The timeline of suspicion

The timing remains the primary indictment against the transparency of the process. With the Bihar Assembly polls scheduled for November 6 and 11, 2025, the departure of these trains on November 3 was not a random administrative decision. It suggests a meticulously timed arrival, allowing thousands of passengers just enough leeway to disperse into specific constituencies before the crucial “silent period” (campaigning ban) came into force.

According to the RTI responses, the special trains operated on a synchronised schedule departing on November 3, 2025, from origins in Karnal and Gurugram, Haryana. These unannounced services were routed via Patna (PNBE) to terminate at strategic locations in Bihar, specifically Bhagalpur and Barauni, thereby creating a direct corridor between the two states mere days before the critical voting phase.

The RTI stonewall: “rush clearance” or cover-up?

The RTI responses from the Commercial Department of the Delhi Division are notable not for what they reveal, but for what they conceal. When the RTI activist Ajay Basudev Bose demanded specifics regarding who booked the trains, the total fare paid, the security deposits, and the exact passenger count, the Railway authorities deflected.

The official reply cited vague “Press Releases” and the generic excuse of “Rush Clearance.” However, the Coach Composition details betrayed the scale of the operation that Configuration A – “12 GS + 2 GSCN + 2 SLR” and Configuration B – “9 GS + 9 GSCN + 2 SLR.”

This composition is heavily skewed towards General Seating (GS), capable of ferrying thousands of individuals in high density. The refusal to disclose the financial trail—specifically who footed the bill—has led critics to argue that the “Rush Clearance” narrative is a bureaucratic veil. As noted in the appeal by activists, the stonewalling on the question of payment “Smells like a cover-up!”

Why were they run specifically from Haryana when they could not run such trains during Chhath?: Kapil Sibal

On November 9, during a joint press briefing, Rajya Sabha MP and legal luminary Kapil Sibal dismantled this defense with a simple question of logic that “Why were they run specifically from Haryana when they could not run such trains during Chhath?”

Sibal’s argument highlights a critical anomaly. Migrant workers return to Bihar from across India—Delhi, Mumbai, Surat, Punjab. Yet, the concentration of these specific, unannounced trains originated from Haryana, a state ruled by the BJP, heading into a state where the BJP was a key contender. If this were purely for Chhath, why were similar “emergency” trains not reported from non-NDA ruled states with equal urgency?

The “professional voter” theory: a modern booth capture?

The dimensional part of this story was introduced by RJD MP A.D. Singh, who moved the allegation from logistical support to criminal conspiracy. Singh suggested that the passengers were not merely home-bound migrants, but a mercenary force of “professional voters”—individuals moved across state lines to vote in multiple constituencies or impersonate absent voters.

“The passengers would be ‘professional voters’ who vote from constituency to constituency on a particular date. They must be having fake EPIC cards for which the EC has been helping them.” — A.D. Singh

Singh further alleged a direct nexus, claiming he received information that railway officials were instructed to coordinate these movements directly with Haryana BJP chief Mohan Lal Badoli and other party functionaries. He issued a direct challenge that remains unmet:

“The payment has been made by the BJP. Let the rail minister say who paid the money for these trains.”

The “festival alibi” vs. geographic logic

The Railway Ministry responded quickly, arguing that the situation was due to the overlap with Chhath Puja and Diwali. Their statement said, “This festival season, the railways is running 12,000 special trains; 10,700 special trains are scheduled and about 2000 trains are unscheduled. We are operating war rooms at three levels, divisional, zonal, and Railway board level.” “Whenever there is a sudden rush of passengers at any station, we immediately put into service unscheduled special trains” as per a report in The Print.

Caught on camera: the ‘free ticket’ confession

Apart from the RTI revelations, video evidence has now surfaced that seemingly confirms the precise mechanics of this alleged “voter smuggling” operation. While the Railway Ministry maintained the bureaucratic defence of “rush clearance,” ground reports from Sonipat and Karnal tell a radically different story that the trains were the hardware, but the ruling party provided the software—specifically, free tickets and food.

Special trains by Railways and Free tickets by BJP.
Proof:
1. https://t.co/1adtpz4spe
2. https://t.co/FCkmOxbR2X
3. https://t.co/ebyuWJzRpK

— Mohammed Zubair (@zoo_bear) November 9, 2025

Investigative footage from SNA News and Swarnpatr captures a brazen display of electoral mobilisation where the distinction between state infrastructure and party machinery completely collapsed.

This was from Karnal pic.twitter.com/ck2OngR8yG

— Ashish Bagchi (@BagchiAsh) November 28, 2025

In the exposed footage, the denial of “sponsored travel” unravels through the testimonies of the passengers themselves. When asked who paid for their journey, multiple laborers are seen on camera admitting, “Ticket BJP ne diya hai” (BJP gave the ticket) and “Modi sarkar ne paisa diya” (The Modi government paid). Even more incriminating is the on-record admission by local BJP functionaries present at the station. In one instance, a party worker explicitly states, “Ticket BJP arrange kara ke de rahi hai… bilkul nishulk” (The BJP is arranging the tickets… absolutely free), justifying the expenditure as a necessary service to help poor laborers participate in the “festival of democracy.”

This visual proof directly contradicts the “festival rush” narrative; these were not passengers buying tickets to go home for Chhath, but voters being ferried free of cost with the specific instruction to “cast their vote” (“Vot girane ja rahe hai”), a fact corroborated by video documentation where local leaders admit to the free distribution of tickets  and passengers confirm they did not pay a single rupee for the journey.

MCC and “corrupt practice” under RP Act, 1951

Even with the elections concluded, the legal ramifications of these allegations persist. If proven, they point to a structural rot in the electoral process involving two key frameworks:

First, violation of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 (RP Act) The core allegation triggers Section 123(5) of the RP Act, which deals with “Corrupt Practices.”

Section 123(5): The hiring or procuring, whether on payment or otherwise, of any vehicle or vessel by a candidate or his agent… for the free conveyance of any elector… to or from any polling station…

While the text specifies “to or from a polling station,” judicial interpretation of “corrupt practice” often extends to the entire election apparatus. If a political party paid for trains to transport voters from Haryana to Bihar for the explicit purpose of voting, it violates the spirit of this prohibition. The RTI’s failure to disclose the “party or person who booked” the trains effectively suppresses evidence of a potential federal crime.

Secondly, misuse of official machinery under the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) The MCC is unequivocal, the party in power at the Centre must not use its official position for campaigning.

Para VII of MCC: The party in power whether at the Centre or in the State… shall ensure that no cause is given for any complaint that it has used its official position for the purposes of its election campaign.

The Indian Railways is a central ministry. If “unscheduled” trains were allocated based on backchannel requests from political functionaries to aid a specific party’s mobilisation, it constitutes a gross misuse of state machinery, shattering the “level playing field” the ECI is sworn to protect.

Institutional failure: the ECI’s abdication

The most troubling part of the “Phantom Trains” episode is the inaction of the regulator. The ECI, which is empowered by Article 324 of the Constitution to supervise and control elections, has remained silent.

The Bihar 2025 Assembly elections may be over, but the alleged “Trains for Votes” incident should not be brushed aside. The RTI documents clearly show an irregularity that needs an institutional response. If the Indian Railways—the country’s main transport network—can be used in a way that shifts voters on polling day as alleged, then the idea of a free and fair election is at risk.

The unanswered question of who paid for these trains raises serious doubts. Until the Election Commission conducts a transparent audit of these “Phantom Trains,” the election process will continue to face suspicion that government machinery was used to influence the outcome.

Related

The Indian Railways Need to be Saved

‘Designed to Exclude’: The ongoing enumeration phase of the SIR

Bihar’s SIR process reveals an exercise of illegitimate powers, ECI forcing district machinery to resort to unethical practices: CCG’s Open Letter

The post Bihar Elections: Trains for votes? The unanswered mystery of the ‘phantom’ specials from Haryana to Bihar appeared first on SabrangIndia.