“The lesson had been burned into public memory. The Emergency became more than a chapter in history. It became a warning. For Narendra Modi, it was not just a past event. It was part of his personal journey. As Prime Minister, he has often reminded the nation of those dark times…It was about imprisoning free thought, art, and expression. That period left behind not just scars, but reminders. It taught us that freedom is earned, not gifted.” [i]

Let us take first, examine the claim that the RSS-BJP rulers are/have been committed to the liberal democratic values as a faith. The most prominent ideologue of the RSS, MS Golwalkar, also known as the ‘Guru of Hate’ [whom PM Modi credits for grooming him into a political leader] while addressing the 1350 top level cadres of the RSS in 1940 declared, “RSS inspired by one flag, one leader and one ideology is lighting the flame of Hindutva in each and every corner of this great land.” [ii]

With such a philosophical love for totalitarianism the RSS has, always hated sharing of power. Proponents of the Sangh have stood in strong opposition to the federal structure of the constitution, a ‘Basic’ feature of the India polity. Golwalkar declared in 1961, “Today’s federal form of government not only gives birth but also nourishes the feelings of separatism… It must be completely uprooted, constitution purified, and unitary form of government be established.” [iii]

So far as the formally declared Emergency is concerned, the RSS claim of fighting against it needs to be evaluated in the light of contemporary narratives including documents from RSS archives. In this connection, two narratives one by a veteran thinker and journalist of India, Prabhash Joshi and the other by TV Rajeswar, former Intelligence Bureau [IB] chief who was the deputy chief of IB during the Emergency are of immense importance. They recounted the days of the Emergency (or state terrorism) when the RSS ‘surrendered to the repressive regime of Indira Gandhi’, ‘assured her and her son, Sanjay Gandhi to enforce faithfully the draconian 20-point programme announced by the Emergency regime.’ In fact, a large number of RSS cadres got themselves released from jails after mercy petitions (maafinaamas).

The account by veteran journalist, Prabhash Joshi appeared in the English weekly Tehelka n the 25th anniversary of the Emergency. [iv] According to him even during the Emergency “there was always a lurking sense of suspicion, a distance, and a discreet lack of trust” about RSS’ joining the anti-Emergency struggle. He went on to say that,

“Balasaheb Deoras, then RSS chief, wrote a letter to Indira Gandhi pledging to help implement the notorious 20-point programme of Sanjay Gandhi. This is the real character of the RSS…You can decipher a line of action, a pattern. Even during the Emergency, many among the RSS and Jana Sangh who came out of the jails, gave mafinamas. They were the first to apologize. Only their leaders remained in jail: Atal Behari Vajpayee [most of the time in hospital], LK Advani, even Arun Jaitley. But the RSS did not fight the Emergency. So why is the BJP trying to appropriate that memory?”

Prabhash Joshi concluded that “they are not a fighting force, and they are never keen to fight. They are basically a compromising lot. They are never genuinely against the government”.

TV Rajeswar, who served as Governor of Uttar Pradesh and Sikkim penned a book, ‘India: The Crucial Years” [Harper Collins] corroborated the fact that “Not only they (RSS) were supportive of this [Emergency], they wanted to establish contact apart from Mrs. Gandhi, with Sanjay Gandhi also”. [v] Rajeswar in an interview with Karan Thapar disclosed that Deoras,

“Quietly established a link with the PM’s house and expressed strong support for several steps taken to enforce order and discipline in the country. Deoras was keen to meet Mrs. Gandhi and Sanjay. But Mrs. Gandhi refused.” [vi]

According to Rajeswar’s book,

“Sanjay Gandhi’s concerted drive to enforce family planning, particularly among Muslims, had earned Deoras’s approbation.” [vii] Rajeswar also shared the fact that even after Emergency the “organization (RSS) had specifically conveyed its support to the Congress in the post-emergency elections.” [viii] It will be interesting to note that even according to Subramanian Swamy during the Emergency period, most of the senior leaders of RSS had betrayed the struggle against the Emergency. [ix]

Contemporary documents in the archives of the RSS validate the narratives of Prabhash Joshi and Rajeswar. The 3rd Supremo of RSS, Madhukar Dattatraya Deoras wrote the first letter to Indira Gandhi within two months of the imposition of Emergency. It was the time when state terror was running amok, crushing the human rights of thousands of Indians.

In letter dated August 22, 1975, Deoras began with the following praise of Indira:

“I heard your address to the nation which you delivered on August 15, 1975, from Red Fort on radio in jail [Yervada jail] with attention. Your address was timely and balanced so I decided to write to you”. [x]

Indira Gandhi did not respond to it. So Deoras wrote another letter to Indira on November 10, 1975. He began his letter with congratulating her on being cleared by the Supreme Court of disqualification which was ordered by the Allahabad High Court,

“All the five Justices of the Supreme Court have declared your election constitutional, heartiest greetings for it.” It is to be noted that opposition was firmly of the opinion that this judgment was reflective of executive pressure on the judiciary. Deoras also stated that “RSS has been named in context of Jaiprakash Narayan’s movement. The government has also connected RSS with Gujarat movement and Bihar movement without any reason…Sangh has no relation with these movements…” [xi]

Since Indira Gandhi did not respond to this letter either, RSS chief got hold of Vinoba Bhave who supported the Emergency religiously and was a favourite of Indira Gandhi. In a letter dated January 12, 1976, he begged that Acharya should suggest the way that ban on RSS was removed. [xii]  Since Acharya too did not respond to Deoras letter, the latter in another letter without date wrote in desperation,

“According to press reports respected PM [Indira Gandhi] is going to meet you at Pavnar Ashram on January 24. At that time there will be discussion about the present condition of the country. I beg you to try to remove the wrong assumptions of PM about RSS so that ban on RSS is lifted and RSS members are released from jails. We are looking forward for the times when RSS and its members are able to contribute to the plans of progress which are being run in all the fields under the leadership of PM.” [xiii]

[All these letters in Hindi are being reproduced from a publication of the RSS at the end of this article.]

Even a prominent Hindutva ideologue Balraj Madhok who as an RSS whole-timer founded Bhartiya Jana Sangh (1951) on RSS command confessed:

“Sarsanghchalak of the Sangh Shri Bal Saheb Deoras was a MISA prisoner in Pune’s Yervada Jail…his life was full of comforts. Therefore, he wrote two letters to the jailed Indira Gandhi on 22-08-1975 and 10-11-1975 to change her attitude towards the Sangh and lift the ban on it. He also wrote a letter to Shri Vinoba Bhave and requested him to try to remove the feeling of opposition towards the Sangh from Indira Gandhi’s mind. These letters were leaked by the government and they were published in many newspapers. This naturally had an adverse effect on the morale of the Sangh volunteers and the Satyagraha movement became almost dead.”

[Madhok, Balraj, Zindagi Ka Safar –3: Deendayal Upadhyay Ki Hatya Se Indira Gandhi Ki Hatya Tak (Journey of Life-3: From the Murder of Deendayal Upadhyay to the Murder of Indira Gandhi), Dinman Prakashan, 2003, pp. 188-189.]

Incidentally, another tidbit from history. Former President of the Indian Republic, Pranab Mukherjee was invited by the RSS chief, Mohan Bhagwat as the chief guest of the graduation ceremony of its new recruits who are fired to work towards their goal to convert India into a Hindu state. Pranab Mukherjee had been indicted as one of the top leaders of Congress for Emergency excesses.

It is shameful that despite these facts thousands of RSS cadres continue to get monthly pension for the persecution during Emergency. The BJP ruled states like Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Maharashtra have decided to award a monthly pension of Rs 20,000 to those who were jailed during the Emergency period for less than 2 months, and Rs 10,000 to those who were jailed for less than a month. These policy decisions by RSS-backed BJP states have taken care of the financial interest of those RSS cadres who (even) submitted mercy letters completing only one- or two-months’ jail term. For securing such a significant amount in pension, no condition was applied –to the effect that the beneficiary should have been in jail for the whole period of the Emergency!

Interestingly, in sharp contrast, in the case of anti-colonial (British) freedom struggle there has not been even a single person from RSS cadres to have claimed the freedom fighter pension. It may be noted that nobody remembers hundreds of Communist youths, branded as Naxals killed in fake encounters during the Emergency. Interestingly, Shiv Sena, the Hindutva co-traveller of the RSS also openly supported the Emergency.

Tavleen Singh, a senior journalist who had once welcomed Modi’s ascendancy to power in 2014 did not mince words while evaluating Indian democracy on the 50^th anniversary of declaration of Emergency,

 “Brutal repression of democratic rights can happen again, and the answer is that it can, but in a more dangerously subtle way. There are those who say that since Narendra Modi became prime minister, an ‘undeclared emergency’ has come into force. I hesitate to make sweeping judgements of that kind, but what has happened is that some freedoms we took for granted have become endangered. This has been done not by throwing Opposition leaders, journalists and dissidents into jail, but by tweaking the laws to make curbs on freedom legally possible.

“The law that is supposed to prevent sedition has been tweaked to widen the definition of that word. Laws meant to curb black money have been tweaked as well and if a dissident does not end up in jail for ‘anti-national activities’, he could end up rotting in some forgotten cell because the Enforcement Directorate charges him with money laundering. The Opposition leaders who have these charges thrown at them have fought back valiantly because they have political parties behind them, but dissidents and journalists have just learned to keep quiet. Is that good? Is that democracy?”

So, writing on the wall is clear. India had Emergency imposed using some Articles of the Indian constitution and same was rescinded. Presently without Indira Gandhi and Congress government we have perpetual ‘undeclared’ Emergency under Modi rule. It needs not to be withdrawn as was never declared!

[i] ‘National Emergency 1975: The murder of the Indian republic on June 25,  https://organiser.org/2025/06/24/298840/bharat/national-emergency-1975-the-murder-of-the-indian-republic-on-june-25/

[ii] Golwalkar, MS, Shri Guruji Samagar Darshan (collected works of Golwalkar in Hindi), Bhartiya Vichar Sadhna, Nagpur, nd., vol. I, p. 11.

[iii] Ibid. vol. III, p. 128.

[iv] http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main13.asp?filename=op070205And_Not_Even.asp

[v] https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/rss-backed-indira-gandhis-emergency-ex-ib-chief-264127-2015-09-21

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] https://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/ib-ex-chiefs-book-rss-chief-deoras-had-backed-some-emergency-moves/

[viii] https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/RSS-backed-Emergency-reveals-former-IB-chief/articleshow/49052143.cms

[ix] https://medium.com/@hindu.nationalist1/double-game-of-senior-rss-leaders-during-emergency-74abc07a4fa8

[x] Madhukar Dattatraya Deoras, Hindu Sangathan aur Sattavaadi Rajneeti, Jagriti Prkashan, Noida, 1997, 270.

[xi] Ibid., 272-73

[xii] Ibid. 275-77.

[xiii] Ibid. 278.

(The author is a former professor of Hindi, Delhi University and a scholar on recent Indian modern history)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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The post On the 50th anniversary of India’s formal ‘Emergency’, how the RSS betrayed the anti-emergency struggle appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Soon after ABVP submitted its “memorandum to the administration” of the state-run Chaudhary Charan Singh University – a major educational institution in western UP – the institution obliged and decided to debar Panwar from all examination work for life. “She has been debarred from setting papers for life,” Dhirendra Kumar Verma, the registrar of the university, told The Wire on April 5.

The unseemly controversy surrounded the private MA political science final-year examination on the paper ‘State Politics in India,’ conducted on April 2 in the colleges affiliated to the CCSU. The ABVP objected to two questions that were about its parent organisation, the RSS.

In this paper, question number 87 asked which of the following were considered anomic groups – those alienated from society. Among the options were “Dal Khalsa, Naxalite Groups, Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front and Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh.”

Yet another question, numbered 93, was a match-the-following test. The question seemed to link the RSS to the rise of religious and caste identity politics. The other options linked the BSP to Dalit politics, Mandal Commission to OBC politics and Shiv Sena to politics of regional identity.

1. Rise of backward politics
   B. Rise of Dalit politics
   C. Rise of Religious and Caste identity politics
   D. Rise of regional identity politics
2. Shiv Sena
   2.⁠ ⁠RSS
   3.⁠ ⁠BSP
   4.⁠ ⁠Mandal Commission

The correct answer was A=4, B=3, C=2, D=1

Reputed for its disruptive even violent activities in Delhi University (DU) and elsewhere too, the ABVP said the questions had described the RSS as the reason for the emergence of religious and caste politics on the basis of the available options.

“Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has been an apolitical, social, cultural and dedicated organization in the national interest on the basis of equality and national unity for the last 100 years,” the ABVP said. The wing of the RSS dubbed that the professor’s act was “anti-national” and demanded strict legal action by suspending the examiner who set the question paper in the “interest of students and the nation.”

A copy of the memorandum, shared by the ABVP’s Meerut wing, quoted by The Wire, stated, “The way Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has been added in the above question, it seems that the examiner who set the question paper, being afflicted with some anti-national ideology, has worked to tarnish the image of the Sangh among the students in the society and create a wrong narrative, whereas doing so is not in the national interest.”

The ABVP also threatened to launch a large protest if the university did not act against the examiner. Registrar Verma said that a team of the university’s vice-chancellor concluded that the questions found “objectionable” by the students were “controversial.”  Professor Panwar, who teaches at Meerut College, was asked for a clarification, following which she submitted a written apology.

“She expressed regret and said that it was not her intention. She said she set the questions as there was a chapter on it,” said Verma. The registrar said no further action was taken against her. “She apologised for the mistake. What else could she do,” said Verma.

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The post Two Questions ‘anti-national’, says ABVP UP professor barred for life from setting exam papers appeared first on SabrangIndia.

To traverse that road map, the RSS and its founders adopted a twin strategy from the beginning. The Hindu Mahasabha was dedicated to develop its footprints and the RSS to penetrate different sections of society by building a cadre based organisation. This twin strategy continued from the days of Hindu Mahasabha through Jana Sangh and consolidated in the BJP era.

There is something to be learnt by all those who wanted to transform India built on a constitutional secular democratic republic to a people’s democracy (Marxists). To first and foremost is, to preserve constitutional democracy. This requires setting out goals with clarity, identifying ‘enemies’, chalking out a strategy to weed out those that harm society, and lay the foundation of achieving respective goals.

On all these fronts the RSS has travelled a long way and its implications and consequences are before us to see. I am not going to recount all those here except emphasising only one aspect. A political tactical line is not the patented right of the Left or Communist Parties. Any party that aspires to rule any country will ultimately will evolve its own tactics which includes accepting a united front as a tactic whenever such a force is weak.

The RSS has fought hard to come out of the woods and stay relevant within an Indian political context at a time when free India was being built on the basis of the universal values inscribed in Preamble of the Constitution.

The historiography of the RSS will be enriched if one critically looks into the role that this exclusivist organization played during Partition, more particularly in western and eastern parts of India, the two regions affected tragically by a sudden change in demography.

In the immediate aftermath of Independence and Gandhi’s assassination by one of its followers (January 30, 1948), the RSS went into political oblivion. Since then, it has worked patiently among the masses defusing its ideology in the name of being a ‘cultural and charitable organisation’ and at the same time, resorted to united front tactics with the then Congress and constituent partners of the Samyukta Vidhayak Dal.

Despite such occasional encounters with positions of power, the RSS felt that mass politics required far more pragmatic approach and transformed its political arm Jan Sangh into the re-incarnated, BJP. Even then, instead of coming up with its own original ideological road map as prescribed by Golwalkar, the RSS guided the BJP to traverse the path of Gandhian socialism and what not. Despite this, it could not achieve effective pace in political growth and relevance. It therefore came out open in the public, again, with a twin strategy.

The first strategy was focused on framing a debate on the lines of pseudo secularism primarily aimed at undermining one of the key pillars of the basic structure of the Constitution. Coupled with this, the second strategy was to publicly own up to the RSS’ core agenda of militarising Hindus and Hinduising society, and, in fact, building a new kind of civil society around this twin strategy. Demonising constitutionalists and free thinkers and transforming ‘Maryada Purushottam Ram into warrior on alien or alienated sections of society’ both were pivotal in the RSS spectacular rise to power.

The RSS, therefore, never faltered in identifying its enemies, nor resorted to a nuanced approach while dealing with them. In this journey, the RSS clearly held Communists in India to be among its prime enemies.

This was academically acknowledged by the Left in general and the CPI (M) in particular, decades ago. In a document released within in the lead up to the 2019 general elections, titled, In Defense of constitution and democracy, the party stated, “It is for this reason, and also for an alternate policies in the economic sphere promoted and practiced by CPI (M) led state governments, that the BJP Modi led Hindutva platform has openly declared the left and the CPI (M) in particular as its main ideological foe.”

Based on the road chalked out in In Defense of constitution and democracy, the CPI (M) in its Central Committee meeting held in December 2018 concluded, “The Political Resolution has pointed out that our line is not of equidistance between the BJP and the Congress. Hence in states where the main contest will be between the BJP and the Congress, such as Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and others) we should fight just one or two seats and campaign generally for the defeat of the BJP.” The resolution also called on the cadre to “contribute towards maximizing the pooling of anti-BJP votes based on our political line”.

Subsequently, while analysing the 2019 general election results, the Central Committee was not hesitant in cautioning the Congress party when it said, “The Congress party failed to put in place, on the ground, the unity of opposition secular parties when it was campaigning for in the run-up to the elections. In Uttar Pradesh, the Congress contested independently.”

The review further observed in “Overarching Hindutva Identity that “The BJP-RSS orchestrated an overarching Hindu identity during the campaign which cut across, to some extent, the social and ethnic divides amongst the people.  This was accompanied by micro-level social engineering to successfully combat the dominant caste based social alliances which were forged in some states. The BJP identified the non-dominant castes and individual tribal communities for targeted messaging and propaganda. This was accompanied by physically contacting voters by the RSS and its network, consolidating the BJP’s outreach.” This was observed in documents from the 2019 October Central Committee meeting.

Further the CPI (M) also observed that “The BJP is aggressively working to establish a unitary State structure in India. This is required for them to advance the RSS’s fascist agenda of converting the secular democratic Republic into its ideological political project of `Hindu Rashtra’ (This should appropriately be read as “Hindutva Rashtra”)”.

The document identified four key challenges,

“a) The BJP has won this decisive victory on the basis of unprecedented money power and full support of the international and domestic corporates.  The trajectory of anti-people economic reforms favouring the big business and the rich are bound to intensify by imposing greater miseries on the vast majority of the people.  The Party will take the lead in rallying the maximum sections of the people in struggles against such economic assaults.

“b) The consolidation of the Hindutva communal polarisation will lead to greater attacks on the rights of the religious and linguistic minorities, worsening their security concerns and livelihood.  The safeguarding and strengthening of secularism, as enshrined in our Constitution, will be taken up by the Party drawing in the broadest sections in these struggles.

“c) The penetration of the RSS in all Constitutional authorities that happened during the last five years is bound to further intensify.  This will lead to undermining such Constitutional authorities in order to facilitate the transformation of the Constitutional Republic into the ideological project of the RSS, “Hindutva Rashtra”.  The defence and strengthening of all Constitutional authorities will be championed by the CPI (M) along with all other forces willing to join these struggles. 

“d) The focus of the BJP’s victory was based on the need to establish a `security’ state in India, the infringement upon the rights of individuals specifically the right to dissent will sharpen.  Already ominous indications are evident. The assaults by private armies under one pretext or the other against Dalits and religious minorities will intensify. The rights of working people and religious, linguistic minorities will come under attack leading up to witch-hunting.  The CPI (M) will take the lead in mobilizing the broadest segment of our people who cherish democratic rights and civil liberties to meet these challenges squarely.”

Further, the party also discussed at its Central Committee meeting in January 2020, the intensified challenges from the RSS and stated that,

“The situation in Kashmir continues to remain far from normal even after five months. Apart from the merciless denial of elementary human and democratic rights of the people, the situation has devastated the J&K economy, imposing further misery on the people. All these measures are clearly aimed at consolidating Hindutva communal polarisation and seeking to replace the secular democratic Indian Constitution with the RSS fascist agenda of “Hindu Rashtra”.

It is on this understanding that the CPI (M) adopted its Tasks on Cultural Front document in August 2020 wherein it identified the twin dangers being faced by the country.

The Tasks on Cultural Front clearly stated, “Both neo-liberalism and communalism, domestically, thus seek the homogenisation of public tastes.   The former is to strengthen its cultural hegemony and to reap super profits. The latter, in addition to this, is to pave the way for the establishment of a rabidly intolerant fascist State – the RSS vision of `Hindu Rashtra’.

The RSS’ slogan of “one country, one people, one culture” can acquire a real status and meaning only through such homogenisation, negating the very fundamental foundations of India’s rich cultural diversity.  Further, both neo-liberalism and communalism seek to divert the attention of the people away from day-to-day problems and importantly weaken their struggle against the existing exploitative order.”

The Party also warned secular and democratic forces that the BJP, utilised the period of the pandemic and the consequent disruption of normal life and activities due to lockdown restrictions etc. to advance the core RSS agenda of converting India into their conception of a rabidly intolerant fascist `Hindutva Rashtra’.

The CPI (M) acknowledged that the establishment of such a `New India’ is not a product of this Modi government alone. It has a history of nearly a century – from the founding of the RSS in 1925, Savarkar’s theses on Hindutva and its ideological construct and the RSS’ organisational structure –all with the goal of a fascist `Hindu Rashtra’ by Golwalkar in 1939.

Armed with this understanding, the Party went in to preparations for its 23^rd Congress at Kannur, at which the Political Resolution in the opening chapter itself assessed that, “The period since the 22nd Congress has seen the further consolidation of the BJP, which being in government is aggressively pursuing the Hindutva communal agenda of the fascist RSS. It has mounted a multi-pronged attack through the pursuit of rabid neo-liberal reforms strengthening the communal-corporate nexus, looting of national assets, promoting crony capitalism, legalising political corruption and imposing full-fledged authoritarianism.”

While observing the qualitative change in the political landscape off the country, the Political Resolution also stated, “Para 2.2: Since then, there has been the intensification of the above right wing offensive. However, with the return of the Modi government with a larger number of seats and vote share began the aggressive furthering of the Hindutva communal agenda of the fascist RSS. What is unfolding, particularly, in the post 2019 period, is on the lines laid down in the CPI-M Party Programme:

“The Bharatiya Janata Party is a reactionary party with a divisive and communal platform, the reactionary content of which is based on hatred against other religions, intolerance and ultra-nationalist chauvinism. The BJP is no ordinary bourgeois party as the fascist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh guides and dominates it. When the BJP is in power, the RSS gets access to the instruments of State power and the State machinery. The Hindutva ideology promotes revivalism and rejects the composite culture of India with the objective of establishing a Hindu Rashtra.” (Para 7.14)

“The threat to the secular foundations has become menacing with the rise of the communal and fascist RSS-led combine and its assuming power at the Centre. Systematic efforts are on to communalise the institutions of the State, the administration, the educational system and the media. The growth of majority communalism will strengthen the forces of minority communalism and endanger national unity. The support of sections of the big bourgeoisie for the BJP and its communal platform is fraught with serious consequences for democracy and secularism in the country.” (Para: 5.7)

“Party should fight against all forms of intrusion of religion in the economic, political and administrative life of the nation and uphold secular and democratic values in culture, education and society. The danger of fascist trends gaining ground, based on religious communalism must be firmly fought at all levels.” (Para: 5.8)

Political Resolution of CPI(M)’s Kannur (23rd) Congress also identified the emerging class contradictions in India in the aftermath of the farmers united struggle that forced a retreat by BJP government as follows: “Para 2.123: Class Implications- New class conflicts have emerged during the course of this struggle, between the big bourgeoisie in collaboration with international finance capital and the entire peasantry, including sections of the rich peasants.

“Para 2.124: Secondly, conflicts amongst the ruling class partners are also emerging between the big bourgeoisie, on the one hand, and the non-big bourgeoisie, particularly those belonging to the Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises (MSME) sector, on the other.

“Para 2.125: Thirdly, BJP’s drive to establish its complete political hegemony in the country by destroying the federal structure of our Constitution and, in its place, erect a unitary State structure is creating conflicts between the Central government and elected state governments. Some regional parties, who head state governments, who were supporters of the BJP in Parliament and those who vacillated and remained largely neutral in their support to the BJP in Parliament, are being forced by this hegemonic drive of the BJP to come out in opposition, particularly during this kisan struggle.

“Para 2.126: The emergence of such conflicts amongst the ruling class partners creates possibilities that must be utilised by the exploited classes, particularly the working class, poor peasantry and agricultural labour, to intensify the class battles against the bourgeois-landlord order.”

“Para 2.127: Such possibilities for advancing the class struggle have emerged with the growing coordination between the working class trade union movement, the peasantry and the agricultural labour. Such developments began much earlier and since 2018 made significant advances through joint movements of these sections. This growing unity in struggles must be strengthened further in the coming period.”

It is in this backdrop, coupled with a solid ideological footing and absorbing the international experiences in fighting fascism, that it was decided to implement the Party’s 23^rd Congress directions and the CPI-M worked towards formation of INDIA block which played a crucial role in halting the roller coaster ride of the BJP to Parliament.

The CPI (M) has a programmatic understanding which clearly states that the BJP is ideologically guided by the RSS which has fascist characteristics.

In Telugu there is a saying. You can’t sow rice and reap wheat. Thus the ideological mentoring of RSS which sows fascist tendencies cannot result in any other outcome except that of transforming the country into a fascist Hindu Rashtra, armed with a militant Hindutva ideology.

This is what the understanding with which former General Secretary, CPI (M), Sitaram Yechury led the Party and this is the background in which the present Polit Bureau coordinator, Prakash Karat, acknowledged and hailed the contribution of Sitaram Yechury in expanding the Party’s understanding of the RSS and its fascist efforts to transform our constitutional secular democratic republic into fascist Hindu Rashtra. Whether in strength or in weakness, the RSS has never wavered in naming its enemies with determination.

Today, at this crucial hour, the question before the Party which is organizing its 24^th Congress at Madurai is whether it will further strengthen the ideological contribution of Sitaram Yechury or whether it steps back and wavers in naming the principle class enemy, which is the BJP guided by the fascist RSS.

Will the CPI-M lose ground, step back and retreat into its self-created binary confusion? The formulation on whether to give primacy to struggles against globalisation or to struggle or to strive and struggle to protect the constitutional secular democratic republic (and thereafter) to transform it into people’s democratic republic?

That is the crucial poser that presses for an answer.

(The author, Y Venugopal Reddy, is cultural critic and practicing as advocate at Hyderabad and had contributed a series of articles in the run up to 22^nd Congress of CPI (M) at Hyderabad)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

Part 1, 2 and 3 can be read here

Evolution of CPI(M)’s approach towards Hindutva Politics: A Reading of its own documents – Part 1

Evolution of CPI(M)’s approach towards Hindutva Politics: A Reading of its own documents – Part 2

Evolution of the Left [CPI (M)] approach towards Hindutva politics: A Reading of its own documents – Part 3

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The post Ram saved RSS-BJP from the brink, will Sitaram rescue the CPI (M)? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Its role in shaping BJP, its political progeny, can easily be discerned from the writings and actions of RSS. One recalls that it was Shyama Prasad Mukherjee of Hindu Mahasabha, who collaborated with RSS to float the previous avatar of BJP, Bhartiya Jansangh. The then RSS chief M.S. Golwalkar, (Guruji) regarded as the major ideologue of RSS; time and again outlined the role of RSS trained swayamsaevaks and Pracharaks, while being in Jana Sangh or BJP.

Golwalkar writes “For instance some of our friends were told to go and work for politics that does not mean that they have great interest or inspiration for it. They don’t die for politics like fish without water. If they are told to withdraw from politics, then also there is no objection. Their discretion is just not required.” (Golwalkar, MS, Shri Guruji Samagar Darshan (collected works of Golwalkar in Hindi, Bhartiya Vichar Sadhna, Nagpur, volume. 3, p. 33) tells us clearly that Jansangh or BJP was supposed to follow the instructions of RSS.

Further Guruji says, “We know this also that some of our swayamsevaks [cadres] work in politics. There they have to organize according to the needs of work: public meetings, processions etc., have to raise slogans. (Same as above Vol 4, page 4-5)

RSS nurtured and trained its swayamsevaks on these lines and later floated many organizations. Nathuram Godse the killer of Mahatma Gandhi was also a trained pracharak of RSS. RSS at that time did not keep any records of membership so it could wash its hands off from this murder. Nathuram Godse’s family believes that the assassin, a staunch member of the RSS was neither expelled from the Sangh nor did he ever leave the organization.

Shamsul Islam, eminent scholar of Hindu Nationalism, points out, “The central publication house of the RSS, the Suruchi Prakashan, Jhandewalan, New Delhi, published, Param Vaibhav Ke Path Par (1997) which gave details of more than 40 organizations created by the RSS for different tasks. The BJP as a political organisation figures prominently in it at number 3, with the ABVP, Hindu Jagaran Manch, Vishva Hindu Parishad, Swadeshi Jagaran Manch and Sanskar Bharti etc.)

Similarly the prayer and pledge of RSS make it clear that they make its followers commit to Hindu nation. Its Prathana (Prayer) says “You/O God almighty, we the integral part of the Hindu Rashtra salute you in reverence/For Your cause have we girded up our loins/Give us Your Blessings for its accomplishment.”  (RSS, Shakha Darshika, Gyan Ganga, Jaipur, 1997, p.1) The pledge is also equally forthright in this “I become a member of the RSS in order to achieve all round greatness of Bharatvarsha by fostering the growth of my sacred Hindu religion, Hindu society, and Hindu culture. (Page 66 above)

The masquerading of RSS as a cultural organization does help it to expand by appealing to the emotions of many. Major leaders of the freedom struggle were very clear about the nature of RSS. “A member of Gandhi’s entourage had praised the efficiency, discipline, courage and capacity for hard work shown by RSS cadres at Wagah, a major transit camp for Punjab refugees. Gandhi quipped back, ‘but don’t forget, even so had Hitler’s Nazis and Fascists under Mussolini’, Gandhi characterized RSS as a communal body with a totalitarian outlook’ (Pyarelal, Mahatma Gandhi: The Last Phase, Ahmedabad, page 440)

Nehru did regard RSS as having traits of fascism. Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the first President of India, had stated that “The RSS is strictly secret as regards its organization. It has consequently developed along fascist lines and is definitely a potential menace to public peace. (Dr. Rajendra Prasad to Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel, 12 December 1948)

Sardar Patel  wrote “As regards the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha, the case relating to Gandhiji’s murder… about the participation of the two organizations, but our reports do confirm that, as a result of the activities of these two bodies, particularly the former, an atmosphere was created in the country in which such a ghastly tragedy became possible… The activities of the RSS constituted a clear threat to the existence of the Government and the State. Our reports show that those activities, despite the ban, have not died down. Indeed, as time has marched on, the RSS circles are becoming more defiant and are indulging in their subversive activities in an increasing measure. ” [Letter 64 cited in Sardar Patel: Select Correspondence19450-1950, vol. 2, Navjivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1977, pp. 276-277.]

We also recall that RSS has been banned thrice, and wriggled out of those bans by wearing the façade of Culture. As we know the ban on Government servants taking part in politics is to ensure that our bureaucracy remains committed to the values of the constitution and not be politically partisan. This ban on Government servants participating in RSS activities has been there for over 50 years. It is the third time that this was done.

In between Janata Party and Atal Bihari Vajpayee were also at the helm of political affairs but this ban was not lifted. Mr. Modi has been in power for the last 10+ years. Why is he taking this decision now? Is it after RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has been making oblique criticism of the supreme leader? There is a need for cultural activists and social scientists to assess the contribution of RSS to Indian culture. This mask of RSS being a cultural organization needs to be undone and its political agenda grasped for protection of Indian Constitution and democracy. As such it seems that it is a Supra-political outfit.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

The post Should Government Employees be allowed to Join RSS? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

“RSS is a cultural organisation and we are a political organisation…It’s (RSS is) an ideological front. The RSS and the BJP have their own areas of working very clearly established”. [https://indianexpress.com/article/political-pulse/j-p-nadda-interview-bjp-modi-9337032/]

It was not for the first time that this lie was spoken about relationship between RSS and BJP. Organiser, English mouthpiece of the RSS, in its editorial of February 6, 2000 relied on this lie when wrote:

“The RSS is not a political party. It does not take part in elections nor its office bearers are supposed to become office bearers of any political party. The RSS has no election symbol nor its leadership or members have ever endeavoured to seek political office. It is a social-cultural organization trying to inspire all national activity.”

We must compare this claim of the RSS with the following two statements of Golwalkar, who headed the RSS after the death of KB Hedgewar, and is considered the greatest ideologue of the organization till date. The first statement tells us about the kind of personnel who are sent to manipulate politics and what is expected of them by the RSS. While delivering a speech on March 16, 1954, in Sindi, Wardha, he said,

“If we say that we are part of the organization and accept its discipline then selectiveness has no place in life. Do what is told. If told to play kabaddi, play kabaddi; told to hold meeting then meeting….For instance some of our friends were told to go and work for politics that does not mean that they have great interest or inspiration for it. They don’t die for politics like fish without water. If they are told to withdraw from politics then also there is no objection. Their discretion is just not required.”

[Golwalkar, MS, Shri Guruju Samgr Darshan (collected works of Golalkar in Hindi), Bhartiya Vichar Sadhna, Nagpur (RSS publication house), vol. III,  n. d., p. 32.]

The second statement is also very significant and clearly highlights the high level of political ambitions of the RSS. While addressing the leading RSS cadres at Indore on March 5, 1960 he said:

“We know this also that some of our Swayamsevaks work in politics. There they have to organize according to the needs of work public meetings, processions etc., have to raise slogans. All these things have no place in our work. However, like the character in a play whatever role has been assigned should be portrayed with best of capability. But sometimes Swayamsevaks go beyond the role assigned to a performer (nat) as they develop over-zealousness in their hearts, to the extent that they become useless for this work. This is not good.” [Ibid, vol. IV, pp. 4-5.]

We find here Golwalkar referring to the Swayamsevaks loaned to political satellite as ‘nat’ or performers who are meant to dance to the tunes of the RSS. This fact should not be missed here that Golwalkar’s above design of controlling the political arm was elaborated in March 1960 almost nine years after the establishment of Jan Sangh (the forerunner of the BJP) in 1951.

BJP NOT INDEPENDENT OF RSS

The RSS leadership keeps on harping that BJP is an independent political organization and does not work under the dictates of the RSS. It is pertinent that one compares this information with the facts available in the official publications of the RSS. The central publication house of the RSS, the Suruchi Prakashan, has published a book, Param Vaibhav Ke Path Par (The Road to Glory) in 1997 giving details of more than 40 organizations created by the RSS for different tasks. The BJP as a political organization figures prominently in it, clubbed with the ABVP, Hindu Jagaran Manch, Vishva Hindu Parishad, Swadeshi Jagaran Manch and Sanskar Bharti.  The preface of the book itself declares that,

“Without the knowledge of the different kinds of activities of the Sawyamsevaks (the volunteers of the RSS) the introduction of the RSS is incomplete. Keeping this in mind it has been attempted in this book to produce the brief information about the diverse activities of the Sawyamsevaks. This book covers the organizational status till 1996…We believe that this book will prove to be of use for those who want to understand the RSS with the Swyamsevaks.”

[Sapre, Sadanand D., Parm Vaibhav Ke Path Per, Suruchi (central publication house of RSS), Delhi, 1997, p. 7.]

In this book the BJP figures at number 3 in the list of prominent organizations created by the RSS. This book gives details of the creation and development of Bhartiya Jan Sangh (the forerunner of the BJP) and then BJP by the RSS for purposes laid down by the latter. It is to be noted that PM of India and his senior ministers, most of the present BJP chief ministers and Governors publically declare to be RSS cadres. JP Nadda too proudly declares to be a member of RSS.

We will have to find out the answer why suddenly Nadda declares independence of BJP from RSS. In fact, such a situation was visualized by Golwalkar in 1960 itself when he stated that “sometimes Swayamsevaks go beyond the role assigned to a performer (nat) as they develop over-zealousness in their hearts, to the extent that they become useless for this work. This is not good.” Mohan Bhagwat and his key confidants leading RSS today is no match to Golwalkar who could control its political child, BJP. Modi (trained by Golwalkar as a political leader), a Vishwa guru, Hindu hirday samrat and Hindutva icon has made RSS led by Hindutva minions redundant. RSS is paying for creating a Leviathan (a natural corollary of combining religion with politics) to its own peril. Golwalkar declared as early as 1940 that “RSS inspired by one flag, one leader and one ideology is lighting the flame of Hindutva in each and every corner of this great land”. [Golwalkar, MS, Shri Guruju Samgr Darshan, vol. I, p. 11] Modi fulfils this dream of RSS fully. Hindutva zealots celebrated when Modi marched on demolishing secularism, constitutional reservations, national institutions and communal harmony but forgot that if it had to be ONE LEADER Mohan Bhagwat and his Hindutva Empire too had to go!

( Link for some of S. Islam’s writings in English, Hindi, Urdu and translations into Marathi, Malayalam, Kannada, Bengali, Punjabi, Gujarati and video interviews/debates: http://du-in.academia.edu/ShamsulIslam )

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

The post BJP Independent of RSS: Are You Joking Mr. Nadda? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

India came face to face with this inherent trait of RSS when it’s Supremo Mohan Bhagwat in a speech at Hyderabd (April 28, 2024) while reacting to a video (in which a RSS luminary called upon to finish off constitutional Reservation) stated

“Ye galat baat hai, asatya hai (This is wrong, false)…“The Sangh has been supporting all reservation as per the Constitution since the beginning. And, the Sangh says that it should continue as long as those for whom it exists feel that it is necessary…It (reservation policy) should continue as long as discrimination exists in society.”

[‘Lok Sabha elections: RSS joins BJP quota firefight as unease grows’, The Telegraph on Line, Kolkata, April 28, 2024.]

When the founding fathers of the Constitution of independent India made provisions for reservations to Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes, the most prominent ideologue of RSS and 2^nd Supremo of the organization, MS Golwalkar strongly reacted by alleging that the rulers “were digging at the roots of Hindu social cohesion and destroying the spirit of identity that had kept all the various sects in a harmonious whole in the past”.

[Cited in N. L. Gupta, RSS and Democracy (Delhi: Sampradayikta Virodhi Committee, nd., p. 17] He refused to admit that Hindu social system was at the root of the neglect of the lower castes. [Golwalkar, MS., Bunch of Thoughts, selection of writings/speeches/interviews, Sahitya Sindhu Prakashana, Bangalore, 1996 [3^rd edition], p.363.]

When Golwalkar was asked: “What about the protection to Harijans guaranteed in the Constitution and its subsequent extension?” His reply was:

“Dr. Ambedkar had envisaged the special privileges for ‘Scheduled Castes’ for only 10 years from the day we became a Republic in 1950. But it is going on, being extended. Continued special privileges on the basis of caste only, is bound to create vested interests in them in remaining as a separate entity. That would harm their integration with the rest of the society [Hindu society]. [Golwalkar, MS., Spotlights, Sahitya Sindhu, Bangalore, 1974, p. 16.]

For Golwalkar, the real issue was not how to undo the injustice done to the depressed castes [Sudras/Dalits] for thousands of years in the past but “take extra care to see that their separateness is not given fillip.”

[Golwalkar, MS., Spotlights, Sahitya Sindhu, Bangalore, 1974, p. 184] He never accepted the fact that lower Castes were being maltreated in India. While reacting to a big carnage of Dalits in a part of India he wrote on October 14, 1972:

“There is a trend these days to give Harijan-non-Harijan colour even to ordinary happenings, probably out of political motivation and digging a rift in the oneness and solidarity of the people. For immediate benefits-even these doubtful-to sacrifice the lasting good of the people as a whole that is the unfortunate aspect of the trends obtaining now a days. In our work, we have to steer clear of this poisonous trend and do our best to clarify the atmosphere.” [Golwalkar, MS., Shri Guruji Sanmgr Darshan, (selection of his writings/speeches in Hindi), vol. 7, Bhartiya Vichar Sadhna, Nagpur, 1974, p. 244.]

Golwalkar’s hatred for Dalits was outcome of his firm belief in Casteism under which they did not enjoy even right to life. For him Casteism was synonymous with the Hindu nation. According to him, the Hindu people are none else but,

“[The] Virat Purusha, the Almighty manifesting himself…According to purusha sukta sun and moon are his eyes, the stars and the skies are created from his nabhi [navel] and Brahmin is the head, Kshatriya the hands, Vaishya the thighs and Shudra the feet. This means that the people who have this fourfold arrangement, i.e., the Hindu People, is [sic] our God. This supreme vision of Godhead is the very core of our concept of ‘nation’ and has permeated our thinking and given rise to various unique concepts of our cultural heritage. [Italics as in the original]

[Golwalkar, MS., Bunch of Thoughts, pp. 36-37.]

This was nothing but a re-phrasing of Manu’s inhuman anti-Sudra codes. Golwalkar refused to accept that Casteism was a bane to Hinduism or hindered the feeling of unity among Hindus.

“Persons interested in calumniating Hindus make much of the caste system, the ‘superstitions’, the want of literacy, the position of women in the social structure, and all sorts of true or untrue flaws in the Hindu Cultural Organization, and point out that the weakness of the Hindus lies solely in these.”

[Golwalkar, Bunch of Thoughts, pp. 61– 62.]

Ambedkar, who witnessed RSS growing and was familiar with its destructive tendencies, was of the firm opinion that the ideology of Hindutva practised by RSS was nothing but a ploy by privileged caste Hindus to maintain control over society and its resources. He wrote:

“They have a trait of character which often leads the Hindus to disaster. This trait is formed by their acquisitive instinct and aversion to share with others the good things of life. They have a monopoly of education and wealth, and with wealth and education they have captured the State. To keep this monopoly to themselves has been the ambition and goal of their life. Charged with this selfish idea of class domination, they take every move to exclude the lower classes of Hindus from wealth, education and power…This attitude of keeping education, wealth and power as a close preserve for themselves and refusing to share it, which the high Caste Hindus have developed in their relation with the lower classes of Hindus, is sought to be extended by them to the Muslims. They want to exclude the Muslims from place and power, as they have done to the lower class Hindus. This trait of the high Caste Hindus is the key to the understanding of their politics.”

[Ambedkar, BR., Pakistan or the Partition of India, Government of Maharashtra, Bombay, 1990 (reprint of 1946 edition), p. 123.]

How brazenly the RSS has been opposing Reservation was made clear in 1981 when its cadres played most nefarious role in opposing Reservation to  socially and economically backward Castes in Gujarat introduced by Congress ministry headed by Madhavsinh Solanki. More than 100 people were killed including 2 police officials. It is interesting to note that like today the debate of Reservation was turned in spreading poison against local Muslims who were killed with impunity.

Related:

RSS & BJP have already caused enough damage: In conversation with path-breaking novelist Devanur Mahadevan

The post RSS deceit on constitutional reservation and Dalits in general appeared first on SabrangIndia.

When I was a student in high school and Pre-University College, I was a member RSS for a few years. Perhaps because I was influenced by their ideas of “Hindu Unity” which espoused equality – but only superficially. I will share with you a couple of examples from my time there. There was a kind Brahmin boy named Mohan in the RSS. His whole family was like RSS. If I had a meal at this house or at the RSS office, he would wash my plates himself. For someone who had been experiencing discrimination in a divided society like ours, an act like this may appear like consolation. However, within RSS discourse, there was an intolerant attitude towards inter-caste, interreligious marriage. When Muslims and Christians were relatively lenient about this, why were they uptight about this? Especially when you claim all Hindus as One? Even though I was nowhere close to marriageable age, I was bothered by it. Anyway, let’s keep that aside.

When we see these two instances together, one can clearly see that even though Mohan’s situation may appear to be progressing, the status quo of casteism is deeply entrenched within RSS thought process. To be clearer, look at the history of the central leadership of the RSS. It has always been led by a Brahmin. To be precise, a Brahmin belonging to a particular subcaste. RSS is trying to replicate the same across the country. BJP has joined hands with RSS. In short, this is the Ashwamedha Yag for the victory of Brahminism.

There is an incident that continues to haunt me today. Often, many prominent leaders of RSS used to visit us. Once, a heavy man who looked like a pehlwan came. He gathered 6-7 kids around him and started talking about history, mythology, patriotism etc. In between, as if remembering something he whispered: “My life’s desire was to spill the blood of a Muslim as a sacrifice to this land, which was decimated by them. One day I did get that opportunity. I saw a destitute man walking towards me in a desolate street. I stabbed him and killed him in a single stroke. I felt my life had become worthwhile.”

The atmosphere was hypnotic. Suddenly, I felt disassociated from my own body. As if I was looking at myself from afar as a third person. I thought to myself: He doesn’t look like a murderer. Maybe he is lying. But why would he lie about something like this? Is this to sow the seeds of hatred against Muslims? To encourage us to kill them?

I never found an answer to these questions. I still haven’t. Maybe this is the teaching method of organisations with ulterior motives?

Thankfully, I failed PUC and was back home. Our village used to receive a single Prajavani newspaper. One day, I came across the news of Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia’s death. It had been covered prominently in the newspaper. There were many special features about him. I came under his spell. On the day of Dr. Lohia’s demise, I declared myself a Socialist. At the same time, I also gained friends in the guise of Su. Ramakantham and Srikrishna Alanahalli. Today I am what I am because of all these incidents and meetings.

2. Your short but significant oeuvre of three books of fiction deals immensely with the intricate Dalit life experiences. In ‘ Kusumabale’ the novel in which an untouchable young man, Channa, who was murdered following an affair with Kusuma, an upper caste girl reflects the pervasive Indian reality of honour killing by upper caste people. ‘ Kusumabale’ was written in 1988. How do you reflect on the scenario from 1988 to 2024? Is there a palpable change in the life of Dalits in India? 

You should ask this question to my readers and not to me. Every writer and artist who belongs to a particular time tries to express all that he has sensed and witnessed while fighting for his life in the flood of life that comes at you from all directions.

Take Madara Dhoolaiah as an example. He is a 12th Century Vachana poet. He is a cobbler. When mending footwear, God manifests on the tip of the sewing awl and smiles at him. Madara Dhoolaiah responds: “Why are you grinning at me? There are many who worship you and chant in your name. Go to them. Don’t disrupt my work”. This is a summary of one of his vachanas. Now, if you ask me what is the difference between the 12th century and the 21st century, what do I even say? Isn’t that vachana, the present? An artwork should be seen- not for its depiction of the time period or the sequence of events – but for its sensibilities.

3.  Were the murders of Gauri Lankesh, NM Kalburgi, Dabholkar a sign of the radicalisation of Hindus? If yes, how do you analyse this? 

The murders of Dabholkar, Kalburgi, Gauri and Pansare are not murders committed by human beings. Rather, they are ideological murders. Committed by someone at the behest of someone else by transforming human beings into weapons, by misusing their devotion to God and the nation. When the man who killed Gauri was asked for his reason behind the killer, he said,” I am a man of God. One day, someone I see as a Guru, showed me the news of a woman named Gauri insulting my Gods. I felt an anti-God like her shouldn’t be alive.”

That ideological Guru reads the news to his devotees. Shows them the photos of those who should be killed. That’s all. The Bhakt loses cool and things happen. I think this is what is happening. Dabholkar, Gauri, Kalburgi, and Pansare lost their lives like this. The one who killed was a sacrificial lamb for the conspiracy of someone else. The ideological guru who is the source of this has killed his own conscience and soul to orchestrate something as inhumane as murder. That’s why I said in the beginning, that these murders are not committed by human beings. This reminds me of actor Prakash Raj’s words: ‘We did not bury Gauri, but sowed’.

If we are to find the fountainhead of all this, it lies in the RSS’s realization of God. The second sarasanghachalak of RSS MS Golwalkar said, “The establishment of a society based on the Chaturvarna system – Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra – is the realization of God. RSS and its puppet BJP government want to establish this gospel truth. The murders, hate, and intolerance are part of this attempt.

When you see all this, you realise that maybe these RSS people are not actual devotees of Rama, Krishna, Shiva, Shakti, etc. I feel it’s their plan to capture the minds of those who believe in them and then establish the Gods of the Chaturvarna society.

4.  What are the strategies through which the RSS and the BJP appropriates the marginalized groups such as tribal population, women, Dalits and minorities? Since the Sangh is keen on appropriating these segments what will be the impact that these segments will experience over time? 

RSS and BJP change colours as per their needs and requirements. They turn Adivasis into Vanvasis and then conceal the truth that they are our ancestors to deprive them of their rights. They chant women empowerment only to ensure that they sit at home. Calling Dalits as one of their own, they snatch the opportunities given to them. They use them and discard them. They never become partners with equal footing. This applies to middle castes (former shudras) too. Aren’t they unemployed too? They don’t seem to even glance at the unemployment issue that’s heating up every day. They are not demanding their rights. They are succumbing to the elaborate deceptions of BJP. They are once again marching as the Shudra servants of the Chaturvarna system to the tune of sloganeering.

At the same time, the think tank of RSS is portraying the Christian and Muslim minorities as terrorists. It is sowing the seeds of hatred by propagating the false narrative that they are the reason for all our misfortune and misery. This hatred is their capital. This hatred is their energy tonic. The day when the hate is replaced by love, tolerance and coexistence, is when these men of the past will vanish. That’s when we come face to face with the present. Once we realise this, we will also know the work that needs to be done.

RSS and BJP have already caused enough damage as it is. It has reached the summit and now is on a descent. Everyone has woken up from a deep slumber. Naturally, this is manifesting as resistance. A lot of resistance.

5.  Do you think the apparent use of the Hindu religion and its symbols by the Sangh Parivar needs to be countered vociferously to displace their political constituency? Whether the practice of conventional politics in using caste and religious elements for electioneering by opposition parties help displace Sangh’s political constituency based on religion? 

Chaturvarna Hindutva’s RSS is a petty organisation which has appropriated vastly diverse Hinduism, its symbols and values while acting as if it is the representative of all Hindus, fooling everyone in the process. It uses this to further its own political ambitions. They are experts at deceitful politics. Many in their ranks are experts at deviousness. They are well-trained. When others try to copy this, they are mocked. What we need to say is this: Let our Gods and religion remain within the confines of our homes. On public streets, they may end up becoming demons. We need to be cautious of this. Another caution: Constitution, Participative Democracy, Federalism, preserving the autonomy of autonomous institutions, safeguarding public resources, encouragement to agroforestry, implementation of Swaminathan report on support price, prioritising health and education, job creation, controlling inflation – these are the things we need to focus on.

6.  How do you perceive the 2024 general elections? What is the historical importance of the general elections according to you?

In early April, Union Minister Nitin Gadkari was asked what is his agenda for the elections. In his reply he said “Personally, I don’t have any agenda. The agenda is set by the RSS. Our responsibility is to fulfil that.” It was understandable if he said his party BJP would set the agenda. But he said he is going to follow the agenda set by RSS! The gist of this is that BJP which is a puppet of RSS is unfit for democracy and unqualified to govern.

RSS is an organisation that is outside the purview of the constitution and is not accountable to us. Its main agenda is to build a society based on Chaturvana system. Chaturvarna system is their God. They need to destroy the Indian Constitution which is in the way to achieve their agenda. But the feet of RSS are reversed. These are the feet that only move towards the past. How can the BJP which is the puppet of RSS and is bound to its agenda, can ever become people’s representatives? The challenge in front of us is to stop BJP’s politics of the past which only makes the wheels of history move backwards.

7.  What is your experience of ‘Eddelu Karnataka’ in which you were also an active stakeholder?

I’m a member of the Bharat Jodo Abhiyaan. This is not a single organisation, but a wave. Hence, we work with numerous social-oriented organisations. In the 2023 Assembly elections, I joined hands with Dalita Sangharsha Samiti (DSS), Eddelu Karnataka, and Raita Sangha. Eddelu Karnataka did effective campaigning at the ground level. Samyuktha Horata – Karnataka and Janandolana’s grand alliance were active. Everyone has worked together. Along with them, the contributions of organisations that work for the oppressed communities and minority communities are immense. The list goes on.

All these organisations and more have been active in the upcoming 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Many new faces and organisations have joined forces. They are united in their goal: BJP, the puppet government of RSS which advocates for Chaturvarna Hindutva, should not come to power again; a democratic government adherent to the constitution should be elected.

Translated from Original Kannada by Amulya B

(A journalist with fifteen of years of experience Abhish K Bose was a staffer at The Times of India and The Deccan Chronicle – Asian Age. As a contributor, his interviews or articles have been published in Frontline magazine, The Wire, The Print, The Telegraph, The Federal, The News Minute, Scroll, The Kochi Post, Madhyamam Weekly, Andolana, Countercurrents.org and the Asian Lite international published out of Manchester. ) 

The post RSS & BJP have already caused enough damage: In conversation with path-breaking novelist Devanur Mahadevan appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to media reports, Hosabale, the second-in-command of the RSS, in his official general secretary’s report, has placed on record the fact that “disruptive forces” are behind the farm protests. Hosabale also added that there are well orchestrated plans to spread “separatist terrorism” in Punjab under the guise of the farmers’ movement, states the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) in a press statement released today. This canard spread by the betrayers of the freedom struggle is out of vengeance against the incessant SKM-led united movement of farmers which has forced the Narendra Modi-led BJP Government to withdraw the pro-corporate Farm Acts. AIKS condemns this sinister move of the RSS which has often been indicted for its anti-national role in communal riots and pogroms, adds AIKS.

AIKS is of the firm opinion that the audacity demonstrated by Hosabale to demonise the farmers’ movement in general and the Punjab movement in particular is a “loyal continuum of the RSS’ trajectory of collaborating with British imperialism and denigrating the greatest anti-imperialist martyrs like Bhagat Singh.” The AIKS statement recalls that historically at the time when the “entire country was on the streets condemning the hanging of Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev, the RSS and other Hindutva outfits were busy denouncing them.” The RSS which couldn’t produce a single freedom fighter worth the name opted to belittle the immense sacrifices of these revolutionaries as “failure”, as clearly demonstrated in Golwalkar’s “Bunch of Thoughts”.

Notably, the RSS has used the term “disruptive forces” to characterise the patriotic farmers of Punjab and Haryana who are fighting against the corporatisation of the agriculture. The AIKS states however that, “the reality is that it is Hindutva terrorism that is acting as the most disruptive internal threat to the unity and diversity of the country. Hindutva fascistic politics is closely aligned with international finance capital and big business which is threatening Indian farmers. RSS should not forget its history of collusion with the imperialist forces and with imperialist agencies like the CIA.”

“CIA Agent J A Curran, who enjoyed unusual access to the top brass of RSS from 1949 to 1951, in his book had identified RSS as a tool that would help the imperialist block led by the USA to contain the militant peasant and workers’ movement in independent India. By demonising the farmers’ movement against corporatisation, RSS is showing its support for imperialist forces in their project to devour Indian agriculture.”

The AIKS has meanwhile also stated that in many of post independent India’s judicial inquiry commission reports “have identified the nefarious role of the RSS in inciting communal riots. This very reason had led to its ban in 1948 after Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination and in 1992 after the demolition of the Babri Masjid. The role played by the Sangh Parivar functionaries in the 1984 anti-Sikh pogrom as well as in the 2002 Gujarat genocide are well documented. AIKS calls upon all patriotic forces to isolate and expose fascistic elements led by the RSS who are spreading canards against the farmers’ movement.”

Related:

United they stand: ‘Kisan-Mazdoor Mahapanchayat’ at Ramlila Maidan sees a wave of farmers from across India, protesting

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The post RSS must stop demonising farmers’ movement: AIKS appeared first on SabrangIndia.

An excerpt from Ram Puniyani’s latest book, Ambedkar, Hindutva and RSS

As the country came forward to celebrate the 125^th birth Anniversary of Dr. Bhimrao Babasaheb Ambedkar, (14^th April 2016) there was a sort of competition amongst different political and social groups to hold the anniversary programs. While dalit groups have been organizing these programs all through, lately many other organizations have also started organizing programs to honor Babasaheb. There are attempts to appropriate his legacy. Amulya Gopalkrishnan points out, “The most brazen ownership attempt comes from BJP and RSS, whose worldview is exactly what Ambedkar considered his mission to Annihilate.” [1] RSS parivar have been doing it from last quite some time. Their mouth pieces in Organiser (English) and Panchjanya (Hindi) both brought out the special issues praising Babasaheb (2015).

In an interview RSS prachar pramukh (publicity Chief) Manmohan Vaiday said that RSS reverence for Ambedkar is not new. According to him “Babasaheb was never anti Brahmin. He was against all forms of casteism and caste based discrimination.” [2] This statement of Vaidya cleverly hides the fact that Ambedkar was against Brahminism.

Commemorating the 125th birth anniversary of Dr B.R. Ambedkar, PM Narendra Modi (14 April 2016) said that Ambedkar fought against injustice in society and his fight was for equality and dignity. Modi, who paid tributes to the father of the Constitution, said that he was fortunate to grace the occasion at the leader’s birthplace, Mhow, in Madhya Pradesh. [3]

In order to gain larger legitimacy, RSS has been making claims of sorts. One such is that Ambedkar believed in Sangh ideology (Feb 15, 2015). This was stated by RSS Sarsanghchalak, Mohan Bhagwat. Just one year ago on the occasion of Ambedkar’s 124^th anniversary many programs were held by RSS combine giving a pro-Hindutva tilt to ideology of Ambedkar [4].

There cannot be bigger contrast between the ideology of Ambedkar and RSS. Ambedkar was critical of Brahaminical Hinduism, was for Indian Nationalism, Secularism and social justice while the RSS ideology is based on two major pillars. One is the Brahmanic Hinduism and second is the concept of Hindu nationalism, Hindu Rashtra.

Where does Ambedkar stand as for as ideology of Hinduism is concerned? He called Hinduism as Brahminic theology. We understand that Brahminism has been the dominant tendency within Hinduism. He realized that this prevalent version of Hinduism is essentially a caste system, which is the biggest tormentor of untouchables-dalits. Initially he tried to break the shackles of caste system from within the fold of Hinduism. He led the Chavadar Talab movement, Kalaram Mandir agitation. He also went on to burn Manu Smriti, the holy Hindu text saying that it is a symbol of caste and gender hierarchy.

His critique of Brahminism was scathing and in due course he came to the conclusion that he will give up Hinduism. In his book ‘Riddles of Hinduism’ published by Govt. of Maharashtra (1987) he elaborates his understanding about Hinduism. Introducing his book he writes, “The book is an exposition of the beliefs propounded by what might be called Brahminic theology…I want to make people aware that Hindu religion is not Sanatan (eternal)…the second purpose of the book is to draw the attention of Hindu masses to the devices of Brahmins and make them think for themselves how they have been deceived and misguided by Brahmins” [5].

His analysis of Hinduism was deep and incisive. He says Hindusim is “nothing but a mass of superficial, social, political and sanitary rules and regulations, organized around caste…” [6]. Further he states “no matter what the Hindus say Hinduism is a menace to liberty, equality and fraternity. On that count it is incompatible with democracy” (quoted in above). Ambedkar had started moving away from Hinduism in 1935 itself when he had publicly declared that he was not going to die as a Hindu. In 1936, he had attended the Sikh Missionary Conference as he had toyed for some time with the idea of embracing Sikhism. In 1936, Ambedkar also wrote and published Annihilation of Caste, his undelivered presidential address to the Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal Conference at Lahore. At the end of his written address, Ambedkar reiterated his resolve to give up Hinduism. [7]

He said “I have decided for myself. My conversion is sure as anything. My conversion is not for any material gain. There is nothing which I cannot achieve by remaining an Untouchable. My conversion is purely out of my spiritual attitude. The Hindu religion does not appeal to my conscience. It does not appeal to my self-respect. However, your conversion will be both for material as well as for spiritual gains. Some persons mock and laugh at the idea of conversion for material gain. I do not feel hesitant in calling such persons stupid.”[8]

Lord Ram is the major symbol of Cultural Nationalism propounded by RSS. Let’s see what Ambedkar has to say about Lord Ram. For Lord Ram “The life of Sita simply did not count. What counted was his own personal name and fame. He of course does not take the manly course of stopping this gossip, which as a king he could do and which as husband who was convinced of his wife’s innocence he was bound to it.” And further, “For 12 years the boys lived in forest in Ashram of Valmiki not far from Ayodhya where Rama continued to rule. Never once in those 12 years this model Husband and living father cared to inquire what has happened to Sita whether she was alive or dead, …Sita preferred to die rather than return to Ram who had behaved no better than a brute.” The signals to the Dalits in Hindutva cultural Nationalism are more than glaringly obvious as the Lord demonstrates in his own life, “…he was a Shudra named Shambuk who was practicing Tapasya with a view to going to heaven in his own earthly person and without so much as a warning, expostulation or the like addressed to him, cut off his head…”[9].

Ambedkar envisioned ‘annihilation of caste’, which remains unfulfilled despite India getting Independence. Multiple factors have operated in the society due to which caste still remains a major factor in India. In contrast to Ambedkar’s ‘Annihilation of Caste’ the politics of RSS combine says that there should be ‘harmony amongst different castes’ and so they have formed an organization called ‘Samajik Samrasta Manch’ (Social Harmony Forum). Contrasting approach to social issues, Ambedkar and RSS!

Core of RSS political ideology is Hindutva or Hindu nationalism. Ambedkar engaged with this issue in much depth, particularly in his classic book ‘Thoughts on Pakistan’. In this book he deals with the question of Hindu nationalism as represented by Savakar; the progenitor of RSS ideology of Hindu nation; and Jinnah, leading the ideology of Muslim nationalism, Pakistan.  “Strange as it may appear Mr. Savarkar and Mr. Jinnah instead of being opposed to each other on the ‘one nation versus two nations’ issue are in complete agreement about it. Both agree, not only agree but insist that there are two nations in India-one the Muslim nation and the other the Hindu nation.” he continues, “They differ only as regards the terms and conditions on which the two nations should be. Jinnah says India should be cut up into two, Pakistan and Hindustan, the Muslim nation to occupy Pakistan and the Hindu nation to occupy Hindustan. Mr. Savarkar on the other hand insists that, although there are two nations in India, India shall not be divided into two parts, one for the Muslims and the other for Hindus; that the two nations shall dwell in one country and shall live under the mantle of one single constitution: that the constitution shall be such that the Hindu nation will be enabled to occupy a predominant position that is due to it and the Muslim nation to made to live in the position of subordinate co-operation with the Hindu nation.” [10]

He was for composite Indian Nationalism, “Is it not a fact that under the Montague Chelmsford reforms in most provinces, if not in all, the Muslims, the non-Brahmins and Depressed Classes united together and worked for the reforms as members of one team from 1920 to 1937? Here in lay the most fruitful method of achieving communal harmony among Hindus and Muslims and of destroying the danger of Hindu Raj. Mr. Jinnah could have easily pursued this line. Nor was it difficult for Mr. Jinnah to succeed in it.” [11]

He was totally opposed to the concept of Hindu Raj as well. In the section “Must There Be Pakistan” he says, “If Hindu Raj does become a fact, it will, no doubt, be the greatest calamity for this country. No matter what the Hindus say, Hinduism is a menace to the liberty, equality and fraternity. On that account it is incompatible with democracy. Hindu Raj must be prevented at any cost.” [12]

On all associated matters related to affirmative action for weaker sections of society, rights and status of religious minorities their positions are totally contrasting. Even in the matters of the very Constitution of India, Ambedkar was the chairman of its drafting committee while many a sections from RSS stable have called it as anti Hindu and need to bring in Hindu Constitution based on Indian Holy books. When Constituent Assembly had finalised the Constitution (November 26, 1949), the RSS was not happy. It demanded the Manusmriti as the constitution of India. The Organiser, in an editorial on November 30, 1949, complained: “But in our constitution there is no mention of the unique constitutional development in ancient Bharat. Manu’s laws were written long before Lycurgus of Sparta or Solon of Persia. To this day, his laws as enunciated in the Manusmriti excite the admiration of the world and elicit spontaneous obedience and conformity. But to our constitutional pundits, that means nothing”. [13]

This attempt by RSS equating Ambedkar’s ideology with that of its own is like putting wool in the eyes of people. This is aimed to achieve their political goals and to get legitimacy from amongst the sections of people who are deeply wedded to ideological values of Ambedkar.

Foot Notes

1. Amulya GopalKrishnan, Times of India,  Mumbai April 14, 2016
2. Manmohan Vaiday, Interview, Times of India Mumbai April 14, 2016
3. http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/at-ambedkars-birthplace-pm-modi-praises-dalit-icon-says-his-fight-was-for-equality-dignity/1/642882.html
4. http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/mohan-bhagwat-ambedkar-sangh-ideology-rss/1/418998.html
5. B.R. Ambedkar, Riddles of Hinduism, Government of Maharashtra, 1988, Introduction
6. Quoted in Amulya GopalkrishanaQuoted TOI 14 04 2016 Mumbai
7. http://bihar.humanists.net/B.%20R.%20Ambedkar.htm
8. http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00ambedkar/txt_ambedkar_salvation.html
9. B.R. Ambedkar, Riddles of Rama and Krishna, Govt of Maharashtra 1988, Mumbai
10. B.R. Ambedkar, Thoughts on Pakistan, Third section, chapter VII
11. B.R. Ambedkar, Thoughts on Pakistan, P. 359, Government of Maharashtra, Mumbai
12. http://ecumene.org/IIS/csss101.htm
13. http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/ram-madhav-b-r-ambedkar-indian-constitution-no-love-for-ambedkar-2766152/#sthash.n7EF2sYb.dpuf

The post Sangh Parivar’s tortured bid to appropriate Dr Ambedkar appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Singer-composer Shankar Mahadevan was one of the chief guests at the event attended by Union Minister Nitin Gadkari and Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis. The RSS members also organised a ‘Path Sanchalan’ (route march) early Tuesday morning. In 2022, the chief guest at the event was Santosh Yadav, world’s first woman to climb the Mount Everest, and Bhagwat had emphasised on women empowerment.

On Manipur

Toeing the line of the union government on each issue that he touched, he, controversially, dubbed the internal conflict in Manipur that has claimed several hundred lives and simmered, unchecked –by either the state or union governments since May ¾, 2023—as the “work of the foreign hand.” “Were extremists across the border involved in Manipur violence?” he asked. Addressing the issue of the five month long simmering ethnic conflict for which the union and state governments have been sharply criticised nationally and internally, Bhagwat, the RSS chief said: “In Manipur, when people on both sides of the conflict are seeking peace, which are these forces that are attempting to trigger hatred and violence by causing an incident as soon as any positive step is seen being taken in that direction?”

“For many years, Meitei and Kuki communities have been living together. How did the violence erupt all of a sudden? The conflict benefits external forces. Are external factors involved,” Bhagwat said, while addressing the RSS Dussehra rally in Nagpur.

“Union Home Minister Amit Shah was there for three days. Who actually fuelled the conflict? It (violence) is not happening, it is being made to happen,” Bhagwat said.

The RSS chief said he was proud of the Sangh workers who worked in Manipur to restore peace.

“Lord Ram (idol) will be installed at the temple on January 22” The RSS supremo Mohan Bhagwat also spoke about the inauguration of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya “…A temple of Lord Ram is being built in Ayodhya…Lord Ram (idol) will be installed at the temple on January 22…On that day, we can organise programmes at our own temples in the whole country…” he said. He suggested that he may not attend the grand inauguration for security reasons. “We won’t be able to attend the ceremony because of security reasons. We will go some other time.”

This comment has raised speculation since for the past three four months, possibilities of security breaches at the highly politicised Ram temple site have been raised by various persons including former governor of Jammu and Kashmir, Satyapal Malik and even Shiv Sena (UBT) chief, Udhav Thackeray. On September 10, 2023 Thackeray had claimed, “Godhra-like” incident may take place during the “return journey” of the large number of people expected to converge at Ayodhya in Uttar Pradesh from across the nation for the inauguration of the Ram temple.”

The speech can be viewed here:

#WATCH | Nagpur, Maharashtra: While addressing RSS Vijayadashmi Utsav, RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat says, “…Every year, India’s pride is increasing in the world… The G 20 summit held here (in India) was special. The hospitality of Indians was praised…People from different… pic.twitter.com/ivmFyV4gn6

— ANI (@ANI) October 24, 2023

“Delegates at G20 Summit in India experienced our country’s unity in diversity”

Mohan Bhagwat, RSS supremo, in his Dusshera speech, emphasised on India’s successful organisation of the G20 summit. “It happens every year but this time the praise for how well the guests were hosted and treated. The announcement of including the African Union on day one was also a milestone,” he said.

He also pointed out that India’s leadership gave the country a place in the world.

“Every year, India’s pride is increasing in the world. The G20 summit held here (in India) was special. The hospitality of Indians was praised. People from different countries experienced our diversity. They saw our diplomatic skills as well as our honest goodwill. Our leadership gave India a place in the world,” Mohan Bhagwat said while speaking at the event.

On the Israel-Hamas conflict: World is looking towards Bharat to lead by example based on own Sanatan (eternal) values and Sanskars

As the ongoing Israel-Hamas conflict rages, Mohan Bhagwat opined that the world is looking towards India to lead by example and show a new path to peace. All and any solution to conflicts like the war in Ukraine or the Gaza Strip, which arise due to a clash of interests and extremism, remains elusive. A lifestyle out of sync with nature is producing a string of new physical and mental- health issues amid unabashed consumerism,” Bhagwat said.

“Terrorism, exploitation, and totalitarianism are getting a free run to wreak havoc. It has become abundantly clear that the world cannot counter these problems with its inadequate vision. Therefore, the world is looking towards Bharat expectantly to lead by example and show a new path to peace and prosperity, based on its own Sanatan (eternal) values and Sanskars,” he added.

Among the bug-bears (read “internal enemies” of the professed Hindu(tva) nation –Hindu Rashtra) –according to RSS texts like “Bunch of Thoughts by MS Golwalkar are “Muslims, Christians and Communists.” While sparing this time around in naming India’s religious minorities, the supremo singled out leftists/communists.

“Some anti-social people call themselves cultural Marxists or woke but they have forgotten Marx”

The RSS chief stated that “cultural Marxists and woke elements” are using their influence in media and academia to spoil the country’s education and culture. “They take control of the media and academia, and plunge education, culture, politics and social environment into confusion, chaos, and corruption,” he said.

“…There are some people in the world and in also India who do not want that India should move forward… They try to create factions and clashes in society. Because of our unawareness and lack of belief, we also sometimes get entangled in it, and unnecessary nuisances are created…If India progresses, they will not be able to play their games; therefore, they continuously oppose. They adopt particular ideologies just for the sake of opposing” he said.

“World looking up to India to overcome problems”

‘Country is moving forward. But while moving forward, we need to show the world. We should not follow anyone else’s path. This is reflecting in our government’s actions as well,’ the RSS chief said urging people to recognise that India is leaving a global mark.

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