Dhanera, Gujarat: A temple with two entrances opens up to a broad hallway that leads up to two fire pits in front of two doors marking separate entries to different temples. One temple remains open while the other is closed—members of the local Scheduled Caste (SC) Gohil community identify the closed one as theirs.

As this reporter goes towards the closed side of the temple, the priest enters from the other side. “It’s an age-old custom. The temple is 100 years old; some things cannot be changed,” he answers when questioned about caste discrimination.

Untraceable custom

The 68-year-old priest continues to support the discriminatory custom. “We do not do any injustice but temples should be different,” he says adding that “there were differences, as taught to them, that is part of the culture”. 

The temple is located in Dhanera Taluka’s Sankad village, in the Banaskantha district of Gujarat. Newlywed couples come to seek blessings at the temple, which is shared by 30 villages.

“Is God different? Are our offerings different? Is the cause of the visit (marriage) different? Then why can’t we share the same space?” questions Sankad native Dinesh (35).

Temples in the villages of Saral, Thawar and others in Banaskantha also have similar tales of discrimination to narrate.

A teenager from an SC community peeks into the temple in Sankad.

When women from the Gohil and Solanki communities went to attend a Navratri function in Saral, they were asked to leave. “We were not allowed to dance, sing or participate in the puja and asked to leave,” says Meeta, who firmly believes in the principles of BR Ambedkar.

Women of Saral village believe only in the principles of BR Ambedkar.

At the Shiva temple in the same village, women from these two communities who fast for 16 Mondays during the holy month of Shravan are barred. “We are asked to stay away and maintain the difference,” says Meeta. 

Even dead bodies of members of SC communities are discriminated against because of their castes. In all the 94 villages of Dhanera Vidhan Sabha, there are different crematoriums for different castes.

The discrimination does not end here. There are pending court cases over ownership of crematorium land in Vasan and Malotra villages. The SC community of Vasan alleges that the land, allocated by the collector to it for 40 years, was hijacked by the sarpanch and other upper-castes. A similar incident allegedly happened in Malotra, where the land is demarcated by a fence. 

Ostracisation from public spaces to settlements

An unmetalled road along an open crematorium leads to a settlement in the woods in Sankad. The settlement, which bears all the marks of ostracisation due to its far-off location, has mud houses with hay boundary walls. They belong to the Valmikis, the last in the caste system, who are oppressed even by the SCs of the village. 

Caste discrimination in these villages does not start with the Brahmins. The Other Backward Classes oppress the SCs (Gohils and Solanki), who, in turn, discriminate against the Valmikis.

Geeta, making millet chapatis for lunch at one of the houses, is the youngest and the most educated among the three sisters-in-law in the family. She had studied up till the 8th grade. “We are not allowed to raise our voices. If we do, we are abused,” says the 19-year-old, who could study only till class eight.

In 2017 and before, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) Assembly election manifestos consistently promised to eradicate caste discrimination in Gujarat. However, these villages tell a different tale. 

“During the last campaign, candidates promised to construct metalled roads and permanent houses. But you can see the condition of the road you took to reach our house,” Geeta says sarcastically when asked about the election campaigns of political parties adding that “they visit us once in five years only to ask for votes”.

From weddings to other public events, the Valmikis use their utensils and sometimes even carry their own food to marriages. For the comparatively less underprivileged SC communities of Solankis and Galchars, the situation is slightly better due to their vote bank. “They have separate utensils for us in their houses,” says Dinesh, a member of the Gohil community in Sankad.

The temple used by the Valmiki community.

“The difference is evident. Our newlywed couples cannot enter temples and are supposed to worship from outside. We carry our utensils and sometimes food too to their weddings. They mostly don’t attend our weddings—and even if they do, they give cash and leave,” Shilpa, another member of the Valmiki community says describing the deep-rooted discrimination.

Even election candidates visiting the Valmiki settlement “do not enter the houses or touch the community members. They give verbal assurances and leave”, adds Shilpa. Some of the candidates enter the houses of other less underprivileged communities and have tea during campaigns.

Shilpa’s husband Bhangi Pagwan Bhai Virchand tried several times to apply for the position of Safai Kamgaar. Finally, he gave up and expected their son Shivam, who has a master’s degree, to improve the family’s financial condition. But he too failed to land a job and now assists his father and uncles in farming.

Shilpa’s husband Bhangi Pagwan Bhai Virchand shows the forms which he filled to get a house under the PM Awaas Yojana.

Caste discrimination stretches to government schemes as well. Shilpa’s family applied for a house under the PM Awas Yojana thrice but their forms either failed to reach the concerned officials or were ignored. “Once an officer from Palanpur even visited our house for inquiry. He said that since we already have a roof, we do not need a house,” says Shilpa, who stays with the six family members in a one-room house with no washroom or a permanent roof. 

Oppression: From land to representation

Dhanera is one of the biggest constituencies containing SCs, who total 28,000. Besides, it has a tribal population of approximately 9%. But neither SCs or Scheduled Tribes (STs) have any representatives.

“No one from the SC or ST community can contest even in Panchayat elections without a reserved seat. An analysis of the unreserved seats in Panchayat election shows a clear picture of the situation here,” says Pankaj, a local reporter and son of a former sarpanch. 

Gujarat was among the top five BJP-ruled states with the highest number of crimes against Dalits in 2018, according to the National Crime Records Bureau.

As per the rules, the underprivileged have been granted some government land for farming. Masra Hamira Galchar (62), a native of Malotra, lost his land in 2019 and son in the first wave of the pandemic. He now works as a daily wager in the lands of other farmers for Rs 200 a day. 

In 2002, Galchar was granted six bighas. When the water crisis hit the village, he could not afford to spend lakhs on a borewell. With no option left, he approached the village Patel, who arranged for irrigation on the condition that he would have a “75% share in the produce”.

“I was left with only one-fourth share despite slogging on my land,” adds Galchar. In 2018, he finally asked the Patel for another share. When he refused, Galchar stopped working for him. 

Galchar collected his crops in one place to sell some of them and use the rest for as cattle feed. The same night, the “Patel and a few other men burnt his crops”. When Galchar and his family rushed to extinguish the fire, they were “beaten up”.

When he registered an FIR at the Dhanera Police Station, the Patel claimed that the land belonged to him and Galchar had instead burnt “his” crops. The police believe his version and the case has been pending in a Palanpur court for the last four years. Since the matter is sub judice, Galchar can’t use the land.

Masra Hamira Galchar, of Malotra village, shows his land papers.

“Being of the same caste matters more than being fair,” Galchar says with fading hope and a hunger for justice in his eyes while showing documents and a copy of the FIR in support of his claim to the land.

Galchar, who has a debt running in lakhs, has already spent, at least, Rs 3 lakh on the court case. When asked about how will he pay the loans or whether he is sure about getting his land back, he replied with only a pitiful smile. 

Meanwhile, the Patel has his own house and lands, and continues his ‘one-fourth share’ business with other farmers of the village. 

Caste-based atrocities against Dalits and tribals in Gujarat spiked by, at least 70%, between 2003 and 2018. Despite the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s (RSS) pledge to eliminate caste discrimination, the situation hasn’t changed. 

“It is this way to keep honour intact,” asks Shilpa pointing out

the separate entries to the Sankad temple.

Saral is also known as Ambedkar Nagar. However, fasting Dalit women are not allowed inside temples. Caste discrimination in villages of north Gujarat is part of the culture and the social fabric.

The writer is a Delhi-based freelance journalist reporting on issues of unemployment, education and human rights.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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Two weeks after a Dalit youth was beaten and hung upside down in Kotla Sultan Singh village in Amritsar, Punjab, the State Commission for Scheduled Castes ordered the police to arrest culprits and report their findings by April 6, 2022, reported Hindustani 24. According to the report, the police took more than a week to file the crime that occurred on March 15.

Members of the SC community condemned the gruesome murder of Gurwail Singh, who was accused of theft and thrashed for the same. Majitha police took until March 24 to register an FIR and are yet to arrest accused Ladi, Palwinder Singh, Joban Singh and all residents of Kotla Sultan Singh, for wrongful restraint, voluntarily causing hurt, crimes by crowds.

#Casteism A Dalit youth mistaken for thief, thrashed, hanged upside down. The incident was reported in the village of Kotla Sultan Singh in #Amritsar district. Punjab Police has not taken any action so far. @BhagwantMann #DalitLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/Pa7jAJvtT4

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) March 29, 2022

According to the news reports, the SC Commission took note of the suspected police inaction against the accused, who hanged Sigh upside down from a tree. Similarly, the Times of India reported that on Tuesday, a Commission team led by Senior Vice Chairman Deepak Kumar Verka visited Amritsar.  

Meanwhile, Valmikan Sudhar Sabha Head Baba Pankaj Nath Shergill demanded immediate detention of those involved in the crime as well as speedy compensation for the victim and his family. According to Hindustani 24, the youth was suffering from depression after the incident. Shergill told local reporters that the incident exposed the reality of caste discrimination in the community.

Along with the aforementioned IPC sections, Verka also directed the police to register the case against the accused under the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.

On March 29, Union Social Justice and Empowerment Minister Ramdas Athawale was asked about the number of cases filed under the aforementioned Act. The National Crime Records Bureau report showed that as many as 58,538 such cases were registered in 2020 with Punjab accounting for 169 of these cases. This further supports Shergill’s argument of caste discrimination in the community.

Government data shows crimes against the SC/ST community have only increased over the years. Recently the government amended the the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act to include new offences, expand scope of presumptions, institutional strengthening. This includes establishment of Exclusive Special Courts and specification of Exclusive Special Public Prosecutors to exclusively try the offences under the Act, and enable expeditious disposal of cases. It also gave power of Special Courts and Exclusive Special Courts to take direct cognisance of offences and as far as possible, completion of trial within two months from the date of filing of the charge sheet, establishing rights of victims and witnesses, and strengthening preventive measures.

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The post SC commission demands justice for Dalit youth thrashed and hung upside down from tree in Punjab appeared first on SabrangIndia.

India’s caste system is the major obstacle for betterment of the socio-economic condition of the downtrodden. The lowest in the rung of caste hierarchy, the victims of caste oppression are addressed as Dalits or Scheduled Castes (SC). There are others who are also on the lower scale of hierarchy, the tribal (ST) and other backward castes (OBC). For centuries the low castes were subject to oppression at multiple levels. Theirs’ was a sort of slavery couched in the wrap of religion. Many Hindu scriptures gave the rigid outline of the social system. One such scripture has been Manu Smriti which was burnt in a public protest by the greatest of the caste opponents Dr. Bhimrao Babasaheb Ambedkar.

As the opposition to caste structure grew even during freedom movement of India, the reaction to this was Hindu Nationalism, rather Brahmanic Nationalism. It was the Brahmanic stream of Hinduism which has been most rigid about the oppression of lower castes. This Brahmanic Nationalism presented itself as Hindu nationalism and got expressed in Hindu Mahasabha and RSS. RSS thrived over a period of time and currently is the most powerful organization in the country. It is working for restoration of Caste, gender hierarchy and inequality of older times.

It is an overarching formation working in all spheres of life and its progeny working in political arena is Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is ruling the country from last seven years. It is very subtle in presenting its agenda which is against Dalits and other downtrodden. BJP poses to be associating with Dalits while its policies are meant to subjugate this community. It has multiple strategies to win them over for electoral purposes while modifying the policies in a direction which are detrimental to the all round conditions of Dalits, including their economic conditions.

BJP-RSS and anti-Dalit ideology

BJP came to the political forefront when it started its campaign for Ram Temple in the decade of 1980. In 1990 V.P.Singh implemented the recommendations of the Mandal Commission, which gave 27% reservation to the other backward Castes. Earlier the SC had 15% of reservation, ST 7.5% and now OBC reservation was added up to that. This made BJP more assertive and its support base, the upper caste, came forward to support BJP campaigns for Ram temple and other divisive agenda, pushing the social equality attempts in the backyard. This identity based Ram temple campaign also served the purpose of distracting the attention from the plight of oppressed sections of society as well.

The period up to 2014, (2004 to 2014 period was the time when Congress led UPA was in power) saw that on one hand despite the opposition to affirmative action for Dalits there was effort to implement it. On the other hand BJP was building itself to oppose the policy of reservation for Dalits on the one hand and to co-opt them into its ideological and political fold on the other.

UPA I (2004-2009) came up with rights based approach, ‘Right to information’, ‘right to employment’, ‘right to education’, ‘right to health’ and ‘right to food’. This benefitted the large sections of Dalits living below the poverty line. The ongoing affirmative action’s during many decades after independence did lift the Dalit’s conditions to some extent. Still due to the deeply entrenched caste system, the affirmative provisions were not implemented as they should have been. So in a way the process of social transformation till 2014 was at snail’s pace anyway.

The major change in the condition of Dalits has been due to reservations which were mandated by the constitution and which aimed to break the shackles of caste backwardness and improve the condition of Dalits. RSS-BJP has been opposed to this all through, overtly or covertly. The Mandal Commission was a turning point in a way as RSS-BJP activated its mechanism for opposing the same indirectly by raising the pitch of Ram temple campaign. They did float organizations like ‘Youth for Equality’. Social debates were popularised against reservation.

Reservation: Creamy Layer

The overall picture before BJP coming to power was summed up by prominent academic Sukhdeo Thorat. As per him “Dalits are employed in manual, unskilled labor jobs in urban areas. Given these facts, only 5% of the working Dalit population has actually benefited from the Indian reservation law.” (1) As per him while GOI poverty alleviation programs help Dalits, the government does not strictly monitor them and many are never implemented…and the vast majority of Dalits are denied upward socioeconomic mobility due to lack of access to education, land, and capital.

Further worsening of the situation began with BJP coming to power at Centre. The first attempt BJP initiated was at state level and then at Centre was to introduce ‘reservation based on economic ground’. Also there is a talk that creamy layers will be excluded from the reservations. The ‘creamy layers’ means those who have better socio economic status. Dilip Mandal, another scholar points out,“ for the first time, the central government is going to include an individual’s salary to calculate household earnings, which would determine the creamy layer category for members of that family. In one stroke, a large number of salary earners will be excluded from the ambit of OBC quota.” (2) Further Mandal elaborates, ”The proposed criteria, if implemented, will exclude even the lower middle class OBCs. Take the example of a family where both parents are primary school teachers. In all probability, their combined annual salary would be above Rs 12 lakh. Now, if their daughter applies for a government job, she will not be considered for the OBC quota.” (3)

Introducing reservation on Economic Ground has further weakened the position of the status of Dalits. BJP led NDA passed the resolution approving 10% quota for upper caste on economic criterion. These criterions are liberal enough to include large sections of population at the cost of reservation of the Dalits/OBC.

BJP Identity Politics and Lynching in name of Cow-Beef

BJP’s main plank in political arena is identity politics. This politics is based on polarization and creating a sense of fear among majority for the minority community. In pursuit of this while they have been pursuing the Ram Temple issue earlier; from 2014 when BJP got majority for the first time; it took the issue of Holy cow to higher pitch leading to mob lynching of Muslims and Dalits. Both these communities are related to occupations of cow slaughter and leather work. The IndiaSpend data tells us the massive increase in the lynching with BJP coming to power and also increase in atrocities against Dalits. This runs parallel to the impact on economic situation of Dalits as the sale/purchase of old cows has massively declined and those involved in these trades, primarily Dalits have suffered huge economic setback. “Muslims were the target of 51% of violence centered on bovine issues over nearly eight years (2010 to 2017) and comprised 86% of 28 Indians killed in 63 incidents. As many of 97 per cent of these attacks were reported after Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government came to power in May 2014, and about half the cow-related violence — 32 of 63 cases –were from states governed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), recorded until June 25, 2017.” (5)

Running parallel to this was attacks on Dalits who were dealing with Cowhide. In Una (Gujarat) seven Dalit youth were stripped above the waist and beaten mercilessly. Following this the usual economic cycle of old cattle being bought and sold got a setback giving an adverse impact to the economic plight of many Dalit families. “A new report by ‘Human Rights Watch’ reveals the impact of ‘cow protection’ on agriculture, industries and India’s minorities. The report looks at the issue of cow-related violence and its impact on India’s minorities. The report analyses the socio-political, legal and economic issues around cattle trade and cow-related violence. Indian government should prevent and prosecute mob violence by vigilante groups targeting minorities in the name of cow protection, ‘Human Rights Watch’ said in a report.”(6)

“The government [should] not [be] the one to decide on [what food you can or cannot eat]. This ban will have an ill effect on the lives of the Dalits who are [dependent] upon the labor connected with cows and leather products.” (7)

Due to the rigidity of caste hierarchy prevalent in India; Dalits are forced to work in very degrading jobs like scavenging of rubbish heaps, work in slaughter houses, tanneries, leather factories and other menial jobs. To live in segregation from the upper castes such as Brahmins is a part of regular practice here.

Reservation for Dalits in Universities

From March 2018 UGC advertised the faculty jobs and in this only 2.5% of posts were reserved for SC and none for ST. This is totally in opposition to what the norms have been (15% for SC, 7.5% for ST and 27% for OBC) (8) This is going to have very adverse impact on the economic conditions of Dalits along with change in the future academic conditions in the country. This will worsen the overall plight of this section of society.

Economic status

According to a 2014 report to the Ministry of Minority Affairs by Amitabh Kundu, over 44.8% of Scheduled Tribe (ST) and 33.8% of Scheduled Caste (SC) populations in rural India were living below the poverty line in 2011-12, compared to 30.8% of Muslims. In urban areas, 27.3% of ST and 21.8% of SC populations were poor, versus 26.5% of Muslims. (9, 10)

Some Hindu Dalits achieved affluence, although most remain poor. In particular, some Dalit intellectuals such as Chandrabhan Prasad have argued that the living standards of many Dalits have improved since the economic liberalization in 1991 and have supported their claims through large surveys. (11) According to Socio Economic and Caste Census 2011, nearly 79 percent of rural Adivasi households and 73 percent for Dalit households were most deprived among rural households in India. While 45 percent of scheduled caste households are landless and earn by manual casual labor for their living and same is for 30 percent for Adivasis.(12)

A 2012 survey by Mangalore University in Karnataka stated that 93% of Dalit families still live below the poverty line.(13) The budget (2020) has failed to give due share to the Dalits, Adivasis, working class, Women and Children. It has also failed to take concrete steps to resolve the economic crisis prevalent in the primary sector of the economy, i.e., Agriculture. Instead of providing the farmers with substantial financial relief, they have been left in a world of false hopes and promises. Also, education and health have not been provided with the kind of attention they badly need. (14) Congress president Rahul Gandhi has criticized the RSS and the BJP for the plight of Dalits and said he praised the Dalit community who are coming forward to protest against these policies. He commented on this when many Dalit organisations had called for a nation-wide shutdown with strong determination against the dilution of arrest prevalent provisions under the SC/ST Atrocities Act by the Supreme Court.( 15)

BJP’s Strategies to Co-opt Dalits

RSS-BJP faces a unique dilemma. On one hand they want to ensure the subordination of Dalits at all social levels. On the other they have to win over the electoral benefits of these communities. Through the cultural and religious activities of several dozens of its organisations, the RSS, achieves this. They are employing multiple strategies to win over there marginalized communities. Their affiliated organisations involved in such activities are the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Vanavasi Klayan Ashram, Bajrang Dal, Seva Bharati to name but a few. They have tried to increase Brahminic religiosity at all the levels. They have picked up some of the icons from these marginalized communities and revived them through Hindu Nationalist lens. In addition they have lured some of the leaders of these communities with the bait of pelf and power.

The BJP’s landslide victory in the 2014 general election was helped by Dalit votes. Currently, 84 parliament seats are reserved for Dalits as those constituencies are dominated by a Dalit population. In 2014, the BJP won 40 of them, according to a study by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS).

One such study, CSDS post-poll analysis after the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, showed that between 2014 and 2019; support for the BJP among Dalits, Adivasis and Other Backward castes has more than doubled (16). Incidentally they comprise large section of poor people in the state. Similarly the 2021 post-poll survey also indicates that this support is becoming much higher among Dalits and OBCs than among upper castes.

This has been the strategy of BJP all over. Cambridge sociologist Manali Desai demonstrates the diverse ways used by this party for Adivasis and Dalits. These groups find that they feel BJP offered them respect and recognition more than other parties. (17) In their perception this party treats them as equal members of society. It seems these social groups seem to perceive a sense of dignity which motivates them to vote for the BJP. This is what explains the BJP’s attitude towards Matua community, which is in large numbers in West Bengal. This is what explains Modi’s visit to Bangla desh and a visit to the Matua Mandir.

The situation may not remain the same as this community feels they have been betrayed. A report UCAN News (18) points out this sense of being let down and it is expected that this rising anger among the community will get reflected in 2024 elections. Now by and by this marginalized community is not taking the promises of BJP seriously. Young Dalits are increasingly aware of their rights as citizens. As per one of them “In the past, we were nothing but cannon fodder for both the opposition and ruling parties. The time has come when such exploitation will not be allowed,” (18)  

As per the same report another Dalit activist in the northern state of Punjab, told ucanews.com that the present generation of Dalits has learned from the past. “The ongoing agitation wants to send a message across the Dalit people … to break the trap and demand equal rights in society,”. 

Emerging Dalit leader with great promise Jignesh Mevani, from Gujarat, who is the new face of Dalit political assertiveness; holds meetings, seminars and awareness camps that attract huge crowds of people. He outlines the clear path for advance of Dalits in the current despicable situation. In one of the meeting held in Ahmadabad city Mevani criticized the BJP government of disregarding the interests of Dalit people. He called for more nationwide resistance protests as the BJP government is failing to defend the Dalit protection law in the Supreme Court. There are hopes as “Young people are now confronting the government with facts and figures, a trend alien to the community in the past. A new revolution is in the making and the time is not far away when the community will no longer be viewed as taboo or alien to mainstream society,” (18)

Summing up

BJP’s rise on the political firmament has been a big setback to values of democracy, freedom of expression, security of religious minorities and Dalits. It has also adversely affected the economic welfare of the marginalised sections of society. Through various measures the affirmative action meant for Dalits are gradually being undone. In addition to raising of issues like Cow-beef have affected the livelihood of this section of society. Parallel to this BJP and its associates have unleashed the process of cooption of Dalits into the HIndutva fold.

Sections of Dalits are able to see the agenda of Brahmanic agenda of BJP-RSS and do plan to oppose it through various measures. The awareness among Dalit youth in particular is growing, to resist the BJP moves to undermine their social and economic status.

Related :

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Foot Notes

1.       https://www.thehindu.com/news/the-india-cables/the-cables/35177-Socioeconomic-future-of-Dalits-remains-bleak/article14959909.ece

2.       https://theprint.in/opinion/with-creamy-layer-hike-bjp-undoing-3-decades-of-mandal-gains-getting-obc-support/456497/

3.       https://theprint.in/opinion/with-creamy-layer-hike-bjp-undoing-3-decades-of-mandal-gains-getting-obc-support/456497/

4.       https://archive.siasat.com/news/four-years-modi-government-and-communal-divisiveness-1365085/

5.       https://thepolicytimes.com/chaos-that-cow-vigilantes-created-to-the-livelihoods-of-dalits-adivasi-and-muslim/

6.       https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/02/19/india-vigilante-cow-protection-groups-attack-minorities

7.       https://www.worldwatchmonitor.org/2015/03/indian-beef-ban-hits-untouchable-dalits-hardest/

8.       https://scroll.in/article/894750/dalit-view-will-be-wiped-out-teachers-say-new-ugc-quota-policy-will-take-away-more-than-just-jobs

 “India also has the largest number of people trapped in slavery – 14.2 million people”.<templatestyles src=”Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css”></templatestyles>

10.   Sengupta, Somini (29 August 2008). “Crusader Sees Wealth as Cure for Caste Bias”. The New York Times. India. Retrieved 20 November 2011.<templatestyles src=”Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css”></templatestyles>

11.   Wax, Emily (31 August 2008). “In an Indian Village, Signs of the Loosening Grip of Caste”. The Washington Post. Retrieved 20 November 2011.<templatestyles src=”Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css”></templatestyles>

12.   “Landlessness is higher among Dalits but more adivasis are ‘deprived'”. The Indian Express. 6 July 2015. Retrieved 6 September 2015.<templatestyles src=”Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css”></templatestyles> 

13.   TNN (28 October 2012). “93% dalit families still live below poverty line, says survey”. The Times of India. Retrieved 13 September 2015.<templatestyles src=”Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css”></templatestyles>

14.   https://www.sabrangindia.in/article/dalits-adivasis-shortshrifted-modis-thirds-budget-rs-4-56731-crores-denied

15.   https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/rahul-gandhi-slams-rss-bjp-for-plight-of-dalits/articleshow/63578704.cms

16.   https://www.thehindu.com/elections/lok-sabha-2019/when-the-left-moved-right/article27266690.ece

17.   http://www.kashmirtimes.com/newsdet.aspx?q=109688

18.   https://www.ucanews.com/news/dalit-anger-challenges-indian-governments-future/82095#

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The Lok Sabha on Monday (August 6, 2018) unanimously passed a Bill to reverse the effects of a Supreme Court order concerning certain safeguards against arrests under the SC/ST law. The amended ‘Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Bill, 2018’, now rules out any provision for anticipatory bail for a person accused of atrocities against people from SC or ST communities, as it stood before the revision. Ram Vilas Paswan, part of NDA, and a Dalit, not only thanked the Prime Minster but used the occasion to also criticise the Congress. To emphasise that the Congress party is anti Dalit, he raked up the elections in which Congress had contested against Ambedkar (decades ago). That Ram Vilas Paswan’s own allegiance to Ambedkar ideology is also strongly under cloud, given that he is allying and empowering the BJP, a party that proudly carries its agenda of converting the Indian Republic into a Hindu Rashtra, is one aspect. Related to this is the fact that the Hindu Nation was anathema for Ambedkar and what he stood for, embodied in the Indian Constitution that showcases social justice, secularism and democracy.
 
Paswan has been well described as a Mausam Vaigyanik, (Scientist predicting weather). A man and a politician who, to remain in power, not just twists and turns the argument, but is prepared to make ideological compromises. His own ideology reflects a  hunger for power. His words and political stance do not matter much except on the electoral chess board. 

Electoral Battle Between Ambedkar and Congress: Paswan’s depiction gives a very selective presentation of the relationship. While he does point out this fact, he omits to mention that  Ambedkar was not a member of Congress party any time. Also that it is the same Congress party in whose government he was made the Cabinet minister, earlier. Paswan needs a historical memory jog: not only was Ambedkar Minister in the first Indian Cabinet, he was also made the Chairman of Drafting Committee of Indian Constitution, in which Babsaheb played a pivotal role. To cap this it was he who was requested to draft the Hindu Code Bill, a major step to reform the family laws towards a gender just society.
 
RSS Major Opponents of Ambedkar and the Constitution: While the likes of Paswan, hankering after power today, do mouth Ambedkar’s name, they deliberately omit mention of the fact that the major opposition  to the Indian Constitution as drafted by him, the major opposition to Hindu Code bill came from the stable of RSS, the parent organization of the party, in whose alliance he is today enjoying the perks of power. One can even say that Paswan’s political ally, the BJP’s agenda,  of a Hindu Rashtra is polar opposite to the dream of Indian nationhood that Babasaheb Ambedkar stood for: the dream of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, the dream of secular democratic India. The RSS has never hesitated in criticizing the Indian constitution, calling it Western; the BJP has never severed its umbilical cord to the Hindu nationalist RSS. Lately from within BJP itself from top down, Hindu nationalism is being propagated and practiced. Aggressively. Attacks on dalits, among other marginalised sections, go hand and hand with this hegemonic notion.
 
On the eve of the 2014 general election Narendra Modi, the Prime Ministerial candidate himself pronounced that he was born in a Hindu family; he is a nationalist, so he is a Hindu nationalist. Another minister in the Centre, Anant Kumar Hegde has stated that the BJP is there, in power, to change the Indian constitution and that a secular identity should not be used by the people. To cap it all the UP Chief Minster Adityanath Yogi stated that Secularism is the biggest lie of Independent India. 

The BJP itself is very consciously walking the tight rope, balancing phrases and actions as for as Dalits are concerned. On the one hand, the power-lust of some dalit leaders like Paswan, Udit Raj and Ramdas Athwale are used to give a pro-Dalit veneer to BJP’s actions, on the other hand likes of Hegde and Yogi are forthright about their political agenda. It is also true that for the sake of electoral equations even the BJP has to pay obeisance to Ambedkar, despite having and agenda totally opposed to his political ideology.
 
On the ground, the impact of BJP-NDA, of which likes of Paswan are members, has affected Dalits and their life situation and culture in a very serious way. While these hegemonic forces are, trough ‘social engineering’ trying to woo a section of Dalits through manufactured icons like Suhel Dev and Shabri Mata among others, they have unleashed policies which affect the Dalit livelihood, in a very adverse way. The merciless beating of Dalits in Una, which Paswan dismissed as a minor event, the emotive issue of Holy cow has affected the livelihood of dalits in a big way. We also remember that it is during this period that institutional murder of Rohith Vemula and the anti dalit attack at Bhima Koregaon has tormented the Dalit community no end. Even the Modi Government, did try, first, to dilute the Atrocities Act, only once they saw a serious opposition to their move, were they compelled to retreat simply for electoral calculations.
 
While the BJP pays tribute to Ambedkar on the one hand , at the same time it presents Lord Ram as the central icon of its politics. What Ambedkar has said about Lord Ram in his various writings like ‘Riddles of Hinduism’ is well known. It is a sharp and scathing indictment of what he sees as Hinduism and its icons. For the BJP, while it is important to garland Babasaheb; it is of no consequence to them to take forward the agenda of social justice.

The latest attempt to selectively present the electoral battle between Congress and Ambedkar too, is a deliberate ploy to undermine the efforts which the national movement and Mahatma Gandhi-Congress achieved to fight against untouchablity in particular. 

We have miles to go as far as Babasaheb’s dream is concerned. But one thing aspect we cannot afford to forget is what  Ambedkar pointed out: Hindu Raj will be a big tragedy for Dalits of the country. 

It is too much to expect that the likes of Paswan will realize their folly of allying with the BJP-RSS whose very agenda is inherently anti-Dalit, as they are blinded by a lust for power!
 

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Bengali middle class society is seen as casteless because caste violence lacks visibility. One woman’s story of working as a teacher shows how caste intersects with gender to reproduce discriminatory practices.

Bengal was the first region of British India to be colonised and modernised. The opportunities colonial rule opened up were taken advantage of by the bhadralok (gentlefolk) who were mostly upper caste. One of the leaders of the Indian Independence movement Gokhale said “what Bengal thinks today India thinks tomorrow” which captured this avant garde position of Bengal. In such a vision a ‘backward’ institution like caste was claimed to have no significant presence.

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