urban development, architecture and heritage in Mumbai, but Singh, ever since he began writing in early 2020, was always strongly critical of Modi and his policies.

In “Mahatma of the New Millennium?”, which he wrote on September 20, 2020, for instance, he says, the common man is led to believe that if Nehru “thrust alien concepts such as secularism on us”, while Modi “is a homespun hero” not hesitant “about flaunting his Hindu identity”, hence he “embodies their hopes and aspirations today just as Gandhi once did.”

Disputing this, he comments, “Gandhi harvested hope, Modi harvests hatred. Gandhi appealed to the higher values, Modi is a rabble-rouser. The Mahatma insisted that the end should not justify the means and called off the non-cooperation movement at its height in 1922 after the Chauri Chaura incident when a mob burnt a police station with the 22 cops and three civilians in it. Modi’s handling of the Godhra riots which saw over 1,000 deaths was not seen as ‘raj dharma’ by his own party leader, Atal Bihari Vajpayee.”

He continues, “Gandhi would surely launch a satyagraha against the undeclared Emergency of today, he would join the Shaheen Baug sit-in, side with Prashant Bhushan over the contempt of court case and demand the release of scholars such as Sudha Bharadwaj, Anand Teltumbde, Gautam Navlakha and Varavara Rao and others held for over two years in the farcical Bhima Koregaon case.”

Despite such writeups, the column continued for two long years till May 2022. Indeed, there is reason to ask: Did FPJ owners sense which way would the political mood in Maharashtra was likely to move in early May 2022, a little over month before Uddhav Thackeray’s coalition government with Congress and NCP was to collapse, giving way to the breakaway Shiv Sena under Eknath Shinde forming government with BJP as partner?

Indeed, Singh remains critical of Modi or his policies all through. In “Modi’s Temples of Modern India”, for instance, he says, “Modi and his masters in the RSS” razed “Nehruvian temples and build their own on the ruins”, noting, “Some mad cow disease has afflicted our research institutes. IIT-Delhi received several proposals from top research institutions to explore the benefits of panchagavya, a mixture of five cow products: urine, dung, milk, ghee and curd.”

Then, critical of the Modi establishment for dismantling of institutions, he states how the Election Commission of India went out of the way to hurriedly disqualify 20 Aam Aadmi Party MLAs from Delhi on the ‘office of profit’ charge; how the Chief Information Commissioner has turned into a toothless tiger after the RTI Rules-2019; and how nobody hears about the Lokpal and the Lokayuktas, who are supposed to be ombudsmen representing public interest.

At one place, he asks, is Modi the “the same man who swears by Lord Ram who went to the extent of banishing his wife based on hearsay?”, even as reporting elsewhere that donations were being solicited for the Ram Temple “in the middle of a pandemic”. He comments, “Babies die like flies in our hospitals for lack of oxygen cylinders, as in Gorakhpur, or are charred to death because of faulty incubators, as in the Bhandara civil hospital in Maharashtra, but we are obsessed with a temple for Ram ‘lalla’.”

At another place, pointing towards how “religion has been weaponised to suit political ends”, he states, under the Modi dispensation, Ram rajya and ‘sabka saath, sabka vikas’ are just ‘jumlas’; the rule of law is an alien concept; lynch mobs will rule the streets and troll armies will rule the information highways; and those like Harsh Mander, who quit IAS to work for communal harmony and launched Karwan-e-Mohabbat campaign in solidarity with the victims of communal violence, are sought be prosecuted for ‘hate speech’.

Singh asks, “Are lynch mobs our answer to the alleged appeasement of Muslims by the Congress?”

The author wants the love poems of Bharatiya sanskriti must feature in Valentine’s cards, quotes Kalidas and Jayadeva’s Geet Govinda

The post This book reasons why Ram rajya and ‘sabka saath, sabka vikas’ have been just ‘jumlas’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Dear Rama,

It has been a while since I spoke and wrote to you. I thought of reaching out, but things have become worse. Our influential leaders claim we are all set to inaugurate a grand temple for You.

Lord Ram, You will remember there was a Mosque; we broke it to give You a space. We claim that You were born exactly in that very place where the mosque stood. The Hindu society extacted its revenge to show their love to You.

In an ironic twist, Hindus fervently sought a designated land for You, their Lord, despite Your known attribute as Sarvagata (one who exists everywhere).

I have always wondered if mortal men must take something away from someone to provide You with something ( Who is the Lord of everything). As disciples of You, we believe in Your omnipresence; after all, you are Sarvalokapati (Lord of all the worlds), Sarvavyapi (present in everything from the smallest to the biggest) and Sarvabhutatman (Soul of all beings).

Then why would we have to take something away from someone to pray to You?

You are Sarvabhutantaratma (residing in our souls), and you live in our hearts (as my mother would say). Then, your temple is just a place to participate in rituals that celebrate your life. How can we limit you to a temple despite assuming you are everywhere?

अगर ईश्वार डटा रहता सब जगह, सब काल।

इसने बनवाकर मंदिर, मस्जिद, गिरजाघर

ख़ुदा को कर दिया है बंद;

ये हैं ख़ुदा के जेल,

जिन्हेंख यह-देखो तो इसका व्यंाग्यल-

कहती है श्रद्धा-पूजा के स्थाइन।

कहती है उनसे,

“आप यहीं करें आराम,

दुनिया जपती है आपका नाम,

मैं मिल जाऊँगी सुबह-शाम,

दिन-रात बहुत रहता है काम।”

अल्लाि पर लगा है ताला,

बंदे करें मनमानी, रँगरेल।

In this contemplative narrative, Harivansh Rai Bachchan asks about the true nature of the Divine. He invites us to seek God beyond the sacred edifices in the boundless expanses of our hearts and the universe. He is playful with his words and tells us mandirs, churches, and mosques are just “prison” of Gods, As locking the God in these sacred places grants mankind the liberty to stray from the path of righteousness, indulging in whims and unrestrained behaviours.

A temple of Yours erected on the ruins of a mosque diminishes Your magnificence.

They say it heralds the advent of Ram Rajya.

Should I look beyond the mere concept of the temple and consider its implications for everyone? The nation is built on the foundations of diversity, home to many individuals from different backgrounds. With one in every five people being Muslim, respecting and acknowledging the multifaceted tapestry of our society rather than imposing a singular way of life is imperative.

When I ponder these matters, I worry that we must fully accommodate everyone. While the notion of Ram Rajya has been widely celebrated as a utopian ideal, I question whether it was indeed a philosophy you advocated during your lifetime. People have taken the liberty to interpret your life and teachings in a way that aligns with their particular way of living. That said, we must explore other visions of utopia within the Indian context and strive to understand what they entail. In a society as diverse and complex as ours, we may find better principles of co-living that can help us build a more inclusive and harmonious future.

This was a few years before. I entered the ancient city of Ayodhya and felt the excitement. The streets were beautifully decorated with countless lamps, and the sky was lit up with fireworks. The town celebrated Diwali, the festival of lights, which held a special significance this year. It marked the return of Lord Rama (You) to Ayodhya after 14 long years of exile.

हमें अदाएँ दिवाली की ज़ोर भाती हैं ।

कि लाखों झमकें हरएक घर में जगमगाती हैं ।।

चिराग जलते हैं और लौएँ झिलमिलाती हैं ।

मकां-मकां में बहारें ही झमझमाती हैं ।।

खिलौने नाचें हैं तस्वीरें गत बजाती हैं ।

बताशे हँसते हैं और खीलें खिलखिलाती हैं ।।1।।

गुलाबी बर्फ़ियों के मुँह चमकते-फिरते हैं ।

जलेबियों के भी पहिए ढुलकते-फिरते हैं ।।

हर एक दाँत से पेड़े अटकते-फिरते हैं ।

इमरती उछले हैं लड्डू ढुलकते-फिरते हैं ।

One of the best descriptions was by Nazeer Akbarabadi, an 18th-century Urdu poet commonly called the “People’s Poet.” Here, the poet vividly describes the vibrant celebrations of Diwali, where every home sparkles with the glow of countless lamps. The atmosphere brims joyfully as candles shimmer, and every household exudes festivity. Toys seem to dance, pictures come alive with music, and sweets like ‘batashe’ appear to laugh and bloom. The pink ‘barfis’ and ‘jalebis’ twist and turn, while ‘pedas’ cling to one’s teeth, and ‘imartis’ bounce around with ‘laddoos’ playfully rolling about.

For the people of Ayodhya, Diwali meant much more than just lights and sweets. It symbolised the return of righteousness and the establishment of ‘Ram Rajya’. As I interacted with the locals, they shared stories about Lord Rama’s just and fair rule, where every citizen was content and evil found no refuge. They described Ram Rajya as an ideal state of governance where justice was paramount and the ruler served with unwavering dedication. It was a vision of a utopia that many still aspire to achieve.

I am from Kerala, but I speak Tamil. We celebrate Oman, but it is a beautiful festival. Last year, I was in Kerala during Onam. The celebration of Onam was in full swing, featuring lively processions, colourful music, and traditional dance performances.

Unlike the famous festival of Diwali, Onam honoured a different figure — King Mahabali, a demon king. This piqued my curiosity about why such a powerful and feared figure would be celebrated enthusiastically.

During the Onam festival in Kerala, traditional attire reflects the festive spirit. Women wear an off-white saree with a golden border and adorn themselves with gold jewellery and jasmine in their hair. Men wear the “Mundu,” a white cloth with a similar golden border and a white shirt. To further add to the vibrancy of the festival, colourful “Pookkalam” floral designs are made outside homes.

They say, “Vamanna betrayed the King’s trust”. His subjects love him ( the asura king) more than the God ( Vamana). This made me think.

Ram Rajya and Mahabali’s reign epitomised utopian ideals, yet their foundations were distinct. Ram Rajya, rooted in divine governance, emphasized dharma and the triumph of good over evil. However, it bore shadows of inequality, especially towards women and lower castes, as evidenced when You asked for Sita’s trial or decided to end the life of Shambuka. I am not questioning Your decision, Lord, but we must put your position in the context of other ideas. You did not proclaim the idea of Ram Rajya; a small group decided to impose an idea convenient to others.

Conversely, Mahabali’s Kerala stands for egalitarianism. Despite being an Asura king, Mahabali championed a casteless society where love and mutual respect between the ruler and subjects were paramount. While Lord Rama’sRama’s return to Ayodhya is eternal, Mahabali’s visits are fleeting. Yet, the warmth with which she’s received during Onam is profound. People adorn themselves not for vanity but to bring joy to their beloved King. Onam celebrates a king’s vision of equality, even if it means defying divine conventions.

बेगम पुरा शहर को नाऊ।

दूख अंदोह तहिं न ठाऊ।।

ना तहिं बेरा, ना तहिं जाह।

ना तहिं बाद, ना तहिं गाह।।

अब मोहि बूलन हरि बेगम।

अस गह तहाँ न जाई न तेगम।।

In his poem, titled “Begumpura”, Sant Ravidas envisions a utopian city named “Begumpura,” which translates to “the city without sorrow.” In this city, there is no place for suffering, anxiety, or pain; a place devoid of any discrimination, be it based on caste (“बेरा”) or class (“जाह”). It is a harmonious place where disputes (“बाद”) and taxes (“गाह”) do not exist.

Sant Ravidas expresses a deep desire to be called by the “Hari” (a name for God) to this sorrow-free land, a place where no sword (“तेगम”) can come and inflict pain. The poet’s longing for a place where harmony and peace prevail and where there is no distinction based on caste or economic status is vividly portrayed in this poem. It reflects a dream of an egalitarian society where happiness and peace are not just individual experiences but shared by the community. It is a profound expression of a dream for a society grounded in equality and fraternity, free from discrimination and suffering.

Ram Rajya, Mahabali’s reign, and Begumpura. Based on Lord Rama’s rule, Ram Rajya is a divine governance emphasizing dharma but criticized for instances of inequality. Mahabali’s reign, celebrated during Onam, represents an egalitarian society where rulers and subjects share a deep bond of respect and love, defying divine conventions to uphold equality. Begumpura, conceptualized by Sant Ravidas, imagines a city free from sorrow, discrimination, and economic disparities, a haven of communal harmony and peace. Utopias are not just aspirational but also values the system a society chooses to embrace.

In a diverse society, having a single prescribed way of living would be inappropriate, especially if that idea is discriminatory. Begumpura imagines a bottom-up approach that benefits everyone, while Ram Rajya is a set of rules conceived to benefit only a privileged few. The debate of your act against Shambhuka is a story of different times; you played the role of a Man-King, and must have observed you showcasing the fallibility of man rather than the perfection expected of a deity.

Hey Lord Ram, you are known as Karunasagar (Ocean of Compassion); it is said that you are Sarvabhutahite Rata (Always Engaged in the Welfare of All), being the supreme guardian and caretaker of all beings. I can only envision you as a proponent of an egalitarian society, a figure who envisages a world brimming with love and free from discrimination.

अयोध्या के सुनहरे दरबार में, एक दयालु और न्यायप्रिय शासक,

भगवान राम ने दया भरी दृष्टि से, अपनी प्रजा की सेवा की।

उसने सबसे कमजोर की आवाज़ सुनी, उसने आँसू पोंछे,

उसके दयालु शासन में, सभी भय मिट गए।

In the golden court of Ayodhya, Lord Ram, a compassionate and just ruler, he served his people with a kind heart, listening to the weakest and wiping away their tears, eradicating all fears in his benevolent reign.

Seeking your blessing,

(The author is a financial professional with a master’s degree in economics. He is intensely interested in the arts, academia, and social issues related to development and human rights)

Related:

To Lord Ram, I write again for Hope

To Lord Ram, a letter of remorse and resolve

Lord Rama Anantatma & Anantaroopa: He who is the Infinite Soul & who has infinite forms

Lord Ram , Perfect Lord and Imperfect Bhakthi

Lord Ram, in my sixth letter I appeal to your diverse forms

The post Reimagining Ram Rajya: A heartfelt letter to Lord Ram on Unity, Equality, and Compassion appeared first on SabrangIndia.

 
The complete letter read:
“Organising the Hindus and helping them is one thing but going in for revenge for its sufferings on innocent and helpless men, women and children is quite another thing…Apart from this, their opposition to the Congress, that too of such virulence, disregarding all considerations of personality, decency or decorum, created a kind of unrest among the people. All their speeches were full of communal poison. It was not necessary to spread poison in order to enthuse the Hindus and organize for their protection. As a final result of the poison, the country had to suffer the sacrifice of the invaluable life of Gandhiji. Even an iota of the sympathy of the Government, or of the people, no more remained for the RSS. In fact opposition grew. Opposition turned more severe, when the RSS men expressed joy and distributed sweets after Gandhiji’s death. Under these conditions it became inevitable for the Government to take action against the RSS…Since then, over six months have elapsed. We had hoped that after this lapse of time, with full and proper consideration the RSS persons would come to the right path.” But from the reports that come to me, it is evident that attempts to put fresh life into their same old activities are afoot.”[ii]
 
Earlier Sardar Patel in a letter dated July 18, 1948 to Syama Prasad Mookerjee a senior leader and ideologue of the Hindu Mahasabha wrote:
“As regards the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha, the case relating to Gandhiji’s murder is sub judice and I should not like to say anything about the participation of the two organizations, but our reports do confirm that, as a result of the activities of these two bodies, particularly the former, an atmosphere was created in the country in which such a ghastly tragedy became possible. There is no doubt in my mind that the extreme section of the Hindu Mahasabha was involved in the conspiracy. The activities of the RSS constituted a clear threat to the existence of Government and the State. Our reports show that those activities, despite the ban, have not died down. Indeed, as time has marched on, the RSS circles are becoming more defiant and are indulging in their subversive activities in an increasing measure.[iii]
 
So far as egalitarian India is concerned the present RSS/BJP rulers including Naidu ji are committed to replace Indian Constitution with the Manusmriti which decrees a sub-human status Sudras and women in the Hindu society. The Constituent Assembly of India finalized the democratic-secular Constitution of India on November 26, 1949, RSS was not happy. Its organ, Organiser in an editorial on November 30, 1949, complained:
“But in our Constitution there is no mention of the unique constitutional development in ancient Bharat. Manu’s Laws were written long before Lycurgus of Sparta or Solon of Persia. To this day his laws as enunciated in the Manusmriti excite the admiration of the world and elicit spontaneous obedience and conformity. But to our constitutional pundits that means nothing.”
 
The alma mater of Naidu ji, the RSS is not familiar with the word non-sectarian. The RSS since its inception in 1925 is violently opposed to an all-inclusive. It surprised nobody when the English organ of the RSS, Organiser, on the very eve of Independence (August 14, 1947) editorially chalked out its concept of nation in the following words:
“Let us no longer allow ourselves to be influenced by false notions of nationhood. Much of the mental confusion and the present and future troubles can be removed by the ready recognition of the simple fact that in Hindusthan only the Hindus form the nation and the national structure must be built on that safe and sound foundation…the nation itself must be built up of Hindus, on Hindu traditions, culture, ideas and aspirations.”
 
Naidu ji will you act as VP of a democratic-secular India or an RSS pracharak? Do inform us citizens on which side of the divide you stand!

The post On VP Venkaiah Naidu’s Support for the Ram Rajya of Mahatma Gandhi appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Onwards to Sanjeli!

Let’s unite — to stop young, tribal women from being lured and kid napped. Let us unite to put an end to these unholy incidents of Hindu women being sold in Muslim countries  — Let’s respond to bricks with stones.

Onwards to Sanjeli!      Public meeting         Onwards to Sanjeli!
Date: July 7, 1998, Sunday afternoon, 3 p.m.
At Rein Bassera, Sanjeli
Leaders of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and 
Bajrang Dal to address the meeting

A young, 18–year–old woman, Kanta, of Randhikpur, and another married adivasi woman  were seduced and kidnapped to some unknown destination by Muslim youths. We have no trace of them. This is not the first incident in our area. Whether it is Vandana from Bandibaar, or Ami and Surekha from Jhalod, or Varsha from Godhra. There have been innumerable such incidents of kidnappings and disappearances. For months and years, our sisters and daughters cannot be traced. Apart from that, tragic incidents like the suicides of several elders like Magabhai Ninama keep happening in our society.

Hindu young women are kidnapped and 
Hindu elders commit suicide
Hindu population on the decline
Produce more children by kidnapping young women
Add to Muslim population
A widespread conspiracy to add to the numbers of anti–Hindu,       anti–national  elements is at work throughout the country

For the establishment of Ram Rajya, it was the people alone who came forward to help Bhagwan Ram. Now too, adivasi  brethren will have to come forward and unite to destroy this conspiracy.

When there is a weekly village market what do these Muslim loafers do? How do these Muslim loafers behave with Adivasi women going to the river for river sand? Pretending to help, do you know how these loafers tempt and lure young adivasi women and their elders?
Without expecting anything from the police, the government, or any of the politicians who are only interested in securing our votes — come — let us save our sisters and daughters from the clutches of these yavanas (demons)  who sell them to the Arabs.

Vishwa Hindu Parishad — Bajrang Dal — Sanjeli

Archived from Communalism Combat, July 2000, Year 7  No. 60, Cover Story
 

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