The Supreme Court, on June 22 modified its June 18 order which had disallowed the Jagannath Rath Yatra to take place this year citing the threat of spread of Covid-19. The Rath Yatra was scheduled to begin on June 23 and this last minute modified order has allowed the Rath Yatra to take place subject to certain conditions. The bench received several intervention and modification applications urging the court to allow the Rath Yatra.

While the matter was mentioned before a bench headed by Justice Arun Mishra, the same was transferred to the bench led by CJI SA Bobde presumably since the original order was passed by that bench. Before ordering the conditions, the bench reminded the concerned authorities that in the 18^th-19^th century a yatra of this kind was responsible for the spread of infectious diseases cholera. The bench said, “We say this in order to remind the authorities concerned that the situation can become dangerous if the rules of caution are ignored.”

The bench relied upon the affidavit submitted by the state of Odisha which states that it might be possible to conduct the Rath Yatra at Puri “in a limited way without public attendance”. This was proposed by Gajapati Maharaj of Puri, who is the Chairman of the Puri Jagannath Temple Administration. The bench observed, “If it is possible to ensure that there is no public attendance, we see no reason why the Rath Yatra cannot be conducted safely along its usual route from temple to temple.”

The bench issued the following conditions to be followed while allowing the Rath Yatra at Puri:

1.      All entry points into the City of Puri, i.e., airports, railway stations, bus stands, etc., shall be closed during the period of Rath Yatra festival.

2.      Curfew to be imposed in Puri for the duration of the Rath Yatra beginning 8 pm June 22.

3.      During the period of curfew no one would be allowed to come out of their houses or their places of residence, such as, hotels, lodging houses, etc.

4.      Each Rath, i.e.., Chariot, shall be pulled by not more than 500 persons (including officials and police personnel). Each of those 500 persons shall be tested for the Coronavirus. They shall be permitted to pull the chariot only if they have been found negative.  

5.      There shall be an interval of one hour between two chariots.

6.      Each of those who is engaged in pulling the chariot shall maintain social distancing before, during and after the Rath Yatra.  

7.      Person performing rituals related to the Rath Yatra should be ones who have tested negative for COVID-19

8.      The primary responsibility for conducting the Rath Yatra in accordance with the conditions and other norms shall be that of the Committee in-charge of Puri Jagannath Temple Administration; the officers designated by the State Government for conduct of the Rath Yatra shall be responsible likewise.

9.      The rituals and the Rath Yatra shall be freely covered by the visual media.

10.   Given the  good record of controlling the pandemic in the state, the same attitude of care and caution to be applied during the Rath Yatra. Bare minimum people to be allowed to participate in the rituals.

11.   State government may seek Centre’s help in furtherance of the same.

12.   State government shall maintain a record of all persons participating in the Rat Yatra or the rituals and their medical conditions after testing.

Background

Solicitor General, Tushar Mehta, for the Centre had mentioned the matter on June 22 before a bench headed by Justice Arun Mishra and submitted, “Tradition of centuries may not be stopped. It is a matter of faith for crores. If Lord Jagannath will not come out tomorrow, he cannot come out for 12 years as per traditions.” Senior Advocate Harish Salve for the state, concurred with this submission, despite having taken an opposite view when the Supreme Court passed its order on June 18, by saying that it is better if the festivities are stopped.

While injuncting the carrying out of the Rath Yatra, the court had cited Article 25 of the Indian Constitution which gives an individual the right to propagate religion but subject to health priorities. The Bench comprising CJI SA Bobde and Justices Dinesh Maheshwari and AS Bopanna had opined on June 18, “Having regard to the danger presented by such a large gathering of people for the Rath Yatra, we consider it appropriate in the interests of public health and safety of citizens who are devotees to restrain the respondents from holding the Rath Yatra this year.” This order was passed in a petition filed by Odisha Vikas Parishad seeking a stay on the Rath Yatra whereby the CJI also observed, “We are not allowing this. Lord Jagannath will not forgive us if we allow this to continue. Activities related to the Rath Yatra are injuncted.”

On June 23,  Jagannath Sanskriti Jana Jagran Manch moved an application urging the apex court to recall its June 18 order stating that the petitioners had concealed material facts about the arrangements made for ensuring social distancing in compliance with COVID19 guidelines issued by the Centre and state.

The complete order can be read here.

Gujarat HC

On the other hand, the Gujarat High Court, in the wee hours on June 23, dismissed a batch of petitions seeking permissions to conduct the Rath yatra in Ahmedabad. The procession is the second-biggest in India after Puri, as per the Mahant of Jagannathji Temple in Ahmedabad. On June 20, the court had denied permission for conducting the Rath Yatra in Ahmedabad and across the state citing threat of spread of Covid-19 as well as the June 18 Supreme Court order.

In an urgent hearing that concluded at 2 A.M, a bench comprising Chief Justice Vikram Nath and Justice JB Pardiwala held, “There may not be denial about the order passed by the Supreme Court today, but the situation in Ahmedabad on account of pandemic of Covid-19 cannot be compared with the situation in Puri or in the State of Orissa. Despite the fact that assurance being given by the State and all other applicants we still do not find any good ground to recall or modify our order dated 20.06.2020.”

The Gujarat High Court order can be read here.

Related:

Will the Jagannath Rath Yatra be held this year?

Kanwar Yatra cancelled, but will devotees stay home?

No public gatherings and loudspeakers for religious events: Guj Gov’t

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BJP had approached the Supreme Court seeking permission to take out a ‘rath yatra’ after a Calcutta High Court had set aside an order that gave permission for  the yatra.

Since October 2018, BJP had been trying to build a “Rath Yatra” campaign which it later changed to a Gantantra Bachao Yatra (Save Democracy March) since it got embroiled in controversies. The Yatra which was to be flagged off by BJP national president Amit Shah is also scheduled to be addressed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Though the said purpose of the Yatra was to “publicise the success of the present Central Government” and “to condemn the misrule of the State Government under Mamata Banerjee”, and “propagate the establishment of democracy in the state of West Bengal”, many factors point to the fact that the strategic choice of areas to be covered by the Yatra points to the fact that the intent of the Yatra is communal.

Moreover, right wing websites openly proclaimed that the yatra is meant to consolidate the “Hindu vote” since the state is strife with “minority appeasement.”

West Bengal BJP president Dilip Ghosh had told PTI in October that the first rath yatra will begin from “the temple town of Tarapith in Birbhum district on 3 December”. It was said that the Yatra will start from Birbhum district to “protest the reign of terror allegedly unleashed by the ruling Trinamool Congress in Bengal,” the Indian Express had reported.

While Shah was scheduled to lead the Yatra from Birbhum district, the second rath yatra from Sagar Island was scheduled to be led by Uttar Pradesh CM Yogi Adityanath against the “appeasement politics of the TMC”. The final rath yatra was to be led by Assam Chief Minister Sarbananda Sonowal; and supposed to begin from West Bengal’s Cooch Behar district, and was meant as a protest against “the infiltration of Bangladesh into West Bengal,” according to the Indian Express.

Important thing to note is that the Rath Yatra was programme was to cover all 42 Lok Sabha constituencies in the state ahead of the 2019 general elections.

On December 20, a single judge bench of Calcutta High Court passed an order allowing the “Ganatantra Bachao” Rath Yatra, saying that the threat to public order must be “real, not imaginary or a likely possibility.” This enabled BJP to conduct 3 rallies with conditions. The Court had directed the party to inform the Superintendent of the Police of the concerned district 12 hours before the entry of the Yatra in the district. Other conditions that it had imposed were abiding by traffic regulations, following every just directions, deployment of extra police personnel to ensure there’s no breach of law and order.

In turn, the State Government filed an appeal to a higher division bench and on December 21, the division bench stayed the Rath Yatra yet again.

Afterwards, the party (BJP) moved an “urgent hearing” petition for the yatra. But the Supreme Court declined urgent hearing on the plea and has said that the matter will be listed in normal course
Many areas in West Bengal are gradually turning into communally sensitive pockets.

Gangasagar one of the three points from where the rally was to start off, was the first place where VHP started its office, 20 years back. Few years back even the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sanh (RSS), also set up their office in Gangasagar.

On the other hand, in Cooch Behar, as claimed by the ruling party, Madanmohan is the most revered deity housed in a temple built by the royals. The Madanmohan temple was set up by King Nripendra Narayan in 1890. Every year, the deity is taken out on a chariot during Rath Yatra celebrations.

Tarapith is another town, known as temple town in the state.

Many leaders of the opposition party and civil liberties activists had clearly expressed their fears of this yatra turning into a communal yatra, especially keeping into mind that it was has been planned for all 42 parliamentary constituencies.

35 reports have been submitted by the district magistrates, the superintendents of police and intelligence officials of various wings seemingly highlighting how the Rath Yatra can turn problematic and communally sensitive.

The yatra that spans over a period of 39 days will pose major logistical challenges as well. Deploying police personnel for the entire course of yatra is deemed to put additional pressure on the law and order situation in the state.

Recently, West Bengal has witnessed many communal clashes and riots, armed rallies of various Hindutva outfits raising anti-Muslim slogans during Ram Navami, aggressive celebrations of Hanuman Jayanti across the state. The politics of the state has been charged with communal overtones, even in the process of NRC and various statements by senior BJP leaders like Amit Shah threatening to deport Bengali Muslims from Bengal to Bangladesh and the state is on a constant boil where any untoward incident may push it towards a situation of extreme chaos and mayhem.

In the light of these concerns, this seems to be a good move by the Supreme court.
 

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Dear Shri Modiji,

I have come accross a news report today that a VHP-led “Rath Yatra” will begin shortly from Ayodhya and will cross six States, namely, UP, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. In view of the traumatic events that followed a similar “Rath Yatra” that culminated at Ayodhya on December 6, 1992, the latest news report causes serious public concern.

The Ayodhya events in 1992 led to the death of many innocent people, left a permanent scar on the social harmony that always characterised our great country and created avoidable scope for divisive forces to become strong. If VHP supported by senior BJP leaders were responsible for the mayhem, the ruling Congress leadership became a helpless observer.

It is all the more disturbing that the latest Rath Yatra is to be flagged off by no less than the Chief Minister of UP himself, who has far more serious concerns that he ought to be addressing at this moment!

The yatra is apparently envisaged to revive the movement to construct the Ayodhya temple. At a time when the apex court is engaged in adjudicating the Ayodhya land issue, any attempt to escalate the movement is a cause for concern. One gets the impression that the Yatra is planned to whip up public sentiment in view of the coming Assembly elections in some States and the General Elections in 2019. If that is the case, it is highly disturbing.

As a person residing in the South through which the yatra is expected to pass, I feel deeply concerned at the divisive impact that it will have on this otherwise peaceful region of the country. I believe that the Central government cannot and should not remain a passive spectator and condone the repetition of the 1992 Ayodhya mayhem. Such Rath Yatras, or for that matter similar campaigns by any other religious group, will have both short-term and long-term adverse implications for the country. Ours is an inclusive society and any attempt to cause divisions within it will not augur well for the people.

I request you to peruse the memoirs recorded by Dr Madhav Godbole, who was the Union Home Secretary when the Ayodhya incidents took place in 1992 and who opted to quit the government voluntarily on that issue. Though the Central governmrent could have intervened and put a decisive stop to the incidents that led to the violence, the then Prime Minister chose to watch the events helplessly. In Dr Godbole’s words, “the only decision he (the Prime Minister) took was not to take any decision.” At such a crucial moment like that, silence and inaction could cause disruption to the law and order situation in the country and erode the public confidence in the institution of the Prime Minister. Looking the other way, when one is in a position to intervene, could hurt the nation in such matters. The same goes for today.

I am sure that you and your colleagues in the government are equally concerned and will call a halt to the yatra immediately. Instead, as you did for Swach Bharat, you should encourage the people of the country to campaign on far more serious social concerns such as eradication of untouchability, elimination of manual scavenging, protection of women and children and upholding the concept of a united, inclusive nation.

Regards,

Yours incerely,

E A S Sarma
Former Secretary to GOI
Visakhapatnam
13-2-2018
Email: eassarma@gmail.com

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Journalist Sajeda Momin, covering the demolition, recalls the scene thus,
 

I can still see the thousands of saffron-clad ‘kar sevaks’ clambering atop the 16th century mosque and pounding it with shovels, iron rods, pickaxes and anything they could lay their hands on. I can hear the screeching of Sadhvi Uma Bharti egging them on shouting “ek dhakka aur do, Babri Masjid tod do” through the microphones from atop the specially-built watchtower for the BJP/RSS/VHP leadership. I can visualize the three domes of the mosque collapsing inwards one by one at intervals of roughly an hour on that cold, wintery Sunday afternoon.

Everyone knew who were the dramatis personae at each level – and practically every bit of evidence that would ever have been required exists, captured in videos and photographs. Our present prime minister was said to be  one of the key organizers of the of the Rath Yatra that led up to the demolition and can be seen holding the microphone in his  hands in the photograph below.

Rath Yatra – precursor to the demolition, image courtesy Quora.com

Worse was to follow the demolition. The  demolition of the structure of the mosque was over that day but the process of the demolition of the Indian Constitution that had begun with what was called the ‘Ram janmabhoomi movement’ continued. By ‘Constitution’ I do not simply mean the book that embodies the law of the land but rather the very weave that came to constitute Indian society as a result of the new contract that the document called the Constitution embodied. Constitution, therefore in a triple sense. The document called the Constitution too was not merely a book of laws; it was rather, the only existing, largely agreed upon, vision of a modern India. It was a vision which was put in place through the long process of struggles, debates and contestations over the long decades of the anticolonial movement and finally given shape in, in the Constituent Assembly. There was nothing benign or innocuous about it – every bit of it had to be achieved through a fight. And yet, in the end, that was the document that embodied the vision of modern India. The only political current that stood far away from both the anticolonial struggle and had no role in the creation of this vision is the political force that rules India today.

The RSS and its numerous offshoots were neither fighting the British nor joining in the anti-caste and anti-untouchability struggles through the period since they came into existence in the mid-1920s. No wonder leaders of the Sangh combine think the anti-colonial/ national struggle was about cow-protection. That they neither subscribed to the anti-British agenda nor to the anti-caste agenda around which struggles of that period took shape, is not just a matter of historical record but is also visible in the way its leaders and ranks conduct their politics today. Every single step taken by the Sangh leaders is a step out of sync with the vision of the future spelt out by the social contract of modern India. That the Sangh attributes this vision to the Congress is an expression of its own illiteracy about the diverse forces in struggle throughout that period.

Even though it is conducted in the name of Hindus, there is nothing ‘Hindu’ about its agenda. Sangh and Sanghism is the name of a malignant political machine that seeks to destroy the very body of society in the name of an ancient past. That is the political machine we confront today. That is the political machine that we must fight today with all our vigour.

Courtesy: Kafila.online
 

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“Open the Doors!” is an epigram used by  Christians in this 2000th 
anniversary of the birth of  Jesus Christ (Yesu Krist Jayanti 2000 or YKJ 2000) accompanied by the symbolic gesture of opening the doors of cathedrals and churches to society and the world. 

This symbolises the Christian resolve to be fully open in the new millennium — to sincerely dialogue with all religions, with the sciences and with all peoples in a global endeavour to foster justice, fellowship and peace. However, for Christians in Gujarat, especially those in the southern tribal districts, Christmas and the New Year 2000 have been closed-door affairs as saffron squads held the Christian community hostage while arm–twisting the state BJP–government into acceding to their demands.

A close analysis of the events preceding Christmas week, with the insidious moves and double–speak of the BJP state government, gives cause for alarm.
As a prelude to the Christmas 1998 Christian–bashing and chapel-burning, incendiary pamphlets were distributed in the villages of the Dangs (See Combat, January 1999). This Christmas (1999), too, Janubhai A. Pawar, president of the Hindu Jagran Manch (HJM), master-minded the distribution of provocative pamphlets and called for a Hindu ‘dharma sabha’ precisely on Christmas Day. 

Feigning determination to protect the minority community and to curb violence, the home minister, Haren Pandya, issued a circular banning rallies of any community on the feast days of another community.

Janubhai Pawar was subsequently arrested on December 9 after the Christian community expressed its apprehensions. Surprisingly, with Janubhai’s arrest, about 200 BJP members including all party officers of south Gujarat resigned in protest against the circular and the arrest. Within hours, Pawar was released on bail. 

Janubhai Pawar is the main trouble–maker in the Dangs. The Citizens’ Committee Report on the Dangs published in New Delhi in March 1999 recommended that the HJM be banned from the Dangs since: “The HJM’s sole objective is to instigate people to create trouble on communal lines. It is this organisation that has been responsible for all the incidents in the Dangs. The leader of HJM, Janubhai Pawar, has found his organisation a convenient instrument to exploit, blackmail and terrorise people.

“Obviously he has the backing of the government as is evident from the way he took us to a government office to give his views — when the officials at his very sight stood up to receive him and thereafter waited outside literally in attendance. There are four cases registered against him and having regard to the activities he has been indulging in, he should have been externed from Dangs for the mere asking.” 

Interestingly, in the aftermath of the 1998 mayhem, to diffuse the focus of blame, Janubhai Pawar stoutly denied that the HJM was part of the Sangh Parivar (see Citizen’s Commission Report, p.21). This time, however, the ‘shilanyas’ and the rally were jointly organised by the HJM and the VHP who declared that the government would not ban their programmes as it was they themselves who launched it to power. Pushed against the wall, in a volte–face of its previous stand, the government lifted its ban on rallies with the VHP–HJM’s ‘verbal assurance’ to the home minister that they would call off the Christmas Day rally in exchange for allowing the ‘shilanyas’ at Halmodi on December 22.

The withdrawal of the ban on rallies went against the Union home ministry’s letter sent to the state chief secretary, L.N.S. Mukundan, to impose a restriction on all rallies around Christmas week in the state, particularly in the Dangs, “to pre-empt unfortunate implications on any count.” The home ministry’s letter, signed by special secretary, M. B. Kaushal, also instructed the state government to take legal action against those implicated in last year’s attacks. Ignoring these instructions, the government yielded to the fanatic elements among its ranks, laying bare its malicious intent. Was it necessary to withdraw the circular banning rallies if the Sangh Parivar was serious about not going ahead with theirs? 

When questioned whether the VHP–HJM combine would actually cancel the proposed Christmas rally, VHP joint–secretary, Jaideep Patel, said, “We will disclose our position with regard to the rally only after the successful completion of the shilanyas programme.” This reply betrays the Sangh Parivar’s intentions.

While bargaining with the saffron forces, the home minister rushed to the Dangs in a vain attempt to assuage the fears of the Christian community. There were neither explanations about the government’s plans to curtail anti-Christian atrocities nor any indications of bringing the culprits to book. Pandya merely told the Christian delegation to be patient, promised them security and requested them not to make press statements for it would aggravate the situation. The government also sought to coerce the Christian community into agreeing to the ‘shilanyas’.

Christian leaders refused to sign any statement of agreement for they claimed that it was part of the VHP-HJM’s terror campaign. Furthermore, familiar with the back–bending of the government on various issues, the Christian community doubted the sincerity of the home minister. Many Christian leaders were sure that the government would finally allow the VHP–HJM to have its way. 

Apparently, the BJP government in Gujarat is unconcerned about the plight of the minorities. It only desires that the truth be concealed. 

Contrary to the claims of the VHP-HJM that over 10,000 tribals (‘vanvasis’ in Sangh Parivar terminology) would assemble at Halmodi for the ‘shilanyas’ ceremony on December 22, barely 500 people including government officials and school children were present. Swami Aseemananda of the Waghai–based ‘Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad’ — who devised the forcible ‘shuddikaran’ (ritual purificatory process) at the Unai hot–springs and launched a scathing attack on Christian missionaries before the ‘bhoomi pujan’ at Halmodi — explained that the aim of setting up temples all over the district was to enable ‘vanvasis’ to worship in peace. 

Although the Parivar members were upset by the low turnout at the ceremony, it served as intimidation to the minority community and symbolically demonstrated the power of the Hindutva forces. Admitting that the turnout was low, Rajnikant Rajwadi, BJP MLA from Bardoli, made a significant comment: “The message has been conveyed to the world that we have achieved our objective.” 

Haren Pandya was pleased that the ‘shilanyas’ passed off “peacefully” and S.K. Nanda, secretary in–charge of Dangs, mentioned that the Halmodi ceremony left tribal Christians “quite relaxed.” The fact is that tribal Christians were terrorised and remained indoors.

After the shilanyas, egged on by the weak resolve of the state government, the VHP–HJM publicised plans for the proposed ‘dharma sabha’ on December 25 to be addressed by Jagadguru Shankaracharya of Karvir Pith while the home minister, interviewed by Star TV repeated, “We will leave no stone unturned to maintain law and order.” Parrying questions, he could not explain the government’s compromises and failure to counter the VHP–HJM offensive. 
Meanwhile, the district authorities seemed clueless about the plans of the VHP–HJM and helpless about the government’s arbitrary decisions. 

Simultaneously, as the result of a criminal miscellaneous application filed by Samson C. Christian, secretary, United Christian Association, the Gujarat High Court directed the state government to appoint two observers in the Dangs from December 26 to 28 who would produce a report by December 29.

With tension mounting, on Christmas eve, nearly 750 villages, chapels and institutions of South Gujarat which were identified as sensitive spots, were cordoned off by a huge police force with 55 senior police officers, 15 companies of the SRP and 300 RAF jawans, making it impossible to celebrate Christmas.
Ironically, the YKJ jubilee, to be celebrated with ‘open doors’ passed off behind locked doors and under the shadow of the gun.

No traditional midnight prayer-services and no cultural programmes were possible. A veritable Christmas curfew. “The Hindutva forces have succeeded in instilling fear among us, tribals, who have lived peacefully for decades,” said Motilal Gaikwad, former co–ordinator of the ‘Adivasi Pragati Samiti’. 

He regretted that the Christian community had to call off its Christmas prayers and programmes. “The government wants us to be grateful for preventing violence. That we have lost all our freedom and basic rights is of no consequence to them,” lamented a Christian leader who was strictly warned not to meet the press.

On Christmas day itself, saffron flags adorned the roads at Ahwa. At the Dandkeshwar Mahadev Temple, the Shankaracharya convened a ‘sabha’ of about 500 people and attacked the Christian missionaries. Swami Aseemananda and other VHP–HJM leaders gave vituperative speeches with threats of a backlash if the missionaries continued their activities. The meeting concluded with a decision to hold similar ‘dharma sabhas’ every Christmas.

Two observers of the All India Christian Council, John Dayal, national convenor of the United Christians Forum for Human Rights and national secretary of the All India Catholic Union and Kamal Mitra Chenoy, professor at JNU (Delhi) and leading civil rights’activist, lambasted the government for its ineptitude and connivance. Asserting that the Parivar had violated prohibitory orders and taking exception to the fiery speeches, Chenoy and Dayal added that, “a systematic attempt was being made by the Sangh Parivar to enforce its will and political and social agenda, violating all norms of civil society.” 

The Dangs disappeared from media focus as soon as the Kandahar hijacking hit the headlines. Thus, voices against the Gujarat government’s handling of the situation were few and weak.

Gujarat’s leader of the Opposition, Amarsingh Chaudhary, pointed out that “Christians are being terrorised by militant Hindu organisations” and alleged that “organisations like the VHP, RSS, HJM and Bajrang Dal, supported by the ruling BJP in Gujarat, have been carrying on disruptive activities in a bid to create a rift between tribals and tribal Christians in the state.” 

The saffron brigade has reaped rich dividends through its terror tactics and brow–beating of minorities. The pernicious and persistent peddling of Parivar ideology is backed by a political power–base that surreptitiously supports and sustains it and vice versa. Hence, the phenomenal success of the BJP in Gujarat: three new, tribal–belt victories in last year’s Parliamentary elections (Chhota-udepur, Dahod and Mandvi) and 30 out of 48 municipalities this year.
The Parivar armament also contains an ostensibly innocuous, yet insidious, bill on religious conversion that was introduced in the Gujarat Assembly by BJP MLA Mangubhai Patel, arousing apprehension among minorities in Gujarat. When challenged about its anti–constitutional content, Haren Pandya was quick to remark, “This is not raised by the whole party but by one member.” When questioned whether he would revoke the bill, Pandya was non–committal saying, “We shall see when the bill comes up for discussion!” There is little doubt that the powerful BJP lobby will try its might and mane to pass the bill, thereby trampling upon the minorities’ constitutional, fundamental rights.

New Year 2000 has brought little cheer for Gujarat’s minorities. On January 3, the Keshubhai government lifted the ban on membership of state government employees in the RSS, one of the 30–odd communal organisations on the banned list, which includes the Indian Union Muslim League, the VHP, the Ananda Marg and others. 

The move will have deleterious repercussions, as not only will government officials be permitted to join the RSS, but also all will view RSS membership as sure qualification for getting promotions and prize postings.

Adding fuel to the fire, in the recently–concluded ‘sankalp shibir’ held in Ahmedabad, Keshubhai Patel donned the RSS khaki shorts and white shirt and played generous host to the 30,000 RSS ‘swayamsevaks’ who marched triumphantly through Ahmedabad’s streets, while the RSS leaders boasted of establishing RSS ‘shakhas’ in every village of Gujarat by the year 2005.

While the Union government has been drawing flak for its handling of the hijacking crisis, the RSS chief, Rajendra Singh, termed the compromise as an example of ‘Hindu cowardice’. Immediately, an ominous “Regulation of Public Religious Buildings and Places Bill” was passed in the UP Assembly on the grounds that ISI activities were escalating in masjids and madrassas along the Nepal border. Indeed, the Parivar has capitalised on anything and everything from Kargil to Kandahar. Political analysts predict that the same bill will be passed in Pakistan-bordered Gujarat, too, providing a battering–ram for demolishing Christian places of worship. 

Gujarat has always been a treasured launching pad and testing-ground for the ‘Hindu Rashtra’ programmes. The success is amazing and alarming. L.K. Advani’s ‘rath yatra’, launched from Dwarka, got the Hindutva juggernaut rolling in Gujarat, resulting in the Muslim massacre of 1992 in Surat, the Christian baiting of 1998 in South Gujarat, a debate on conversions, a ‘Christian census’ and a conversion bill in 1999 and the legitimisation of RSS activities at the very dawn of 2000. 

Rural Gujarat needs vidyalayas and bal mandirs rather ‘shilanyas’ and ‘Hanuman mandirs’. Much can be done if everyone seriously opens doors and sets about building bridges for a peaceful and prosperous third millennium. 

Archived from Communalism Combat, January 2000. Year 7  No, 55,  Special Report

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