SSR has been claiming that he has no interest in the world of politics and his main concerns are spiritual. He has a vast empire under “Art of living” and the amount of property amassed by him, like the property of most of the god men, is immense. It is a paradox. Most of them preach that the wealth, the World is an illusion and one should not run after it. As it happens, they themselves amass huge amounts of real estate and other wealth. SSR introduced Sudarshan Kriya as the key component of his teachings and attracted millions of followers. SSR has also founded ‘Art of Living’ with systemic formulations which appeals to many.

He had organised a cultural festival in 2017 in which there that caused substantial ecological damage to the river Yamuna. The Ecological tribunal imposed a fine of crores on SSR, which he refused to pay. When the ‘RSS propped up’ Anna Movement supposedly against corruption became prominent, SSR was very active in support from one side and another god man Baba Ramdev was active in support from another!

The other god man who has very close links to the BJP/RSS is Baba Ramdev. He began as a yoga teacher and graduated to become a very successful entrepreneur, with the Patanjali brand. His closeness to those in power has helped him to expand his business empire exponentially. His yoga shows are the point of attraction for millions. During Covid, he took full advantage of the misery wrought in by Corona to launch his brand, ‘Coronil’, violating the medical norms of introduction of new drugs. His brand was launched by two Central Cabinet Ministers, Harshvardhan and Nitin Gadkari. His abuse of modern science and allopathic medicine was so brazen that the Indian Medical Association took him to court and he was forced to apologise. His anti- Muslim rhetoric while launching his product similar to Rooh Afza, again landed him in trouble and he profusely apologised again! His proximity to the centre of power is a big safety umbrella for him in minting money and spreading hate against Muslims.

There are many others babas and suchlike who have been dominating the scene. Among these is Bageshwar baba, Dhriendra Krishna shastri, a young man in his twenties whose claim to fame that he ‘tells the past’ of people e. His bluff was called out by the activist against blind faith Shyam Manav. When Manav challenged him in Nagpur, he hurriedly wound up his camp there and ran to Bageshwar. Mr. Narendra Modi calls him his younger brother. Now he is planning a Hindu Gaon (Village) where only Hindus will be settled.

There is no direct relation between these godmen and RSS, that much is true. As far as the agenda of RSS is concerned, the godmen are in unison and are in sync with the agenda of RSS that espouses Hindu Rashtra accompanied by a strengthening of the hierarchy of caste and gender which should be birth based.

Godmen are not the traditional clergy associated with priest craft. They have devised their own methods to attract the people. Something from the traditional knowledge, something from their own imagination, they do coin the phrases which become central to their identity. Their confidence in their craft is remarkable and they generally are very effective speakers.

There is however a dark underbelly to this tribe. There was murder of Shankarraman in the Ashram of “Shankaracharya Jayendra Sarswathi and he was accused of murder of an ashram worker, Shankararaman. In Satya Sai Baba’s Prasanthi Nilayam also there was a murder case. When Jayendra Sarswati was an accused in murderer case Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Asaram Bapu sat on a protest. Gurmeet Ram Rahim carried on with his dark activities and a journalist Ram Chander Chhatrapati was killed for exposing his black deeds. Finally with difficulty law caught up with him and currently he is in jail, but out most of the time on parole.”

There was also this murder of two young boys in the Ashram of Asaram Bapu. The present prime minister was a visitor to ‘Bapu’s Ashram’ and former PM, Atal Bihari Vajpayee also associated with Asaram Babu in 2013 in Lucknow. In the 2014 Haryana Elections Gurmeet Ram Rahim asked his followers to vote for BJP. After the victory many from the Manoharlal Khattar Cabinet went to seek his blessings. Currently he is in jail –in theory – though most of the time, he is out on parole. Interestingly the jailor who has been giving him parole has also joined the BJP immediately after his retirement.

These are just the few from the vast World of Baba’s, all with assorted titles. There is a similar phenomenon in Pakistan too, where some Maulana-like characters with charisma draw huge crowds of devotees. We also know of Benni Hinn who through his hypnotherapy draws large crowds.

It could be argued that the RSS has large numbers of progeny who also propagate and assert the goal of Hindu Rashtra through their actions and teachings. Many of these god men also promote Hindu Nationalism at an ideological level without being part of the official ‘RSS combine’. Their impact on society is deep and with social insecurities rising, these objective conditions lead many into the arms of these god men, who have a great amount of protection from the state and the social eco-system. Many hagiographical books have also been published on these characters.

Only few serious, analytical studies on them are readily available. Surely more in-depth studies of individual godmen and this phenomenon is the need of our times. At a time when such phenomena has a field day, rationalists like Dr. Dabholkar, Govind Pansare, M.M. Kalburgi and Gauri Lankesh have been murdered.

Sad but true, most murderers are also getting away with the crime.

Related:

Emergency regime and the role of RSS

Undermining religious freedom: Proffering ‘integral humanism’ as a right wing defence

Undermining religious freedom: Proffering ‘integral humanism’ as a right wing defence

The post Sectarian nationalism and god men: Sri Sri Ravishankar attends the 75th Birthday of the RSS chief appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Patriotic Indians must not forget that majoritarian far right rulers are using the Indian Tricolour to camouflage their questionable, anti-national project of converting democratic-secular-egalitarian polity of India into a theocratic Hindu state. It is not difficult to understand their ultimate motive or “real project” if we go back in history to when India attained Independence from colonial rule.

On the very eve of independence, the English organ of the RSS, Organiser, in its issue dated August 14, 1947, expressed brazen hatred against our Tricolour in the following words:

“The people who have come to power by the kick of fate may give in our hands the Tricolour but it will never be respected and owned by Hindus. The word three is in itself an evil, and a flag having three colours will certainly produce a very bad psychological effect and is injurious to a country.”

Even after independence it was the far right, RSS which refused to accept it as the National Flag. Golwalkar while denouncing the choice of Tricolour as National Flag in an essay titled ‘Drifting and Drifting’ [penned around 1970 which appeared in Bunch of Thoughts, collection of writings of Golwalkar], wrote:

“Our leaders have set up a new flag for our country. Why did they do so? It is just a case of drifting and imitating….Ours is an ancient and great nation with a glorious past. Then, had we no flag of our own? Had we no national emblem at all these” thousands of years? Undoubtedly we had. Then why this utter void, this utter vacuum in our minds?

[Golwalkar, M.S., Bunch of Thoughts, Sahitya Sindhu, Bangalore (RSS publication), 1996,    pp. 237-238.]

So the RSS hatred for Tricolour has been, is perennial. If it was denigrated on the eve of Independence, this Guru of the Hindutva gang continued spreading venom against it even after many decades. RSS has never withdrawn this anti-national article, it is available in the latest edition of Bunch of Thoughts printed in 2022.

RSS despite the use of all dirty tricks against Indian polity has not been able to turn patriotic Indians against this symbol of joint sacrifices and struggle. RSS as master demagogue and fraudster is using the Tricolour till the time Indians fall prey to its anti-national game of undoing democratic-secular-egalitarian polity of India.

On a more serious vein, on Saturday August 16, 2025, this tweet (on X) from Maharashtra has so far not elicited any criminal action from the police. Denigrating the national flag is a felony under Indian law.

Take a closer look at the White colour, it is evident that SOMEONE HAS STEPPED ON THE NATIONAL FLAG pic.twitter.com/PJHOrTBjeN

— Raju Parulekar (@rajuparulekar) August 16, 2025

Related:

100 yrs of RSS as seen by global media house: Power, controversy, push for Hindu-first India

The RSS Doublespeak: Bhagwa for Itself, Tricolour for the ‘Others’

Did Savarkar, Syama Prasad Mukherjee and RSS betray the Quit India Movement?

The post Indian tricolour & the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Although “Parakram” means valour, in the era of the Sangh Parivar, it has also come to mean aggression against the weak and defenceless.

Subhas was never a “Parakrami” in the sense that the Sangh interprets. He was a true hero who united the weak and oppressed against the mighty British, risking his life in the struggle.

On this day, the Sanghis claiming to be “heirs” to Netaji’s legacy were the ones who diligently served the British army’s efforts to defeat Subhas during World War II. While Subhas was rallying soldiers worldwide against the British, these Hindutvavadis under Savarkar’s leadership,were brokering the recruitment of Hindus into the British army.

Yet, they now praise Netaji with clear ulterior motives.

Firstly, the Sanghis, who have no legacy of participating in the freedom struggle, are attempting to hijack the legacy of all non-Congress or dissident heros who were leaders of different streams  of the freedom struggle, portraying themselves as the heirs to these streams.

Secondly, they exploit the natural and healthy political and ideological differences that existed within the Congress and between Congress and other streams, and around them, they craft a false narrative to claim that all who disagreed with Gandhi and Nehru were pro-Hindutva nationalists, utilizing this for their current Hindutva nation agenda.

This is the real intention of the Sangh Parivar.

With this malicious intent, they have engaged in propaganda backed and filled with lies and fabrications that Gandhi and Nehru conspired against Subhas Chandra Bose and that the Hindutvavadis like Savarkar stood by him, thereby insulting Subhas to a great extent.

To fulfil their ulterior motives, they obscure the political, ideological, and secular perspectives between themselves and Gandhi-Nehru that Subhas had, as well as publicly expressed disdain towards communalists like the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League.

At the same time, they conceal the disdain Subhas had for communalists like Savarkar, the Hindu Mahasabha, and the Muslim League.

This article primarily attempts to explain Subhas’s views on secularism, Hindu-Muslim unity, and his opinions about people like Savarkar. It relies mainly on Subhas’s own writings in “An Indian Pilgrim” and “Indian Struggle” and on works by his grandson and scholar Sugata Bose in “His Majesty’s Opponent” and the edited volumes “Collected Works Of Subasha Chandra Bose.”

All these books are available online, and interested parties can read them to understand the political-historical misdeeds of the Sangh Parivar.

Subhas Chandra Bose was not only a prominent leader of Congress but also martyred in the effort to oust the ruling British during World War II by forming the Azad Hind Fauj.

History textbooks have recounted to non-Bengali students anything more than this bare fact.

Subhas was above all else, an exceptional proponent of communal harmony and Hindu-Muslim unity. As a top-notch nationalist, he dreamed of building a future India based on socialist ideals. His views on the history of India, the way he formed the Azad Hind Fauj, and his clear disdain for figures like Savarkar are evident in these respects.

The Tiger of Tipu was the flag of the Azad Hind Fauj!

The Sanghis who attempt day and night to demonise the revered Tipu-Haider as fanatic monsters should be ashamed when considering the respect Subhas Chandra Bose and the Azad Hind Fauj held for them. Subhas used the flying tiger symbol of Tipu as a symbol of anti-British struggle on the first flag of the Azad Hind Fauj. While unveiling the flag, Subhas explained to his soldiers that this flying tiger was a symbol of Tipu Sultan’s resistance against the British.

That is not all. On October 21, 1943, the Azad Hind Fauj declared the provisional government of India. While making this proclamation, the Azad Hind Fauj and Netaji acknowledged several real leaders of the country along with Tipu and Haider, expressing their gratitude. Reading this makes it clear that it is impossible to appropriate Subhas for the RSS agenda.

The proclamation of the Provisional Government of Azad Hind begins like this:

“Ever since Bengal first faced defeat at the hands of the British in 1757, the people of India have continuously waged a struggle against British rule for a hundred years. This period is filled with the unmatched courage and selfless sacrifices shown by the people of India. During this period in the history of India, the names of Sirajuddaula of Bengal, Mohan Lal, Hyder Ali, Tipu Sultan, Velu Thampi….and others are inscribed in golden letters…”

Interested parties can read the full text and see pictures of this proclamation at the following web address:[https://www.roots.gov.sg/Collection-Landing/listing/1278996]

Hindu-Muslim Unity: the foundation of the Azad Hind Fauj

The Modi government is intent on imposing Brahminical Hindi as the sole language of the country. In contrast, the official language of Subhas’s Azad Hind Fauj was Urdu-Hindustani, commonly used by the people of North India, and English was used to be understood by the soldiers from South India. The motto of the Fauj was written in Urdu:

“Itmad (Trust), Ittefaq (Unity), and Qurbani (Sacrifice).”

In 1857, during the First War of Indian Independence, the Indian forces under the leadership of the last Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar called for “Delhi Chalo.” In September 1943, Subhas’s Azad Hind Fauj also embarked from Rangoon (now Myanmar) to expel the British from India, remembering the 1857 uprising, and Subhas called for “Delhi Chalo” during this grand departure.

That is not all either. On September 26, 1943, a special prayer meeting was held by the Azad Hind Fauj near the tomb of Bahadur Shah Zafar.

As described by Subhas’s grandson Sugata Bose in his scholarly work, the proportion of Muslim soldiers in the Azad Fauj was slightly higher than others, and many of Subhas’s closest associates were Muslims. In 1943, during a secret submarine adventure journey, the only companion who travelled with him was Abid Hasan from South Hyderabad. Throughout his travels across Europe and Asia, Hasan was Subhas’s close assistant.

The first division commander of the Azad Hind Fauj was Mohammad Zaman Kiani. The first to hoist the Tricolor flag of India in Imphal, Manipur, was Fauj officer Shaukat Malik. On their tragic last journey, Habibur Rahman perished alongside them. However, this uprising failed, and the soldiers of the Fauj were captured by the British, who charged them with sedition and held a trial. The three Azad Hind Fauj soldiers who were symbolically tried at the Red Fort were:

Prem Sehgal, a Hindu, Shah Nawaz Khan, a Muslim, and Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon, a Sikh.  This also symbolically represented the secular patriotism prevailing in Subhas’s Fauj.

(His Majesty’s Opponent, p. 4)

Netaji’s rejection of the Hindu-Muslim division in Indian history

The Hindutvavadis depict the history of India as having been engulfed in 1200 years of aggression to suit their communal polarisation agenda. Thus, they portray the entire era under Muslim rule before the British and the Muslim rulers before them as a period during which Hindus suffered under Muslim aggressors.

However, Subhas rejected this communal view of Indian history as propagated by the British, aimed at dividing India along Hindu-Muslim lines. He also noted:

“History will bear me out when I say that it is a misnomer to talk of Muslim rule when describing the political order in India prior to the advent of the British. Whether we talk of the Moghul Emperors at Delhi, or of the Muslim Kings of Bengal, we shall find that in either case the administration was run by Hindus and Muslims together, many of the prominent Cabinet Ministers and Generals being Hindus. Further, the consolidation of the Moghul Empire in India was effected with the help of Hindu commanders-in-chief. The Commander-in-chief of Nawab Sirajudowla, whom the British fought at Plassey in 1757 and defeated, was a Hindu, and the rebellion of 1857 against the British, in which Hindus and Moslems were found side by side, was fought under the flag of a Muslim, Bahadur Shah.” (An Indian Pilgrim, p. 15)

Subhas’s outrage against communal organisations like Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League

During the period of the freedom struggle, Subhas held deep contempt for the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League, which were working for the British and causing divisions among the people. When he was elected president of Congress in 1938, he emphasized this issue, saying:

“We often hear talks of a Hindu Raj. This serves no purpose. Can these communal organizations solve the problems faced by India’s working class? Do these organisations have any solution to the issues of unemployment and poverty?” he questioned vehemently.

He also banned members of the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League from holding Congress memberships. The reason? Because:

“Jinnah’s idea is to obtain his dream of Pakistan with the help of the British, not to fight jointly with Congress for India’s liberation.”

“On the other hand, Savarkar’s only goal is to collaborate with the British and get military training for Hindus by joining the  British army. After meeting both, I have concluded that nothing can be expected from them for India’s independence.” (The Indian Struggle, p. 344)

Thus, even if one reads Subhas Chandra Bose’s own writings and the scholarly works about him, it becomes clear how malicious the portrayal of Subhas by these fascist Sanghis is.

Beyond the servitude to British colonialism, corporate capitalism, and communal hatred, these fascists have no history of building or fighting for the country. Now, they are hijacking leaders who had differences with Gandhi and Nehru and were non-Congress, and portraying them in a way that insults these leaders, this country, and its history.

A staunchly secular, anti-communal, and socialist nationalist like Subhas Chandra Bose can never be appropriated by the RSS. Nor should he be allowed to be.

The only way to do this is to expose their false narrative through an exposition of real history, which itself must become a movement, right?

(The writer is a political commentator based in Bengaluru)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia. 

Related:

Debunking “Popular Myths” through a study of Bose

Second killing of Bhagat Singh & Subhash Chandra Bose by the Hindutva Gang

India’s Post Truth Era in ICHR’s Book on Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose

PM Modi to attend Subhas Chandra Bose’s 125th birth anniversary celebrations in Kolkata

The post Can RSS co-opt Subhas Chandra Bose, a staunch secular-socialist and a fond admirer of Tipu Sultan? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The order on government officials’ participation in RSS activities was released on July 9 by the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT), which handles matters pertaining to union government personnel. The DoPT stated that instructions from 1966, 1970, and 1980 on the subject “have been reviewed and it has been decided to remove the mention of Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS)” from the “impugned Official Memorandums.” It is crucial to highlight that while the DoPT was formerly under the Union Ministry of Home Affairs till 1998, it now serves as a Cabinet Ministry directly under PM Narendra Modi.

The notice is as follows:

The decision came after some disguised attacks were reportedly made by Mohan Bhagwat, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s sarsanghchalak, or chief, against PM Modi. Bhagwat, in a few speeches since the conclusion of the Lok Sabha election 2024 has remarked on the “a lack of decorum” during the election campaign, and hinted at the glaring failure of the Union government to contain the continuing conflict in Manipur. More recently, on July 18, Bhagwat reportedly took another dig at PM Modi’s remarks that he was non-biological and convinced that he was sent by God. Video emerged of Bhagwat delivering a speech at a village-level workers’ meeting organised by Vikas Bharti Gumla, Jharkhand showed Bhagwat saying that “men aim to become “superman,” then “devta,” (God) “bhagwan,” (deity) and even aspire for “vishwaroop” (omnipresent). He said that people should strive for the welfare of humanity, as the pursuit of development is endless”.

A report of the Indian Express stated that the move to lift the ban by the BJP was made in response to the recent strains in the party’s relationship with the RSS and was interpreted as the party’s “positive gesture” to “call a truce” with its ideological parent. According to the IE article, the sources also stated that the BJP was assured that the Sangh’s leaders would not publicly criticise it or its leadership.

The three circulars in contention:

It was Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel who had banned the RSS. In their resolution of February 2, 1948, following Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination, the Government of India had declared their determination to root out the forces of hate and violence that are at work in our country and imperil the freedom of the Nation and darken her fair name. In pursuance of this policy, the Government of India had decided to declare unlawful the RSS in the Chief Commissioner’s Provinces. Similar action was also taken in the Governor’s Provinces. (Details of the notice issued from archives of the Home Ministry, Government of India, can be accessed here.) Subsequently, the ban was withdrawn on the assurances given by the RSS of its good behaviour, though it never flew the national tricolour at its headquarters in Nagpur.

• November 30,1966 Circular: Issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs, it prohibited government servants from participating in RSS and Jamaat-e-Islami activities, citing Rule 5 of the Central Civil Services (Conduct) Rules, 1964.

The document of 1966 had stated: “As certain doubts have been raised about the government’s policy with respect to the membership of and participation in the activities of the Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh and the Jamaat-e-Islami by government servants, it is clarified that government have always held the activities of these two organisations to be of such a nature that participation in them by government servants would attract the Central Civil Services Conduct Rules. Any government servant, who is a member of or is otherwise associated with the aforesaid organisations or with their activities is liable to disciplinary action”.

• July 25, 1970 Circular: Reiterated the 1966 directive and stressed disciplinary action against violators.
• October 28,1980 Circular: Emphasized the need for secularism among government servants and reiterated previous orders against communal organizations.

Rule 5 of the Central Civil Services (Conduct) Rules, 1964 prohibits government servants from associating with political parties or organizations involved in politics. In addition to this, similar to the 1964 Rules, All India Services (Conduct) Rules, 1968 is applicable to Indian Administrative Services, Indian Police Services, and Indian Forest Service officers, and law the aforementioned prohibitions.

The original 1966 circular can be viewed as follows:

In year 2000, unsurprisingly, it was the Keshubhai Patel-led Gujarat government that had lifted the ban on public/government servants who belonged to the RSS. In September 2006, when the then Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan had first claimed power in the state of Madhya Pradesh, he had lifted the restriction on state government employee’s participation in RSS by stating that the RSS is a “socio-cultural organisation and not a political entity”. Justifying the decision, Chouhan had said, “The ban was imposed out of prejudice.

In 2021, the Haryana government had lifted a decades-old order that banned the state’s government employees from taking part in any RSS activities. The state’s then Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar was a proud veteran RSS pracharak. His government has withdrawn the orders, issued in 1967 and 1980, which restricted government employees from participating in the activities of RSS.

The implications of the notice:

Through the order issued by the union government implies that the RSS is not considered a political organization, allowing central government employees to participate in its activities without violating conduct rules. However, the Jamaat-e-Islami will remain to be classified as a political organization. In the case of the employees of the state government, they have their own conduct rules, and their stance on RSS participation varies.

One should be aware that the wider implications of this new order, which blurs the lines of professional conduct and socio-political affiliations, even if RSS claims it is not a political body.  The professed aims and objects of the RSS are to promote the physical, intellectual and moral well–being of the “Hindus” and also to foster feelings of brotherhood, love and service amongst them. It is no secret anymore that undesirable and even dangerous activities have been carried on by members of the Sangh. It has been found that in several parts of the country individual members of RSS have indulged in acts of violence involving arson, robbery, dacoity, and murder and have collected illicit arms and ammunition. Under the guise of awakening the “Hindus” of India, attempts are being made to turn India into a country for the Hindu nation, with certain religious communities and ideological inclinations being deemed as “anti-Hindu”.

In the recent times, more and more public functionaries have been vocal in their appreciation for the RSS, as well as their association with the said organisation. In May 2024, the retiring Calcutta High Court judge Justice Chitta Ranjan Dash had stated the RSS had helped him shape his personality and instil courage and patriotism in him. Dash had further said that he had been associated with the RSS since his childhood. During his retirement speech, Dash had said “I must admit here that I was and I am a member of the RSS,” according to Bar and Bench. Notably, in October of 2023, Dash had come under criticism for his judgment that had issued a code of conduct for adolescent girls to “control their sexual urges” so that they are not deemed a “loser” by society. The Supreme Court had taken suo-moto cognizance of the said judgment, and come down heavily on it by holding that “writing such judgments is absolutely wrong”.

Prior to this, in 2023, while Justice Lakshmana Victoria Gowri was sworn in as an additional judge of the Madras High Court, her association with RSS in her formative years and later with BJP had come to the forefront. Her past speeches, especially against Christian missionaries, and ties with the BJP and RSS had come to haunt Gowri with a group of senior lawyers writing to the Collegium against her appointment and approaching the Courts as well to oppose her elevation. However, she was sworn in as an additional judge.

After winning the election to become the Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA) president in May 2024, Kapil Sibal had also pointed to the potential erosion of judicial independence and integrity by highlighting that the judiciary today “Have judges who after retirement say they were part of RSS and want to go back to it”.

Determining political nature or association of an individual with the RSS was already challenging due to its informal membership system, but now that the ban on participating in the activities of the RSS has been lifted, we can predict a further denigration of the ethos and values promoted by the Indian Constitution. In addition to this, the move of the union government will have potentially deleterious repercussions, as not only will government officials be permitted to join the RSS, but also all will view RSS membership as sure qualification for getting promotions and prize postings.

Reaction to the move; some welcome it, majority condemn

As expected, the lifting of the ban was welcomed by the members of BJP and the RSS, with the Sangh affirming that it is an “appropriate decision”. BJP’s IT department head Amit Malviya also shared a screenshot of the July 9 order and said that an “unconstitutional” directive issued 58 years ago has been withdrawn by the Narendra Modi government. Taking to X (formerly Twitter), Amit Malviya wrote, “The unconstitutional order issued 58 years ago, in 1966, imposing a ban on government employees taking part in the activities of the RSS has been withdrawn by the Modi government. The original order shouldn’t have been passed in the first place.”

The unconstitutional order issued 58 years ago, in 1966, imposing a ban on Govt employees taking part in the activities of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has been withdrawn by the Modi Govt. The original order shouldn’t have been passed in the first place.

The ban was imposed… pic.twitter.com/Gz0Yfmftrp

— Amit Malviya (@amitmalviya) July 22, 2024

BJP leader and Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal, as has become the norm, pointed fingers at the Congress party for bringing in the ban, claiming that the 1966 ban was driven by political reasons. “The Congress has always had a negative mindset for nationalist organisations and such thinking has no place in the country,” he said.

On the other hand, Congress MP and senior leader KC Venugopal called the Ministry of Personnel’s order a “very unfortunate move,” saying the BJP-led central government is not learning any lesson from the people’s verdict while referring to the fall of the BJP party’s seats from 303 to 240 in the Lok Sabha elections 2024.

Targeting the government, Kharge commented in a post on X: “This will be a challenge to the sense of neutrality of public servants in government offices and the supremacy of the Constitution. The government is probably taking these steps because the people defeated its nefarious intent to change the Constitution.”

Kharge said the Modi government continues its efforts to take control over constitutional bodies and work its way in through the backdoor and tamper with the Constitution. This is also a violation of the apology and assurance given by RSS to Sardar Patel in which they had promised that RSS would work as a social organisation without any political agenda, in accordance with the Constitution of India. The Opposition will continue its efforts to protect the Constitution and the democracy, Kharge said in his social media post.

On this day in 1947, India adopted its National Flag.
RSS opposed the Tricolour, and Sardar Patel had warned them against it.

Sardar Patel had also banned RSS after Gandhi ji’s assassination on February 4, 1948.

Modi ji has lifted a 1966 ban on Government Servants attending RSS…

— Mallikarjun Kharge (@kharge) July 22, 2024

Congress General Secretary Jairam Ramesh came down heavily on the Union government, claiming that the ban, which was upheld even during former PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s tenure, was lifted on July 9. Remembering Sardar Patel, who banned RSS in February 1948, the Congress leader said that “the ban on assurances of good behaviour was subsequently withdrawn. Even after this, the RSS never flew the Tiranga in Nagpur. In 1966, a ban was imposed – and rightly so – on government employees taking part in RSS activities,” he said.

Ramesh further remarked that with the said move, the bureaucrats could now come to their office in knickers. He also commented that the decision was taken after June 4, 2024, when the relations between the “self-anointed non-biological PM” and the RSS have nosedived following the declaration of the Lok Sabha election results.

“…relations between the self-anointed non-biological PM and the RSS have nosedived. On July 9, 2024, the 58-year ban that was in force even during Mr. Vajpayee’s tenure as PM was removed. The bureaucracy can now come in knickers too, I suppose,” he added.

The initial order from 1966 that banned Government servants from participating in RSS activities used both the Gregorian calendar and the Saka calendar. The new order allowing them to do so uses only the Gregorian calendar. So much for self-proclaimed Bharatiyata and the… https://t.co/ti9dCbx2uV pic.twitter.com/hB9unjJ2h1

— Jairam Ramesh (@Jairam_Ramesh) July 22, 2024

Sardar Patel had banned the RSS in February 1948 following Gandhiji’s assassination.

Subsequently, the ban was withdrawn on assurances of good behaviour. Even after this the RSS never flew the Tiranga in Nagpur.

In 1966, a ban was imposed – and rightly so – on government… pic.twitter.com/Lmq7yaybR4

— Jairam Ramesh (@Jairam_Ramesh) July 21, 2024

All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) chief Asaduddin Owaisi also criticised the government for lifting the ban on government employees participating in RSS activities. “…if true, this is against India’s integrity and unity. The ban on RSS exists because it refused to accept the constitution, the national flag and the national anthem. The ban on RSS exists because it had originally refused to accept the constitution, the national flag & the national anthem. Every RSS member takes an oath that puts Hindutva above the nation. No civil servant can be loyal to the nation if he is a member of RSS.”

This office memo purportedly shows that the govt has lifted the ban on govt employees participating in RSS activities. If true, this is against India’s integrity and unity. The ban on RSS exists because it had originally refused to accept the constitution, the national flag & the… pic.twitter.com/J7yUL7Ckvl

— Asaduddin Owaisi (@asadowaisi) July 22, 2024

Bahujan Samaj Party president Mayawati demanded that the government withdraw the order and said the Centre’s decision was politically motivated and aimed at appeasing the RSS to alleviate the “bitterness that has intensified between the two after the Lok Sabha elections over government policies and their arrogant attitudes”. She said the order was “beyond the national interest”.

1. सरकारी कर्मचारियों को आरएसएस की शाखाओं में जाने पर 58 वर्ष से जारी प्रतिबंध को हटाने का केन्द्र का निर्णय देशहित से परे, राजनीति से प्रेरित संघ तुष्टीकरण का निर्णय, ताकि सरकारी नीतियों व इनके अहंकारी रवैयों आदि को लेकर लोकसभा चुनाव के बाद दोनों के बीच तीव्र हुई तल्खी दूर हो।

— Mayawati (@Mayawati) July 22, 2024

Related:

What’s wrong, asks district collector spotted making the RSS salute: Madhya Pradesh

The bizarre colour codes of Union Bank Of India

Haryana lifts decades old ban, allows gov’t employees to join RSS, Jamaat-e-Islami

Saffron babus in khaki shorts

RSS is banned

Saffron shrouds YKJ 2000 in Gujarat

The post Behind the BJP’s move to lift the 58-year-old ban on the participation of central government officials in RSS activities appeared first on SabrangIndia.

“This (violence) is not new. There is a branch of RSS in Sandeshkhali. Bringing outsiders is causing unrest. We are taking action; the police are going door to door to provide assistance,” Banerjee declared during her address.

Trinamool Congress (TMC) leaders, including Kunal Ghosh and Saokat Molla, responded to the allegations with scepticism. Ghosh called for victims to “provide proof” of the mass rape incidents that reportedly occurred, leading to the unrest. He went into the extent of asking women to raise hands to show whether they were raped or not in a televised talkshow.

Molla, meanwhile, dismissed the credibility of the women protesting against TMC’s Shahjahan Sheikh, alleging that they were all liars who “smoked cigarettes.”

TMC leader Narayan Goswami made suggestive comments, hinting that the women making harassment allegations did not conform to the purported and expected physical characteristics of local tribal women.

Goswami said, “The Adivasi women from Sandeshkhali can be identified by their physique and complexion. However, the women alleging harassment in front of the camera are fair. How can we know that they are local Adivasis?”

Another TMC spokesperson Jui Biswas demanded video evidence during a TV debate on the Sandeshkhali issue. “In Hathras, it was proven that rape has happened. Show me footage from West Bengal which shows that rape has happened,” asked Biswas, a councilor of Kolkata Municipal Corporation and close relative of influential state cabinet minister Arup Biswas during the debate.

This is not the first time Trinamool Congress leaders have made controversial statements regarding sexual assault cases. They rather follow a pattern often set by the chief minister herself.

Past instances

In 2022, the Trinamool supremo had raised doubts about the gangrape-murder of a 14-year-old girl in Nadia district. The victim, invited to a birthday party by the son of a Trinamool Congress leader in Hanshkhali was allegedly gang-raped by the youth and his friends.

She later died due to excessive bleeding, and family members were reportedly prevented from seeking medical help. Following her death local Trinamool workers attacked the family, pointing a gun and forcefully cremated her.

The family later used the child helpline to raise the complaint. Banerjee, in the presence of the then West Bengal police chief Manoj Malaviya, suggested the girl had an affair with the accused, leading to sharp criticism from opposition parties. The Calcutta High Court subsequently transferred the case to the CBI.

In 2013, a 20-year-old college student was abducted, gang-raped, and murdered in Kamduni village, located 16 km from Barasat in the North 24 Parganas district.

Ten days after the incident, chief minister Banerjee visited the victim’s family in Kamduni and encountered a group of protesting women whom she accused of being “CPM supporters engaged in nasty politics”. Last year, the high court reduced the death sentences of two convicts in this case to life terms and acquitted a third death-row convict.

The court cited the state’s failure to prove conspiracy and the lack of evidence to challenge the possibility of reformation and rehabilitation. The West Bengal government and the girl’s family have not moved the Supreme Court challenging the order.

In February 2012, Banerjee dismissed the Park Street rape case as a “sajano golpo (fabricated story)”, alleging that it was orchestrated by the media to tarnish the image of the police and state government.

Trinamool Congress MP Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar even suggested that the victim, Suzette Jordan, was a “sex worker” and that the rape resulted from a dispute with a client. The police investigation, led by IPS Damayanti Sen, revealed that the woman had been raped by a gang of four individuals.

The officer was soon shifted from her post as joint commissioner of Kolkata Police (Crime) to the insignificant post of DIG (Training) at Barrackpore Police Training College and then again to DIG, (Darjeeling Range), within four months.

In 2022, the Calcutta high court ordered Sen to supervise four rape incidents in Matia, Ingrejbazar, Deganga and Banshdroni.

Three weeks later, Banerjee labelled another alleged rape case on a train as a “conspiracy by the CPI(M)” to tarnish her government’s reputation. She identified the victim as the wife of a CPI(M) worker, despite her husband’s death in 2002.

All five accused were eventually found guilty of armed robbery but not guilty in the gang rape case. However, the court criticised the public prosecutor for lack of evidence, particularly relevant medical reports supporting the rape case.

In 2014, the teenage daughter of a farmer, known to be a CPI(M) supporter, was found murdered in Dhupguri after she opposed the ruling of a ‘kangaroo court’ allegedly called by local Trinamool Congress leaders. Her disrobed body showed signs of sexual assault. The incident sparked public outrage in the district, leading to the arrest of eight Trinamool Congress supporters, who were soon released on bail.

There were allegations that the police shielded the accused, and a key witness was later found dead under suspicious circumstances. A key officer handling the probe, James Kujur, then additional SP of Jalpaiguri district, was later elected as the MLA of Kumargram in the neighbouring Alipurduar district and made a state cabinet minister in charge of the tribal development department in 2016.

Last year, a tribal unemployed woman living in a tea-basti near Bagdogra in North Bengal was subject to brutal sexual torture. Despite her FIR and medical repot confirming her ordeal, the primary accused, enjoying political influence, was not apprehended by the police. While the other four accused are in custody, the victim is repeatedly being intimidated with threats and harassments.

Translated from the Bengali original by Aparna Bhattacharya.

This article was first published on The Wire

The post ‘Love Affair’ to ‘Outsider Conspiracy’: TMC’s Controversial Takes on Sexual Harassment Allegations appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Debroy’s call for scrapping the existing Constitution reflects the deep-seated historic discomfort of the Hindutva forces with Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Constitution. And Debroy’s statement is in no way his personal opinion. The opposition parties rightly came out to oppose it. Among the first leaders to comment was Congress general secretary Jairam Ramesh, who said that Debroy’s article “sounded the bugle for junking the Constitution – of which Dr. Ambedkar was a prime architect”. Jayant Chaudhary, Rashtriya Lok Dal president, too, criticised Debroy’s views: “I don’t think the chairman of the Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister is entitled to express any “personal views”.  Swami Prasad Maurya, the national general secretary of the Samajwadi Party, strongly sought action against those who demanded a new Constitution and supported the idea of a Hindu nation as it amounted to indulging in anti-national acts.

However, the sharpest critique of Debroy’s call was made by Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) president Mayawati. “Bibek Debroy acted beyond his brief, which the central government must take immediate cognizance of and take action so that no one dares talk this way again”, said Mayawati. In her statement, Mayawati rightly said that the call for scrapping the Constitution was “anti-people” and “pro-capitalist” acts, which reflect a “casteist” outlook. In her words: “The Constitution is a guarantee of humanity and egalitarianism for poor, backward and neglected people. Only selfish, narrow-minded and casteist elements dispute such an outlook and seek to turn it into an anti-people and pro-capitalist document. Opposing such an idea is everyone’s responsibility”.

The BJP Government was quick to realise that Debroy’s view had politically backfired. Since the elections are at hand in several states and the united opposition parties are exposing the Narendra Modi Government’s failure to give relief to the people, the BJP Government, therefore, was quick to distance itself from Debroy’s remarks. In a damage-control exercise, the Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister stated that the call of having a new Constitution was the “personal” view of Debroy and “in no way do they reflect the views of EAC- PM or the Government of India”.

Bibek Debroy is one of the key ideologues of the Modi Government. He is a big supporter of market fundamentalism and reactionary and conservative Hindu nationalism. He, therefore, is a big opponent of vibrant public sectors, welfare and pro-poor policies. Caste-based reservation, other affirmative actions and minority rights are also anathema to him. This is how he fits into the RSS agenda.

It is true that the RSS sometimes speaks in favour of Swadeshi and spiritualism and opposes materialism and capitalism. But the larger reality is that it has been at the forefront of serving the interests of landlords, big merchants and corporate players.

The reason why the RSS and the BJP have risen to prominence in Indian politics within a short period is the strong backing they receive from dominant (even regressive)  forces. Hindutva ideology– which aims to establish majoritarianism and subordination of the workers, peasants, the lower castes, minorities and women – is often camouflaged as nationalism. In his article, Bibek Debroy also tried indirectly to strike a chord with nationalism by arguing that the Constitution had inherited a “colonial legacy”. As he put it, “Our current Constitution is largely based on the Government of India Act of 1935. In that sense, it is also a colonial legacy”.

It has been a favourite strategy of the RSS/BJP leaders to call anything that does not suit them, “colonial”.

From the Constitution to ideals such as secularism, gender rights and socialism is opposed by employing the charge of being non-Indic. But the RSS is not ready to accept the bigger reality that the foundation of its organisation and its core ideology of majoritarianism and cultural nationalism are what, in actuality, are completely foreign in origin. Several eminent political scientists have drawn parallels between the ideologies of German nationalism and the RSS worldview.

Since the Constitution is based on democratic ideals and its salient features are equality, liberty, fraternity, social justice, gender equality, the welfare state, secularism, pluralism, minority rights, federalism etc., the RSS has often found them impendent in their agenda to establish the complete hegemony of the privileged few. Remember that the large social base of the RSS and Modi is those who are strongly opposed to the rights of marginalized groups and minorities and welfare economics. But the electoral compulsion has restrained them not to come out openly to express their counter-revolutionary agendas. The anti-Constitutional statement of Debroy is a litmus test of the public mood.

History bears witness to the fact that the RSS has often tried to delegitimize the Constitution. When the Constitution was drafted, the Organiser, RSS mouthpiece, turned into a rejectionist mode. Instead of celebrating the democratic and secular Indian Constitution, it began to heap praises on Manusmriti. Remember that Manusmriti, the social code, was burnt by Ambedkar on 25 Dec 1927 at Mahad for promoting inequality. According to Babasaheb, Smriti literature, including Manusmriti, gave legitimacy to the counter-revolution. Moreover, it replaced birth with worth as the criterion for assigning social roles. Soon, it facilitated the downfall of Shudra. Eventually, it resulted in the servitude of Shudra and pushed women to fall into a state of ignominy.

In other words, Ambedkar argued that the servitude of marginalised groups including women was legitimized by Manusmriti. Since the days of Mahad, no other political groups other than the Hindutva forces have defended it. For example, the editorial of the Organiser (November 30, 1949), shamelessly wrote that “in our constitution there is no mention of the unique constitutional development in ancient Bharat. Manu’s laws were written long before Lycurgus of Sparta or Solon of Persia. To this day, his laws as enunciated in the Manusmriti excite the admiration of the world and elicit spontaneous obedience and conformity. But to our constitutional pundits, that means nothing”.

Note the dubious politics of RSS: while it claims to be “the champion” of Babasaheb Ambedkar, its leaders keep praising Manusmriti which Ambedkar opposed all through his life. M.S. Golwalkar, the second Sarsanghchalak of RSS and one of its key ideologues, went on to praise Manusmriti.  In his book Bunch of Thoughts (1966), Golwalkar believed that “Bhagwan Manu and the greatest lawgiver of mankind”. Manusmriti is also known as the Laws of Manu.

Continuing the attack on the Constitution, the VHP, an affiliate of the RSS, passed a resolution in his Dharm Sansad and called the Constitution as anti-Hindu. It, therefore, demanded that the Indian Constitution should be replaced with the one based on Hindu religious texts. 

Worse still, a group of people, who are believed to be anti-reservation, burnt a copy of the Constitution close to Parliament in August 2018. The upper caste lobby, the core of the RSS social base, is also anti-reservationist but because of the electoral calculation, it does not openly speak against it. However, the current RSS Sarsanghchalak has called for a review of the reservation, which aims at giving its core supporters a hint that the RSS is serious about their concerns.

For Ambedkar, reservation (read affirmative action) ensures the representation of marginalised groups in public institutions without which the upper caste policy-makers would serve their own caste interests. Contrary to it, reservation, for the Hindutva forces, is a negative policy that was “imposed” on the country by the secular Congress government. The Hindutva forces would like to end reservation because it facilitates the entry of marginalized groups into policy-making which has been so far the fiefdom of a few privileged castes.

Much before Debroy, the former  Jana Sangh President Deendayal Upadhyay (1916- 1968), in his booklet Rashtra Chintan, raised questions about the Constitution and identified lacunas in it. He said that the Constitution was framed after copying the Government of India Act 1935, a similar argument repeated by Debroy. Moreover, Upadhyay argued that it was based on Western knowledge; it was a bizarre combination of the presidential system of the USA and the parliamentary system of the UK; the lack of feeling of Indian- ness (Bhartiyata) in the Constitution. He also criticised the provision in the Constitution regarding the name of the country and national language.

In 2000, RSS Chief K. S. Sudarshan also raised a question mark over the Constitution.: “We do not accept the concept of minorities at all”. He also added that minorities should accept the “culture” of the majority. Earlier on August 14, 2000, Sudarshan—speaking to journalist Karan Thapar on BBC’s Hard Talk India said that “We do not accept the concept of minorities at all.” Sudarshan further said that the Constitution of India did not reflect the ethos of the people and we should evolve our constitution. As he put it, “The Constitution does not reflect the ethos of the people” and “we should evolve our own Constitution”. When the Atal Bihari Vajpayee Government came to power, it called for a review of the Constitution.

Given this, we need to keep vigil against counter-revolutionary attempts.

An earlier version of the article was published in News Trail.

(Dr Abhay Kumar is an independent journalist. He has also taught political science at NCWEB Centres of Delhi University.)

The post A historic discomfort: RSS & Ambedkar’s Constitution appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Even though it has been seven decades since the death of Mahatma Gandhi’s killer, Nathuram Godse, his name and identity are still at the centre of the Indian political discourse. While, on the one hand, actor-turned-politician Kamal Hasaan referred to Godse as independent India’s first ever terrorist, on the other hand, BJP candidate and terror blast-accused Pragya Thakur has recently gone on record and called Godse a true patriot. This has been on the receiving end of criticism by many, including the BJP itself, which distanced itself from Thakur’s statement. In this episode of ‘Satta Se Sawal’, Nikhil Wagle explains why Godse still occupies a pivotal position in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s ideology and the politics behind the sudden mentions of his name.

Courtesy: News Click

The post Why Won’t Right Wing Admit That Godse Was a Terrorist? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The staging of the play titled Shiva, which explores queer identities using dance, music and theatre, was cancelled by Jagriti Theatre following threats from Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), a right wing Hindu extremist group. The queer community in the country is prepping for its (not so) new struggle against social and cultural prejudices after its legal victory  on September 6, 2018. This incident demonstrates that alternative and dissenting voices are still under threat. The play directed by Dayasindhu Sakrepatna was to be staged at the Jagriti Theatre in Bengaluru on 13 and 14 October 2018 till the self-proclaimed saviours of Hinduism decided that the play hurts their sentiments. Arundhati Raja, an artistic director of Jagriti Theatre told The Hindu, “Three right-wing groups turned up at the theatre on Saturday morning and declared that they found the play offensive. When asked if any of them had watched the play, they said, they hadn’t, but that they found the name offensive. They threatened to create trouble if we went ahead with the shows as scheduled.”

Shiva is a choreography of eight dance pieces, Karnatik music, and poetry and is based on Dayasindhu’s personal struggles with his own sexuality. The India Foundation for the Arts (IFA), who aided the production of the play, described it as the story of a young man, a poet, coming out of the closet to his mother, through a series of letters and poems that express fear, conviction, choice, and most importantly, a deep longing for his mother’s acceptance. Each of these four themes branch out into other short stories, which are woven into the larger narrative. The play raises questions and prompts dialogues on alternative identities, relationships, gender, sexuality, masculinity, peer-pressure and mob-violence. The attack on this play brings to light, yet again, the rising intolerance and curbing of freedom of expression in the country. As the director puts it, it also highlights the “resistance to queer identity”.

The role of the Hindu fundamentalist organisations
All Hindu fundamentalist organisations in the country function on the premise that Hinduism is under threat. According to them, this threat is not only from what they believe to be “foreign” religions, but also from democratic discourses of rights and freedom. These organisations, thus, have assumed the task of waging a war against other religions in the country and curbing all constitutionally granted rights by redefining them in their own terms. Since the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a Hindu right-wing party and the political arm of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), came to power at the Centre in 2014, fundamentalist organisations like VHP and RSS have been terrorising minority communities and various other dissenting voices. Writing about the growth of Hindu extremism, Mandakini Gahlot, a senior journalist, notes that the “Hindu nationalist movement is attempting to hijack our religious identity to serve its own vision, ignoring, and often attacking, any opposing viewpoint.”

Hindutva organisations, since their inception, have been claming that their views stand for the “sentiments” of the entire Hindu population of the country. The attack on Shiva is an attack based on such claimed “sentiment”. Speaking to The Hindu, the director noted, “It was so easy to suppress the voice of an artist. Some people took offence and the play did not happen. It should leave us worried.” It, indeed, is worrisome. These extremist forces are increasingly assuming authority over what can be said, what can be seen and what can be done. Anyone, a journalist, an artist, a writer, or a rationalist, who attempts to give a voice to the oppressed in the country is silenced either by disrupting such attempts as what was done with Shiva or by killing as in the cases of Narendra Dabholkar, Govind Pansare, M M Kalburgi and Gauri Lankesh.

The claim that a play about queer identities cannot be named after a Hindu God reminds one of the case of the film Padmavat, wherein the extremist elements did not show any interest in the content of the film.  Even if the VHP had known that the play was about the problem of discrimination of the LGBTQI+ community and had nothing to do with religion, they would not have allowed the play to be staged. VHP’s problem was with the name “Shiva”. Being an organisation which believes that homosexuality is an imported disease which needed treatment and was against Indian culture and values”, its “sentiments” were indeed hurt. As Gahlot notes, the VHP conveniently passes off this prejudice as the “sentiment” of all the Hindus.

“Resistance to queer identity”
The Supreme Court of Indiain its historic verdict of September 6, 2018, decriminalised homosexuality by striking down the draconian Section 377 of Indian Penal Code (IPC). The queer community in the country won its legal battle after a two decade longstruggle. This victory, however, is not the end of the struggle. It is rather the beginning of a new one. Shiva, a play about acceptance of alternative identities, is a representation of this struggle. The community still has a long way to go in terms of acceptance of their non-heterosexual identities. As Rashmi Patel wrote in Livemint, “Homosexuality and queer identities may be acceptable to more Indian youths than ever before, but within the boundaries of family, home and school, acceptance of their sexuality and freedom to openly express their gender choices still remains a constant struggle for LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender).”

According to a report in The Hindu, Dayasindhu Sakrepatna intended the play to build bridges for people with a “closed mindset” on queer sexuality, and move them into thinking about it humanely. The community, through its protests, discussions, and various events, and, most importantly, by stepping out of its urban mileu and into semi-urban and rural localities, has initiated an attempt to raise awareness among the people. The attack on Shiva shows that just like religious minorities, dalits, workers, and other marginalized groups the queer community in the country too are on the radar of the growing intolerance and hatred spread by the fundamentalist organisations.

This article was first published on indianculturalforum.in
 

The post Play about Queers Cancelled, As VHP and Right Wing Organisations Protest appeared first on SabrangIndia.

RSS has been critiqued for long for its divisive and fascist ideology. Its role in spreading hatred, communal violence, killings – arson and loot, blasts has been pointed out by critics. However, the attempt of RSS to project itself as a cultural and nationalist organization working for the welfare of majority community, nation and practicing non-violent methods is still believed by many to be the truth. This is despite all the violence that is being instigated in the recent times.

The book by Sudheesh Minni titled ‘Cellars of the Inferno: Confessions of an RSS Pracharak’ breaks any doubts on RSS. Sudheesh was an RSS pracharak, who was inducted to its divisive ideology at a very early age of 5. He participated at different levels – both as a participant in shakhas as well as organizer of shakhas, both at the state level and the national level. He travelled across the country and spent about 25 years of his life with RSS. The initial conviction with RSS ideology later gave way to repentance for the activities carried. The book is a product of his repentance for his role as an RSS pracharak. The book provides an insider view of RSS, its activities, functioning’s, role in divisive activities.

Sudheesh was born in a small village in Kannur district of Kerala. His association with RSS started while he was 5 year old. He used to attend Balagokulam, which used to be organized on weekends. This was targeted at children. The natural curiosity of children to listen to stories of child Krishna was used as a means to instill hatred. Stories around Shivaji and Rana Pratap were also recited to children. Shivaji was depicted as a protector of Hindus from Muslim invasion. The facts of many Muslims being part of military machinery of Shivaji were never depicted. In the manipulated stories with ideological color, wars were never depicted as rivalries between kings for power and territorial expansion but as a war taking place between two different religions. The happenings of those times such as Mumbai bomb blasts were discussed in Balagokulams and were pointed as activities carried out by Muslims against Hindus.

The evening shakhas used to take place for an hour. Apart from yoga, nigooda (traditional war education), marching – what also used to take place was sports activities like kabaddi and khokho. In Kabaddi, children were instructed that on the other side of the line were enemies of the nation – who were Muslims, Christians and Communists. The children were instructed to touch as many enemies as possible during the game. This was followed by songs where they were made to feel proud of their Hindu identity. Inculcating superstitious thinking was common where in one instance it was pointed that a ‘political enemy would die out of snake bite, through god who would come in the form of a snake’.

The prathamik varg shikhak varg course used to be organized for a week during Christmas vacation. It used to be residential and go on for a week. It starts with morning prayers, followed by stick movement, discussions, speeches and evening sports. Each event has a strong anti-Muslim, anti Christian and anti Communist component. The content was primarily from Golwalkar’s ‘Bunch of Thoughts’ and ‘We and our Nationhood defined’. The last day was followed by lighting of lamp and a talk calling out the trainees to shoulder the responsibility of ‘protecting hindus’ who are in danger. With this they were prepared as primary instructors.

RSS has an organized structure. Based on duties, RSS has Khat Pramukh, Mukya Shikhshak, Shikshak, Shaka Karyavaha and Seva Pramukh. At the Mandal level are Mandal karyavaha, Saha karyavaha, Mandal sharirik pramuch, Mandal Boumik pramukh, Mandal Seva pramukh and Mandal sampark pramukh. Apart from this it has Taluk sangh chalak, Zilla pracharak and Zilla vyavastha pramukh. These were based on geography and functions such as sports, social activities and public relations. RSS had no economic agenda. It had its connection with more powerful sections such as large landholders. The concept of land belonging to the tiller was not a principle believed by them. These were seen in incidents where they stood by large landholders and against cultivating landless. This was seen as an arrangement through which they can get some land, monetary and political support for RSS activities.

The creation of rumors was a regular process. Rumors were manufactured to create the image of existence of threat to Hindu religious based activities and the community. An instance of Theyyam festival is pointed out where a rumor was spread of the festival going to be disturbed by the other party. Any suspicion of activities targeted against RSS was acted upon. Sathyan a famous athlete became a victim of such suspicion.

Sudheesh attended his first Sangh shiksha varg in Madurai for 25 days. Daily physical training, stick movement, speeches, discussions and exams were integral. The shibhir stressed that adoption of Christianity, Islam and Communist ideology had caused the destruction of Indian culture. It was emphasized that to protect Bharat Matha from becoming pieces and protecting its culture, they need to fight. The participants are made to draw map of Akhand Bharat which includes China, Afghanistan, Bhutan, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh and Srilanka. It is emphasized that as sevaks, they should rest in peace only after getting back Akhand Bharat. Elimination of three enemies is projected as a way and means to attain Akhand Bharat. In the second Sangh shiksha varg attended by author, the points discussed also included strategies for Hindu revivalism, anti-hindu behavior of Gandhi, critics of hindutva ideology, pilgrimages, old temples, the need to protect hindu temples etc.

The author points that events, which otherwise are not religious have a hidden agenda when undertaken by Pracharaks. He cites his example whereby he tried to reach out to minority institutions to impart vedic maths to Hindu students. Once the students enrolled to the course beyond the school, they were slowly inducted with ideas of a Hindu nation. This happens even in Yoga classes run by pracharaks. Other activities include spiritual activities, yoga, social activities, tuitions, job trainings, coaching institutions for services by Pracharaks. During these events there was subtle introduction to aspects of RSS ideology. He feels that aspects such as vedic maths and yoga can be taught by completely eliminating it of its religious color. The pracharaks operated clandestinely.

The author points to the huge network of Sangh parivar. This includes Akhil Bhartiya Vidhyarthi Parishad (ABVP) targeting students, Bala Gokulam targeting small children, Yuva Morcha targeting youth, Mahila Morcha targeting youth, Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh targeting workers etc. Other wings included Vignana Bharati (Swadeshi science), Vidya Bharati (Education), Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Hindu Aikya Vedika, Bharatiya Vichaar Kendra, Kshetra Sanrakshan Samithi, Seva Bharati (Social activities), Bhaskar Jyoti, Vanavasi Kalyana Ashram, Ekalavya Institutions and Vivekananda Kendra. It also includes Ayyapa seva samithi, Kannaki, Janmabhoomi, Kesari, Vrattantham, Kurukshetra prakasamm. It also started associations with fisher community. Besides large number of NGOs sponsored by RSS. Each of these works as part of the larger ‘Sangh Parivar’ to carry their agenda of Hindutva.

The author talks of his experience in organizing the shibirs with children in tribal areas. Ideas of Hindutva were introduced in a primitive community ignoring their identity. An anti-muslim and anti-chrisitan feelings was also propagated among them. This was in a community who never believed in Hindu identity and that by itself was alien.

Referring to his participation in Naipunya varg (secret summit) of RSS at Nagpur, it also had famous industrialists including Adani attending during inaugural session. To inculcate the idea of Hindutva among sections, separate cells were proposed for Industrialists, Government officials, Hindu priests, Teachers, Doctors, Media and Cultural cell. Each cell was to identify loopholes in identified areas, review once in three months and attack the government in power. Internet was to be used as a means to propagate. The closing ceremony was ended with a speech of retired judge who called for accepting Hindutva as a way of life. It points at the level of penetration of RSS ideology among the elite.

The author observes that RSS owned infrastructure have been reduced to places for corruption, sexual activities and preserving weapons. The need to prepare and buy arms for eliminating enemies is emphasized in Sangh. In the name of fighting back the enemies in Kannur, Karyavahak suggested the usage of Rifles instead of Bombs and swords. The author quotes an instance where he expressed his frustration to another sevak stating that Swayamsevaks are groups which indulge in women harassment, lootings and drinking. All this happens in the name of protecting religion.

Sharing about his visits on RSS mission to Northern parts of the country, he points that Swayamsevaks here also consisted of professionals such as Doctors, Engineers, Scientists, Police officials. Each had a sacred thread. Rich landlords with large landholdings were also part of them. The responsibility for running panchayati or block level shibirs was largely in their hands. Dalits who were landless were exploited. An instance is quoted where a rich landlord (a swayam sevak) was approached by lease farmer requesting for delay in paying due to crop failure. Instead the lease farmer was asked to send his wife and daughters to the landlord. Another instance was seen where demands of a tribal leader to install Ganesh in a temple in a tribal dominant locality was requested from Sangh leaders. This was rejected on the premise that this is reserved only for upper castes. When finally this was installed, the temple was put on fire.

The author points that while sangh mobilizes Dalits for events such as Babri Masjid demolition, the ones who instigated from upper caste continue to be safe. The Dalits who were made to participate became victims. This was equally true of Gujarat.

The Sangh mobilizes about crores of rupees in the name of Guru Dakshina. From within Kerala, about Rs. 250 crores is mobilized. Big industrialists, business persons, contractors, government officials also donate the RSS. A huge amount is mobilized from across the country. This is used for creation of communal incidents, planning terror activities, ending peace and harmony among communities.

The author parts away from RSS to join an alternative. He points that corporatization and communalization have come together and posing threats to the security and democratic values and secular fabric of the nation. Hence he emphasizes on the need for alternative.

The book by Sudheesh Minni is a necessary reading for those who still have an illusion about the RSS and Sangh Parivar. It also provides an anatomy and the way the parivar functions. Most importantly it helps in breaking the myth of RSS being a mere cultural and social organization working for protection of Hindus. It convinces you that more than protecting one, its activities are centered on propagating the idea of eliminating the other. In the idea of building Hindu identity, its attempt in maintaining caste and class based dominance becomes clear. It is a welcome reading for those working to expose the activities of RSS.

This article was first published on countercurrents.org.
 

The post Confessions Of An RSS Pracharak appeared first on SabrangIndia.

RSS has many wings one of them being Arogya Bharati (health wing). It has devised meticulous plans for the couples to have a ‘perfectly customised child’. This is what has been reported in the media recently. As per the process devised by this outfit there is a period of three months of ‘shuddhikaran’ or purification for the parents. This means that the timing of intercourse is decided by the positions of the ‘planetary configurations’ and a period of abstinence once the baby is conceived. This is to be followed by series of procedures and regulations in the matters of diet in particular.

These days lot of illogical understanding is easily passing the muster of popular perception in the name of traditional knowledge. The extent of this is the belief that ancient India had advanced plastic surgery techniques, and great leaps in aviation science, including Pushpak Viman (Aeroplane), the truth is that modern medical science has broken lot of mysteries of the sconce of child bearing, growth and rearing. The conception of child does not depend on the planetary configurations but on the meeting of sperm with ovum, on and around the day of ovulation of the female. The Hindutva ideology is bent to promote the faith-based knowledge systems, undermining the immaculate researchers and gains of modern science. Even earlier Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi, in the previous NDA regime had introduced changes in the educational curriculum by introducing Paurohitya (Priest craft) and Karmakand (Ritualism). One of the components of this was Putra Kameshti Yagna (ritual to get male child), the performance of which should lead to the birth of a male child. As per current knowledge, the sex of the baby is determined by the male’s Y or X chromosome meeting the ovum and not by any other influence which these rituals are supposed to influence.

The health of the baby and its rearing has many components, which included proper dietary supplements, regular exercises of the mother and good nutrition and rearing of the child as she comes up in the society. The growth of body, physical and intellectual is a long process of rearing where the proper nutrition, games and intellectual stimuli, are the foundation of the health of the child. In contrast here in this scheme of things the planets, supernatural powers are projected as the main players along with the recommended diet.

RSS ideology has been inspired a lot from German Fascism not just in the matters of concept of nationalism but also in the projection of Aryan superiority. Being the World leaders-teachers as well is core part of this ideology. So a superior race is necessary in this ideology. Germany tried this in the form of eugenics. That experiment was a disaster. Nazis had the program called “Lebensborn” (“Spring of Life”), which aimed to create an Aryan master race. For this breeding of children of pure Aryan race, some 8,000 children were born in Germany and around 12,000 in Norway as part of “Lebensborn” under the direct supervision Nazi theoretician and leader, Heinrich Himmler. This encouraged women of “pure blood” to bear fair-tall Aryan children. The result was that most of such bred children did not grow on expected lines. This horrendous scheme was central part of the inhuman racial policy. This policy on one hand aimed at producing pure Aryan children and on the other hand wanted to eliminate non-Aryans like Jews, 6 million of them were killed and the forced sterilisation of people with hereditary diseases. This policy was harsh to non dominant people and to people with different ability. Needless to say that even the theory of race is totally discredited today and what we know is that we are all mixed up people with origin of Human race located in South Africa.

It is in this light that the statement of Tarun Vijay, (We have been living with dark skinned people) is to be seen. This reveals RSS understanding of white superior Aryans living with black South Indians. As such major RSS ideologue M.S. Golwalkar had already prescribed for a better race when he wrote, “now let us see the experiments our ancestors made in this sphere. In an effort to better the human species through cross-breeding the Namboodri Brahmanas [sic] of the North were settled in Kerala and a rule was laid down that the eldest son of a Namboodri family could marry only the daughter of Vaishya, Kshatriya or Shudra communities of Kerala. Another still more courageous rule was that the first off-spring of a married woman of any class must be fathered by a Namboodri Brahman and then she could beget children by her husband.” (Quoted in RSS journal Organiser, 2nd January 1962)

The spokesmen of this program tell us that they have begun their work from Gujarat, where nearly 450 babies have been born on these lines and now they intend to spread their branches in different states by 2020 as their work is already in progress in different states. What’s in store for us is very clear from this plan of health division of Hindutva fountain head. We need to harp only on rational scientific strategies in our health planning.
 

The post Following Hitler’s Footsteps, RSS-run Garbh Vigyan Sanskar is in pursuit of a “Master Race” appeared first on SabrangIndia.