In her statement, Senator Baldwin states, “Religious freedom is a fundamental human right, and when any country infringes on it, the United States must stand up and speak out. I am calling on the United States to continue pushing the government of India to reverse the systematic religious and political persecution that endangers and disenfranchises innocent civilians.”

Senator Baldwin’s resolution urges the US government to engage with India and take measures to halt the persecution and violence against religious minorities and human rights advocates. Furthermore, it calls for an end to government policies that discriminate against Muslims and Christians based on their faith, aligning with the ideals of equality and secularism enshrined in India’s Constitution.

It also calls on the Government of India to amend/repeal discriminatory laws and executive orders, including the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act, anti-conversion laws, anti-blasphemy laws, and sedition laws. It advocates for an end to the discriminatory National Register for Citizens and the restoration of citizenship to the 1.9 million residents in the state of Assam, as well as the release of individuals from detention centers.

Furthermore, it demands the immediate release of unjustly detained human rights defenders, journalists, and other critics, and the establishment of accountability for the violent treatment of anti-CAA protesters. The resolution also calls for an end to the demolition of homes, businesses, and places of worship belonging to Muslims and Christians.

The Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC), claiming to be the largest advocacy organization representing diaspora Indian Muslims in the US, applauded Senator Baldwin for her “unwavering commitment to the values of religious freedom and human rights.”

In a statement, it sad, “Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s tenure, India has witnessed a troubling trend of anti-Muslim riots, beef-related lynchings, attacks on mosques and Muslim neighborhoods, summary demolition of Muslim properties with bulldozers, restrictions on public prayers, hate speech events, calls for social and economic boycott of Muslims, arrests under bogus charges and the implementation of discriminatory laws.”

Rasheed Ahmed, Executive Director of IAMC, praised Senator Baldwin’s “courageous initiative”, stating, “India is a key partner of the United States, and that makes it doubly important that the Indian government observes, practices, and implements civil and political liberties as enshrined in the Indian Constitution. Rising social conflict and democratic backslide in India will weaken and not strengthen India’s relevance as a global bulwark against anti-democratic forces.

“We applaud Senator Baldwin for introducing this significant resolution and encourage the US Senate to pass it to send a clear and unequivocal message to both the Biden Administration and the Indian government”, Ahmed added.

Masood Akhtar, a Wisconsin entrepreneur, and activist, said, “As a proud Indian-born American, I strongly believe in India’s Constitution as written, and if faithfully followed, it would ensure that India remains the world’s largest secular democracy and a role model for other countries.”

“We commend Senator Tammy Baldwin for her leadership and dedication to upholding the principles of religious freedom, democracy, and human rights,” added IAMC President Mohammed Jawad.

Courtesy: CounterView

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Image source: Sabrang India

Where did this shift begin?

Uttar Pradesh

After the BJP’s defeat in 2004 Hindutva forces adopted another approach which involved instead of large-scale state-wide riots, there has been noted a contrived effort to maintain an undercurrent of communal tension and foster frequent, small-scale incidents around minor everyday issues. The party’s defeat in 2004 was attributed largely in part to the 2002 Gujarat riots. This new strategy aims to perpetuate communalism at the grassroots level and maintain a simmering state of polarisation. Groups like the Bajrang Dal and Hindu Yuva Vahini (HYV) under Yogi Adityanath have been instrumental in implementing this polarising means. Thereby, this reveals that patterns of communal violence have undergone a wide shift, as scholars Sudha Pai and Sajjan Kumar note in their book Everyday Communalism: Riots in Contemporary Uttar Pradesh (2018).

However, the situation changed once the BJP came to power in 2017, yet Muslims continued to be the primary target of Hindu vigilantes, as evidenced by a series of lynchings. Their plight is dire due to the frequent collusion between the police and vigilante groups. The usual scenario involved inciting communal clashes, which the HYV excelled at, with the objective of attacking Muslim homes and businesses and when the police intervened, their actions were more geared towards apprehending the victims rather than the perpetrators of the violence.

To further suppress the targeted individuals, the police frequently uses laws such as the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and the National Security Act. These laws are typically meant to deal with criminals posing a threat to national security and allow for individuals to be detained without charge for up to 12 months. In 2017 alone, 160 Muslims were arrested under the National Security Act.

In recent times, there has been a troubling trend of concerted efforts to persecute Muslims and marginalize them through various means, including economic boycotts and house demolitions. Muslims have been targeted through systematic economic discrimination wherein they face boycotts in business as well as employment opportunities, leading to financial instability and systematic exclusion from mainstream economic activities. Additionally, there have been instances of targeted house demolitions, where Muslim homes and businesses have been razed under the pretext of legal issues or urban development or even justified as punishment.

 
Image source: SabrangIndia

Maharashtra Coalition Model of Mobilisation

 According to the Indian Express, in Maharashtra a coalition of several right-wing Hindu nationalist groups has emerged under the name Sakal Hindu Samaj. The organisation has been actively organising public gatherings across Maharashtra, drawing large crowds and gaining attention for its saffron-themed events. Led by influential figures like Suresh Chavhanke who is the founder and Editor-in-Chief of Sudarshan News, and hardline leader Kalicharan Maharaj alias Abhijeet Dhananjay Saraag. The coalition group has been making headlines for its contentious activities across the year.

The origins of the term Sakal Hindu can be traced back to a poem penned by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, a prominent figure known as the father of Hindutva. Savarkar’s composition, “Tumhi Aamhi Sakal Hindu, Bandhu Bandhu,” written during his imprisonment in 1922, which sought to ‘unitr’ Hindus by appealing to communal feelings of all Hindus, and giving a call to transcend divisions of caste and region. This theme resonates with the Sakal Hindu Samaj’s mission, as stated by its members and leaders, who see the organisation as a platform for all Hindus to come together.

Despite the group’s growing prominence and influence, there is limited information available on its official background and formation. Nevertheless, it has been making waves since June 2022, with a rally in Rajasthan’s Ajmer protesting against the alleged disrespect of Hindu culture and deities in the district.

One of the defining aspects of the Sakal Hindu Samaj’s gatherings is the fervent use of saffron, symbolising their allegiance to Hindu nationalism. These events have drawn significant attendance, with the Nashik rally attracting an estimated 4,000-5,000 people. Suresh Chavhanke’s presence as a speaker, known for broadcasting controversial and communally charged speeches on Sudarshan News, adds to the group’s notoriety.

Moreover, the participation of notable politicians from parties like the BJP and the Shiva Sena, such as Maharashtra Cabinet Ministers Sandipan Bhumare, Atul Save, and MLAs Pradeep Jaiswal and Shivendra Raje Bhosale, has brought further attention to these events revealing the tacit and active approval of their divisive agenda by political leaders of ruling parties.

However, the Sakal Hindu Samaj and its polarising tactics have not remained without objection from civil society. CJP raised concerns about the group’s events promoting hate speech, demanding central laws against ‘love jihad,’ religious conversion, and cow slaughter. On 3rd February 2023, the CJP wrote to Supriya Sule, a member of the Lok Sabha representing Baramati, Maharashtra, regarding the proposed event of Sakal Hindu Samaj scheduled for February 9 in Baramati, Maharashtra.

The contentious and disturbing presence of Hindutva leaders like Kajal Shingla, also known as Kajal ‘Hindusthani,who frequently speaks at the gatherings organised by the Sakal Hindu Samaj, has also sparked questions over the group’s inclinations toward bigoted ideas and hatred.

What is notable is that the Sakal Hindu Samaj has rapidly gained momentum as a coalition of right-wing Hindu nationalist outfits, organising prominent saffron-themed public gatherings across Maharashtra. While its origins remain somewhat obscure, its message of mobilising all Hindus resonates with the sentiments expressed in Vinayak Damodar Savarkar’s poem.

Analysis of Hate Incidentsby CJP in 23 States between December 2022 and June 2023

During the past six months, CJP’s hate map or Nafrat ka Naqsha has documented incidents from 23 states in India, covering events that occurred between 14th December 2022 and 30th June 2023. Maharashtra leads the tally with 85 recorded hate incidents, followed by Uttar Pradesh with 59 incidents, Madhya Pradesh with 48, and Rajasthan with 44 incidents.

Hate Map/Nafrat ka Naqsha here.

CJP’s Nafrat ka Naqsha categorises incidents into hate speech, communal Intimidation, communal violence, caste, gender and ethnic violence/discrimination, cow vigilantism and lynching, as well as incidents of everyday harmony. The map details the events along with the names of individuals, groups, and organisations involved in these incidents.

For Maharashtra, the state with the highest number of incidents, a total of 85 incidents were recorded, with 43 falling under hate speech and communal intimidation. Sakal Hindu Samaj organized 25 such events of hate speech and communal intimidation. Other groups involved in such incidents were Hindu Janajagruti Samiti (6 events), VHP, Bajrang Dal, International Hindu Council, and Rashtriya Bajrang Dal (9 events). Noteworthy speakers delivering hate speeches in the state were Kalicharan Maharaj (8 times), Suresh Chavhanke (6 times), Raja Singh (4 times), and Kajal Singhla and Praveen Togadia (2 times each). Additionally, in a troubling development, incidents of cow vigilantism and lynching have surfaced in Maharashtra. The hate map by CJP registered 6 such cases, including 2 cases within a week in Nashik, with the involvement of Rashtriya Bajrang Dal in one case. Communal violence incidents during and after the Ram Navami procession have also been reported in the state.

It can be observed from CJP’s data that Maharashtra has seen a surge in hate incidents in recent times, with hate speech becoming a prominent issue. Certain individuals, groups, and organisations, that often overlap with members and participants in the Sakal Hindi Samaj events, have been recurrently involved in organising programs that promote hate speech and contribute to a hostile atmosphere in both the country and the state.

 Uttar Pradesh

In the past six months, according to CJP’s database, Uttar Pradesh has witnessed 54 recorded incidents, depicting a concerning pattern of hate speech, communal intimidation, caste, and gender-related violence. Among these incidents, 12 were associated with hate speech and communal intimidation while 17 involved violence related to caste and gender issues. Noteworthy figures, such as Sadhvi Prachi, Suresh Chavhanke, Bajrang Muni, and Jagadguru Paramhans, have been linked to propagating hate speech. In addition to this, two cases of cow vigilantism were registered, one involving the Bajrang Dal. The statistics reveal the active presence of three organisations – Bajrang Dal, Rashtriya Bajrang Dal, and Vishwa Hindu Parishad – who have been implicated in ten incidents in one way or another. Despite this alarming trend, there has been only one instance of communal harmony observed in Uttar Pradesh during this period. These statistics underscore the occurrence of hate speech, communal intimidation in the state at the same time, revealing a multi-pronged approach to inciting communalism.

In 2023, a total of 428 incidents were recorded in 23 states, with Maharashtra having the highest number of incidents and Manipur and Tripura having the least. Hate speech and communal incidents were the most prevalent in all states. Maharashtra had 85 incidents, with almost half related to hate speech and communal intimidation and 6 incidents of communal harmony.

In Madhya Pradesh, there were 48 incidents, including 21 incidents of hate speech and communal intimidation, 4 incidents of cow vigilantism and lynching, and 7 incidents of communal violence (4 in Khandwa). Outfits like Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindi Parishad, and International Hind Parishad were involved in 13 incidents. Hate speeches were given by Raja Singh, Kapil Mishra, Kajal Singhla, and Praveen Togadia. There was only one incident of communal harmony.

Rajasthan had 44 incidents, with 33 related to hate speech and communal intimidation, often organized jointly by VHP and Bajrang Dal. Bajrang Dal was directly involved in 25 places. There were 2 incidents of caste violence and gender violence, and 3 incidents of communal violence. Cow vigilantism and lynching occurred in 3 instances, and there was 1 incident of ethnic violence. Hate speeches were delivered by Ishwar Lal, Ramdev Baba, Sadhvi Prachi, and Raja Singh.

Karnataka recorded 31 incidents, including 5 incidents of communal violence (3 involving Bajrang Dal), 5 incidents of hate speech and communal intimidation, and 8 incidents of election hate speech. Hate speeches were given by Pramod Muthalik, Raja Singh, and the Chief Minister of Assam. There were 3 incidents of caste violence, 1 incident of cow vigilantism, 2 incidents of gender violence, and 1 incident of online harassment. Communal harmony was observed on 3 occasions.

Haryana witnessed 25 incidents, with 9 incidents of cow vigilantism and lynching (5 involving Bajrang Dal, 3 by Gau Rakshak Dal), 4 incidents of communal violence (2 during Ram Navami processions), and 12 incidents of hate speech and communal intimidation. Active organizations included Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and Praveen Togadia. No incidents of communal harmony were reported.

In Gujarat, there were 19 incidents, including 13 incidents of hate speech and communal intimidation. Kajal Hindustani delivered 4 hate speeches, Praveen Togadia gave 3, and Dhirendra Shastri delivered 1. There was 1 incident of gender violence and 2 incidents of Ram Navami Procession cum Communal Violence.

Delhi recorded 18 incidents, with 12 related to hate speech and communal intimidation. Hate speeches were given by Suresh Chavhanke, Suraj Pal Amu, Yati Narsinghanand Saraswati, Kajal Hindustani, and Pravin Togadia. There were 2 incidents of communal violence, 2 Ram Navami Processions, 1 incident of cow vigilantism, and 1 incident of gender violence.

Bihar had 15 incidents, with 5 incidents of communal intimidation/violence and hate speech during Ram Navami Procession. There were 3 incidents of communal violence, 3 incidents of cow vigilantism and lynching, and 2 incidents of caste violence. Praveen Togadia delivered a hate speech.

Telangana had 14 incidents, including 6 incidents of hate speech and communal intimidation. There were 2 Ram Navami Processions, 2 incidents of communal violence, 3 incidents of caste violence, and 1 incident of ethnic violence. Hate speeches were delivered by Raja Singh and the Chief Minister of Assam.

Jharkhand witnessed 9 incidents, with 3 incidents of communal violence, 3 incidents of hate speech and communal intimidation, 2 incidents of Ram Navami Procession, and 1 incident of cow vigilantism. Active organizations included VHP and Bajrang Dal.

Chhattisgarh had 8 incidents, including 5 incidents of hate speech and communal incidents, 2 incidents of ethnic violence, and 1 incident of communal violence. Rashtriya Bajrang Dal and Bajrang Dal were active here.

Assam recorded 6 incidents, including 3 incidents of hate speech (delivered by Hemant Vishwa Sharma and Praveen Togadia), 2 incidents of communal violence, and 1 incident of cow vigilantism.

Jammu and Kashmir had 5 incidents, including 2 incidents of hate speech, 1 incident of communal intimidation, 1 Ram Navami Procession, and 1 incident of cow vigilantism. Bajrang Dal and International Hindu Parishad were involved in 4 of these incidents.

Punjab recorded 4 incidents, including 2 incidents of communal intimidation, 1 incident of caste violence, and 1 incident of cow vigilantism.

Kerala had 4 incidents, with 3 incidents related to communal harmony and 1 incident of communal intimidation involving Durga Vahini.

Tamil Nadu witnessed 4 incidents, including 1 incident of hate speech, 1 incident of caste violence, and 2 incidents of caste discrimination.

Goa recorded 4 incidents, with all related to hate speech and communal intimidation by Hindu Janajagruti Samiti. Hate speeches were delivered by Ranjit Savarkar, Kapil Mishra, Hari Shankar Jain, and Yati Chetannad Saraswati.

Himachal Pradesh had 4 incidents, with 2 incidents of communal violence and 2 incidents of communal intimidation. Bajrang Dal was active in the state.

Manipur had 1 incident of ethnic violence, and Tripura had 1 incident of communal violence.

The data reveals a total of 428 incidents across 23 states. Hate speech and communal incidents were the most prevalent in all states. Maharashtra had the highest number of incidents, while Manipur and Tripura had the least. Apart from Karnataka and Telengana, the northern states of UP, Rajasthan, and Maharashtra and Gujarat seem to have a high number of communal incidents. It is to be noted that Maharashtra and Rajasthan both have opposition party government, yet despite that the number of communally charged incidents run high in these states. It is also apparent from the data above that there is a coherence in the kind of communal incidents across the country. The frequency of large scale riots is low, but incidents of lynching, protesting against ‘outsiders’ or ‘love-jihad, and conferences with hate speech are on the rise. These coupled with legal persecution of minorities has paved the way to create an unsafe country for the marginalised.

Hate Speech across the country

In 2017, India witnessed the highest number of recorded hate speech and hate crime cases. Hindutva groups, particularly those associated with the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), have been identified as the main promoters of hate speech and hate crimes in the country. During the tenure of the BJP, there has been a notable increase in communal hate-mongering.

According to a recent report by ANHAD, hate speech and hate crimes have predominantly targeted Muslims at 73.3% of all hate speech, and Christians were targeted in about 26.7% all the incidents in India. Notably, hate speech incidents against Muslims, 61.6%, outweigh hate crime incidents at 38.4% in terms of percentage.

Over the years, there has been a gradual shift where hate crimes against Muslims have started to exceed hate speech incidents, indicating that hate speeches have contributed to the rise of hate crimes against Muslims in India.

For the Christian community, the percentage of hate crimes was recorded to be 96% higher than that of hate speech.

Although the percentage of hate crimes against Christians may appear higher than that against Muslims, the actual numerical value remains greater for Muslims.

Images from a Dharam Sansad in Uttarakhand

Communal Experiments: the case of Uttarakhand

In Uttarakhand, the communal divide is deepening day by day since 2022. It has been causing immense distress and fear among the Muslim communities, who make up less than 14% of the state’s population. For the first time, according to a report by NewsClick, they are facing an openly communal campaign, even with the participation of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. During the election campaign in 2022, there were subtle warnings against the Congress party, suggesting they planned to settle Rohingya Muslims in Uttarakhand to erode the state’s culture and religious traditions. However, since then it has only been a downward trek.

This venomous atmosphere of hatred has seeped into the political landscape. Ordinary citizens point out that the ruling BJP benefits from using them as hate objects to fuel their propaganda machinery and maintain their hate-driven campaign. The situation also reportedly worsened due to infighting within the Congress party.

Speaking to NewClick, political analyst SMA Kazmi here highlights how anti-Muslim rumours were spread through social media leading to attacks on various Muslim-owned establishments.

According to this report, the process of communalisation in Uttarakhand began in 2017, during the tenure of Chief Minister Trivendra Singh Rawat. Acts of violence, such as the targeting and burning of Muslim shops, followed the murder of a local Hindu man near Rishikesh. The campaign gained momentum, often fuelled by rumours, as authorities failed to provide a counter-narrative to control the violence and hate. This further emboldened mobs to attack small Muslim-owned businesses.

The discourse of hate has been freely, and easily, propagated by politicians within the state. For instance, a BJP Member of Legislative Assembly, Mahendra Bhatt, posted on Facebook urging people not to buy vegetables from Muslim traders. The pinnacle of this hate campaign was the Dharam Sansad in Haridwar, where Hindu sants, led by Narsinghanand Saraswati, called for the “extermination of the 20 million Muslim population.”

This new model of communalism in Uttarakhand is characterized by the exploitation of religious divisions for political gains and the spread of hatred through social media platforms and political rallies. The minority Muslim community has become a vulnerable target of violence and discrimination, as communal tensions continue to escalate.

Attacks against Christians

According to government reports, as reported by Outlook India, there have been incidents of violence against Christians, resulting in the destruction of 395 churches and over 5,600 houses, and the ransacking of more than 600 villages. The estimated death toll exceeds 500, with many Christian families being burned alive. Additionally, thousands of Christians were forcibly converted to Hinduism or faced further violence.

Since 2014, attacks against Christians have increased, with anti-Christian hate crimes doubling, as reported by the Evangelical Fellowship of India. 2015 was particularly severe, marked as the worst year for Indian Christians since the country gained independence. The Catholic Secular Forum’s data reveals 365 major attacks on Christian individuals and institutions in that year, focused on practicing and spreading their faith. Among the attacks, Delhi witnessed six incidents, including alleged arson on churches and acts of vandalism.

In the following years, violence against Christians continued, with at least 305 recorded incidents in the first nine months of 2021, according to a fact-finding report by the Association for the Protection of Civil Rights, United against Hate, and United Christian Forum. Some of these incidents were reported in states such as Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, and Uttarakhand.

One particularly horrifying incident occurred on October 3, 2021, when a prayer house in Roorkee was reportedly vandalized by a mob of around 250 people. The attack was triggered by accusations of illegal conversions against Pentecostal evangelist Prio Sadhna Potter and those who were present at the scene.

 Related

Suresh Chavhanke, others stoke tensions at an event in MP seemingly filled with hate speech, fake news

Custodial Deaths of Dalits and Muslims go Unchecked across the Nation

Suresh Chavhanke stirs controversy of “Spit Jihad” again in a village of Maharashtra

Notorious “leaders” spread communal and divisive ideology in Solapur, Maharashtra

The post Intolerance on the Rise: Unveiling Disturbing Trends in India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Last week, a video of one such incident had surfaced on social media, in which a Christian principal of a school in Pune was being thrashed by a mob for purportedly forcing students to recite Christian prayers and for having installed CCTVs in the girls’ toilet.

The said incident had took place on July 4. It is essential to note that while reports were suggesting that Alexander Coates Reed, principal of DY Patil High School in Talegaon, was being assaulted for installing “cameras in the Girl’s washrooms”, the mob thrashing him were members of the Bajrang Dal, among others, raising chants of “Har Har Mahadev”. It was reported that soon after the incident, a police complaint was filed by by a parent at the Talegaon MIDC police station. The police had also clarified that during the initial investigation, no evidence of students being forced to “recite Christian prayers” was found, and the said CCTVs had not been installed inside the toilets but in the common areas near the wash basins in both the girls’ and boys’ washrooms.

Now, a report by the Newslaundry has revealed that the complainant in the aforementioned matter, the parent of a Class 8 student, stated that the religious allegations are “rubbish”. Instead, she said that she was upset about the CCTVs, her daughter once receiving a “punishment”, and the staff being “rude” to her when she complained about it.

As per the copy of the complaint filed with the police station, accessed by the Newslaundry, the following allegations have been made against the principal: “Biblical prayers are recited in school, Hindu festivals are not celebrated and students are repeatedly said to not follow the act as per Hindu traditions. If any parent talks about this issue, their wards are harassed…but the most condemnable act is the installation of CCTV cameras in ladies’ washroom.”

When the complainant was contacted by Newslaundry, she clearly provided that she was “upset” about her daughter being punished by teachers, and the principal “supporting” the teachers. She alleged that in June, her daughter and other students were asked by a teacher to “rearrange some benches” as a punishment. She further provided that she had planned to go to the school on July 4 with other parents to complain, but the parent had no issues about “religious” concerns at the school. She did not provide a clear answer, or was herself confused, about how the Bajrang Dal got involved. 

A contrasting statement was provided by Nitin Mahajan, coordinator of the Bajrang Dal in western Maharashtra, to Newslaundry, who had stated that that the parent had approached his group on July 1 with a “complaint”, and then asked them to accompany her to the school on July 4. 

As provided in the report, Mahajan stated that “DY Patil High School is operated by a Christian principal, Alexander. There are also 2-4 Christian teachers and one Muslim teacher. The parent said during free time, teachers would tell students how Hindus are different from Christians. Morning prayers were from the Bible. We don’t have a problem with that, in fact they should do prayers of all religions. But then they started telling students to go to church. They gave more marks to students who went to church.” It is essential to note that none of these allegations could be proved. Mahajan further said the parent told him that students who didn’t comply were “targeted” and “subject to punishments”. The abovementioned claims allegedly made by the parent while speaking to the Bajrang Dal coordinator were deemed enough for them to destroy the reputation of a principal by chasing him around his own school, beating him, tearing his shirt, raising false allegations of conversion and releasing the said video. 

What stands out from this incident is the presence of the Bajrang Dal at the school premise even though the complainant (parent) did not once mention approaching the Bajrang Dal and how this incident escalated and took a communal turn. 

Related:

Principal of Pune school assaulted by extremist Hindu mob, police allege accusation raised to be false

Chhattisgarh: Bajrang Dal disrupts Christian prayer meet; religious conversion alleged

Targeted attacks continue as Bajrang Dal’s disturbing trend of violence against Muslims goes unchecked

Bajrang Dal threatens Muslim seller: Shop’s name “Zayed” instead of “Raju”

Maharashtra: CJP files complaint with Nagpur police against two trishul distribution events, organised by Bajrang Dal & VHP

If you kill one of us, we will kill thousands of yours: Bajrang Dal

The post Christian principal assault: No evidence of ‘forced’ Christian prayers found, complainant unable to explain involvement of Bajrang Dal appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Council of Minority Rights in India (CMRI) published a report on the Religious Minorities in India in November 2022. Through this report, Socio-Political Status of Religious Minorities in India in the year 2021 has been documented, through collecting primary and secondary data. The report emphasized on the sudden rise in calls for genocides, economic and social boycotts, rape threats to Muslim women, rise in Hindu vigilante groups have resulted in lynching or lynchings of innocent Muslim men, vandalising Christian prayer meetings, and moral policing couples on Valentine’s Day, which displays the growing extremism in the society. the report aims to depicts how it is becoming more and more dangerous to speak freely, think freely and even possess books which may give a message different to the one the current regime is propagating. It is in this socio-political context that this report attempts to document the violence and provide perspectives to the growing intolerance.

Who are the religious minorities of India?

The Ministry of Welfare, Government of India notified five religious communities, the Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, and Zoroastrians (Parsis), as minority communities on 23rd October 1993. The Jains were later notified on 27th January 2014, as a minority community. As per the 2011 census, the above-mentioned six religious minorities constitute 19.4% of the total population. Muslims are the largest minority in India that constitute 14.2% of the total population, whereas Christians and Sikhs constitute 2.3% and 1.7%, respectively.

Hate Crimes: Case of Religious Minorities in India-

The report refers to issue of rising hate crimes against minorities in India, and the bias that leads to it. The report has gone into the detail of how the right-wing ecosystem in India represents a weaponisation of emotions and information to manipulate India’s entire political and societal landscape. The report then goes into how spreading of fake news and misinformation, along with state complicity and state impunity, become to weapons of pushing the political propaganda. As provided in the road, fear or threat from minorities is spread and broadcasted by right-wing outfits, through targeted campaigns, political mobilisation and media (news, entertainment, and social).

Referring to jurisprudence and legislations against hate crime, the report states that India has no such legislation that addresses prejudice motivated crimes or hate crimes. The cases filed against hate crime offenders are usually under relevant sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), however, they are hardly filed, as the police officials are not cooperative because of the nexus of the impunity in the country against minority communities. The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities Act), 1989, which is poorly implemented across the nation, is the only hate crime legislation.

Anti-lynching laws were framed and passed in four state legislative assemblies, namely Manipur, West Bengal, Jharkhand and Rajasthan, keeping in view the rising cases of mob lynching in India. But these bills were not implemented.

Since there is an absence of a legal framework that specifies crimes and compartmentalises violence committed against religious minorities with a biased motive into hate crime, a path is paved for the under-reporting of crimes committed, making the numbers of hate crime incidents much less credible.

As per the data provided in the report, in the year 2021, a total of 294 incidents of hate crimes were documented against religious minorities, out of which 192 were against Muslims, 95 against Christians and 7 against the Sikh community. The Christian community was predominantly targeted on allegations of forceful conversion. The Muslim community was chiefly targeted on allegations of inter-faith relationships and cow slaughter. Hate crimes against Sikhs were not documented at all and were also not reported by news media. The perpetrators are majorly right-wing vigilantes or Hindu extremist groups.[1]

The report also provides the types of violence and crimes that the religious minorities had to face in the year 2021, which is as follows:

Minorities on Prime Time: An inquiry into the portrayal of Christians, Muslims, and Sikhs on Television News

The report then focusses on the representation of the 3 religious minorities in the media as news media is one of the few mediums that represents the popular view, plays a simultaneous role in cultivating a popular view and fanning it across the masses. As such, it is a threat for establishments particularly the state as a platform with the potential for depicting the failures of the state and in the process, sowing discontentment amongst the populace regarding the state as an institution. Hence, the state either censors the media or controls it.

Through the data provided in the report under this sub-topic, the bias against religious minorities was present in the Indian news media since its inception and the media spectacularly failed in its role as the watchdog of democracy, especially since 2014.

All mediums of mass media have been involved in producing scapegoats. Often these scapegoats are ethnic minorities and the mediums engage in ethnic blame, as provided in the report. Ethnic blame as a discourse frames behaviour of ethnic minorities as problematic and inducing conflict thereby, accentuating the negative image of minority communities. In India, preliminary observation done for the report has reflected this consensus of scapegoats is laid at the feet of religious minorities and no medium other than television news perpetuates this consensus in full force with value-laden language, disproportionate weight, and coverage, as well as stereotypes.

The research study conducted in the report analysed prime time broadcast shows of three news channels: Halla Bol of “Aaj Tak” channel, Newstrack with Rahul Kanwal of “India Today” channel and Ravish Ki Report of “NDTV” channel. As provided in the report, from January 2021 to December 2021, the three broadcasts telecasted 793 shows in which 2,574 panelists participated.

1. Halla Bol, “Aaj Tak”

Some of the issues discussed on prime time related to religious minorities- In 2021, Muslims were incarcerated for “performing” Covid Jihad. Hindutva groups made calls for a pan-nation genocide and boycott of Muslims, leading to a spike in hate crimes targeting the religious minority. Sikhs were accused of conspiring with Pakistan. Hindutva groups alleging Christians of forcible conversion targeted the religious minority with hate crimes, including vandalism of schools and Churches. The Indian Ministry of Home Affairs restricted Missionaries of Charity – the organisation founded by Mother Teresa, from receiving foreign donations on account of alleged proselytism.

Statistics-

• In 2021, Halla Bol referred to religious minorities in 60 (19.01%) telecasts. The show referred to Muslims in 59 (18.78%) of telecasts, Sikhs in 1 (0.31%) telecast, and made no direct reference to Christians, depriving space of a religious minority comprising 2.3% of total population of India.

• Halla Bol telecasted 60 (19.10%) shows referring to religious minorities. 57 (95%) of these were negative in nature and 3 (5%) were neutral. All references to Sikhs were negative in nature, while 56 (94.91%) of references made to Muslims were negative and the remaining 3 (5.08%) references to Muslims were neutral. The show did not refer to any religious minority in a positive manner.

• The show broadcasted 5 (1.59%) telecasts related to conspiracy theories against religious minorities.

• The show also broadcasted 14 telecasts targeting religious minorities. 12 (85.71%) of these telecasts targeted Muslims, and 2 (14.28%) targeted Sikhs. Targeting refers to media trials conducted in the newsrooms by anchors and Hindu panellists, which deprive the wrongfully accused to present their defence.

• 1286 panellists appeared in 127 broadcasted telecasts of Halla Bol. Only 192 (14.93%) of the panellists belonged to religious minorities, with 147 (11.43%) representing Muslims, 45 (3.49%) representing Sikhs and 0% representing Christians.

2. Newstrack, “India Today”

Statistics-

• The prime-time broadcast show Newstrack of “India Today” channel, anchored by News Director Rahul Kanwal, telecasted 230 shows in the year 2021. 92 (40%) of the telecasts had panellists from religious minorities but only 1 (0.43%) telecast focused on topics related to religious minorities.

• The show directly referred to Muslims in 35 (15.21%) of telecasts, Sikhs in 2 (0.86%) telecasts, and made no direct reference to Christians

• In the year 2021, Newstrack telecasted 37 (16.08%) shows referring to religious minorities, of which 34 (91.89%) were negative in nature, 2 (5.40%) were neutral in nature and 1 (2.70%) was positive. All references to Sikhs were negative in nature again following the pattern observed in telecasts of Halla Bol, while 32 (91.42%) of references made to Muslims were negative, 2 (5.71%) were neutral and the remaining 1 (2.85%) reference was positive.

• The show broadcasted 4 (1.73%) telecasts related to conspiracy theories against religious minorities, 3 (80%) of which were against the religious minority of Muslims, and 1 (20%) was against the religious minority of Sikhs.

• The show also broadcasted 8 telecasts targeting religious minorities. 7 (87.50%) of these telecasts targeted Muslims, and the remaining 1 (12.50%) targeted Sikhs.

3. Prime Time with Ravish, “NDTV”

• The prime-time broadcast show Prime Time with Ravish of “NDTV”, anchored by Senior Executive Editor Ravish Kumar, telecasted 249 shows in the year 2021.

• Only 53 (21%) of the telecasts featured panelists from religious minorities and not one telecast focused on issues pertaining to religious minorities. The show referred to Muslims in 22 (8.83%) of telecasts, Sikhs in 1 (0.40%) telecast, and made no direct reference to Christians.

• In 2021, Prime Time with Ravish Kumar telecasted 23 (9.23%) shows referring to religious minorities: 4 (1.60%) were positive in nature and (7.63%) were neutral. The single reference to Sikhs was positive in nature while out of 22 references made to Muslims, 19 were neutral and the remaining 3 were positive.

• 342 panelists appeared in 249 broadcasted telecasts of Ravish Ki Report. Only 59 (17%) panelists belonged to religious minorities, with 49 (14.32%) of total panelists representing Muslims, 7 (2.04%) representing Sikhs and 3 (0.87%) representing Christians.

Through the data provided in the report, the CMRI has concluded that the institution of Indian television news functions every day by at best ignoring Muslims, Sikhs and Christians and at worst, defaming the said communities. news television avoids effective coverage of religious minorities as a subject and provides only tokenism representation to religious minorities in newsrooms.

Qualitative changes in hate speech against minorities

As per the report, in the lead up to the 2019 elections, social media was seen to be used in an extremely dangerous fashion, especially WhatsApp, toxic misinformation and to incite fear amongst the population against non-Hindus.

Incidents of genocidal hate speeches made against the religious minority communities-

• As of January 2022, over 12 open calls inciting group killings of Muslims were made in 5 Indian states in just two years. However, the number crossed 20 in just the next 3 months. And by 20th April, 2022, at least 10 more open calls to genocide by the same group of Hindu nationalists were made in just 20 days including the repetition of the infamous Haridwar Dharam Sansad at various places across India.

• Between 17th December and 20th December 2021, at the religious congregation in Haridwar, Hindutva leaders were seen addressing the public calling for ‘real Hindus’ to take up arms and kill Muslims. As has become the norm, the Uttarakhand government was silent.

• In 2021, the slogan “Jab Mulle Kaate jayenge, Tab Ram Ram Chillayenge” [When Muslims will be cut up, they will shout the name of Ram] came to light after the series of Mahapanchayats in the Northern state of Haryana in support of the Hindus accused in the lynching case of a Muslim gym trainer named Asif.

• In seeking re-election earlier this year, bulldozers became an integral part of the Yogi’s campaign as of the dispossession of Muslims in India, and were also stationed at election rallies as a symbol.

• In a wave of islamophobia during the Covid- 19 spike, the Tablighi Jamaat incident led to Muslim-owned businesses being boycotted and health workers being discriminated against. Muslims were denied healthcare on account of being ‘super-spreaders’ regardless of their involvement in the congregation. Leaders of the majority parties were even referring to the meeting as a ‘Talibani crime’ and ‘corona terrorism.’ The hashtag ‘Corona Jihad’ went viral on social media.

Repression of Christian-run Educational Institutions in India

As provided in the report, according to the World Watch List 2022, India ranks 10th, making it one of the worst countries globally to follow Christianity. In the last years, Christian educational institutions have undergone threats and attacks in the country. These attacks on Christians can be categorised as both organised and unorganised i.e., carried out by state and nonstate actors, as per the CMRI report. They are designed to target the Christian educational institutions that are widely present across the country.

The schools run by Christian groups are often portrayed by the allegations of forced religious conversions. As mentioned in the report, the allegations and propaganda of forceful religious conversions have further segregated the minorities and its effect has been noticeably seen through the new anti-conversion laws which have been passed in five states of the country, which are Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh and Karnataka.

Incidents of attack:

• As mentioned in the report, according to a report jointly released by three organisations namely, the Association for protection of Civil Rights, United Against Hate, and United Christian Forum around 300 cases of violence have been reported against Christians in nine months of 2021

• Christian schools in Vidisha and Mumbai were targeted by Hindu Nationalist organisations, claiming that the schools were involved in forced religious conversions. Similarly, Christian schools in Aligarh were threatened to not celebrate Christmas by a Hindu Nationalist organisation.

• On 6th December, 2021, when St Joseph School was vandalised, 14 students were inside the school premises appearing for the examination.

• In 2017, Christian schools in Aligarh were warned by Hindu Jagran Manch to not observe Christmas. Sonu Savita, an HJM leader, alleged that in these Christian schools Hindus were in minority, and celebrating Christmas is a subtle way to tell the children about Christianity.

• In December 2021, several men wearing saffron scarves barged into Karnataka schools to stop the Christmas celebrations.25 The mob threatened the administration and accused them of ‘ignoring Hindu gods’ and ‘introducing Christianity to Hindu students.’

• In February 2021, the local administration of Dadra and Nagar Haveli and the Daman-and-Diu States forced children of all the schools, irrespective of their faiths, to celebrate Vasant Panchami.

Gendered Islamophobia in India: Targeted hate violence against Muslim women

As provided in the report, the conversations in the mainstream academia and media regarding Muslim women in India have been stereotypically discourteous and monolith – that of forcefully covered oppressed beings, lacking voice, agency, or freedom always under the ‘control’ supposedly stemming from the fundamentalist tendencies of the men of the Muslim community and the faith they adhere to. Gendered Islamophobia, as per community definitions, is the ways in which the state utilizes gendered forms of violence, to oppress, monitor, punish, maim and exercise control over Muslim women’s bodies. These negative social constructions also portray Muslim women as terrorists, terrorist sympathisers on one hand, and on the other as inherently oppressed. As provided in the report, Muslim women are treated as cultural representatives of Islam and Muslim communities, which is mostly the reason why the bodies of Muslim women and girls are considered sites of domination and control.

Incidents of hatred against Muslims women:

• In May 2022, a Hindu man delivered a hate-filled speech in the theatre after watching the film ‘The Kashmir Files’18, calling upon Hindu men to marry and impregnate Muslim women so that the demographic imbalances of India are “corrected.”

• In 2021, the Union Ministry of Indian Affairs announced that Muslim Women’s Rights Day will be observed across the country on 1st August to “celebrate” the enactment of the legislation which criminalises Triple Talaq. The report highlights that the legislation was passed in a hurry, while several Muslim women’s collectives and advocates of human rights stood vehemently opposed to the criminalization of divorce. The voices of the very women the act supposedly ‘saves’ were deliberately silenced.

• The targeted attack and conspiracy of ‘love jihad’ and ‘population jihad’ is established through the strategic stigmatisation of dark sexual obsession about allegedly ultra-masculine Muslim male bodies and over-fertile Muslim female ones.

• At a rally, the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, Yogi Adityanath, said, “Men are sleeping under quilts; women, kids are pushed forward to protest against CAA ” (Khan, 2020). Prime Minister Narendra Modi even declared that protestors could be recognized by their clothes, “hinting at veiled Muslim women at Shaheen Bagh” (Kadiwal, 2021).

• One of the Mahapanchayath organised at Ramlila ground, Pataudi on 4th July, 2021, 19-year-old Sharma alias Ram Bhakth Gopal, in response to Love jihad, called for the abduction of Muslim women and urged Hindu men to protect their sisters and daughters.

• On 3rd January, 2022, a video was shared on social media, where Hindu leader Yati Narasinghanad sitting on the banks of the Ganges in Haridwar, spewing objectionable and Islamophobic remarks against Muslim women.

• ‘Bulli bai’ and its previous version ‘sulli deals’ are two similar applications on the GitHub platform, which auctioned dozens of vocal Muslim women to threaten and humiliate them. On 4th July, Sulli Deals, a web-based app, used publicly available pictures of several Muslim women activists, scholars, journalists, and other professionals without their consent; and created profiles, describing them as the ‘deal’ of the day.

• The restriction on wearing hijab for students in pre- university campuses of the Indian State of Karnataka, which the Karnataka high court later legalized, is viewed by many as another step toward criminalising the presence of Muslims, and more particularly, Muslim women in India.

The Sikhs of India; Repression and Exclusion

As provided in the report, the Sikhs are a small minority community in India with a population of less than 2 percent. Further provided in the report is that there have been active efforts by ruling dispensations of the central Indian government to curb activism and mobilisation within the Sikh community. There was a massive increase in anti-Sikh hate and anti-Sikh propaganda during the protest by Indian farmers against the Narendra Modi government’s controversial agricultural laws. Though the protest was carried out by farmers from across North India, Sikh farmers from the Punjab province played a leading role in the entire agitation. The report states that there was a clear attempt by the Indian government as well as a major section of the pro-government media to project the protests by Sikhs as “anti-national” or “treason”. The protesters had to face brute force from the police when they were marching peacefully from Punjab to Delhi.

Incidents of hatred against Sikh community:

• In June 2020, Sikligars in MP’s Khargone district claimed that they had to flee their homes and were forced to live in the forest due to being hounded by the police.23 Later that year a Sikh Granthi (preacher) belonging to the Sikligar community was publicly thrashed by the police in Madhya Pradesh’s Barwani district.

• In 2018, houses belonging to Sikligars and a Gurdwara were damaged by the police in Balsa near Parbhani in Maharashtra.

• As of July 2020, there were 94 UAPA cases in the Punjab province under which 370 people had been kept in jail, most of them Sikhs.

• In April 2018, Punjab Police arrested 4 youths allegedly planning to highlight Khalistan issues at cricket matches. The cyber cell tracked these youths from a Facebook page in the name of “Referendum 2020″. The youth was allegedly instructed on the page to put Referendum 2020 posters to get media attention.

• On 28th June, 2020, police arrested Mohinder Pal Singh, Gurtej Singh and Lovepreet Singh and charged them with terrorism related offences. Three phones were recovered with videos and photographs related to the Khalistani movement and their propagators, the police claimed. The police alleged that Lovepreet was very active on Social Media Platforms and made a Facebook Page named ‘KhalsaBhindrewalaji’.

• A number of Sikh websites, social media accounts, and hashtags have also been banned by the Indian authorities. Punjab-based news website Sikh Siyasat was blocked in June 2020 within India.29 Sikh oriented news channels Akaal Channel, KTV and TV84 were blocked on YouTube.30 While Akaal Channel is live again, the ban on the YouTube homepages of TV84 and KTV continues. Sikh Siyasat’s English website also remains blocked in India.

Universities as sites of resistance: Journey of Muslims to and in Higher Education

Under this, the report analyses the factors which contribute to the steadily declining presence of Muslim communities at all levels of the education system, be it primary, secondary or postsecondary university education. Lack of economic resources, political and social marginalization are the major contributing factors.

Statistics provided in the report-

• All India Survey of Education (AISHE), suggests that in the years 2019-20, only about 21 lakh Muslims were enrolled in Higher Education, of which 77.36% were in colleges that are not particularly renowned.

• In institutes of national importance, such as the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), the National Institute of Technology (NIT), and the Indian Institutes of Science Education and Research (IISER), Muslims constitute a staggeringly low figure of 1.92%.

• The growth rate of Muslim enrolment in higher education was 120.09% from 2010-11 to 2014-15, to only 36.96% from 2014-15 to 2019-20, reflecting a steady decline.

• Despite comprising 14% of India’s population, Muslims account for about 5.5% of students enrolled in higher education, according to the AISHE 2019-20.

• India’s top law schools have consistently seen a low rate of enrolment of Muslims, with the lowest being 1.51% in 2017-27 and rising at a slow rate to 3.88% in 2018-19. It has been recorded that Muslims constitute only 2.5% of students who appear for law exams.

• The rate of Muslim dropouts is about 23.1 % is higher than the national average of 18.96%, with different states of the country having varying differences between the two, some states ranging at extreme differences.

The full report may be read here.

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A Promised Land, that has recently been released, leaves little doubt that the political leadership in North America is aware of the existence of a majoritarian religious chauvinism in the world’s so called largest secular democracy.  

Authored by the former US President Barack Obama, the book is his memoir of first term in office from 2008-2012. During this time, he made his first official visit to India back in November 2010. In his brief memories of that visit shared in Chapter 24, Obama talks about his meeting with then-Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and the leader of then-ruling Congress party leader Sonia Gandhi.  

Based on his conversation with Singh, he has noted about his concerns over growing anti-Muslim sentiments in India due to terror attacks originating from Pakistan-based Muslim extremist groups and how this was helping the right wing Hindu nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) increasing its influence.  

The BJP came to power under Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2014. Since then the attacks on religious minorities, particularly Muslims have increased. While Obama is understandably silent about it in his book that does not cover his second term in the office from 2012-2016; he draws a parallel between the rise of BJP and the illiberal forces in Europe and his own home country.  

Significantly, he mentions about the murder of MK Gandhi- the towering leader of India’s passive resistance movement against British occupation by a Hindu extremist in 1948. Without going into the detail of the conspiracy behind the assassination, he only writes, “He was shot at point blank range by a young Hindu extremist who viewed his ecumenism as a betrayal of the faith”.  
Gandhi was murdered by Nathuram Godse, who was once associated with RSS, a Hindutva supremacist group of which the BJP is a political wing and was banned in the aftermath of this high profile killing. Modi is also a member of the RSS. Gandhi was despised by the Hindutva Right for his advocacy of Hindu-Muslim unity and opposition to ultra-Hindu nationalism.  

That Obama chose to overlook these connections is one thing, but even the slight admission of these facts establishes that the US administration isn’t unaware of the ascendance of Hindutva extremism to power.  

While we can only guess if Obama is planning to write another memoir of his second term in which he might come out with a more candid critical assessment of Modi and his party. But these small observations are sufficient to break the deafening silence over what has been going on in India.  

However, Obama’s silence about other issues, such as Sikh Genocide won’t go unnoticed.  

Thousands of Sikhs were murdered all over India following the assassination of then-Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards in 1984 by the goons led by the activists of the slain leader’s Congress party. Whereas he mentions about the assassination of Indira Gandhi, he makes no reference to the ugly events that followed her death. This is despite the fact that he describes Manmohan Singh as “a member of the tiny, often persecuted Sikh religious minority who’d risen to the highest office in the land”. That the BJP alone has not been polarising Hindu majority is a fact that cannot be denied.  

Another major omission he has made is his impressions in terms of the brutal caste system allegedly sanctioned by Hindutva religion within the Indian society. While Obama has rightly criticised Gandhi for his failure in undoing the “stifling caste system” his comparison of the freedom movement of Gandhi against foreign rule with Black emancipation struggle in America is flawed.  

His argument that Gandhi’s nonviolence was a beacon for the dispossessed, including Black Americans under Jim Crow is rather weak considering how Gandhi and his associates had allegedly overlooked the struggle of so called untouchables or Dalits who were being discriminated against by the upper caste Hindus who were in the forefront of the freedom movement. If there was anyone who strongly defended the rights of Dalits in India and can be equated with the leaders of Black emancipation struggle it was none other than the architect of the Indian constitution Dr. B.R. Ambedkar.  

Though Gandhi opposed untouchability, he lacked conviction to question the validity of the caste system for which he had to face fierce criticism of Ambedkar. By turning a blind eye to Amebdkar, Obama did little justice to the issue which has become more relevant under a right wing Hindutva nationalist regime that believes in caste system and is determined to dilute the Constitution that guarantees religious freedom and equality while at the same time attempting to appropriate both Gandhi and Ambedkar.  

*Views expressed are the author’s own.

More by Gurpreet Singh:

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The constitution respects all religions equally. This is the first part of a two-part of op-ed

Bangladesh is a multi-religious country where the Muslim population is officially estimated at around 90.5%, Hindus 8.5%, followed by Buddhists at 0.6%, Christians 0.3%, and others 0.1%. The constitution protects the equal status of all religions, ensures equal rights of every citizen irrespective of their religious identity, affirms secularism to ensure non-discrimination on the basis of religion, and ensures freedom to practice any religion. 

The bitter experience under the disguise of religion during the partition of the subcontinent, the regime of Pakistan, and finally in the Liberation War of 1971, encouraged constitution makers and the people of Bangladesh to stay firm with principles of secularism and freedom of religion. 

Maulana Abdur Rashid Tarkabagish on October 30, 1972 gave his observations on secularism in the “Parishad Bitorko” and stated that under the name of Islam, the barbaric Pakistani soldiers mercilessly killed Bengalis on March 25, 1971.

He narrated that the Pakistani army propagated that they did all the atrocities to save Islam from the hands of Hindus and the Pakistani rulers misused Islam to fulfill their agenda.

He argued that no one can disregard the 1972 Constitution since it reflects the view of 90% of the population. Under the constitution, the way Muslims have the right to practice religion, Hindus, Buddhists, and Christians shall have the right to practice their own religion, and other rights related to it shall not be compromised.

In the assembly debate, then Law Minister Kamal Hossain said that the constitution aims at abolishing all types of religious communalism, and he assured that there will be no religion-based political parties in Bangladesh.

After the brutal killing of Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, to gain political and constitutional legitimacy, the military rulers amended the 1972 constitution — including redefining the state principles, eliminating secularism, identifying the citizens as Bangladeshi as opposed to Bengali. 

To establish military-theocratic hegemony, the rulers motivated the citizens that their root is based on religious identity, as opposed to Bengali identity, which represents Bengali culture as the principal social marker. 

Article 38, of the first constitution, which prohibited the formation of religion-based political parties, was deleted and, consequently, political parties like Jamat-e-Islami Bangladesh revived in the polity. 

In 2005, the High Court of Bangladesh declared the 5th amendment of the constitution and the martial law regulations issued between 1975-1979 illegal. 

Finally, in 2011, during the regime of Awami League government, secularism and related principles were reintroduced through the 15th amendment of the constitution.

In many countries in the West, secularism means separation of religion from the state, however, secularism in the context of Bangladesh implies that all religions are to be treated equally.

The constitution recognizes all religions equally, does not designate minority status to any religious community (religious minorities are minorities on the basis of a number and not by religious status) while granting equality and freedom of religion to all citizens. 

Secularism (religious neutrality) in Bangladesh does not mean the banishment of religion from public life, rather an equal opportunity for all religions for state patronage and participation in public affairs. 

Article 2A of the constitution declares Islam as the state religion, though it adds that the state shall ensure equal respect and equal rights in the practice of Hindu, Buddhist, Christian, and other religions. 

Which means states shall ensure equal respect and rights in the practice of religions like Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity, and other religions. 

The ceremonial reference of Islam as the state religion is a mere constitutional courtesy and recognition of the majority religion.

The state does not practice religious hierarchy and Bangladesh is historically a society that does not place emphasis on distinctions, as evidenced by the caste system that dictates nearly every aspect of life for a Hindu in India. 

The concluding part of this article will be published tomorrow.

Farzana Mahmood is an advocate of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh. 

Courtesy: Dhaka Tribune

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Washington D.C.: Religious freedom activists from across the U.S. have criticized Prime Minister Narendra Modi for his failure to stop the violence carried out by Hindutva groups against religious minorities, including Muslims and Christians.
 
At an event titled “Religious Freedom in India: A Briefing on Capitol Hill”, organized by the Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC) on the Capitol Hill in Washington D.C., the activists urged the Indian prime minister to condemn such violence against religious minorities as well as take all necessary measures to curb the rise of Hindutva extremism and punish the Hindutva groups involved in violence.
 
“The failure of Prime Minister Modi to definitively condemn and to definitively distance himself from the extreme elements of his party has played a substantial and significant role in bringing about the situation that we see today,” said Dr. Katrina Lantos Swett, former Chair of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), an independent bipartisan federal commission tasked with defending religious freedom outside the U.S.
 
“Inflammatory rhetoric and a conception of India’s national identity increasingly based on religion have contributed to an atmosphere of intimidation, exclusion, and even violence directed at non-Hindus,” she added, saying Muslims and Christians are the “primary victims”.
 

Dr. Katrina Lantos speaking at the Religious Freedom In India Briefing at the Capitol Hill

CAPTION: Dr. Katrina Lantos speaking at the Religious Freedom In India Briefing at the Capitol Hill
 
Dr. Lantos Swett, who is the daughter of Tom Lantos, the only Holocaust survivor to have ever been elected to U.S. Congress and who founded the Congressional Human Rights Caucus, said India’s religious freedom violation had a “long-standing pattern of impunity and immunity”.
 
“We see it in the lack of accountability for large-scale communal violence such as the horrors we know took place in Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat, and in the more individualized crimes committed against members of minorities faiths,” she said.
 
The briefing was held in a Senate Building before an audience that also included Congressional staffs, officials from the Department of State and USCIRF, and civil society members.
 
Jeff King, President of International Christian Concern (ICC), quoted a survey saying 82% of Indian Christians were “very concerned” for their safety, 73% experienced discrimination “at least once” last year, 85% saw an “increase in aggression” by Hindu nationalists, and 84% said minorities were “less protected” under Modi.
 
“If the prime minister were to condemn acts of aggression and violence and push for prosecution, this [violence] would fairly quickly dry up,” King said. “But it’s not happening.” He asked Modi to “use the bully pulpit and condemn acts of aggression and violence.” King urged the Indian Government to allow a team of USCIRF to visit India on a fact-finding mission.
 
Matthew Bulger, Legislative Director of the American Humanist Association, a U.S. organization promoting theism and agnosticism since 1941, said that compared to global religious freedom standards, “India is failing”. Several Indian laws and policies “restrict religious freedom rights” and have led to arrests and prosecution of individuals, “which is just unacceptable”.
 
He criticized Section 295A of the Indian Penal Code as a “relic” of British colonial law and “essentially a blasphemy and anti-religious incitement law “inconsistent with the pluralistic and democratic values India publicly accepts. Laws which restrict religious freedom can serve as a catalyst for vigilante violence, such as that seen in India recently regarding the lynchings by Hindu nationalists of people, most often Muslims, suspected of smuggling or killing cows.”
 
Bulger noted that although Pehlu Khan, a Muslim dairy farmer murdered by cow vigilantes in April 2017, named six suspects in his “death-bed statement” criminal charges against them were dismissed. “Sadly, this is not an isolated case, as over a dozen similar murders have happened in the last two years alone.”
 
Rev. Sarah C. Anderson-Rajarigam, a Dalit Christian Lutheran church priest from Philadelphia, said the status of Dalits had worsened under the Modi government. “Modi’s government has deliberately and openly made violence against Dalits a non-issue by offering impunity.”
 
The perpetrators of violence against Dalits were not only free but “elevated to the status of a hero”, she said, adding: “The pattern of violence continues unabated… But there is no shame experienced either by the perpetrators or by Prime Minister Modi and other ministers.”
 
Pawan Singh, a Sikh representing the Organization for Minorities of India, said the “fascist ideology” of the RSS that “a small group of people are born superior to others… needs to be checked.” He said: “There is the curtain of democracy that they use, and then go on with their business of killing individuals of dissenting opinion, or because they do not like them.”
 
Singh said the “pseudo institutions” connected with the RSS, such as the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh, the Bajrang Dal and the Hindu American Foundation “were a threat to our freedom”.
 
Citing the World Hindu Congress organized in Chicago in September, Singh said the spread of Hindutva was “not just India’s problem any more…That is what gives me the shivers: these right-wing saffron terrorists [are] roaming in the free world, threatening our free institutions.”
 
He criticized the U.S. government for giving a visa to RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat, who, he said, “should be tried for crimes against humanity”, and slammed Democratic Congressman Raja Krishnamurthy for speaking at the Hindu Congress. “These people are wearing facades, while they carry big knives to kill us, to kill the dissenting opinion, to kill anybody and everybody who will speak for equality, for justice and freedom for all.”
 
Sunita Viswanath, Co-founder of Sadhana: Coalition of Progressive Hindus, a New York-based nonprofit, said the “chilling repression of open debate and political expression” in India and the violence against Muslims and Christians was alarming. “This repression and violence is taking place in the name of Hinduism, one that we do not recognize and cannot accept,” she said.
 
Viswanath noted that the police had named the Sanatan Sanstha, an extremist right-wing Hindutva organization, for the September 2017 killing of Gauri Lankesh, a Bangalore-based activist and journalist. “The Sanatan Sanstha was also involved in the killing of other activists,” she said. “Despite this, it has not yet been banned or classified as a terrorist organization.”
 
Vishavjit Singh, a cartoonist and performance artist from New York, and a survivor of the mass violence against Sikhs in the aftermath of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s assassination in 1984, said that violence targeting Sikhs “set the stage for the powers to be – doesn’t matter, BJP, Congress, anybody else – to know [that] you can kill with impunity, as many people as you like, in a democracy, and get away with it.”
 
Indian American Muslim Council is the largest advocacy organization of Indian Muslims in the United States with chapters across the nation.

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India will face the final round of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) today. Rejecting any recommendations related to the attacks on human rights defenders (HRDs), India has also similarly remained silent on several suggestions that the long overdue Prevention of Communal & Targeted Violence Bill (2011) is tabled in Parliament.
 
The UPR is a four yearly exercise, when all countries of the world address and answer world questions and concerns on their human rights record. This time round India faced a record 252 concerns and recommendations from over four dozen countries.
 
Despite increasing instances of religion-based intolerance and hate (read inciteful) speech, the targeted lynching of minorities and a growing atmosphere of unchecked intolerance, India has chosen not to accept 9 of 16 recommendations on hate speech, repeal of discriminatory laws and rights of religious minorities.
 
An oral statement on behalf of the Working Group on Human Rights in India and the UNunder Agenda Item Noof the HRC 36 on the outcome of the UPR III in India . [21.09.2017] will be made today.
 
The Indian government accepted 152 of the 250 recommendations made by 112 states at this 3rd UPR. These include several important commitments to the realisation of social and economic rights, environment, and sustainable development, poverty eradication and realizing the SDGs. Out of 73 recommendations made on Child Rights, the Government of India has accepted 59 recommendations.
 
However, human rights groups are concerned, and deeply apprehensive on the Modi government’s ambivalence that emerges to accept any recommendations on the Indian people’s civil and political rights. Despite the prevalence of torture and impunity in India, India only accepted 13 of the 21 international recommendations on this crucial issue, an ill that taints fair institutional functioning in India. India has accepted the recommendation to ratify this vital Convention since UPR I, but has throughout failed to act on it.
 
On the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, despite strong evidence of its systemic misuse –deliberate killings and excess use of force with impunity by security forces — for the third consecutive time India has only noted the recommendations on revising AFSPA.
 
There were as many as 11 recommendations from different countries on the issue of the rights and freedoms of human rights defenders without any acceptance. There has been no commitment to safeguard them against persecutions, limit misuse of the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act and no commitment in response to overwhelming international concerns on the attacks on citizens, groups and civil society organisations.
 
Similarly the Government of India has not accepted recommendations on the crucial issue of surveillance even when after the Indian Supreme Court on August 24, 2017 gave a resounding 9 member verdict on the Right to Privacy reasserting this right.
 
Typically and predictably, there is an absence of India’s unequivocal commitment to strengthening the justice delivery system and guaranteeing the independence of the judiciary. This is vital to effectuating our constitutional rights and is also a commitment India must fulfill under several treaty mechanisms. Given the frailties of the justice delivery system we regret that sixteen recommendations relating to ending the death penalty that have been made have not been accepted.
 
India has in its response to the recommendations made during the UPR process, made a renewed commitment to end the practice of child marriage. Significantly, however several recommendations on violence against women including ending honor crimes, dowry death, and marital rape have not been accepted.The domestic stance of the Indian government that continues to perpetuate criminalizing the poor through laws that penalize begging goes against its commitment, internationally.
 
     Details of the issues and concerns, and India’s response in the UPR may be read here.
 

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Its been a year, harsh, hard and long since the killing of 22-year-old Hizbul Mujahideen Commander Burhan Wani on July 8, 2016 which sparked a massive uprising in Kashmir. The protestors, angry and disillusioned with the way India and its mechanisms have responded, are once again demanding the right to self-determination. At this crucial juncture for Kashmir, we interview Irfan Mehraj, a human rights worker who has witnessed the year-long protests unfold, first hand. Irfan Mehraj is a researcher at Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society.The interview was conducted by Rishabh Bajoria. [Internet services were 'officially' suspended on July 6-7. Any attempts to re-connect to Kashmit, today, July 8, have proven to be difficult: Sabrangindia)
 
Q. How would you look back at this one year in the context of Kashmir and the conflict within and without, particularly in the context of human rights?
The State’s (Indian) response towards people’s movement/ protests, many of whom aspire to the right to self-determination is getting increasingly violent. In the past year (from July 8, 2016), 170 civilians have lost their lives in the course of firing (by Indian security forces). People’s expressions of solidarity towards these expressions by the militants are being criminalised by the State. This does not leave people space to peacefully voice their grievances (with the State). The situation in Kashmir is getting more violent. The State is hand in glove with this because the State’s policy has been to crush rebellions with brute force. The State has been behaving this way in Kashmir for many years, but since 2016 it has become more brutal. Maybe the one difference was that Burhan Wani evoked such response from Kashmiris, that lakhs of people came out for his funeral. The State did not, or could not, pre-empt that this kind of response to Burhan’s death.

Q. What was it about Burhan Wani that his death caused such an outpouring of emotion?
There are multiple reasons. One of the reasons for his adored following was his obvious charm, visible through his presence on social media. He was very young, only 22 when he died. He had joined the militancy when he was only 16, but he had shown a maturity which I believe is often missing, especially in the rungs of the leadership of the present militancy. A lot of Kashmiris were attracted to it, because they saw him as a man who was challenging the Indian State with a narrative that was as clear as the ground reality within the Valley. He was therefore not only well known, but respected and loved by the people. He was successfully raising awareness about the movement. His success is evidenced by the number of people who attended his funeral, the number going into lakhs. His funeral was conducted 40 times in Tral alone. Imagine the rest of the valley! Also the collective expression for azadi or the right to self-determination in Kashmir had not seen much activity between 2001-2010. But since 2008 with the emergence of widespread people’s protests, it is this demand that has returned to the forefront.

I was travelling in a Sumo (the often used form of public transport in Kashmir) just this morning (Friday July 7) and the conversation among the passengers was how in the 1990s (widely considered the peak of Kashmiri militancy), the battle lines were not so clear. People were unclear about how to react when there is an encounter (extra judicial killing). Today it is like an all out, open war. Militants are engaging with the Indian State in an open battle, and ordinary people are coming out in support for them (militants). So, some of the Indian State’s façade, at least, over the Kashmiris being happy with the State is being wiped away because of the people’s response to the death of militants like Burhan Wani and Bashir Lashkari (LeT Commander). At least 20 people (ordinary civilians) have died because they were at the sites where they were killed, something which would not occur earlier.

Q. (cutting him off) Could you briefly explain to an Indian audience what a militant means to a Kashmiri?We increasingly see that ordinary, unarmed civilians are actively going to encounter sites to help militants escape. Is this a new phenomenon in Kashmir? If so, then what explains this?
The atrocities by the Indian State have been so rampant that the fear psychosis within the Kashmiri people has gone. That’s the main reason why people, especially in rural belts, come in droves to encounter sites and pelt stones at the Indian security forces to help militants escape. People are now ready to die with bullets at these ‘encounter sites’ rather than suffer silently.

One of the reasons such support is being shown to militants is because militants are now out in the open. In the early 1990s, conversations about militants were “hush-hush”. Now Kashmiri militants are out on social media and are constantly interacting with the people through audio/ video statements. Their faces are in the public space, and people know them. In the 1990s, while the numbers (of militants) was huge, they would live in hiding. People did not even know who the militant was. Now, if anybody becomes a militant, his whole village, and even the neighbouring village knows about it. For instance, before his killing, Burhan was an active militant for 6 long years. For the entire time, people were protecting him/ giving him shelter. This shows that Burhan’s presence among the people was completely accepted. Obviously, these are our own people. These are people who are coming from our ranks.

Another difference (between the current stage of militancy and 1990s) is that in the 1990s, the militancy was started purely as a political movement. It was not driven at the time by the large-scale human rights violations conducted by the Indian State against Kashmiris. Younger militants joining now are motivated by the brutalities of the State. For instance, people have joined militancy right after Burhan Wani was killed feeling that they cannot let the atrocities of the Indian State go without some response. The militants today are of the same1990s generation, like me. We have all seen the atrocities of Indian securities first hand. When you witness so much daily violence on such a large scale, the predominant, lasting feeling/conclusion is that there is no atmosphere for dialogue in Kashmir, even as far as the State Government is concerned. No breakthrough for politics in Kashmir.

Look at the Hurriyat — most of the time they are behind bars. These people (youth who join militancy) feel a deep sense of insecurity that the abuses against them are going unnoticed. Hence, they take up guns and announce to the world that Kashmir is experiencing a war-and that Kashmiris want an end to the Indian occupation, and you will have to listen to us. Since the 2016 uprising, there has been an exponential increase in the number of local militants. That tells you the kind of appeal Burhan Wani had among Kashmiris, and what influence his death had on a generation of Kashmiris.

Q. On political dialogue, do you think the All Party Delegation that went to Kashmir in September 2016 had a positive impact?
No, I do not think the delegation had any kind of impact. The first problem with the delegation is that the only people they (delegation) talk to are those who have no problem with the present status quo. The delegations have to talk to Hurriyat, but Hurriyat will not talk to them unless they have a certain kind of, discussed and accepted, agenda. Whenever there are tensions in Kashmir, when there is an uprising and people are demanding azadi, these all party delegations are sent to Kashmir to try and douse Kashmiri anger. By now, Hurriyat has understood that there is no use talking to such delegations.

On the 2016 Uprising and its impact
In my view, the 2016 uprising has not ended. I don’t know why journalists and political pundits are saying that it has ended. The only evidence to suggest that the uprising has ended is that Hurriyat has stopped giving calendars (which it issued since the beginning of the uprising).

However, the daily occurrence of violence has grown. Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society released a statement that the first few months of 2017, between January and March, have been the most violent in the last decade. Even in the holy month of Ramzan, the number of casualties was very high. We have not seen a Ramzan like that ever before.
I believe the 2016 uprising shook the Indian State to its core, and their response to it has been increasingly brutal, going all out-even their operation is called “All Out”!Another example of the increase in the brutality of violence since the 1990s is that in the 1990s, violence was perpetrated against Kashmiris in the form of extra-judicial killings, enforced disappearances, rapes and so on. Now, violence is being committed within the realm of the law.So, now there are a lot of administrative detentions, at least 15, 000 people were arrested in the course of 5-6 months.

Then, the post December-January student protest erupted. We have not seen this kind of student protests in Kashmir since the early 1990s. This wave of student protests was unprecedented. The reason for this protest erupting is that in the 6 months of brutality, these are students who have seen their classmates injured, blinded by pellets. A lot of people were injured/ arrested in these protests. So, nothing has changed in Kashmir since Burhan Wani’s killing. Daily violence continues. A whopping number of encounters have taken place in the last 6-7 months. In this atmosphere, the State machinery is not responding to the people’s just demands for freedom which Kashmiris have been articulating for a long time. Instead, the State is criminalising the articulation of this demand, and robbing the people of the space for voicing their claims. Unless the State provides this space, I think that the movement will get more violent. People will not cower down to State pressure. The 2016 uprising has led to a further increase in awareness, which was already high, about the need for resistance.

Q. On state brutality, pellet guns were introduced in Kashmir in 2010, but they came into focus during the 2016 uprising when around 1200 people were blinded as a result of pellet injuries. Do you see this as an increase in State brutality? What is the general sense of Kashmiris towards pellet guns?
Pellet guns are brutal. Even in 2010, a significant number of people lost their eyesight owing to pellet injuries. In 2016, pellet guns became the face of State violence against Kashmiris. Pellet guns represent the complete disregard for and dehumanisationof Kashmiri bodies, unapologetically blinding them, maiming and torturing them. In Kashmir, pellet guns are seen as symbol for the State being able to dehumanise and maim you with impunity. Therefore, there is a lot of anger towards pellet guns.

Q. How do we then understand the Indian State’s characterisation of the pellet gun as a non-lethal weapon despite the pellet gun causing so many injuries above waist height?
I don’t see the Indian State revising this characterisation. This is because, as the Army General of India admitted, the Indian State is at war in Kashmir. Both sides know that this is war. There is just a façade over it at the official level by painting protestors as misguided elements who must be dealt with accordingly. I think the categorisation of the pellet gun as a non-lethal weapon is just to confuse the international community and its own people (Indians). I think the war in Kashmir is also directed at people in India, to bolster support for Right-Wing Hindutva politics. That’s why the response of the State to the violence against minorities in India (Muslims, Dalits) is not very different.

Q. You earlier mentioned the personal touch militants are now able to have with the people through social media. Do you think social media has had a massive impact on the nature of the resistance movement?
No, I would say its tertiary. The resistance movement in Kashmir is not run by social media. In fact, social media is a representation of the sentiments of Kashmiris on the ground. For instance, after Burhan Wani was killed, the State snapped internet very soon after. Despite that, there were large processions consisting lakhs of people. So, how did they come on the road? They did not need social media to mobilise. Mobilisation in Kashmir can happen quickly through word of mouth. However, social media has helped change the nature of the militancy in Kashmir by facilitating the presence of militants in Kashmiri homes and helping make militancy increasingly acceptable in the public space. At best, it is a server of information and communication. People don’t need social media to mobilise, they are already doing it. Since last year, social media in Kashmir has been snapped 14 times. It has been cut off during encounters. However, people still come in hordes to encounter sites because people know where the militants are.

Q. The night before last(July 6) again internet services were cut off in Kashmir. What do you see this as symptomatic of? Why does the Indian State keep doing this if the presence/ absence of internet does not make a significant difference?
I think the Indian State is trying to experiment to see whether internet ban will work or not. So, last night while they cut off internet services, they have been back up since the morning. That could also be because today (July 7) is not as crucial as tomorrow. My sense is that later tonight they will shut all internet services. The order of the Government was to ban social media. But everybody knows that a couple of months ago when the State banned social media, the ban was unsuccessful because people used VPNs (Virtual Private Networks)/ proxies to circumvent the ban.

Q. Could you give us a brief account, from the ground, about what happened in the Valley post the news of Burhan’s killing?
As soon as news spread that Burhan had been murdered, people spontaneously mobilised. They came out onto the streets in anger. For instance, I think that in Srinagar alone there must have been 15-20 funerals for Burhan Wani. The protests started out as being relatively peaceful. On July 9, when the State imposed a curfew, people came out in droves to protest. Especially southern parts of Kashmir saw massive protests with widespread stone-pelting. This was met with violence by the State, at least 20 people were injured, out of which 12 died on the spot, while 8 died later on.  In the first 5 days of the protest, nearly 50 people were killed in protests. This shows the brutality with which the State treats protestors. After such a violent State response, the uprising was inevitable. Nothing the State did could have prevented it. In Kashmir, you can’t come back from that. The initial shutdown call (by Hurriyat) was given for 3 days, but in those 3 days more people died. Then another shutdown call was given for 5 days, and in those 5 days more people died. Therefore, the violence becomes a cycle and that’s how the uprising snowballs.

Q. What happened after that for the next 6 months during the Hartal?
Right after Burhan Wani’s killing, Hurriyat gave a shutdown call for 3 days. In those days, more people were killed. So the call for shutdown was extended further. As more people kept getting killed, Hurriyat repeatedly kept extending its calls weekly. Then, after the first month, Hurriyat started giving calendars about the daily plans/ strategies about how to protest with the larger goal of achieving the right to self-determination. Between August-December 2016, there were close to 400 rallies held demanding Kashmir’s right to self-determination. Despite those rallies being peaceful, violence was used against those rallies as well killing 7-8 people. Often, even when people are trying to come out for peaceful rallies, the Police does not allow them. When the Police tries to stop them, the people respond with force, often as an expression of political dissent against State violence. Hundreds of people were blinded and arrested at these rallies. If the State would have allowed the peaceful rallies to proceed, the rallies would not have turned violent.

Q. Would you characterise the 6-month long shutdown/ Hartal as a success in making the Indian State listen to Kashmiris?
I would say that it was a success in making the Indian State listen. However, a complete shutdown for 6 months where all economic activity has ground to a halt does take an economic toll on people. I think Hurriyat’s call (post December to stop the official shutdown) was to try and ease this economic pain, to allow people to go back to their economic lives and try to recover what we can, while continuing the resistance through protests. For instance, student protests erupted after January 2017.

Q. On a social level, how do Kashmiris cope with such extended shutdowns? For instance, how do they manage food, supplies, etc.?
Something that baffles both the Indian State and Indians is that because Kashmiris have known so much tragedy, for instance, we have been experiencing long curfews since the 1970s, Kashmiris have a tradition of stocking up on food supplies such as rice, lentils, etc. for 3-6 months. Due to the harsh winters in Kashmir, they are used to stocking up. But gradually this habit has extended to the summers as well because Kashmiris never know haalat ka kya hoga (what will happen, when the situation may worsen). So, the reason for stocking up has changed from a climatic one to a political and cultural one.

Q. Going back to a political level, how do you read Mr Khurram Parvez’s detention by the Indian State?
I think Khurram was detained to deter Kashmiris from daring to criticise the State. Khurram is a global figure who has worked tirelessly in the field of human rights activism. When the State arrests somebody like that, it is sending out a signal to all those people who are willing to be critical of the State that we are coming after you, and nobody is off limits, so we can do anything. Khurram’s detention was also an attack on his work as a civil rights activist, because JKCCS (of which Khurram Parvez is the program Coordinator) is still doing human rights work from the ground level despite there being an active uprising in Kashmir. So, when you arrest Khurram, a lot of the energies of the organisation goes in getting Khurram released.

The State, in addition to arresting Khurram, also arrested several lawyers and academicians to deter people from daring to criticise the State. The most important reason was that the State wants to raise the cost of dissenting against it. That is also why we see a rise in State brutality against protests, because such brutality raises the cost of protesting. But, instead of deterring people, this tactic is backfiring because Kashmiris have lost all sense of fear (of even death).

Q. In the backdrop of what you just described, how do you see things unfolding from July 8 in the Valley?
I fear for Kashmiri lives, and hope that more lives are not lost. My sense is that there will be a complete crackdown in the public space to ensure that the 2016 uprising does not repeat itself. People will want to come out and protest. The next two or three days are crucial, especially areas south of Srinagar such as Phulgama, Anantanag, Sopore, and so on because I think that people will want to head towards Burhan Wani’s ancestral home in Tral. Already the State has blocked all routes to Tral. So, the State has already taken preventive to prevent people from going to Tral. Again the State is dealing with these situations how it always does, with an iron hand through the military by preventing people from expressing solidarity with the militant’s family. That is precisely the kind of action that prompts ordinary people to resort to violence, because you are not allowing people to mourn.

(The person conducting the interview is a student of the Jindal Global Law School)
 

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एक चौकानेवाली घटना जिसमें मनुष्य को अपमानित किया गया है और उनके जो न्यूनतम मूल्य है उसका भी इनकार किया गया है।कानून के नियमों के अनुसार हर एक व्यक्ति को जो न्यूनतम मूल्य है मिलने चाहिए जो उनका मौलिक अधिकार है। एक आत्म घोषित राज्य गुजरात के सोमनाथ जिले में गाय सतर्कता समूह वैन को छीन लिया गया और मृत गाय स्किन्निंग(skinning) के कथित अपराध में साथ दलित समुदाय से संबंधित लोगों को कार को बांधकर पीटा गया है।

सोशल मीडिया पर जो वीडियो हलचल मचा रहा है, उसमें ये दिखाया गया है कि उच्चजाति के लोगों के एक समूह ने चार दलित लोगों को एक वैन को बांधकर उन्हें लाठी औरलोहे के स्ट्रिप्स (strips) से उनकी पिटाई की गयी है और पूछा गया है कि कैसे वे गाय त्वचा की खरीदी कर सकता है।उन दलित लोगों को बेरहमी से मारने के बाद, आत्म घोषित गाय सजग समूह में से एक व्यक्ति ने सोशल मीडिया पर एक विडियो डाला है।

उसमें चेतावनी दी गयी है कि यदि गाय की हत्या और गाय का चमड़ा (skin) पाया गया तो इसी प्रकार का उपचार उनको दिया जाएगा। यह भी चेतावनी दी गयी है कि गाय (गौ-माता) को किसी भी तरह से स्पर्श नहीं करना चाहिए जिन्दा या मुर्दा नहीं तो हश्र यही होगा। इसी प्रकार सदियों से दलित महिलाओं के साथ बलत्कार किया जा रहा है, जला दिया जा रहा है, मार दिया जा रहा है और अनेक इस प्रकार के जुल्म दलित समुदाय झेलता आ रहा है।इस असहिष्णु देश में ऐसी घटनाएं क्षत-विक्षत रोज होती जा रही है लेकिन आज दलित समुदाय इस प्रकार के राष्ट्रवाद को बर्दाश्त करने के लिए तैयार नहीं हैं। प्रश्न यह उठता है कि क्या उनके पवित्र गाय को नुकसान पहुँचाया जाता है।

भले ही मरी हुई गाय (गौ माता) हो, जो उनके बचों द्वारा ही खुले में फेक दिया जाता है। सामान्य रूप में दलितों ने गुजरात के सौराष्ट्र क्षेत्र से भारत भर में अपनी आवाज उठाने के लिए एक अनूठा रास्ता मिल गया है। विशिष्ट अपनी आजीविका के लिए (dehumaninized) कब्जे संलग्न करने के लिए उन्हें सम्मोहक से पहले उन पर लगाये गए हिंसा के खिलाफ आपनी आवाज उठाई।

शारीरिक रूप से उनके मानव गरिमा का उलंघन करने के कारण उन्होंने एक संक्षिप्त सन्देश को सारे देश में पहुंचाया है कि-आत्म घोषित उनके गौ माताओं (matas) को निपटाने के लिए उन्होंने मरें हुए गाय के शवों को सरकारी कार्यालयों के सामने डाल दिया है और यहाँ फैसल किया है कि वे मरें हुए गायों (माताओं) को ढोने काम नहीं करेंगे जो सदियों से करते आ रहे थे। जो उनका यहाँ हिन्दू–धर्म में पेशा था। आज ओ काम उन्होंने गौ-माताओं को ढोने का उनके प्यारे बचों के लिए छोड़ दिया है ऐसी घोषणा उन्होंने की है।भारत में दलित ही ऐसा समुदाय है जो ऐसे हिंदुत्व बयानबाजी के खिलाफ अपनी आवाज नैतिक और सांस्कृतिक प्रक्रिया के तौर पर करता है जो उनका मौलिक अधिकार है।

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