The post आदिवासियत का पंचशील appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Historic Injustice: The Supreme Court of India in a landmark judgment (Criminal Appeal No: 11 of 2011) has observed:
“The injustice done to the tribal people of India is a shameful chapter in our country's history.    The tribals were called `rakshas' (demons), `asuras', and what not. They were slaughtered in large numbers, and the survivors and their descendants were degraded, humiliated, and all kinds of atrocities inflicted on them for centuries. They were deprived of their lands, and pushed into forests and hills where they eke out a miserable existence of poverty, illiteracy, disease, etc. And now efforts are being made by some people to deprive them even of their forest and hill land where they are living, and the forest produce on which they survive.” [section 36].

Law vs People: Realising this injustice, the British rulers introduced some legislation with a view to protect the tribal people and their rights over natural resources. Chotanagpur Tenancy Act, 1908 (CNT) and SantalPargana Tenancy Act, 1949 (SPT). These laws were meant to prevent land-alienation of the indigenous Adivasi community. However, over the years some loopholes were introduced in the law, especially in the CNT Act through which indigenous land can now be taken for public sector undertakings such as mines and industries. Under this guise or pretext, thousands of acres of land has been forcibly appropriated from Jharkand’sAdivasis using the outdated Land Acquisition Act of 1894 enacted by the British. The compensation fixed by petty bureaucrats has been meagre without any rehabilitation of the displaced. A minimal estimate is that about 24 lakh acres of land was thus alienated and 19 lakh people have been, over the decades, displaced. A cruel, further push in this policy of unfair seizure of land was brought in with the neo-liberalisation policies adopted from the early 1990s, that has paved the way for private industrialists to invest in mining and industries.

MoUs on paper only: Even as the government went on signing Memorandum of Understandings (MoUs) with prospective industrialists, people’s resistance movements began to emerge.Consequently very few industrialists could set up their industries leading to an industrial deadlock and most of them had to go back empty handed.Big projects such as Neterhat Field Firing Range, Koel-Karo River-Water Project, Arcelor-Mittal project where the people’s collective resolve not to give their land are some of the success stories of people’s resistance.

It was in such a predicament that UPA government enacted the ‘Land Acquisition Act, 2013’ by which better compensation and rehabilitation was offered. Some significant features of this 2013 law are: (1) compensation amount enhanced to four times the market rate, (2) obtaining environment clearance for the industry/mine, (3) obligatory public hearings wherein the consent of 80% for private industries and 70% for public sector industries, (4) social audit by independent expert group to assess the  economic, social, cultural impact on the communities because of the industry/mine functioning in their midst. Only on the satisfactory fulfillment of the above conditions, industries/mines would be given the go-ahead signal.

Mass protests overwhelm 2013 Ordinanceof the NDA II government to scrap the salient features of the 2013 Land Acquisition Act. This was a desperate attempt to salvage the assurances the government had made to industrialists that they would face no problems in setting up industries. This arrogant action of the government aroused intellectuals, farmers associations, working class, Dalit and Adivasi communities to take to the street at local, regional, national levels and denounce the duplicity of the NDA govt. This determined protest by the masses finally brought the government to its knees and forced it to withdraw the much-criticisedOrdinance.

Shifting the burden of dismantling the 2013 Land Acquisition Act to State Governments—especially those ruled by the BharatiyaJanata Party (BJP), the NDA government asked the States to enact their own laws / ordinances / amendments so that corporate entities can easily acquire land and start their industries and mines. Now that Jharkhand Government is also a BJP government and has been faithfully carrying out the dictates of it’s national one, the NDA II government worked out the sinister plan of passing an Ordinance which sought to tamper with both laws, the CNT & SPT Acts.

This Ordinance was passed by the JharkandState Cabinet just a few days before the commencement of the State Assembly on July 28, 2016. Such an important and crucial t should rather have been placed in the Assembly for appropriate discussions and deliberation. But the government knew it would be difficult to get such changes through since the opposition would oppose it vehemently. Extremely unfortunately, the State Governor signed this irregularly brought Ordinance and forwarded it to the President of India for his approval after which it would become a law. Fortunately, the President had the discretionary sense to forward it to the Central Government and the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes for their comments. While the central government has been silent on the matter, the ST Commission responded saying it would be highly unconstitutional to pass such an Ordinance. Nearly five months have passed and the President has not given his approval. This Constitutional brakes have placed both the NDA II government at the centre and the state government in Jharkhand in an awkward situation where their designs against the indigenous people, Adivasis of the state, have not materialised.

Ordinance becomes Amendment: The Jharkhand Government then proposed Amendments to CNT & SPT Acts, offering these as ‘good’ and ‘necessary’ for the larger good of ‘development’.  This ploy too, has, however not worked and a widespread mobilisation among Adivasi groups and indigenous peoples has been roundly protesting these moves.

Where the attendance register becomes ‘consent’ document: Sensing the predicament of the government, indigenous parties, organisations and movements demanded that the Vth Schedule of the Constitution be observed in letter and spirit and that government’s proposed amendments should first get the approval of Tribes Advisory Council (TAC) before they are presented on the floor of the State Assembly. The state government, keen to appear to be abiding by constitutional requirements convened a formal meeting of the TAC in September 2016 but this turned out to be mere tokenism and something of a farce: the Chief Minister who is not even a tribal made himself the ‘chairman’and conducted the meet. The attendance register of this farce of a meeting was put forward as the ‘consent’ document and the general public was informed through the ever-obliging, and largely uncritical, media that the resolution of the government had been passed by the TAC!

A three-minute miracle! Opposition to the proposed Amendments to CNT & SPT Acts swelled. Protests became vociferous with both indigenous mass movements and opposition political parties, participating. Rallies, public meetings against the amendments became the order of the day. Opposition parties assured the people that they would not allow the bill to be passed in the State Assembly.Both the ruling party and the opposition parties were geared up for the battle and an obvious tension prevailed all over the state. When the State Assembly gathered, the opposition parties members were up on their feet and demanded that the bill be discussed first before any attempt was made to pass it. An uproar prevailed but then, then lo and behold it was unilaterally announced that the Bill has been passed by a voice vote! All this took place in a matter of three minutes!

It is NOT agricultural land for non-agricultural purpose… BUT snatching indigenous land for out-sider industrialists. What are the objectionable elements in the proposed amendments? (1) Article 49 allowed transfer of indigenous land only to industry and mining. The proposed amendment will open the door to creating infrastructure, rail lines, colleges, hospitals, transmission lines etc. etc. in fact for any and every thing. (2) Article 21 restricted the use of agricultural land only for agricultural purpose. In other words, agricultural land cannot be changed to non-agricultural business purposes. The proposed amendment will allow any and every non-agricultural use.                

It is important to keep in mind that whatever agricultural land is still in possession of the Adivasi and indigenous community, has been possible because of Article 21 of CNT and Article 13 of SPT Act. If the amendments actually become “law”, no land will be left with indigenous communities. A frightening reality indeed!

This plot of the capitalist ruling class against the India’s Adivasis and Indigenous Peoples must be resisted at all costs. If we fail in this struggle,  Indigenous Communities will be wiped out in the map of  central India.

An appeal to the Media too: The glare and gaze must reach where repression is at its height. Jharkand is one such today.

Human Rights Day, 2016

Related Articles:
1. It is a Multi-Pronged Assault: Civil, Political Rights & Forest, Land & Labour Rights Under Threat in the Modi Regime

The post Fire on the Mountain: Jharkand – But Where is the Media? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

CNT act-SPT act संशोधन का सच

इस एक्ट की धारा-71A में चालाकी की गयी है। अब कोई उद्योगपति यदि चाहे तो कहीं की भी जमीन सरकारी रेट पर सरकार से सीधे खरीद सकेगा। पहले उस उद्योगपति को झारखंडी जमीन मालिक से और ग्राम प्रधान से बात कर सौदा तय करना होता था। जाहिर है कि सभी रैयत उनकी शर्तों पर राजी नहीं होते होंगे,जिसकी वजह से उन उद्योगपतियों के बड़े-बड़े प्रोजेक्ट या तो रुक जाते थे या फिर काफी देर से शुरू हो पाते थे। अब की नयी व्यवस्था में मान लीजिए कि अडानी-ग्रुप को अगर जमशेदपुर के बाहर जमीन चाहिए होगी तो वो सीधे सरकार के भूमि सुधार एवं राजस्व विभाग से संपर्क करेंगे और विभागीय अनुमति मिलने पर सरकार से एम ओ यू करेंगे। अब सरकार उक्त प्रोजेक्ट-स्थल की ज़मीन भू-स्वामी से अपनी शर्तों पर मौजूदा बाजार भाव पर अधिग्रहित कर लेगी। अब अगर उक्त उद्योगपति 05 साल तक उस जमीन को इस्तेमाल में नहीं लाता तो भू-स्वामी को बिना मुआवजा लौटाए जमीन वापस कर दी जायेगी।

ये तो हुई कानून और एक्ट-संशोधन की बात…जो कि निश्चित रूप से उद्योगपतियों को झारखण्ड में थोक के भाव में जमीन उपलब्ध करवाने के लिए बनाया गया है। आज तक झारखण्डी को कोई जमीन सरकार ने वापस नहीं की है क्योंकि इसकी प्रक्रिया बहुत जटिल है। कई बड़े-बड़े भूखण्डों में उद्योग बंद होने के बाद पिछले पंद्रह सालों में जमीन कानून के मुताबिक मूल-मालिक को वापस नहीं की जा सकी है क्योंकि उद्योग और बैंकों के बीच के विवाद बरसों न्यायलय में खींचे रहते हैं। यही सबसे बड़ी समस्या है इस संशोधन में। जमीन वापसी की प्रक्रिया सरल बनाये बिना ये संशोधन गरीब आदिवासी का हक़ मारने वाला ही कहलायेगा।

कोर्ट के आदेश के बावजूद दखल दिहानी करवाए बिना सरकार की मंशा साफ प्रतीत नहीं होती ।

सीएनटी-एसपीटी एक्ट में संशोधन बिल पास करके रघुवर सरकार ने झारखण्डियों को ठगने का काम किया है ,माननीय मुख्यमंत्री रघुवर दास द्वारा झारखंड की भाषा-साहित्य, सभ्यता-संस्कृति ,परम्परा पर विकास के नाम पर शोषण करने का लाइसेंस 5% बाहरियों को देने का काम कर रही है

भाजपा सरकार झारखंड में गैर झारखण्डियों के लिए लगातार रोजगार के साथ साथ भुमि उपलब्ध करवाने की कानून बना कर थोप रही है ,पहले गलत स्थानीयता नीति और अब सीएनटी एसपीटी एक्ट संशोधन उसी का एेजेण्डा मात्र है ,सी•एन• टी• एक्ट और एस• पी• एक्ट संशोधन के बिना भी लालमटिया कोयला खदान, पचुवाड़ा कोयला खदान , धनबाद कोयला खदान,लोहरदग्‍गा बाक्साइट खदान,काॅपर माइंस जादूगोड़ा ,नोवामुण्डी ,गुवा लौह अयस्क सहित कई खदान झारखण्डियों के विकास के लिए ही तो खुले परंतु अब तक सरकार की गलत नीतियों के कारण झारखंडी केवल मजदूर बनकर रह गया है और गैर झारखंडी नेताओं की मिली भगत से अरबपति बन फल फुल रहे हैं ,विस्थापन पलायन प्रदूषण का दंश केवल झारखण्डियों को ही भुगतना पड़ रहा है

मसानजोड़ डैम , पंचेत डैम सहित कई डैम झारखण्डियों के विकास के लिए ही तो बने परंतु ना बिजली मिली ना रोजगार हिस्से में आया पलायन प्रदुषण विस्थापन परंतु रोजगार गैरझारखंडियों को ही मिला टाटा जमशेदपुर , हटिया जैसे नामी करखाना विकास के लिए ही तो बने हुआ क्या ? आदिवासी मूलवासियों का विस्थापन उसके बाद विनाश और बाहरी पुँजीपतियों का विकास।

कृषि योग्य भुमि झारखंड में केवल 24.34% है जिसमें 2%में ही सिंचाई की उपलब्धता है शेष क्षेत्रों को मानसून पर निर्भर रहना पड़ता है जरा सोचिये भुमि ही नहीं बचेगा तो अनाज कहाँ उपजेगा ,पेट कैसे पलेगा किसान कर्ज के बोझ में दबा दिए जाऐंगे शोषण बढे़गा फल आपके सामने है हम आदिवासी मूलवासी कबतक अपने ही राज्य अपने ही गांव -घर में एकता के अभाव में शोषित होते रहेंगे जरा सोचिए ।जय झारखंड …

एसपीटी -एक्ट 1855

सर्वप्रथम भागलपुर एवं वीरभूम जिलो पर 1855 में लागू हुआ ।

1770 से पहले संथाल परगना नाम नहीं था इसे जंगलतरी नाम से जाना जाता था जिसमे मुख्यतः पहाड़िया जनजाति वासित थी जो मुग़ल काल से अंग्रजो तक लड़ती रही । यह लोग अंग्रेजो को भूमि कर नहीं देते थे और इसी की परिणीति पहाड़िया विद्रोह( झारखण्ड भूमि का प्रथम आदिवासी आंदोलन) था । जिसमे इन लोगो ने बन्दुक का सामना तीर कमान से किया ।

1815 से लेकर 1851 तक जंगलतरी में अंग्रजो ने खेती एवं जंगल साफ करने हेतु संथालों को प्रेरित किया जो अंग्रेजो को कर देते थे । अँग्रेजों ने रेलवे लगाने में कई गाँवों को उजाड़ना शुरु किया जिसके खिलाफ हूल आँदोलन सिद्धू कान्हू चाँद भैरव के द्वारा हुआ, जिस कारण 1815 से 1830 के बीच यह संथाल आबादी बहुत बड़ी और कही को बसाया गया जो माँझी का काम करने लगे ।

1853: सिदो-कान्हू की अगुवाई में अन्याय और शोषण के खिलाफ हजारों संथाल आदिवासियों ने तीर-धनुष उठाया था

अँग्रेजी सरकार ने झुकते हुए भुमि का स्वामित्व जनजातियों के लिए निर्धारित करते हुए उनके संरक्षण के लिए भूमि कानून संथाल परगना काश्तकारी अधिनियम बनाया,इस तरह 1855 में संथाल परगना और एक्ट सामने आया ।

CNT 1908 एंड SPT 1855 जो मुख्यतः ट्राइब्स के लिये बने कानून थे उनमें आज़ादी के बाद अनुसूचित जाति एवं बिहार सरकार ने 1962 में OBC के लिये अनुछेद जोड़े । अतः आज यह दोनों कानून ST SC एवं OBC पर कुछ बदलाव के बाद लागू हुआ

#HulUlgulaan जोहार..!!! (साम-दाम-दंड-भेद, झारखण्डी…सब देख-समझ रही है)

हमारा परंपरा और जीवन शैली का
अभिन्न हिस्सा है तीर और कमान

आदिवासी परम्परा और विरासत से अनभिज्ञ झारखंड सरकार ने अब आदिवासी परंपरा पर ही हमला शुरू कर दिया है। एस पी कॉलेज दुमका की घटना इसका प्रमाण है। तिलका माँझी से बिरसा मुंडा तक जिस विरासत के लिए लड़े उसे ही भाजपा सरकार चुनौती दे रही है। आदिवासी लड़ेंगे और विरासत और माटी की रक्षा करेंगें।

सरकार काअजीब विरोधाभास है, जिनके लिए धनुरधारी राम पूजित है, वह धनुष रखने का विरोध करे. कही मानसिकता यह तो नहीं कि धनुष रखने का अधिकार सिर्फ राम को है, अर्जुन को है, एकलव्य को नहीं?

कल झारखंड के संपुर्ण विपक्ष द्वारा सीएनटी एसपीटी एक्ट संशोधन के विरोध में सरकार के खिलाफ शांति पुर्वक झारखंड बंद की अपील जेएमएम विधायक द्वारा जारी पत्र ,
बंद स्वत् सफल बनाएँ |

भाजपा विधायक #लक्ष्मण_टुडू और #रमेश_हांसदा का #बहिष्कार करेगा #माझी_महाल

फैसला | घाटशिला में माझी परगना महाल की आपात बैठक में बनी सहमति,
2 दिसंबर को आर्थिक नाकेबंदी

सिटी रिपोर्टर | जमशेदपुर
माझीपरगना महाल की आपात बैठक रविवार को देश परगना बैजू मुर्मू की अध्यक्षता में हुई। इसमें फैसला लिया गया कि सीएनटी एक्ट के संशोधन में रघुवर सरकार का साथ देने वाले विधायकों को गांवों में घुसने नहीं दिया जाएगा।

घाटशिला के भाजपा विधायक लक्ष्मण टुडू और भाजपा नेता #रमेश_हांसदा का सामाजिक बहिष्कार (दोरबार) करने पर सहमति बनी। तय हुआ कि 4 दिसंबर को घाटशिला महाल बखूल में #लक्ष्मण_टुडू के बारे में सार्वजनिक एेलान होगा तो रमेश हांसदा के बारे में जुगसलाई तोरोफ परगना दसमत हांसदा द्वारा घोषणा की जाएगी।

सीएनटी एवं एसपीटी एक्ट में संशोधन के विरोध में 2 दिसंबर को माझी परगना महाल ने आर्थिक नाकेबंदी करने का फैसला लिया है। इसके तहत खनिजों की ढुलाई रोकी जाएगी। ऐसे काम किए जाएंगे जिससे अर्थ तंत्र प्रभावित हो। यह भी तय हुआ कि सरकारी योजनाओं को आगे बढ़ाने में ग्रामसभा द्वारा असहयोग किया जाएगा। सभी तोरोफ परगना अपने क्षेत्र के माझी बाबा संग इस मसले पर बैठक करेंगे। बैठक में मधु सोरेन, डी सी मुर्मू, सुखलाल हांसदा, दाखिन किस्कू, हरिपद मुर्मू, छोटाराय चंद्र हांसदा, चैतन कुमार किस्कू, टीका राम सोरेन, आनंद हांसदा, कृष्णा हांसदा, रामण हेंब्रम, लेदेन किस्कू, बहादुर सोरेन, लुदी राम मुर्मू, दिलीप कुमार हेंब्रम, शासनी हेंब्रम, दुर्गा चरण मुर्मू, लखन मार्डी, लखन किस्कू, सिरू मुर्मू, दुखूराम सोरेन, सोमा हेंब्रम, अर्जुन मुर्मू, कमला हांसदा, पुनता मुर्मू, ललिता मुर्मू, विनोद हांसदा आदि शामिल हुए।

तीन जनवरी को शक्ति प्रदर्शन

3 जनवरी को जयपाल सिंह जयंती पर संथाल आदिवासियों की पारंपरिक स्वशासन व्यवस्था का प्रतिनिधित्व करने वाले माझी परगना महाल द्वारा शक्ति प्रदर्शन किया जाएगा। करनडीह में महाजुटान होगा। बैठक में तय हुआ कि सीएनटी और एसपीटी एक्ट में संशोधन को रोकने के लिए सभी ग्रामसभा द्वारा राष्ट्रपति, प्रधानमंत्री और राज्यपाल को पत्र भेजा जाएगा।

The post सीएनटी-एसपीटी एक्ट में संशोधन बिल पास करके रघुवर सरकार ने आदिवासियों को ठगने का काम किया है appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Who will Pay, ask Adivasis as the MoU signed in 2006 is violated and the government is uncaring

There is a tragic history behind this sad situation. Kathaldih is a Santal Adivasi village in Amrapara block, Pakur district, Jharkhand. For centuries the indigenous Adivasi people had lived in harmony with their jal, jangal, jamin (water, forest, land). They took care of Mother Earth and she took care of them. Theirs was an agricultural self-sustaining economy enjoying the fruits from their agriculture and their forests. Their socio-cultural values reflected an equalitarian community based on equality, co-operation, consensus decision making. But such a harmonious life was abruptly cut short by the state policy and action.
 
In 2001, the Ministry of Coal allocated Pachwara Central Block, around 13 square kilometers for captive mining to the Punjab State Electricity Board (PSEB), which entered into a Joint Venture (JV) with Eastern Minerals Trading Agency (EMTA), a company with its headquarters in Kolkata, to form PANEM Coal Mines Limited for the purpose of mining coal in the Pachwara Central block.

The nine Adivasi villages in Pachwaracentral block decided to resist the forcible takeover of their land. Meetings, blockades, rallies, dharnas were undertaken through which they expressed their resolve not to give their land to a private co., and also appealed to Jharkhand High Court through a people’s movement Rajmahal Pahad Bachao Andolan basing their argument mainly on Santal Pargana Tenancy Act (1949), the SPT Act, which prohibits transfer of Santal tribal land to any non-tribal, let alone to a private co. Unfortunately neither the state government listened to their demand nor the HC paid any heed to their appeal.

When the Adivasis approached the Supreme Court it refused to look into the case but ordered PANEM Co., to sit with people’s movement and work out a mutually acceptable MoU (Memorandum of Understanding). This was done on November 30, 2006 and a few of the salient points of the MoU are:

• Tribal people are the absolute owners of the land
• 50% land must be returned to the original land owners in cultivable condition
• Mining has to be done one village at a time not altogether and after mining it should be refilled and returned
• Compensation for land per acre Dhani I – Rs. 141,960/-; Dhani II – Rs.106,470/-; and Dhani III – Rs. 70,980/-
• Annual crop compensation – Rs. 16,000/-
• Provide 210 sq. meters homestead land and construct a house with a plan akin to the customary houses, with drinking water, electricity (24 hrs) and a toilet
• Establishment of Manjhisthan, playground, pond, place of worship, grazing land, cremation ground, market place for the village
• Mini truck for transport to the market
• Employment for one person in each family (3 acre + land loss)
• 3 Primary Schools, 1 High School and a School bus
• Scholarship to students who complete class X and above
• 50 bed hospital with ambulance, qualified doctors, nurses, mobile clinic to villages
• Training institute and stipend for trainees etc.

 
Ten years to the date of the MOU, PANEM Co., has failed to fulfill most of these promises:
Kathaldih village has 86 families all of whom were displaced in 2007 and resettled in New Kathaldih Colony. They were provided a house each built like a colony, but not in the style that Adivasis live in, as promised. Around 30 houses remain submerged for almost 5 months of every a year due to water logging as the houses were built on agricultural land next to river Basloi. Electricity was provided only for 12 hours at night till July 2015, when the PANEM stopped mining since it was also one of the mining companies that were considered illegal by SC in it’s judgement of 2015.

An overhead water tank was constructed but no drinking water was ever supplied anywhere in the village from the tank. Common bathing water facilities were given but that too has been stopped since July 2015. No toilet was ever constructed for any of the families.

None of the families is able to carry out agricultural cultivation since all their land has been taken and the company. The land has just not been restored back to the Adivasi community after the mining was done.

Around six students who completed class X were given education scholarship but that too has stopped since March 2015.

In terms of employment and income, 8 families out of 71 interviewed did not get any jobs in the company.

Fifty-three families (74.7%) received the salary between Rs. 6000 – 6999 per month.

Unfortunately ever since March 2015, when the mining was stopped due to the later Supreme Court order, the people have not received any salary!

The people of Kathaldih neither have their agricultural land nor any salary from the company on which they had depended entirely on for their living. This has caused much anxiety and fear among the people. At least other villages have their agricultural land, but the people of Kathaldih have neither the land nor any income for survival. Their entire life and livelihood options seem to be in great danger.

In such a situation what does the government do? Instead of running to the rescue of these people who have been cheated by the company, the government is mulling over allocating this mine to some other company now. Now that people have been divided into two camps of pro-company and against the ‘company’, they are unable to put up a united struggle.

This is a call to all who feel concerned about the plight of the indigenous peoples and the systematic onslaught on their economy, social and cultural values to rise up to occasion. The Jharkhandi political parties and outfits can take it up both on the floor of the state assembly as well as meeting the people at their level and assuring them of their support to their cause.

Jharkhandi intellectuals, legal professionals and activists can reach out to the stranded people and assure them of their support and revive the original people’s movement.

Intellectuals and political parties need to initiate legal action. They can initiate the process of taking some concrete legal action based on the SPT Act, the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996[1] (PESA Act), the Forest Rights Act 2006 Act, the SC’s judgment that entitles the owner of the land as also the owner of sub-soil minerals. They can be of help to enable people in scheduled areas to form themselves into co-operatives for mining items like coal, sell it in open market, and share the cash equitably. People need to be united to fight against the assault on their rights. All this will require study, research, organization and advocacy. Where there is a will there will always be a way. Only let it not be said that we all stood by silently watching the extermination of our indigenous peoples.
 
References:
The demographic data, the details of the MoU, present situation are taken from:
(1) COALLATERAL, a Report of the Independent People’s Tribunal on the MoU between Rajmahal Pahad BachaoAndolan & PANEM Coal Mines, published by Programme For Social Action, Malviya Nagar, New Delhi, 2015, and
(2) Draft Report of the Primary Survey done at New Kathaldih Resettlement Colonyby research scholar S. Xavier, St. Xavier’s College, 30 Park Street, Kolkata, 2015.

The post Adivasis Abandoned as Mining Co Deserts Kathaldih, after SC declares it illegal: Jharkand appeared first on SabrangIndia.