Though the movement was centred on Tamil speaking areas of the Madras Presidency and Pondicherry, it influenced deeply even downtrodden communities in Dharavi and Pune, Travancore Princely state and the migrant Tamil communities in Malaya, Singapore, Ceylon and Burma.

Privileging  ‘Self-Respect’  as the  birth right of human beings  as against the claim of B.G. Tilak’s Swaraj,  Periyar argued, that caste does not make for a healthy sense of the self, and to develop such a sense, one would have to practise self-respect, learn to value one‘s self. In fact, this had to precede all other values and objectives, including freedom and self-rule, in short even swaraj. Periyar defined self-respect in diverse ways, and depending on the context of his utterance and the historical moment in which that utterance was required, self-respect was aligned to socialism, Islam, to the Buddhist notion of samadharam. Periyar‘s use of the word ‘samadharma’, as a counter to Manudharma, and as an adjunct of socialism, which he argued had to do with the logic of just distribution, whereas ‘samadharma’ required a just and equal ethics which implicates all of us, the form of that ethical consensus that we forge with each other, that we shall hold and exercise rights and compassion in common.

Periyar’s criticism of Hinduism proceeded from his understanding of caste as a system and ideology: the Brahminical ideology that determined what the women and men of the Hindu faith ate, how they dressed, whom they married, their choice of a profession, their relationships with each other, their behaviour in public places, their political choices, their modes of worship, in short, a religious sensibility was manifest in the Hindu’s each and every actions. Hinduism was fundamental to the very organisation of caste society and had to be viewed not merely in terms of beliefs, faith and the succour it offered to the believer, but in terms of its material everyday existence. Periyar’s idea on brahminical patriarchy drew its sustenance from his rejection of the conventional ideal of chastity. Periyar argued that ‘child rearing’ could be taken up by the men as well. By making parenthood rather than motherhood the decisive factor in the nurture and care of human life, Periyar liberated the female body and thus granted the female person both will and subjectivity. He also attacked the fetishisation of female body and urged the women not to internalise notions of beauty and become mere ‘pegs’ on which one hangs jewellery.

The politics of the SR movement was defined as a critique of Congress nationalism and political Non-brahminism.  Self-respecters understood political Non-brahminism as a creed that rejected what it termed, the hierarchical privileges of the caste order, opposed brahminical pride and social power, endorsed the rights of untouchables to an equal, self-respecting and free existence, and which upheld women’s reproduction rights as well as their right to education and independence. Further, even when Periyar supported governments that appeared to him to be receptive to social justice ideals, he never allowed such support to interfere with his critical work in the civil and public realms. He was insistently critical of the electoral politics and legislative exercises, which to him, were inexorably given to instrumental reasoning and limited goals. He felt that being active in this sphere could prove corrupting – and so decided to keep away from it, and instead function as a permanent dissident and critical movement in society.

Interestingly, the SR movement also drew inspiration from the Russian Revolution, though it abhorred violence manifesting in any form. The  only English weekly the SR Movement has ever had was ‘revolt’ launched from Erode on November 7, 1928,which, in the words of the leader written for its first anniversary number was “that memorable  day in the history of the nations, the day of the… immortal Revolution in Russia..” One can see from the journals of the SR movement hundreds of articles on the achievements of Soviet Russia, some of which looked for the social markers of women’s progress civil society as well (It had great admiration for King Amanullah Khan of Afghanistan and Mustafa Kemal Pasha  of Turkey for  overturning the centuries old dress code for the women.)  Periyar had the Preamble and the first section of the ‘Communist Manifesto’ translated into Tamil and published it in ‘Kudi Arasu’ before leaving for a ‘global tour’, which was only a ploy to enter into Soviet territories. After returning to Erode by the end of 1932, he and S. Ramanathan, a veteran of the SR Movement translated into Tamil seven articles of Lenin on Religion to be published in ‘Kudi Arasu’. A few months later’ Kudi Arasu’ featured the first Tamil translation of Engels’s ‘The Principles of Communism’ by another Self Respecter and during 1937-38, a full-length biography of Karl Marx were published.

The SR movement forged close contact and comradely relationship with Babasaheb Dr B.R. Ambedkar. It was the SR journals that introduced Babasaheb to Tamil Nadu through its reports on the Mahad Satyagraha and Kalaram Temple entry movement and it mobilised all its strength to support of the Separate electorate demand. Similarly from 1935 onwards it supported Ambedkar’s decision to leave the Hindu fold not to die as a Hindu. Periyar however, was unhappy about Babasaheb’s decision to join the Constituent Assembly as he felt that the latter’s legilslative  labour would only  be harvested by the ‘North Indian Aryans’. In post Independent India, Periyar disagreed with Babasaheb’s solution to Kashmir problem and also his advocacy of aligning with the USA. But these political differences were overcome with Periyar’s support to Babbasaheb on other issues.

Periyar maintained that social inequalities derived from one’s birth would remain active under any economic system as a deterrent to any radical change in society and would even reproduce the economic disparities that were abolished. Pointing out that it was under the caste system that several people became wealthy and acquired a superior status, he insisted that even implementation of Communist doctrines in full force could not bring about any reform in a hierarchically organized caste society and that therefore the first and fundamental task of a Socialist in this country was to abolish the caste system. Periyar’s position was not agreeable to the ‘socialists’ (future Communists) in the SR movement like M. Singaravelu who insisted on ‘class struggle’ and broke away from Periyar to join the Congress Socialist Party in 1936. It was precisely during this period, Periyar was able to get a copy of’ the ‘Annihilation of Caste’, and translated into Tamil and serialised this in ‘Kudi Arasu’.

This ‘love and hate’ relationship between the Self Respect Movement and the Communists continued after 1947 ( between 1946-1947 there was a sharp ideological struggle between the Self Respecters and the Communists on the question of  understanding the real  nature of the ‘Independence’ of India granted by the British. However, the Dravidar Kazhagam (the reshaped Self Respect Movement) was the only party in the Tamil speaking areas of the erstwhile Madras Presidency that condemned the ban on the Communist Party of India imposed by the Nehru Government in 1949. It expressed it solidarity with the Communist Prisoners and organised state-wide meetings to condemn the killing of 22 Communist Prisoners in Salem Central Prison. The prisoners were protesting against the ill-treatment and frequent torture, inferior quality of food supplied to them, denial of the right to receive the visitors of their choice, reading materials and other rights given in the Jail Manual. During the first general election held in 1952 with adult franchise, Periyar supported the Communist candidates in specific constituencies while the Communists were expected to support a few candidates of Periyar’s choice. Though Periyar never believed in electoral politics, he decided to field one of his close comrades of that time, a Dalit for the reserved seat in a double member parliament constituency.  But the gentlemen’s agreement was flouted by the Communists who fielded their own candidate in that constituency. Infuriated, Periyar spared no efforts to ensure the victory of his candidate Of late, in Tamil Nadu, the Communists and the Self Respecters (members of the DK) who have until now been viewing each other with disdain until two decades ago, have, through the re-discovery of Periyar by the former realised the value of a political reaffirmation of the fundamentals of the Self-Respect Movement; this is crucial in the state given the current context of the brutal march of ‘Hindutva Hegemons’.  Both movements now face a historical challenge, in theory and practice, to be able to convincingly –and through action — club the anti-caste struggle with the class struggle.

The range of concerns and the commitments of the Self Respecters could be seen in the pages of the Self-Respect journals which published a wide variety of articles ranging from scholarly critiques of Ramayana, Mahabharatha, Bhagwad Gita and the Puranas to the translations of anti-clerical articles from the West, essays of Voltaire, Rousseu, Thoams Paine and Ingersol on the one hand and the writings of Dr R.P.Paranjape, J.Krishnamurthi and M.Singaravel on the other. These journals also featured atheist writings of Bertrand Russell and Bhagat Singh. Some of the stories of Boccacio were also translated and published along with one or two articles by Rahul Sankrityayan and Meghnath Saha. All these were intended to cultivate a rationalist outlook and critical thinking amongst the Self Respecters and also the general public.

Periyar’s  genius, for example, is his profound knowledge of Indian Philosophical systems which can be observed in his  article ‘Materialism or Pragrridivad’,  written from what he called ‘the perspective of Nirvana’ remains to be  explored  by those interested in understanding  Periyar and his anti-caste movement.

Despite  Periyar’s radicalism with  which  he selflessly spent nearly  75 years of his long  life, it is yet to gain a solid anti-caste space in the civil society  while the ‘real-politik’ of the political parties that claim his  legacy has  led  them to get immersed in the logic of  Westminster system  resulting in the   emergence of powerful intermediate castes whose ‘caste pride’ entails in the  increasing number of  atrocities on  Dalits.  While Tamil Nadu has done better than the rest of the country as many indicators show,  in interpersonal caste relationships  however , it is  becoming   intolerant  and violent  whenever the norms of castes are challenged. This has led the new generation of Dalit Intellectuals who have begun rejecting the entire trajectory of the Self-Respect movement.  We also witness a blatant slanders and distortion of Periyar’s thoughts and mission resorted to by some of these, even at the risk of losing a powerful ally in their struggle for equality, fraternity and dignity.

Related:

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Periyar the icon of social justice and humanism

Periyar: Caste, Nation and Socialism

The post The Tamil Nadu Challenge: The Self-Respect Movement and Periyar E.V. Ramasami appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Reading P. Sainath’s article, “Where there is a wheel” in the book “Everybody loves a good drought”, which narrated how the women of Pudukkottai were trying to cycle their way to personal independence, I felt a compelling urge to learn about the present condition of that place and its women. That’s why I headed to Pudukkottai, nearly 25 years after the master of rural reporting in India did so.

This is what Sainath had written about the cycling movement in Pudukkottai: “Cycling as a social movement? Sounds far-fetched. Perhaps. But not all that far -– not to tens of thousands of neo-literate rural women in Pudukkottai district of Tamil Nadu. People find ways, sometimes curious ones, of hitting out at their backwardness, of expressing defiance, of hammering at the fetters that hold them.”

He has also discussed how young Muslim women from conservative backgrounds enlisted themselves to learn cycling. In the heart of rural Pudukkottai, young Muslim women from highly conservative backgrounds zip along the roads on their bicycles. Some seem to have abandoned the veil for the wheel. Jameela Bibi told the journalist: “It’s my right. We can go anywhere. Now I don’t have to wait for a bus. I know people made dirty remarks when I started cycling, but I paid no attention.”

It was the then collector, Sheela Rani Chunkath, who had hit upon the idea to reinvent “the wheel” for the women of Pudukkottai. Cycling fever gripped the land through a literacy programme called Arivoli Iyakkam (Light of Knowledge Movement). “Cycling has swept across this district. Women agricultural workers, quarry labourers and village health nurses are among its fans. Joining the rush are balwadi and anganwadi workers, gem-cutters and school teachers. And gram sevikas and mid-day meal workers are not far behind. The vast majority are those who have just become literate. The district’s vigorous literacy drive, led by Arivoli Iyakkam, has been quick to tap this energy.”

Kannammal, Arivoli central coordinator, had told Sainath then: “The main thing was the confidence it gave women. Very importantly, it reduced their dependence on men. Now we often see a woman doing a four-kilometre stretch on her cycle to collect water, sometimes with her children. Even carting provisions from other places can be done on their own. But, believe me, women had to put up with vicious attacks on their character when this began. So many made filthy remarks. But Arivoli gave cycling social sanction. So women took to it.”

Kannammal was among those first off the blocks. Initially, she was not sure whether should would be able to ride a cycle while she is clad in a sari. But the would-be cyclists turned up in strength at Kilakuruchi village and the inhibitions fell by the wayside — as did several male-enforced barriers.

Even ballads were written about the cycle movement, prompting the women to sing aloud while they cycled in the village-

“Cast off these illusions/                                    Set fire to the misery they have brought upon you.

Like birds whose wings have been clipped,/    Society has kept you confined within your homes.

Emerge like a storm gathering its strength.  O, sister, learn to ride the bicycle/                  and then set forth on a journey on the wheels of time.”

This song, written by Pudukkottai poets Jayachandar and Muthu Bhaskaran, was one among the many that were written to inspire the cycling women.

The first girl I met after arriving in Pudukkottai was Karthika, 20, a bearer at the hotel I stayed at. After completing her Plus Two, she had enrolled herself in a degree correspondence course. Asked about bicycles, she appeared to wonder why I was even asking — she has been riding a bicycle everywhere since childhood.

“Now, I have an old cycle. The government gave me a new one but my father sold it. He had some debts to pay off. Now I need to buy a new bicycle. I’m saving a little from my salary,” Karthika said.

A whisper of a smile greeted the question whether she knew about the changes cycles had brought to the women of Pudukkottai. As her mother and the other women in her family had already been cycling ever since she could remember, Karthika said, it never felt like something worthy of special attention.

A middle-aged diner at the next table cut in: “All that is history. The younger generation today doesn’t know much about it. You should go out to the road and see for yourself.”

I did as the diner, Gopalan who runs a business, told me and stepped out. Gopalan was not exaggerating: I could see for myself women who were basking in the freedom of movement. The town was humming — with the bustle of girls galore, college girls and school girls riding bicycles.

The bicycle trail led me to the Annavasal Panchayat Union Office, where section officer Ilavarasi Vasanthan spoke of how bicycles had transformed the lives of women.

“Now the women of Pudukkottai are just like those in any other place. They venture out to do anything. The old way — where men would speak outside while women stayed at home — is gone. In the panchayat office and elsewhere, they come directly to ask questions and get things done. They’ve shown strength both in their families and in society. Most important, they continue to travel by bicycle.”

I recalled what Sainath had written once: “Never before coming to Pudukkottai had I seen this humble vehicle in that light -– the bicycle as a metaphor for freedom.”

Kannammal had told him that for women, cycling “is a Himalayan achievement, like flying an aeroplane”.

Around 30 years ago, the women of Pudukkottai were usually confined to the kitchen whenever guests visited. Arivoli Iyakkam, the literacy campaign, brought about some change: men eagerly attended the literacy classes but women still stayed indoors.

The then collector, Sheela Rani Chunkath, realised that the women needed to step out of their homes in order to take part in the literacy initiative. Among the many strategies she devised, one was teaching women to ride bicycles.

The Arivoli Movement cast cycling as a symbol of freedom, self-respect and mobility. Spearheaded by the collector, several programmes were implemented to encourage women to learn cycling, prompting thousands to take a shot at pedalling. It would be fair to say that the women of Pudukkottai literally cycled their way out of the kitchen.

In order to understand how the dramatic transformation took place, I tried to meet the women who had learned cycling then, as well as those who had worked with the Arivoli Movement at that time.

Pandian, who had volunteered with Arivoli Iyakkam when it launched its literacy drive in 1991, shared his experience. He recalled the days when women hardly stepped out of their homes and how the volunteers tried to reach out and spread awareness through songs and dances.

“We were fighting against caste and religious divisions,” Pandian said. “We encouraged people to sit together and share meals. The Arivoli volunteers made it a point to eat in every household, disregarding caste, to demonstrate equality. Do you see now how many women are riding bicycles?”

Fatima, a secondary school teacher, said she never imagined that learning to ride a bicycle would give her so much freedom. “Now I don’t have to depend on anyone. It has completely changed my life,” she said with conviction.

Sarala, an anganwadi teacher, recalled the early days of learning to ride a bicycle.

“There was such an uproar back then. The men reacted with outright hostility. They hurled many insults at us. But the Arivoli workers stood by us. When many women began to learn, those men had no choice but to sit quietly and watch. Eventually, society accepted us,” she said.

I went around several places in Pudukkottai in search of Kannammal, who had led the cycling movement initially. After much effort, I found her — she now works as an assistant at the LIC branch in Pudukkottai.

Kannammal was astonished that I had come all the way from Kerala to meet the woman who had taught the women of Pudukkottai to ride bicycles.

“Oh, back then, things were completely different,” she said. “Girls weren’t allowed to study beyond the fourth or fifth standard. There were no schools nearby; they were far away. Once the girls reached puberty, it became impossible for them to walk such long distances to school, and they dropped out.

“In 1991, when Arivoli Iyakkam launched a literacy drive across the state, lakhs of people came forward to learn. But very few of them were women. That’s when Sheela Rani Chunkath Madam came up with the idea of a bicycle scheme.

“I was the first woman to learn to ride a bicycle. People used to say that if women started cycling, it would be the end of the world — that rains would stop, that it would be a curse! But Sheela Madam stood firm and faced all such criticism with determination.

“She gave me the strength to stand up to everything with confidence. I taught many other women to ride bicycles and helped them gain confidence too. The government gave us strong support. We made it clear to everyone — to the government, that we wanted to learn; to ourselves, that we could learn; and to society, that we deserved to be accepted.”

Those days, whenever a woman needed to get something done from a government office, she was required to prove she could ride a bicycle. If a woman went to collect a paper or document, officials would ask her to show that she could cycle. This, in turn, made it impossible for men to prevent women from learning — and that’s how the project gained social acceptance, Kannammal said.

“The bicycle scheme spread like a social revolution. Bicycle training centres for women, cycling competitions, rallies, demonstrations, lucky dips, prizes — so many programmes were organized. Thousands of women who initially learned cycling only to win a prize eventually made it a part of their everyday lives. For anganwadi teachers, cycling was made mandatory. Today, just as a child learns to walk, girls learn to ride a bicycle as they grow up. Similarly, the Tamil Nadu government now provides free bicycles to all schoolgirls.”

Listening to Kannammal and seeing the women of Pudukkottai, one thing became clear: the very foundation of a woman’s self-confidence is her freedom of movement.

“When women began coming forward to learn cycling, there was an acute shortage of bicycles,” Kannammal said. “Women learned using the men’s bicycles. That actually turned out to be an advantage — since those cycles had a bar in the middle, men would seat children in front and ride long distances to fetch water. Later, women used the same cycles, seating their children on the back carrier, and it made fetching drinking water so much easier.”

Earlier, they used to walk long distances every day to collect water. Once they learned cycling, that burden was reduced. It also became easier to take goods and farm produce to the market. These may seem like ordinary things now, but back then, for women who had spent their lives inside the kitchen, appearing in public on a vehicle was a symbol of rising social status.

“Their circles of friendship expanded. They recognized their own strength. In truth, beyond just economic improvement, learning to cycle gave women self-respect, freedom and fulfillment,” Kannammal said.

When Sainath visited Pudukkottai in 1991, he had witnessed the early stages of the cycling movement. What I saw when I went there was the outcome — women who had stepped out from their homes are now deeply engaged in public life.

The history of cycling in Pudukkottai clearly shows that whether in a village or in a city, when sincere efforts are launched to empower/uplift women, they respond rapidly — and change truly follows.

Kannammal spoke about Women’s Day in 1992: “That year, the Women’s Day in Pudukkottai was like witnessing a historic event. Around 1,500 women tied the Indian tricolour to their bicycle handlebars and rode together in a grand rally through the town. I had never before seen such an expression of confidence.”

Cycling not only changed women’s quality of life but, as Kannammal said, it enabled them to come out of their homes and live alongside men as equals.

What I saw in Pudukkottai is this: when someone in power understands women’s movements and issues and when even a few committed people work sincerely for them, women’s lives can transform completely.

As I left, a song by Jayachandar came to my mind:

“Yes, brother, I have learned to ride a bicycle.

I now move with the wheels of time.”

In a country where so many women still cannot move freely, the women of a Tamil Nadu village learned to balance on two wheels — and through it, found freedom, confidence and progress. It remains a tale that continues to inspire, its revolutionary resplendence as radiant as ever.

Courtesy: The AIDEM

The post Breaking patriarchal cycles through cycling: Revisiting the Story of Women in Pudukkottai, Tamil Nadu appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Ajith never made it to a formal police station. As per the report of The News Minute, he was not produced before a magistrate. No official FIR named him an accused. And yet, he was driven across multiple remote locations overnight, tortured in front of his brother, and eventually died from what forensic experts called an “extremely painful” death caused by a combination of pain shock and hypovolemic shock, that is, severe blood loss.

A Catalogue of Torture: What the post-mortem revealed

The post-mortem conducted at Government Rajaji Hospital, Madurai, began at 5:45 PM on June 29 and lasted nearly four hours. The report, accessed by The News Minute, recorded 44 visible injuries, many of them deep tissue wounds with the depth extending into the underlying muscle. Notably, these injuries were clustered across his arms, legs, chest, and abdomen.

Dr. Dekal Varadharajulu, forensic surgeon and Head of the Forensic Department at Meenakshi Medical College, reviewed the findings and explained that overlapping injuries masked the true count, with some areas showing multiple contusions layered over each other. For instance, injuries numbered 13 to 18 alone were said to include at least 15 separate blows. One single injury at the end of the report included five distinct wounds.

“This kind of trauma is consistent with repeated, targeted beatings using blunt instruments like lathis or wooden sticks,” he said. “Each injury would have bled. Taken together, the internal haemorrhaging would have caused his blood volume to plummet below survivable levels,” he added, while speaking to The News Minute.

A second government forensic expert confirmed that while none of the injuries were independently fatal, their cumulative impact would have caused death in a very short span of time, especially due to neurogenic or pain shock, caused by unbearable physical trauma.

What was the allegation?

The complaint that led to Ajith’s detention was alarmingly flimsy. Two women. Sivakami and her daughter Nikita, reported that 10 sovereigns of gold had gone missing from their car parked outside the temple. Ajith, who had only helped them park the vehicle, had no access to the car’s interior and did not drive it himself. He had briefly handed over the keys to another person before returning them.

Even so, Ajith and four other temple workers were detained by the Thiruppuvanam police for questioning. Though initially released, a “special team” of six policemen later picked them up again and began a night-long torture session across several secluded locations in and around Thiruppuvanam.

“He Collapsed in Front of Me”: The brother’s testimony

At around 4 am on June 28, Naveen Kumar, Ajith’s younger brother, was also picked up by the same special team. Naveen’s sworn statement to the Judicial Magistrate paints a harrowing picture of the ordeal. He recounted that Ajith was tied up and tortured in three locations:

• Near the Thiruppuvanam Veterinary Hospital
• Behind the Madapuram school hostel
• Near a lake behind the local bus depot

Under unbearable duress, Ajith falsely confessed that he knew where the missing gold was hidden. But when police took him to the spot, he broke down and admitted that he had lied—just to stop the beatings.

“He collapsed soon after,” Naveen told the magistrate, as per the TNM report, while adding that “They didn’t take us to a police station. They just drove us around all night, tying my brother’s hands and hitting me to make him confess”.

Ajith was taken to a private hospital, where doctors declared him brought dead.

High Court Slams Police: “Even a murderer would not inflict such injuries”

When the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court reviewed the preliminary autopsy report on July 1, the reaction was damning. “Even an ordinary murderer would not have caused these many injuries,” observed Justices SM Subramaniam and AD Maria Clete. The Bench acknowledged that the state had “conceded the custodial death” and flagged the high risk of evidence tampering, especially of CCTV footage, by local police, as per the report of The Hindu.

Declaring the local police as “unsafe custodians”, the court ordered that all material evidence be placed under independent judicial custody. A judicial inquiry was also ordered under District Judge S. John Sundarlal Suresh, with findings due by July 8.

Arrests, revisions, and CBI transfer

Following public outrage and judicial scrutiny, five policemen—Raja, Anand, Sankaramanikandan, Praphu Ganesan, and Kannan—were arrested under Section 196(2)(a) of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, which deals with custodial death, as reported by India Today.

Superintendent of Police Ashish Rawat was placed on compulsory wait, and DSP Shanumugasundaram of Manamadurai was suspended. Notably, the initial FIR, which absurdly claimed that Ajith “suffered a seizure while escaping custody”, was officially revised.

Under growing public pressure, Chief Minister MK Stalin transferred the investigation to the CBI. On July 2, Cooperation Minister KR Periyakaruppan visited Ajith’s family, handing over a technician job appointment letter to Naveen Kumar and a three-cent land patta and ₹5 lakh compensation to their mother Malathi.

Video evidence and witness intimidation

A shocking video showing Ajith being beaten with a stick while kneeling on the ground surfaced soon after his death. The footage was recorded by M Sakthiswaran, a 34-year-old temple worker from Madapuram, who later submitted it to the authorities.

In a letter dated July 2 to the DGP, Sakthiswaran claimed that he and other eyewitnesses were facing serious threats to their lives, particularly from S Raja, one of the accused officers. “We feel guilty for not protecting Ajith. I’m unable to sleep at night,” he wrote, requesting armed protection for himself and other witnesses in the Mayipuram area, according to the TNM report.

Not an Isolated Case: Another video, another assault

Even as the state was grappling with outrage over Ajith’s murder, another case of police brutality surfaced from Kacharapalayam police station in Kallakurichi district. A video showed a youth named Vicky being beaten inside the station on June 6.

The sequence began when Vicky’s aunt Malar approached police after her husband, Jayapal, returned from Dubai in deteriorated health. When she was ignored, Vicky confronted the police, only to be assaulted, as captured on video. Jayapal later died in hospital, as reported in The Hindu Tamil.

A pattern of brutality, a wall of impunity

Ajith Kumar’s death marks the 24^th custodial death in Tamil Nadu since the DMK came to power in 2021, according to civil society groups. Official data, however, remain lower- 13 deaths between 2020 and 2023, according to a response in the Lok Sabha, as reported by India Today.

But this is part of a national crisis. Between 2016 and 2022, Tamil Nadu recorded 490 custodial deaths, the highest in the South. Across India, 11,656 deaths in police or judicial custody were reported in the same period.

Despite this, not a single police officer in India was convicted for custodial death between 2017 and 2022, as per the report. Of 345 judicial inquiries, only 123 arrests and 79 chargesheets followed—but zero convictions.

Further, Scheduled Castes remain disproportionately affected. As of December 31, 2022, 38.5% of detenues in Tamil Nadu were SC, even though they represent just 20% of the population.

A colonial legacy, a reform deferred

Congress MP Karti Chidambaram called Ajith’s death the latest reminder of India’s colonial policing legacy. “The police are still using third-degree methods inherited from British rule,” he told India Today TV. “This is not about DMK or AIADMK. This is a national crisis”, Chidambaram added.

He called for systemic training in sensitivity and accountability, beginning from constables to DGPs, and urged the Centre to mandate nationwide police reforms.

Conclusion: A brutal system on autopilot

Ajith Kumar’s death is not just an aberration, rather it is a chilling reminder that police brutality in India operates without oversight, without consequence, and often without shame. Until the legal system guarantees institutional accountability, ensures protection for witnesses, and criminalises custodial torture, the cycle of violence and impunity will continue. Justice in Ajith’s case, if it comes at all, will only matter if it helps break that cycle.

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How the Delhi riots case remains stagnant with close to a dozen student leaders incarcerated

Bombay High Court orders FIR in Somnath Suryawanshi custodial death case, slams police for delay and bias

The post “Even a Murderer Wouldn’t Do This”: Ajith Kumar’s custodial death and Tamil Nadu’s shameful culture of impunity appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to court proceedings before the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court, Justices S.M. Subramaniam and A.D. Maria Clete expressed severe displeasure with the police’s conduct and questioned the very legality of Ajith Kumar’s detention. The police allegedly took Ajith Kumar to the temple cattle shed and other secluded areas — avoiding CCTV surveillance — and beat him black and blue with plastic pipes and iron rods. He was later brought to the police station and eventually declared dead. This case of custodial torture has sparked outrage in Tamil Nadu and beyond.

Human rights lawyer Henri Tiphagne submitted video evidence allegedly showing Ajith being beaten by police officers inside Thiruppuvanam police station. The footage, captured by a temple employee named Sakthiswaran, was described by the court as shocking. In a revelation that shocked the bench, it was stated that the Superintendent of Police (SP) of Sivagangai district was present at the station during the torture.

Madras High Court: “Not even an FIR?”

The State informed the court that a CSR entry was made based on a complaint filed on June 28, 2025, regarding missing jewellery, but no FIR was registered. The court was aghast: “If this was merely a theft investigation, why was the suspect beaten to death?” questioned the bench. Judges demanded to know who authorised the special team that interrogated Ajith and whether such teams were formed on the basis of social media posts.

Adding to the irregularities, the court highlighted that the SP had merely been transferred and not suspended. The judges further criticised the government’s claim that action was being taken, calling it wholly insufficient.

Autopsy reveals 18 injuries, video confirms beating

India Today accessed an exclusive video showing Ajith being thrashed with a lathi by policemen. The autopsy confirmed 18 distinct injuries on his body. As outrage grew, the Tamil Nadu government handed over the case to the CB-CID. However, the court observed that police cannot investigate cases against their own ranks and called for independent accountability.

Tamil Nadu Custodial Death Case || ‘Clincher’ Video Emerges

On Cam: Temple security guard thrashed.

Guard Ajith Kumar was picked up by the police in connection with a gold theft case. In the video, police personnel can be seen beating him with sticks: @dharannniii shares more… pic.twitter.com/vBYL0jpRJE

— TIMES NOW (@TimesNow) July 1, 2025

Echoes of Sathankulam: Will Tamil Nadu ever learn?

The events chillingly mirror the Sathankulam case of 2020, where Jeyaraj and his son Bennix were brutally tortured and killed in custody for allegedly violating lockdown timings. In that case, the intervention of the judiciary and public outrage led to the arrest and prosecution of several police officials. The Madras High Court in that case had relied on the testimony of an independent judicial officer to uncover the truth.

Just like in Sathankulam, the initial attempt in Ajith Kumar’s case also seems to involve a cover-up, delayed documentation, and failure to follow legal procedure — from absence of FIR to delayed autopsy to vague accountability. The question haunting observers remains the same: Has anything changed in Tamil Nadu’s policing culture?

India’s international obligations: UNCAT still unratified

Ajith Kumar’s death also reopens the debate on India’s failure to ratify the UN Convention Against Torture (UNCAT). Despite signing it in 1997, India has not enacted an anti-torture law. UNCAT mandates prohibition, criminalization, independent investigation, and compensation for custodial torture — all glaringly absent in this case.

In cases like DK Basu v. State of West Bengal (1997), the Supreme Court emphasized that third-degree methods have no place in a democratic setup. Article 21 of the Constitution guarantees the right to life and liberty. Yet, as in Ajith Kumar’s case, these rights are repeatedly violated in police custody with impunity.

Widespread custodial deaths: A nationwide pattern of impunity

According to data shared by the Ministry of Home Affairs with the Lok Sabha, there were 2,152 deaths in judicial custody and 155 in police custody in 2021–22 alone. Despite these alarming figures, disciplinary action was taken in only 21 cases in five years, with zero prosecutions.

The National Human Rights Commission had announced a total compensation of ₹4.53 crore in 137 custodial death cases in 2021–22 — a drop from ₹4.88 crore in the previous year. The data underscores a systemic failure to hold perpetrators accountable. Tamil Nadu, despite its history of custodial violence cases like Sathankulam and now Ajith Kumar, continues to exhibit a culture of impunity reinforced by the lack of anti-torture legislation.

The road ahead

The Madras High Court has ordered the Thirupuvanam Judicial Magistrate and the Dean of Government Rajaji Hospital to file preliminary and post-mortem reports. Witnesses including temple officials and video documenter Shakthiswaran have been summoned. Petitions are pending seeking CBI/SIT probe and compensation to the victim’s family.

Whether the judiciary’s timely intervention will lead to accountability in this case — or fade into routine impunity — remains to be seen. But what is already clear is this: Ajith Kumar’s death is not an isolated tragedy. It is a systemic collapse.

(The author is a law student and a former intern at cjp.org.in.)

Related:

TN custodial death report establishes complicity of police, hospital staff and jail authorities

CBI chargesheet confirms brutal torture on Jeyaraj and Bennicks

Death in Chains: Indian Courts award reparation for deaths in custody, deaths rise alarmingly

The post Ajith Kumar’s custodial death exposes Tamil Nadu’s unbroken chain of police impunity appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The farmers have also been demanding the implementation of M S Swaminathan Commission recommendation to ensure a minimum support price (MSP) to protect the farmers from increasing input costs.

The Tamil Nadu Sugarcane Farmers Association (TNSFA) accused the policies of the Union government for the reduction in sugarcane cultivation and sugar production.

The other major demands included revamping of cooperative sugar mills and disbursal of Rs 1,217 crore due to farmers from 24 private sugar mills for sugarcane procurement during 2014-17.

INCREASE FRP AND SCRAP RSF

The farmers organisations have been demanding an MSP of C2+50% of C2 for all agricultural products. The Union government has recently announced an FRP of Rs 355 per quintal (Rs 3,550 per tonne), for 10.25% sugar recovery rate, which the sugarcane farmers association has termed insufficient.

The TNSFA, affiliated to the All-India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), has been demanding a minimum of Rs 5,500 per tonne, even though the Union government has claimed to have increased by FRP by 4.41%.

Speaking with Newsclick, D Raveendran, general secretary, TNSFA, said, “We are demanding an FRP of Rs 5,500 per tonne for a 9.5% sugar recovery rate. The state government should scrap the RSF and reintroduce the SAP and ensure Rs 4,000 per tonne as promised”.

The ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) had promised to announce Rs 4,000 as SAP during the 2021 Assembly election campaign.

DISBURSE SAP DUES

The sugarcane farmers face the task of being tricked by mills which procure sugarcane from them, by inordinately delaying the payment.

In a detailed memorandum submitted to the Director of Sugar, government of Tamil Nadu, during the protest, the association has demanded the distribution of Rs 1,217 crore for sugar procurement by private sugar mills for four seasons of 2013-14, 2014-15, 2015-16 and 2016-17.

The association has won a legal battle for a share in profit from the procurers as per Section 5A of the Sugar Control Order, 1966. The association has urged the director to expedite the implementation of the order.

REOPEN CLOSED MILLS

Several cooperative and public sector sugar mills are closed due to mismanagement and wrong policies of the successive state governments, besides several private mills are closed citing losses. The association accused some mills of betraying the farmers despite their financial stability.

“The state government must reopen several cooperative mills across the state to ensure the farmers receive a fair deal for procurement and increase the sugarcane cultivation. This will ensure employment in the government sector and the welfare of the farmers”, Raveendran said.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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NEP 2020 and the three-language mandate

The NEP 2020 recommends that students learn three languages. According to the policy, at least two of these languages be indigenous to India, with the third language available for the student’s choice—often English or another language. This structure is meant to promote multilingualism while ensuring that regional languages are given due importance. Importantly, the policy emphasises that states and regions have the authority to decide on the specific languages taught, aiming to mitigate concerns about the compulsory imposition of Hindi.

Despite this intended flexibility, Tamil Nadu remains deeply sceptical. The state interprets the policy as a thinly veiled effort to introduce Hindi into its schools. Further complicating matters is the linkage between the three-language formula and eligibility for central funding schemes Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA). In effect, states are pressured to adopt the formula to secure critical financial support for their education systems. For Tamil Nadu, this conditionality is unacceptable; it feels that the central government is compromising state autonomy by tying funding to policy implementation.

Historical roots of Tamil Nadu’s language policy

Tamil Nadu’s resistance to the three-language formula is not a new phenomenon. The state’s history is marked by a long-standing commitment to preserving Tamil as a central pillar of its cultural and educational identity. The roots of this resistance can be traced back to the early 20th century and have evolved through several pivotal moments: 

Early resistance (1930s–1960s)

In 1937, the Madras government, under C. Rajagopalachari, attempted to introduce Hindi as a compulsory subject. This move triggered widespread protests led by the Justice Party and influential Dravidian leaders, including Periyar. The protests were so intense that the policy was revoked in 1940. This early confrontation with Hindi imposition laid the groundwork for Tamil Nadu’s future educational policies.

The Kothari Commission and the 1968 National Policy on Education (NPE)

The Kothari Commission (1964–66) played a pivotal role in shaping India’s education reforms, recommending the adoption of a three-language formula. The 1968 NPE incorporated this formula by prescribing Hindi, English, and a modern Indian language (preferably a southern language in Hindi-speaking states; a regional language in non-Hindi speaking states). However, Tamil Nadu opted out, preferring to maintain a two-language system centred on Tamil and English.

Political consolidation and the two-language policy

Under the leadership of Chief Minister C. N. Annadurai, Tamil Nadu formalised its two-language policy. The state rejected the addition of Hindi, emphasising that Tamil and English sufficiently met the needs of its students. This stance was reinforced during subsequent anti-Hindi agitations, notably in 1965 when a move to replace English with Hindi as the sole official language sparked massive protests. Such historical events have deeply ingrained the belief that language policy should reflect regional identity rather than central imposition.

Understanding the legal context and rationale behind Tamil Nadu’s opposition

While education is now a concurrent subject, it was a state subject before the Emergency. Therefore, there is a degree of autonomy that states once enjoyed. When the Indira Gandhi government, during the Emergency, moved Education from the state list to the concurrent list, the reasoning was to have a uniform education policy for all of India with Union taking the responsibility of framing such uniform policy.

However, prior to this change in the Constitution, the opposition to three language policy was an equal fight—with Centre armed with Article 351 which directs the Union to work for the spread of Hindi while the States being armed with education being in the State List. This balance was tipped in favour of centre when education was moved to Concurrent List via 42nd Constitutional Amendment Act of 1976.

The later governments did not put Education back in the State list—continuing the central control over the coveted education. This meant that the Union gave itself the way to implement its Article 351 directive at the cost of States’ power.  This enabled the Union to give directives from a position of legitimate authority. However, NEP is not a binding document, and it never has been. The Concurrent List’s character of giving the Centre made law primacy over a state made law does not arise here since NEP is not an act by the Parliament.

Despite NEP being non-binding, Centre using the 3-language formula to stall the funds naturally does not support the claims of it being bonafide.

TN’s reasoning in opposing the 3-language formula 

Tamil Nadu asserts that its education system is already successful, as recognised by the Central Government itself. Given this, the state questions the necessity of the three-language policy when its current two-language model has consistently produced strong educational outcomes.

Moreover, Tamil Nadu highlights the practical difficulties of implementing the NEP’s language requirements. The policy mandates two native languages and one foreign language in addition to English. Since Tamil Nadu already teaches Tamil and English, this leaves space for one more native language. The state argues that this requirement forces it to allocate resources for teaching an additional Indian language, which it sees as unnecessary.

The key concern is infrastructure. If a third language must be introduced, what resources exist to support various native languages? Tamil Nadu lacks the necessary infrastructure for most Indian languages, whereas the Centre has both the directive and the financial resources to promote Hindi. This makes Hindi the most easily implementable option, creating an indirect imposition.

Furthermore, Tamil Nadu sees the linking of Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) funds to compliance with the three-language policy as coercion. If funding is conditioned on language policy today, the state fears that future schemes will also come with similar mandates—potentially requiring Hindi as the second native language, further eroding state autonomy in education.

Tamil Nadu’s Education Minister has publicly accused the Union government of using funding as a bargaining chip—effectively forcing the state into conforming to the three-language policy. This funding dispute is not merely a financial issue; it reflects a broader struggle over the balance of power between the Union and the states in India’s federal system.

Broader implications for federalism and education policy

At its core, the controversy surrounding the three-language formula speaks to larger questions about state autonomy and cooperative federalism in India. Education is a concurrent subject—meaning that both the central and state governments have the authority to shape policy. However, Tamil Nadu’s experience demonstrates that financial dependency on central funds can force states to adopt policies that conflict with their own priorities and cultural values.

Proponents of the three-language formula argue that multilingual education has cognitive benefits, such as improved memory, enhanced attention, and better problem-solving abilities. They also stress that a multilingual approach is essential for preserving India’s vast linguistic heritage. Nonetheless, a one-size-fits-all approach is not appropriate in a country as diverse as India. Instead, there should be a more flexible framework that allows states to design language policies that best suit their local contexts. 

Conclusion

The debate over the three-language formula in NEP 2020, and Tamil Nadu’s enduring opposition to it, is emblematic of a broader struggle over cultural identity, state autonomy, and federalism in India. Tamil Nadu’s historical resistance to Hindi imposition is rooted in a deep commitment to preserving its linguistic heritage and tailoring education to its unique social and cultural needs. The state’s successful two-language policy—centring on Tamil and English—has delivered strong educational outcomes without the added burden of a compulsory third language.

The fiscal dispute that has arisen from the central government’s decision to withhold crucial education funds only deepens the divide. By linking funding to compliance with NEP guidelines, the Centre appears to be leveraging its financial resources to enforce a uniform policy across a diverse nation. This tactic not only undermines state autonomy but also raises serious questions about the equitable distribution of resources in India’s federal system.

The ongoing standoff serves as a reminder that the success of India’s education system depends not only on policies like the NEP 2020 but also on a balanced approach that honours the linguistic and cultural plurality of the nation. Moving forward, a collaborative framework that genuinely incorporates state perspectives will be key to ensuring that educational reforms benefit all regions and strengthen the very fabric of India’s diverse society.

(The author is a legal researcher with the organisation)

Related:

Rejecting NEP embodies Tamil Nadu’s fight for federal autonomy

Indian federalism is a dialogue: SC

The post Tamil Nadu’s opposition to NEP 2020’s three-language formula: a federal pushback against central imposition appeared first on SabrangIndia.

However, the tribal population faces the daunting task of obtaining a community certificate to pursue their dreams of better education and employment. In Tamil Nadu, three people, including a woman, have reportedly ended their lives, when their efforts to get a community certificate failed.

Tribals from communities like Kattunaicker, Malakuravan, Kondareddis, Kurumans, and Kanikkarar are struggling to establish their identity. Despite several court orders and government orders (GOs), the administrative mechanism, including the revenue department, inordinately delays the distribution of ST certificates resulting in continuous struggles and tragic incidents.

Challenge Faced During Online Submission

The government of Tamil Nadu has mandated online submission of applications for obtaining community certificates for tribal communities. The Tamil Nadu Tribals Association (TNTA) has urged the state government to keep the option of submitting applications offline open, considering several restrictions, including internet accessibility, faced by tribals across the state.

“The request by us has not been considered by the state government so far. The applications submitted by school and college students are frequently getting rejected when submitted online. Several reasons have been cited, including lack of a proper database, older card-format community certificates not being compatible with the online system, and also due to deliberate rejection by certain officials in the revenue department,” said a TNTA leader.

Intervention of the Human Rights Commission 

In 2021, the Tamil Nadu State Human Rights Commission (SHRC) took up a suo motu case after there were several reports on the sluggish approach of officials in issuing ST certificates. The commissioner of revenue administration had to appear before the SHRC and submit an affidavit promising to conduct meetings with all Revenue Divisional Officers and take measures to expedite the issuance of certificates.

“Despite the promise, major problems in issuing community certificates continue to persist across districts. Velmurugan died after setting himself on fire in front of the Madras High Court two years ago; Periyasami hanged himself in the Thiruthani Revenue Officer’s office; as also Rajeswari from the Panniyandi community in Edappalayam, Thiruvannamalai”, Dilli Babu of TNTA said.

Non-Compliance of Court Orders and GO

For the past decade and a half, the tribal community has faced a significant setback in obtaining ST community certificates. The TNTA accused several Revenue Divisional Officers (RDOs) and Tehsildars of not respecting High Court orders and Tamil Nadu GO.

“The High Court orders and G.O. 104 issued by the state government states that children and blood relatives of parents who already possess ST community certificates should also be issued ST certificates. But, most officials refuse to implement the orders”, Dilli Babu said.

There are allegations of revenue officials in Madurai, Dindigul, Palani, Tirupattur, Mettur, Aruppukottai, Virudhunagar, and Dharmapuri continuing to reject applications for tribal community certificates, forcing applicants to file appeals or subjecting them to further investigation by anthropologists, causing continued harassment.

The Pulayan and Vettaikaran tribes were included in Tamil Nadu’s tribal list till 1974 and in 1975. These two tribal communities were removed from the list, for unknown reasons. The Vettaikaran community was included in Puducherry government’s tribal list in 2016, but the struggle in Tamil Nadu for inclusion continues for several years.

Reservation and Housing Land Pattas

According to the 2011 Census, there are 969,654 tribal people in the state. However, reservation covers 1.04%. The Tamil Nadu government’s new order to provide housing land pattas has come as a relief to the tribal people, who are homeless, landless, and survive on daily wage labour. A speedy assessment should be conducted to provide free housing land pattas to all homeless tribal people, said TNTA.

“What is worse is that the state government has returned unused funds allocated for the welfare of Dalits and tribal people. In the past 10 years, approximately Rs 5,318 crore have been returned without being spent”, Dilli Babu said.

Forest and Land Rights

The Forest Rights Act 2006 (FRA) came into effect in Tamil Nadu from 2016, which ensures land rights to tribal people and traditional forest dwellers living in forest lands. Despite the act being in place for the past several years, only 15,000 applications have been processed, and have led to the disbursal of individual land pattas and community land rights.

“Community certificates are the central point for obtaining education and employment opportunities. Filling backlog vacancies according to reservation quotas and fully implementing the FRA are necessary to protect tribal people from marginalisation and position them as a community with all rights like other social communities”, Dilli Babu told NewsClick.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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The Subramaniya Swamy temple was built in the eighth century during the reign of the Pandyas at the foothills of this monolithic hillrock whereas the dargah was built in the 17th century at the top in the memory of Sikkander Shah, the last Madurai sultan. The Kasi Viswanathan temple is also located close to the top of the hill but on the other side of the dargah.

Locals from both communities have been worshiping together harmoniously for a long time here, but the hill has suddenly emerged as a communal flashpoint.

The core issue

On December 25, 2024, a group of Muslim men were on their way to the dargah, with chicken and goat. The police restricted their entry and stopped them from carrying out animal sacrifice – a practice which has been prevalent here for a long time now.

For centuries, Hindus and Muslims in the area have lived in harmony, respecting and participating in each other’s religious traditions. However, recent allegations by right wing organisations that Muslims are trying to take over the site, calling it ‘Sikkandar Hill’, and introducing meat sacrifice as a new practice, have been unanimously dismissed by locals as baseless and divisive. To prevent these elements from disrupting their long-standing communal harmony, residents of Thiruparankundram, along with representatives of several political parties including Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) and Congress, submitted a petition to the district collector on January 27.

Following this incident, right wing outfit Hindu Munnani sought permission from the police to conduct a peaceful protest which was denied and a prohibitory order was instead issued by the district collector under Section 163 of Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023.

The outfit also approached the Madurai bench of the Madras high court and got the go-ahead to conduct the peaceful protest. Thousands of people were mobilised for the protest across the state, who chanted slogans like, “Retrieve the Kandar Malai.”

Next, this issue took a turn when H. Raja, national secretary of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), appealed to relocate the dargah to a different site. Raja was booked for stoking religious sentiments for his alleged comment, “The first war, like Ayodhya, has already begun at Thiruparankundram which is Lord Murugan’s first army camp.”

On February 14, the high court dismissed a petition filed by Hindu Munnani to conduct a procession in Chennai carrying a vel (Lord Murugan’s lance). The court categorically asked the outfit not to create any communal tension.

Is the land dispute new?

The Sikkander Badusha dargah was built around the end of the 17th century. The Subramaniya Swamy temple, although much older than the dargah, had no issues with the dargah or the worship practices conducted there, including animal sacrifice.

In 1915, for the first time the Madura Meenakshi Devasthanam – the body which manages the administrative affairs of the temple – vehemently opposed when the caretakers of the dargah, commonly known as Hukdars, attempted to construct a ‘mandapam,’ in an area close to the dargah site where there are cemeteries of the soldiers who died along with Sikkander Shah – for the pilgrims to take rest.

The Devasthanam claimed ownership over the entire land of the hill and argued that the site proposed to be used by the dargah administration was actually a place where Hindu pilgrims rest. As the government couldn’t take a decision, the matter reached the Madurai subordinate court.

On August 25, 1923, the sub-court ruled that the entire hill except the dargah and the steps leading to it belongs to the temple. This was overruled by the Madras high court and in 1923, the privy council upheld the subordinate court’s decision saying that the “dargah, its flagstaff and flight of steps” belongs to the “Mohammedan defendants” and the rest to the temple. After this ruling, there was no change in its legal position till today.

Animal sacrifice, now claimed to be a new practice, has actually been a long-standing tradition, as testified by local residents, both Hindus and Muslims. The region is also home to several deity temples where animal sacrifice is offered to the gods.

Historical evidence also suggests that Murugan was offered meat in ancient times. In 2003, when chief minister J. Jayalalithaa banned animal sacrifice in temples, strong public opposition led to the repeal of the ban in 2004, highlighting the deep-rooted nature of these traditions. Given that fundamentalists are now attempting to frame this as a land dispute, which is already a matter of court concern, it is essential to examine this issue through the lens of relevant parliamentary legislation.

The real threat 

The Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid dispute is one of the most sensitive political and religious disputes in India that left an everlasting impact on every sphere of the country’s politics. In the early 1990s, the P.V. Narasimha Rao government enacted the Places of Worship Act, 1991 to prevent such disputes in the future. The law underlined that the Babri Masjid case was only an exception.

On December 12, 2024, the Supreme Court asked the Union government to file its counter affidavit within four weeks after a right wing advocate challenged the Places of Worship Act. This counter affidavit which is yet to be filed by the Union government might intensify the already emerging disputes including the tension in the temple city of Madurai.

The DMK, which has intervened in this case before the Supreme Court ironically chose to be silent on the Thiruparankundram hill issue. Here, the right wing is claiming the ownership of the entire hillock. A similar strategy is being used in other places like Ajmer Sharif dargah in Rajasthan, Shahi Jama Masjid in Uttar Pradesh’s Sambhal and Gyanvapi Mosque in Varanasi – to create conflict.

This is against the Ayodhya verdict in which it was clarified that this decision does not give the power to disturb other religious sites and that suits with similar claims over other mosques cannot be entertained. However, numerous lawsuits are being filed in lower courts across North India, claiming ownership over mosques, effectively bypassing the Places of Worship Act and the Ayodhya verdict.

A well-orchestrated strategy and the impending danger

Even in South India, right wing groups have been attempting to reclaim religious sites.

In 2017, the tombs at a dargah in Baba Budhangiri in Chikmagalur, Karnataka were vandalised. In May 2024, Hindutva groups obtained a high court order to survey the Jama masjid in Srirangapatna, Karnataka, claiming it was built over the Moodala Bagilu Anjaneya Swamy temple.

In Tamil Nadu, the Hindu Munnani has been actively opposing the construction of mosques. In August 2024, they halted the stone-laying ceremony of a mosque in Kallakurichi district, claiming the land was meant for Hindu cremation. Similarly, in 2022, they opposed the construction of a mosque in Vellore district, citing potential religious tensions due to nearby Hindu temples.

Unlike the previous incidents, the recent turmoil in Thiruparankundram has garnered significant attention, with thousands mobilising in Madurai on February 4. This escalation, coupled with recent violence in North India, such as in Sambhal, sends an alarming signal.

The situation is further complicated by the proposed Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2024, which seeks to limit Muslim autonomy over their religious properties. The Bill’s implications, coupled with the challenge to the Places of Worship Act, 1991, now present a concerning picture. The Tamil Nadu government’s silence on the matter only adds to the disconcerting scenario, highlighting the need for public attention and unity.

Sekar Palanisamy is a political scholar from Jawaharlal Nehru University and Edgar Kaiser is a human rights lawyer.

Courtesy: The Wire

The post Why Communal Tension in Tamil Nadu’s Thiruparankundram is Another Warning Signal appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Chief Minister MK Stalin’s fiery response to the NEP, which he claims will push Tamil Nadu ‘backward by 2000 years,’ reflects the deep-rooted resistance within the state against the Union government’s continued disregard for federalism and linguistic diversity. Stalin has further emphasised that the NEP, with its centralised approach, ignores the unique educational needs of each state and is a blatant effort to homogenize education across India.

This is what you call an Opposition! Bravo! @mkstalin https://t.co/am1ZuKwZvt

— Teesta Setalvad (@TeestaSetalvad) February 22, 2025

Tamil Nadu’s long-standing resistance to Hindi imposition

Tamil Nadu’s resistance to Hindi imposition is deeply entrenched in its socio-political fabric. The anti-Hindi movement in the state has a long and vibrant history, beginning as early as 1937, when the C. Rajagopalachari-led Congress government in the Madras Presidency attempted to introduce Hindi in schools. This triggered a massive outcry, leading to widespread protests by students, teachers, and political leaders who saw this as an attempt to undermine Tamil language and culture

The language protests reached a boiling point in 1965 when the Indian government attempted to replace English with Hindi as the sole official language of the country. Students, intellectuals, and political leaders took to the streets, culminating in violent protests that ultimately forced the Centre to relent and retain English as an associate official language alongside Hindi. These events cemented Tamil Nadu’s defiant stance against linguistic imperialism.

Nehru’s 1959 promise and the betrayal

In the wake of these protests, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, in 1959, assured the people of Tamil Nadu that English would continue as an official language for as long as non-Hindi speaking states wanted it. However, successive governments have tried to renege on this promise, subtly pushing Hindi through policies like NEP. The so-called three-language formula is nothing but a tool to coerce non-Hindi speakers into learning Hindi while Hindi-speaking states face no such compulsion to learn southern languages.

A flawed model: Hindi-speaking states lagging in education

The Centre’s argument that Hindi is necessary for national integration crumbles under scrutiny. Hindi-speaking states consistently perform poorly in education, employment, and economic indicators. Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh, the heartlands of Hindi, have some of the lowest literacy rates in the country, proving that Hindi is not a magic wand for progress. If anything, Tamil Nadu, which has refused to embrace Hindi, has done far better in education, employment, and social development.

The NEP and its assault on federalism

The NEP is not just about education; it is a direct attack on the federal structure of the Constitution. Education, which was originally in the State List, was forcibly moved to the Concurrent List in 1976, taking away states’ autonomy over a crucial subject. The NEP exacerbates this by allowing the Centre to dictate syllabi, control educational institutions, and impose a uniform framework that disregards regional languages and cultures. The Tamil Nadu government’s demand to restore education to the State List is, therefore, not just about resisting Hindi but about reclaiming constitutional federalism.

Succinct. Articulate. Objections to Bill both national and a federal, serious federal concern. This unikn govt is a hatchet regime rejecting the tenets of the Indian Constitution! @mkstalin https://t.co/2tyC8P3bU7

— Teesta Setalvad (@TeestaSetalvad) February 23, 2025

Mohan Bhagwat’s questionable advice to ‘ditch English’

Amid this policy battle, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat has added fuel to the fire by advising Hindus to stop speaking English and embrace Indian languages instead. Ironically the RSS that claims itself to be a merely ‘cultural outfit’ is not simply the backbone of the three times elected Modi regime, but often wades in everything that is political.

Withholding funds: The centre’s strong-arm tactics

Tamil Nadu’s refusal to implement the NEP has led to the Union withholding Rs 2,150 crore in education funds, a clear act of coercion. This financial strangulation tactic is reminiscent of colonial-era policies where dissenting states were punished. The Union’s message is clear: ‘Implement our policies or face financial retribution.’ But Tamil Nadu is not one to bow down and its chief minister M.K. Stalin in fact said he is not ready to accept NEP even if centre offered Rs. 10,000 crores.

Tamil Nadu’s resistance to the NEP and Hindi imposition is not just about language—it is about protecting the rights of states, preserving linguistic diversity, and upholding the federal structure of India. The state has historically been at the forefront of social justice movements, and its current stand against NEP is another chapter in its fight against central overreach.

The Union must realise that a one-size-fits-all policy will never work in a country as diverse as India. Until then, Tamil Nadu will continue to resist, unyielding and unapologetic.

Related

Indian federalism is a dialogue: SC

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On the fateful night of December 23, 2024, at approximately 7:45 PM, a man named Gnanasekaran, who runs a roadside eatery near Anna University, allegedly entered the campus and secretly filmed the intimate moments of the victim with her boyfriend. Unbeknownst to her, this predator would soon turn her life into a nightmare. After attacking her boyfriend, the accused dragged the victim to nearby bushes and threatened her. He demanded that she “cooperate” (i.e., engage in sexual intercourse with him), warning that if she refused, he would leak the intimate footage to her dean and parents. As per a report in the Deccan Herald, the FIR filed on December 24, 2024, the victim recounted how she became ensnared in a vicious cycle of blackmail. The accused had also filmed the alleged assault and used the footage to further threaten her, stating that she would need to comply whenever summoned in the future. He also mentioned a mysterious “sir” during the assault, with whom he appeared to be in contact over the phone. The accused has been booked under Sections 63, 64, and 75 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023.

As per a report published in The New Indian Express the accused was arrested on 25^th December, 2024. However, widespread allegations arose that the FIR, which contained sensitive details such as the victim’s name, father’s name, age, and residence, had been leaked. This sparked a major controversy, leading to a series of dramatic developments in the state. Several opposition leaders called on the state police department to explain the reason behind the leak, alleging that it was a deliberate attempt by the government to discourage potential rape victims from filing complaints. The BJP state leader in Tamil Nadu, Mr. Annamalai, theatrically whipped himself six times and vowed not to wear footwear until the DMK is ousted from power. Meanwhile, the IT wings of both the BJP and the AIADMK (another prominent opposition party in the state) circulated photos of the accused, Gnanasekaran, with DMK party leaders. They alleged that the ruling party was associated with thugs and criminals and was attempting to shield the accused. In response, the DMK leadership clarified that in the era of social media, posing for pictures with individuals is commonplace and should not be misconstrued as an endorsement or association. They reiterated that the accused had been arrested and dismissed allegations of a cover-up as baseless and rooted in imagination.

On December 28, 2024, the Madras High Court ordered the constitution of a Special Investigation Team (SIT) comprising three women police officers and awarded an interim compensation of ₹25 lakhs to the victim for the twin traumas—first, the assault of rape, and second, the victim-shaming resulting from the FIR leak. The court strongly condemned the manner in which the FIR was drafted and remarked that women, like men, have desires and the freedom to love or engage in relationships with the person of their choice. Such personal choices, the court emphasized, have no bearing on incidents of this grave nature.

The court also highlighted a serious lapse in campus security, pointing to malfunctioning CCTV cameras and poorly positioned security guards, which allowed unauthorized individuals to gain entry into the university premises.

The National Informatics Centre (NIC) clarified that the FIR leak is due to a technical glitch, and it happened while migrating data from old criminal law (IPC) to New Criminal law (BNS). Again, this has got nothing to do with the state and its ridiculous move by the parliament. Nevertheless, the BJP clown Annamalai went on to demonize the state government by misquoting facts and trying to gain attention as that is all what he needs.

On January 2, 2025, the Madras High Court expressed its anguish over the politicization of the Anna University rape case, stating that such actions lacked genuine concern for justice. Reacting to the court’s observation, BJP leader Annamalai lamented that no one was discussing the accused’s history as a history sheeter, highlighting the plethora of criminal cases pending against him. Annamalai should first get himself educated on the law that previous bad character of the person has got nothing to do with the instant case and moreover it’s the duty of the court to ensure fair trial and it cannot become a recipe for the buffoon’s political attention. Not only him, there are many like Dr. Tamilisai Soundararajan, former Governor for Telungana and former head of Tamil Nadu BJP unit, Actor turned politician Khushbu Sundar, NTK leader Seeman have engaged in similar publicity stunts, later detained by police authorities.

Rather than using such incidents to settle personal scores, politicians should focus on addressing the root causes of rape. Throughout Indian history, there has been no leader under whose tenure the nation recorded zero rapes. The comparison often boils down to evaluating whose tenure witnessed relatively less deterioration in law and order. Sadly, even after 77 years of independence, we have failed to fulfil Mahatma Gandhi’s vision for a safer and more equitable society.

Related:

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Interfaith couple assaulted in Karnataka, woman gang raped

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