Protests at the main gate of #UniversityOfHyderabad… targetting @TelanganaCMO @revanth_anumula @RahulGandhi over decision of #TGIIC Telangana Industrial Infrastructure Corporation to auction 400 acres of #KanchaGachibowli; the sloganeering, energy, visuals tell their own story pic.twitter.com/m74ykqhYjL

— Uma Sudhir (@umasudhir) April 1, 2025

Protesting students of #HCU have shared this video… they say this is of trucks moving in and out of the main gate , carrying the wood logs of trees that have been cut… Am told this was shot at 2 am … On @ndtv at 8 am, #exclusive footage of denuded #EastCampus @HydUniv pic.twitter.com/OxijZVdomB

— Uma Sudhir (@umasudhir) April 3, 2025

Videos shared by #HCU students with @ndtv, with time & location watermark, to show that JCBs continued to do work of clearing the #KancheGachibowli land parcel despite stay orders from #TelanganaHC to stop vegetation removing activity till court disposes petition to be heard tmrw pic.twitter.com/ZTBmnFIQQM

— Uma Sudhir (@umasudhir) April 2, 2025

pic.twitter.com/6zSf2fi0QH

— Tribal Army (@TribalArmy) April 3, 2025

The Telangana government’s handling of the situation has been marked by opacity, brute force, and suppression of dissent. Despite the Hyderabad Central University’s historical claim over the land and the petitions pending to be heard by Constitutional Courts, the Congress-led administration bulldozed ahead with its plans, using police to clamp down on protests. Students and environmental activists were detained for attempting to join the agitation, while the government dismissed the outcry as “misinformation” and “political opportunism.” Meanwhile, the opposition BRS, led by K.T. Rama Rao, has accused Chief Minister Revanth Reddy’s administration of hypocrisy, recalling Congress’s past stance on Aarey forest in Mumbai. Yet, even Congress’s student wing, NSUI, has taken a cautious approach, criticising the government’s failure to secure the land while stopping short of outright opposition.

The administration’s justifications—promises of Rs 50,000 crore in investments and five lakh jobs—fail to address the reckless environmental destruction underway. Officials insist that the land is not classified as forest, yet the Supreme Court’s observations suggest otherwise, raising concerns about procedural violations and potential contempt of court. The government’s relentless push for rapid development, without transparency or public consultation, has turned the issue into a flashpoint of governance failure. Now, with the highest court stepping in, the Telangana government finds itself cornered—forced to defend its actions in what has become a battle between unchecked urbanisation and judicial oversight.

Supreme Court proceedings on Kancha Gachibowli tree felling on April 3, 2025

Post-Lunch Developments: Expressing shock over the large-scale deforestation in the Kancha Gachibowli area of Hyderabad, the Supreme Court issued an immediate order halting all development activities in the region. The bench, comprising Justice B.R. Gavai and Justice A.G. Masih, took suo-moto cognisance of the matter on the same day and directed that no activity, except measures to protect the remaining trees, should take place until further notice.

The court strongly emphasised compliance, warning that any violation of its directive would lead to the personal liability of the Chief Secretary of Telangana. To ensure transparency, the bench ordered the Chief Secretary to submit a detailed affidavit addressing the following concerns:

1. What was the compelling urgency that necessitated the developmental activities, including large-scale tree removal, in the disputed area?
2. Did the state government obtain the mandatory Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) certification before commencing the project?
3. Were the requisite permissions from forest authorities or any other relevant local bodies obtained before felling the trees?
4. What was the rationale behind including specific officers in the committee constituted by the Telangana government, particularly those who seemingly have no role in identifying forest areas?
5. What is the state government’s plan for the felled trees?

Earlier in the day, the court had passed an interim order staying further tree felling and directed the Telangana High Court’s Registrar (Judicial) to conduct an on-site inspection and submit a report by 3:30 PM. When the case was resumed at 3:45 PM, the Supreme Court reviewed the report and found it to be deeply alarming. The inspection revealed that large-scale deforestation was underway, with heavy machinery such as JCBs being used to clear hundreds of acres. The court also noted images showing peacocks and deer fleeing from the destruction, suggesting that the area was an active habitat for wildlife.

Referring to its previous orders in the Ashok Kumar Sharma, IFS (Retd) & Ors. v. Union of India & Ors case, the court emphasised on its March 4 directive that held state Chief Secretaries personally accountable for the failure to constitute statutory committees tasked with identifying forest lands. It also cited its February 3 order in the same case, which prohibited states from reducing forest cover without providing compensatory afforestation land. The court was particularly critical of the Telangana government’s actions, questioning why the deforestation was carried out with such urgency when the statutory process to determine forest land status had not even begun.

Senior Advocate Gaurav Agarwal, representing the State of Telangana, argued before the Supreme Court that the disputed land did not fall under the category of forest. However, the bench remained unconvinced. Justice B.R. Gavai pointedly questioned whether the government had obtained the necessary permissions for tree felling, emphasising that the classification of the land was secondary to the legal requirements for environmental clearances.

“Forest or not, did you secure the requisite approvals before cutting down the trees?” Justice Gavai asked, as per a report in LiveLaw, expressing dismay over the rapid deforestation. “Clearing 100 acres in just two to three days is alarming… We must remind you of a simple principle—no matter how powerful, no one is above the law.”

Meanwhile, Senior Advocate Gopal Sankaranarayanan, appearing on behalf of certain intervenors, informed the bench that students protesting the destruction were being detained, highlighting the Telangana government’s heavy-handed approach in suppressing opposition to the project.

Morning proceedings and initial stay order: In the morning session, the Supreme Court had issued an interim order staying the tree-felling activities in Kancha Gachibowli, acting on an urgent oral mention by Senior Advocate K. Paremeshwar, the amicus curiae in the broader forest conservation case (TN Godavarman matter).

The bench took cognisance of media reports highlighting rapid deforestation over the extended weekend, suggesting that authorities had deliberately accelerated the process to avoid public scrutiny. The reports further indicated that the forest area housed at least eight species of scheduled wildlife. Concerned by these developments, the court ordered an immediate site inspection by the Telangana High Court’s Registrar (Judicial), directing that an interim report be submitted by 3:30 PM on the same day.

The directive was communicated to the Telangana High Court’s Registrar (Judicial) by the Supreme Court’s Registrar (Judicial) to ensure prompt compliance. Additionally, the court instructed the Chief Secretary of Telangana to prevent any further tree felling until further orders were issued.

As per Live Law, the order was dictated as follows:

“News reports indicate extensive deforestation is taking place in the Kancha Gachibowli forest. A vast number of trees are reportedly being felled, and it appears that authorities have taken advantage of the long weekend to expedite the destruction. Reports also suggest that the area is home to multiple scheduled wildlife species. We direct the Registrar (Judicial) of the Telangana High Court to conduct an immediate site visit and submit an interim report by 3:30 PM today. The Registrar (Judicial) of this court is directed to communicate this order forthwith. Furthermore, the Chief Secretary of Telangana shall ensure that no further tree felling is permitted in Kancha Gachibowli until this court issues further directions.”

During the hearing, Senior Advocate Dr. Abhishek Manu Singhvi, appearing for the Telangana government, informed the court that the Telangana High Court was also hearing a related matter. In response, the Supreme Court clarified that while it was taking suo-moto cognisance of the issue, it had not placed any restrictions on the proceedings before the High Court.

The Supreme Court’s strong intervention signals its deep concern over environmental degradation and the failure of state authorities to adhere to legal and procedural safeguards before undertaking large-scale deforestation. The matter is expected to be closely monitored in the coming days.

Telangana High Court proceedings on Kancha Gachibowli forest case

Hearing on April 3, 2025: On Thursday, the Telangana High Court extended its interim order directing a status quo concerning the large-scale felling of trees in the Kancha Gachibowli forest area, located near the Hyderabad Central University (HCU) campus. The bench, comprising Acting Chief Justice Sujoy Paul and Justice Renuka Yara, also granted the State government time until April 7, 2025 to submit its counter affidavit in the matter. The court’s intervention followed an earlier directive issued on April 2, wherein it had explicitly restrained the State from taking any coercive steps until further deliberations. During the said hearing, the court was informed that the Supreme Court had also taken cognisance of the matter earlier in the day and had required for a site inspection to take place.

Senior Advocate Dr. Abhishek Manu Singhvi, representing the Telangana government, argued that the Supreme Court’s directive requiring a site inspection should not be misinterpreted as a restriction on the High Court’s jurisdiction to proceed with the case. He contended that the land in question had been subject to litigation for decades, yet no claims or legal documents had ever categorised it as a forest. According to him, the absence of such claims over the last 30 years underscored that the area was never formally recognised as forest land. Singhvi further claimed that several institutions in the vicinity, including a botanical garden and a golf course, demonstrated the region’s long-standing allocation for non-forest purposes. He insisted that the land had been assigned to a private entity nearly 20 years ago, and the State’s actions were in line with established policies.

In response, Senior Advocate S. Niranjan Reddy, appearing for the Vata Foundation, strongly refuted the State’s assertions. He informed the court that despite the Supreme Court’s order staying tree felling, the destruction had continued until Thursday morning. Reddy submitted an interim application (IA) containing newspaper reports and timestamped photographic evidence substantiating his claim. Additionally, he alerted the court to alleged police repression, revealing that a student who had been documenting the tree felling through video recordings was detained at a local police station. Reddy emphasised that the petitioners were now shielded by the Supreme Court’s intervention but urged the High Court to scrutinise the State’s conduct in its upcoming hearing on April 7.

Another counsel representing a student union underscored the alarming pattern of police atrocities against students peacefully protesting the destruction. He further argued that the land in question belonged to the University of Hyderabad, strengthening the case against its allocation for commercial IT development. Acknowledging these submissions, the High Court directed the State’s legal representatives to formally respond to these serious allegations and scheduled the matter for further hearing on April 7.

The High Court’s order summarised the joint submission made by Senior Advocate Singhvi and the Advocate General, wherein they requested that the matter be heard on April 7 to allow the State sufficient time to file a counter affidavit. The court recorded that the petitioners had no objection to this timeline, provided that the interim relief against tree felling remained in place. Senior Advocate Niranjan Reddy reiterated that since the Supreme Court had already imposed a stay, the High Court should simply proceed with the scheduled hearing on April 7. The court accepted these arguments and directed the State to file its response to all interim applications submitted by the petitioners.

Hearing on April 2, 2025: On Wednesday, the Telangana High Court had imposed a temporary stay on the felling of trees in the disputed Kancha Gachibowli land. The matter was heard following an urgent plea against the Telangana government’s issuance of a Government Order (GO) that sought to alienate 400 acres of green cover for the development of IT infrastructure.

The matter arose from a petition filed by the environmental non-profit Vata Foundation, which challenged a contentious government order facilitating the alienation of 400 acres of green land in the region for IT infrastructure development. The petitioners argued that the GO violated the Forest Conservation Act, 1980, and demanded that all government actions undertaken pursuant to the order be annulled. They further urged the court to designate the land as a ‘National Park.’ Additionally, the court heard a similar Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed by retired scientist Kalapala Babu Rao, who sought equivalent relief.

Between 28/03/25 to 02/04/25.. just 3 – 4 days… lives of peaceful living beings has been turned upside down.. in its desperation.. while the court believed otherwise.. the Govt deploys dozens of heavy machinery to flatten a beautiful deemed forest land in #KanchaGachibowli..… pic.twitter.com/NR8Bf1Typj

— Vata Foundation (@vata_foundation) April 2, 2025

The Vata Foundation’s plea asserted that the land, which had remained untouched for centuries, was home to 237 bird species, spotted deer, wild boars, star tortoises, snakes, and ancient rock formations and lakes. The petitioners contended that the Telangana State Industrial Infrastructure Corporation (TSIIC), which acquired the land in 2012, issued the GO in 2024 intending to divert the land for commercial purposes. The rapid deforestation prompted the petitioners to approach the High Court, highlighting that the area also encompassed land belonging to the University of Hyderabad, which needed urgent protection.

The court had originally scheduled the matter for April 7 but was forced to intervene earlier after the petitioners reported that 40 JCB machines had been deployed for large-scale tree felling. Following urgent lunch motion requests, the High Court took up the matter on April 2 and imposed a stay.

During the hearing, Senior Advocate L. Ravichander, appearing for the petitioner Kalapala Babu Rao, highlighted the blatant disregard for judicial precedents by the Telangana government. He pointed out that the government’s actions flouted two crucial Supreme Court judgments—T.N. Godavarman Thirumulpad v. Union of India and Ashok Kumar Sharma v. Union of India & Others—which mandated the identification and preservation of forests, including areas not officially designated as such but qualifying under the dictionary definition. He further argued that the region’s unique rock formations, estimated to be nearly 2 billion years old, harboured rare flora and exotic bird species that warranted urgent protection.

Conversely, the State’s Advocate General A. Sudharshan Reddy dismissed the petitioners’ case as being based solely on “Google images” rather than official records. He argued that the government held clear revenue records indicating that the land had always been designated for industrial use. Attempting to trivialise the issue, he remarked that if the presence of peacocks, mongooses, and snakes were to determine forest status, then large parts of Hyderabad, including the city’s golf course, should also be declared forests. The High Court, however, refused to accept this line of reasoning and reiterated the need for a thorough examination of the matter.

Union government’s intervention

The Union Ministry of Environment, Forest & Climate Change officially intervened in the contentious clearing of 400 acres of forest land in Kancha Gachibowli, Hyderabad, which has been earmarked for auction by the Telangana government. Expressing serious concern over the alleged large-scale deforestation and environmental damage, the ministry has demanded an immediate factual report from the State government regarding the ongoing developments on April 2, 2025.

In a formal communication addressed to the Additional Chief Secretary (Forests) of Telangana on Wednesday, Assistant Inspector General of Forests S. Sundar stated that the ministry had been alerted to reports of “illegal felling and removal of vegetation” in the Kancha Gachibowli area. The Telangana Industrial Infrastructure Corporation Limited (TGIIC), the entity responsible for the land’s auction, was identified as carrying out these activities. The letter noted that widespread news coverage in both print and digital media had highlighted concerns over ecological destruction, particularly regarding harm to the region’s wildlife, water bodies, and distinctive rock formations.

Further amplifying the gravity of the situation, the letter revealed that the Union Minister for Environment, Forest & Climate Change, Bhupender Yadav, had received multiple representations from Members of Parliament and various public representatives, urging immediate action to prevent irreversible environmental damage.

In light of these alarming concerns, the ministry directed the Telangana government to submit a detailed factual report on the matter without delay. Additionally, the State was instructed to initiate legal proceedings as per the relevant statutes, including the Indian Forest Act, the Wildlife Protection Act, and the Van (Sanrakshan Evam Samvardhan) Adhiniyam, among other applicable laws. The letter also stressed the necessity of ensuring strict adherence to judicial directives issued by courts and tribunals concerning forest conservation and land protection.

Reacting to the Union’s intervention, Union Minister for Coal and Mines G. Kishan Reddy publicly expressed his gratitude to Bhupender Yadav for taking decisive action in the matter. Reddy emphasised that the Union’s response was a crucial step towards ensuring governmental accountability, preventing further environmental degradation, and safeguarding the region’s green cover. He further remarked that the intervention would help ensure that all actions related to the disputed land remain within legal boundaries and undergo the necessary scrutiny through proper consultation processes.

Environmental devastation and rising concerns

Student groups and environmental activists have warned that the destruction of the Kancha Gachibowli Forest will have dire ecological consequences. Researcher Arun Vasireddy, in a report on the area’s environmental significance, highlighted that deforestation in Kancha Gachibowli Forest could lead to a rise in local temperatures by 1 to 4 degrees Celsius, worsening heat conditions in the Gachibowli region. As Hyderabad’s IT corridor continues to expand, activists argue that the loss of such a crucial green space will further degrade air quality, threaten biodiversity, and contribute to climate instability.

Despite mounting protests, the state government has shown little willingness to engage with environmental concerns, opting instead for heavy-handed police action against students and journalists alike.

Congress government’s crackdown on student protest at University of Hyderabad

The University of Hyderabad (UoH) has erupted in protest as students launched an indefinite boycott of classes, condemning the Telangana government’s decision to auction 400 acres of Kancha Gachibowli through the TGIIC for the development of an IT park. The protests gained momentum amid allegations of state overreach, police repression, and environmental destruction.

According to Akash Kumar, vice president of the UoH Students’ Union, students are being forcibly restricted within the campus premises by the police, preventing them from taking their protest to the streets. “The ongoing deforestation by TGIIC is leading to irreversible ecological damage. Kancha Gachibowli is home to diverse flora and fauna, and we demand an immediate halt to these reckless land-clearing activities. We have launched an indefinite strike today and will continue until the deforestation stops,” Kumar stated while conversing with reporters of The Hindustan Times. He further demanded the removal of the heavy police presence and the more than 50 earthmoving machines that have been systematically razing down the land.

Protesting students emphasised that Kancha Gachibowli is not merely an empty piece of land but an ecological hotspot that harbours over 734 plant species, 220 bird species, and vulnerable wildlife, including the Indian Star Tortoise. The land’s unique rock formations and lakes contribute to the biodiversity of the region, and its destruction for an IT park is seen as an act of environmental vandalism.

Despite widespread public outrage, TGIIC has persisted with the clearing activities since Sunday. The Telangana police, on the other hand, attempted to whitewash their role by releasing a statement on Monday denying the use of force. According to their version, students were not subjected to lathi charges but had instead “attacked officials and workers with sticks and stones.” On Monday and Tuesday, the state police detained 55 students in what has been described as a preventive measure, later releasing 53 of them. However, as per Telangana Today, two students—B. Rohit Kumar and Erram Naveen Kumar—were arrested and remanded to judicial custody, having been booked under multiple sections related to criminal trespassing and rioting.

Escalation of State Repression: Police brutality and arbitrary detentions

As protests entered their fourth consecutive day on April 2, 2025, the situation on campus turned increasingly tense. Students and faculty members, led by the University of Hyderabad Teachers’ Association and the Joint Action Committee, intensified their agitation, rallying inside the campus and condemning both the government’s actions and the university administration’s inaction. However, in a move reminiscent of authoritarian crackdowns on student movements, the state responded with force.

On Tuesday, police had resorted to lathi charges as demonstrators attempted to march towards the main gate. Several students sustained injuries as scuffles broke out at the East Campus, further fuelling resentment against the state’s heavy-handed tactics. Videos circulating on social media show police officers beating students and forcibly dragging them away, despite peaceful protest being a fundamental democratic right.

NSUI-HCU General Secretary Prabhakar Singh spoke to the media and lambasted the university administration for what he called “facilitating” police brutality. “The administration has completely failed us. They enabled the police to enter the campus and allowed JCB machines to continue their destruction. They have not even disclosed the details of the executive council meeting held on March 20, which would have clarified their stance on the land issue,” he said.

The demonstrations have united an unusual mix of political and student groups. Left-wing and Dalit-Bahujan student organisations, along with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the BJP’s student wing, are all opposing the auction. Student unions from institutions such as Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) and Osmania University have also extended their support. Meanwhile, the Congress’s student wing, the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI), has taken a more neutral stance, criticising the university’s failure to protect the land while advocating for discussions on securing its ownership.

A Legacy of Encroachments: The larger struggle for campus land

For many within the university community, this battle is not just about the 400 acres at Kancha Gachibowli but about a continued history of state encroachments on university land. Over the years, multiple projects have chipped away at the university’s territory, including the establishment of the IIIT campus, Gachibowli Stadium, a bus depot, a power station, a school, and even a shooting range. “The state has systematically grabbed land from the university for years. Now, this last remaining stretch, which we consider part of our campus, is also being taken away,” said a protesting student, as per the Hindustan Times.

The faculty and students fear that if this land is lost, the university’s expansion will be severely hampered, undermining its status as an Institution of Eminence. More importantly, they stress that the encroachment of green spaces in favour of commercial ventures sets a dangerous precedent, where corporate interests are prioritised over public welfare and environmental sustainability.

While the Telangana government continues to claim sole ownership of the 400-acre land, its narrative has been met with stiff resistance. The state maintains that a survey conducted on July 19, 2024, in the presence of university officials, confirmed that the University of Hyderabad holds no legal claim to the land. However, the university administration has refuted these claims, stating that no such survey ever took place. The institution insists that it has been repeatedly requesting the state for proper demarcation, only to be ignored.

Regardless of the state’s legal claims, protesting students claim that the issue at hand is not mere ownership but environmental conservation and academic autonomy. The land is an irreplaceable green lung for Hyderabad’s IT corridor and must be preserved rather than handed over to corporate interests.

As the protests persist, students remain resolute in their demands: immediate withdrawal of police forces and bulldozers from the campus vicinity, a written assurance from the university administration that it will fight for the land’s legal registration under its name, and transparency in land-related documents and executive decisions.

Journalist detained amid crackdown on protest coverage

Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) working president K.T. Rama Rao has strongly criticised the Congress-led Telangana government for allegedly detaining a journalist covering the ongoing student protests at the University of Hyderabad. KTR condemned the police action, describing it as an excessive use of state power to silence dissent. He accused the government of suppressing press freedom and stifling critical voices. “The draconian police overreach in Telangana is alarming! Journalists are being detained & dissenting voices arrested. This blatant suppression of free speech & expression is unacceptable. And Rahul Gandhi goes to town preaching about democracy and free speech The double standards is beyond sickening.,” he stated in a post on X (formerly Twitter).

The draconian police overreach in Telangana is alarming!

Journalists are being detained & dissenting voices arrested.

This blatant suppression of free speech & expression is unacceptable.

And @RahulGandhi goes to town preaching about democracy and free speech

The double… https://t.co/tRDPyndwc2

— KTR (@KTRBRS) March 30, 2025

The detained journalist, identified as Sumit, was documenting the arrests of students protesting the destruction of greenery on the university campus. He later posted a video on social media showing his detention by the police, sparking outrage among press freedom advocates. BRS spokesperson Krishank also slammed the Congress government, arguing that arresting a journalist for doing their job was an attack on the fundamental role of the media in a democracy.

Political opposition intensifies

Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) working president and former Telangana minister K.T. Rama Rao has called on Congress leader Rahul Gandhi to intervene in the ongoing land dispute at the University of Hyderabad. Citing Gandhi’s past opposition to the destruction of Mumbai’s Aarey forest, KTR questioned the Congress’s silence on deforestation in Telangana.

This is brazen green murder by destroying 400 acres of precious lung space in western Hyderabad

You can hear the peacocks crying for help as the bulldozers and JCBs of the Congress Govt rummage

If you don’t speak up now, it’s on you Mr @RahulGandhi #SaveHCUBioDiversity pic.twitter.com/iPxnhSgAdv

— KTR (@KTRBRS) March 31, 2025

Amidst growing tensions, Telangana police on April 1 had detained several BJP leaders, including MLAs Payal Shankar and Dhanpal Suryanarayana Gupta, as they attempted to join student protests at the university. The BJP has escalated the matter at the national level, with Telangana BJP president G. Kishan Reddy, Union Minister Bandi Sanjay, and BJP MPs meeting Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan in Delhi to seek his intervention.

KTR, in a series of posts on X, accused the Congress-led state government of suppressing student voices, harming the environment, and even displacing wildlife. He alleged that police were preventing BRS leaders, including himself, from visiting the protest site. Drawing a comparison, he recalled how Rahul Gandhi was given full security and access when he visited Hyderabad Central University twice during K. Chandrashekar Rao’s tenure to support justice for Rohith Vemula. “Why this hypocrisy, Rahul Ji? What is your government trying to hide from the world?” KTR asked.

హైడ్రా, మూసీ పేరుతో ప్రజల ఇండ్లు – హెచ్‌సీయూలో పక్షుల గూళ్లు

నోరున్న జనంపైకి బుల్డోజర్ – నోరు లేని మూగజీవాల మీదకు బుల్డోజర్!

మూసీలో, హైడ్రాలో మూటల వేట – ఆఖరికి హెచ్‌సీయూలోనూ కాసుల వేట

పంటలు ఎండుతున్నాయి నీళ్లు లేవంటూ రైతుల గోస – అర్ధరాత్రి బుల్డోజర్ దెబ్బలకు వన్యప్రాణాల… pic.twitter.com/jvTFiO1hB4

— KTR (@KTRBRS) April 1, 2025

There have been no social media posts from senior Congress leaders regarding the issue. Leaders such as Rahul Gandhi, Jairam Ramesh, and Priyanka Gandhi have not made any public statements about the protests, arrests, detentions, or the deforestation.

Telangana government defends land auction and development plans

Despite the mounting opposition, the Telangana government is pushing ahead with its plans. Heavy machinery has been deployed to level the land, removing trees and shrubbery over the past few days. Chief Minister A. Revanth Reddy has defended the project, arguing that developing the 400-acre site will spur economic growth, attract investments worth ₹50,000 crore, and generate five lakh jobs. He dismissed opposition leaders as “cunning foxes” attempting to obstruct progress.

On March 31, Telangana’s Revenue Minister Ponguleti Srinivas Reddy had asserted that the state holds full legal ownership of the land. “We took possession of this land after winning legal battles in both the high court and the Supreme Court. Not a single inch belongs to Hyderabad Central University. Any attempt to dispute this is contempt of court,” he declared.

Deputy Chief Minister Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka, an alumnus of the university, clarified that HCU had long assumed the land was under its jurisdiction. He explained that when the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) government allocated 400 acres to a private firm in the past, an alternative 397-acre plot in Gopanpally was provided to the university in exchange.

Accompanied by fellow HCU alumnus and IT Minister Sridhar Babu, Bhatti presented evidence of agreements signed between the university’s former registrar and state revenue officials. Sridhar Babu assured that the auction and development would not harm the ecosystem, including landmarks like Peacock Lake and Mushroom Rock, and that students would continue to have access to these sites.

The ministers also accused opposition parties, particularly the BRS, of spreading misinformation by using old images—such as pictures of a dead deer—to mislead students. TGIIC and Chief Minister’s Office (CMO) officials stated that revenue records confirm the 400-acre plot is not classified as forest land, countering BJP claims that it falls under a protected zone. Officials further revealed that a survey was conducted in July 2024 with the consent of the university registrar, and boundary demarcations were finalised in the presence of university and government officials.

Background: The 400-acre land dispute at Hyderabad University

The 400-acre land parcel at the centre of the controversy is part of the approximately 2,500 acres originally allocated to the University of Hyderabad (Hyderabad Central University) when it was established through an Act of Parliament in 1974. The undivided Andhra Pradesh government had granted this land, which was then a remote area about 20 km from Hyderabad’s city centre. Over the years, with the expansion of Hyderabad’s financial district, the land has become highly valuable, particularly due to the growth of the IT sector and corporate developments.

Located in survey number 25 of Kanche Gachibowli village, Serilingampally mandal, Ranga Reddy district, the land is now surrounded by key institutions, including the university, the International Institute of Information Technology (IIIT), the Indian School of Business (ISB), and major technology campuses such as Microsoft.

In January 2004, following the successful hosting of the 2003 Afro-Asian Games at the nearby Gachibowli sports complex, the then Chandrababu Naidu-led government allotted these 400 acres to IMG Academies Bharat Private Limited for the development of sports facilities. However, the project never took off, leading to the cancellation of the allotment in November 2006 by Naidu’s successor, Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy. The land was subsequently transferred to the state’s youth advancement, tourism, and culture department.

IMG challenged the cancellation in court, resulting in a prolonged legal battle that lasted nearly two decades. When the Revanth Reddy-led government came to power in December 2023, it pursued the case aggressively. In March 2024, the Telangana High Court ruled in favour of the state government. IMG then appealed to the Supreme Court, but the petition was dismissed in May 2024. Following the court’s decision, the Telangana government formally took possession of the land.

In June 2024, the TGIIC submitted a proposal to utilise the 400-acre plot for IT and commercial projects. Subsequently, on July 1, 2024, the revenue department officially transferred the land to TGIIC, paving the way for its auction and development.

Related:

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The post Mass Deforestation, Protests, Detentions: Supreme Court halts Telangana’s reckless tree felling at Kancha Gachibowli, questions permissions appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The case against them stems from a video posted on their X (formerly Twitter) account, in which a man, who was a farmer, allegedly made derogatory remarks about the Telangana Chief Minister. The complaint, filed by the chief of the Congress’ state social media unit, alleged that the video was intended to incite unrest and was part of a deliberate attempt by Pulse News to defame the CM. The police claimed that the video was shot at the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) headquarters and suspected a political conspiracy behind its release. A third individual, the user of an X account named “NippuKodi”, is also under police scrutiny and detention.

Despite the court rejecting the organised crime charge, it upheld other provisions under the Information Technology Act and the BNS related to creating and circulating false information. However, the manner in which the Telangana Police acted—conducting pre-dawn raids and arresting the journalists in a way that reeks of political vendetta—has drawn sharp criticism from various quarters.

Arrest under questionable circumstances

The Telangana Police’s handling of this case has raised serious concerns about the misuse of power. Revathi was arrested from her home at 5 AM on March 12, a move reminiscent of the authoritarian crackdowns of the Emergency era. In a video posted before her arrest, she warned, “Cops at my doorstep! They want to arrest me. They may pick me up and take me. One thing is clear: Revanth Reddy wants to put pressure on me and my family and threaten me.”

DON’T SHARE THIS VIDEO PLEASE!!!
CASES WILL BE FILED

Here is a video of my team @pulsenewsbreak speaking to an old man.
He expresses his frustration about various issues, in his own language.

NOW! The Telangana Congress is busy filing cases and Telangana police are… pic.twitter.com/gQYWhmseG5

— Revathi (@revathitweets) March 11, 2025

According to the police, the arrests were justified because the journalists’ conduct was highly provocative and could have disturbed law and order. The public prosecutor opposed their bail, arguing that the police required more time for investigation. However, Jakkula Ramesh, the lawyer representing Revathi and Thanvi, dismissed the allegations, claiming that the police had acted under political pressure. He pointed out that none of the other charges carried a punishment exceeding seven years, making the immediate arrests unwarranted and disproportionate. The court appeared to agree, striking down Section 111, ruling that it was unjustified at this stage.

Revanth Reddy’s threats against criticism and the press

What makes this case even more troubling is the response from Chief Minister Revanth Reddy himself. Days after the arrests, he lashed out at social media criticism in the Assembly, warning that strict action would be taken against those engaging in “defamatory propaganda under the guise of journalism.” He went even further, making an openly threatening remark, stating that those who crossed the line would be stripped and paraded.

His words reveal a deep hostility towards independent journalism and suggest that his government is willing to weaponise the law to silence critics. As per Hindustan Times, CM Reddy stated: “We will respond to such criminals as required. If they hide behind a facade, that veil will be removed, and they will be exposed. Don’t create a spectacle. I am also a human being… We will act strictly according to the law and will not exceed any limits.”

Such statements, coming from a sitting Chief Minister, indicate a dangerous shift towards authoritarianism, where journalists who criticise the government risk being treated as criminals.

Widespread condemnation of the arrests

The arrests have provoked a massive backlash, particularly from the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS), which accused the Congress government of being intolerant of dissent. K.T. Rama Rao, former minister and senior BRS leader, compared the situation to the Emergency, calling the arrests a “blatant attack on press freedom”. In a post on X, he wrote:

“It feels like a state of Emergency has returned in Telangana… Is this the democracy you talk about, Rahul Gandhi? Arresting two women journalists in the wee hours of the morning! What is their crime? Giving voice to public opinion on the incompetent and corrupt Congress government?”

In the “Mohabbat Ki Dukaan” land where @RahulGandhi Ji’s nominated CM himself is the Abuser in Chief !! https://t.co/KpNtiSBs8L

— KTR (@KTRBRS) March 16, 2025

Other BRS leaders, including T Harish Rao and Kalvakuntla Kavitha, also condemned the Telangana government’s actions. Harish Rao questioned whether Telangana was turning into a dictatorship, stating, “Revanth Reddy’s government responds to questions with arrests.”

Beyond political figures, civil society groups and journalist organisations have also condemned the arrests. The Editors Guild of India (EGI) issued a strongly worded statement, criticising the police’s pre-dawn operation and calling it a serious attack on press freedom. Rajya Sabha MP Kapil Sibal, a former Congress leader, also denounced the move, saying:

“Arrest is not the solution. It is the result of a contagious disease called intolerance.”

Telangana

Arrests two journalists for criticising CM for spreading falsehood inciting divisions to disturb law and order

Really ?

Arrest is not the solution

It is the result of a contagious disease called :

Intolerance !

— Kapil Sibal (@KapilSibal) March 13, 2025

Police seizures and allegations of misconduct

Adding to concerns about police excesses, the Hyderabad Police raided the Pulse News office in Madhapur, seizing:

• Two laptops
• Two hard disks
• Seven CPUs
• Other digital equipment

Revathi’s lawyer alleged that the police misbehaved with the two journalists and that the judge had taken note of these police excesses. Such actions suggest that the police were not merely conducting an investigation but sending a message—a warning to other journalists to fall in line or face similar treatment.

Congress’ hypocrisy on press freedom

The Telangana Congress, which has long positioned itself as a defender of democracy and free speech, has now exposed its own hypocrisy. The same party that has often accused the BJP of suppressing journalists is now following the same playbook—using state power to silence criticism.

Congress leaders have tried to defend the police, claiming that the journalists had links with the BRS and had been spreading propaganda against the government for the past two months. However, this justification falls flat in the face of the arbitrary nature of the arrests, the timing before the Assembly session, and the pre-dawn raids—all hallmarks of a politically motivated crackdown.

Conclusion: A dangerous precedent being set in Telangana

The arrest of Revathi and Thanvi Yadav is not an isolated case; it is a frightening signal of what may become a pattern of repression under the Revanth Reddy-led Telangana government. By allowing the police to act in such a brazenly authoritarian manner, the Congress government has shown that it is willing to undermine press freedom to protect its own image.

This incident sets a dangerous precedent. If journalists can be arrested simply for sharing an opinion or amplifying public grievances, then no critical media outlet is safe. The Telangana government must be held accountable for this unjustifiable attack on press freedom, and civil society must push back against this increasingly repressive environment.

If this trend continues, Telangana risks becoming another state where journalists must operate under fear, where the government dictates what can and cannot be said, and where the basic tenets of democracy are trampled in the name of political survival.

Related:

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The murder of Raghvendra Bajpai: A chilling reminder of the dangers faced by journalists in India

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Indian Newspaper Day: Journalists’ Groups Demand Independent Media Commission

Baster Journalist killing: UNESCO condemned the killing of Mukesh Chandrakar 

The post Telangana journalists granted bail after court strikes down ‘Organised Crime’ charge appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to a report released by a Washington-based research group, India Hate Lab incidents of anti-Muslim hate speech in India have increased over the time. In 2023, they increased by 62% during the second half of 2023 compared to the first half of the year. The report also documented a total of 668 hate speech incidents targeting Muslims in 2023. Of these, 255 incidents occurred in the first half of the year, while 413 took place in the latter half. The United Nations has warned that unchecked hate speech can lead to actual violence. Yet despite that, these incidents continue across the country. 

Wanaparthy, Telangana

In a polytechnic college, a young Muslim boy was beaten by six fellow students on his way to offer his daily prayers one evening. The student, Mohammed Masum, a 19-year-old student at the college could be seen on a video posted by Hate Detectors, bleeding and heavily injured. The incident took place at the KDR Govt Polytechnic College in Wanaparthy district, Telangana on April 24.  Masum was reportedly stopped by the attackers, who included fellow students one of which was named Lokesh, who not only threw his skull cap on the ground and stomped on it and beat the young student up. 

Masum managed to attract the attention of other students by calling out for help after which his attackers ran away. He was later admitted to a hospital by the mosque’s imam for treatment. The Wanaparthy police have reportedly started an investigation into the matter and have already arrested one suspect linked to the assault. 

Vadodara, Gujarat

On April 20, late at night at around 2:15 am in Vadodara, Gujarat, Mohammed Faizan Amiruddin Shaikh, a 26-year-old street food vendor, was beaten and assaulted allegedly by police officials. As per a report, the incident unfolded after Faizan had a disagreement with the officers, leading to a violent altercation.

In response to the police’s abuse, Faizan stood in front of their PCR van, blocking its path following which a crowd began to gather. The police personnel responded by driving forward and reportedly pushed Faizan back nearly 100 feet until he fell under the van. 

Faizan is currently in critical condition and is receiving medical treatment at a private hospital. Consequently, the three policemen—Mohammad Salim, Raghuvir Bharatbhai, and driver Kishan Parmar—have been suspended from duty, and a case has been filed against them. Faizan himself has been subjected to an FIR by the police at the Sayajigunj police station. The X, previously Twitter, page of Hate Detectors uploaded a video that showed a young man grievously injured and unconscious in the hospital. 

The  Assistant Commissioner of Police A Division DJ Chavda told the Indian Express, “The personnel in the PCR van used the needed physical force and he has been injured. Faizan too attacked the police personnel on duty. We have registered two FIR’s and are probing the incident.”

Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh

In another distressing incident, a police official from the UP Police was allegedly caught on video violently beating a young boy clad in kurta-pajama in Uttar Pradesh’s Ghaziabad. The video footage captured a Inspector Bhanu Prakash was seen violently dragging a 14-year-old driver by his hair and subjecting him to merciless beating. 

Following public outcry over the video, the police has told the public that appropriate action would be taken against the officer. Authorities shared on X that the Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) for Wave City had been tasked with initiating an investigation into the matter.  Hate Detectors reported the young boy to be named Sohail. 

E-rickshaw driver Sohail was brutally manhandled by police inspector Bhanu Prakash in #UttarPradesh‘s #Ghaziabad. pic.twitter.com/q1PlOMHmIB

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) April 24, 2024

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The post Hate Watch: Muslim college student beaten by fellow students in Telangana appeared first on SabrangIndia.

These figures come as a shock since there has not been a significant decrease in the number of coal accidents, evidenced by the data provided below. Multiple ministers, namely Digvijaya Singh (INC), Shaktisinh Gohil (INC), Mukul Balkrishna Wasnik (INC), Dr. Amee Yajnik (INC), Phulo Devi Netam (INC) and Dhiraj Prasad Sahu (INC) had asked the union minister for state-wise data on number of accidents reported in coal mines since 2019.

As per the tables provided in the answer, up till November 20 of the year 2023, a total of 119 incidents coal mining accidents had taken place. Out of this 119, 30 accidents were fatal while 89 were serious. Notably, the highest number of fatal incidents took place in Jharkhand where eight fatalities were recorded while 59 people were recorded to be seriously injured in Telangana.

The table also provides data for the years 2018 to 2022. In the year 2018, a total of 315 accidents took place, out of which 49 were fatal and 266 were serious accidents. The state of Chhattisgarh reported the highest number of fatal accidents, a total of eleven, while Telangana reported 207 serious accidents.

For the year 2019, a total of 244 coal accidents were reported, out of which 51 were fatal and 193 were serious. Jharkhand reported eleven fatal accidents. The state of Telangana again reported the highest number of serious coal accidents, accounting for 143 serious accidents out of the total of 193.

In the year 2020, 48 fatal accidents and 118 serious accidents were reported, forming a total of 166 accidents. A total of 12 fatal incidents were reported in Chhattisgarh, highest amongst the listed states. While Telangana reported the highest number of serious accidents, accounting for a total of 80 out of 118, the number of such incidents had fallen from the past years.

For the year 2021, a total of 231 accidents took place, out of which 43 were fatal and 188 were serious accidents. The state of West Bengal reported the highest number of fatal accidents, a total of ten, while Telangana reported 127 serious accidents.

Lastly, in 2022, 203 coal accidents were reported, out of which 24 were fatal and 179 were serious. The state of Jharkhand reported 7 fatal incidents, forming the maximum from amongst the listed states. The state of Telangana reported 101 serious accidents.

As can be deduced from the data provided, over the period of 5 years, Telangana reported a total of 717 serious accidents.

The tables on accidents in coal mines are provided below:

The complete answer can be viewed here:

Related:

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Kolkata: Civil Society, Tribals Protest, Demand Cancellation of Coal Mines in Deucha-Panchami

GoI has failed in its duties towards coal provisions: PCPSPS

Birbhum: Adivasis opposing coal mining project get support from SKM

The post Over 5 years, 1033 serious coal accidents reported, 717 took place in Telangana alone appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to reports, over the past seven years, India has witnessed a staggering 500% hike in cases filed under its hate-speech law, according to the National Crime Records Bureau’s (NCRB). The data reveals a six-fold increase in hate speech crimes, with 2014 marking the lowest count at 323 cases and the year 2020 witnessing the highest at 1,804 cases. Out of all states, Tamil Nadu recorded the highest number of reported cases at 303, and is followed by Uttar Pradesh with 243 cases, and Telangana with 151 cases. Furthermore, Hindutva Watch, an organisation dedicated to monitoring hate, has documented about 255 incidents of hate speech gatherings targeting Muslims only in the first half of 2023 itself. Interestingly, around 70% of these incidents occurred in states set to hold elections in 2023 and 2024. The report further also revealed that 80% of hate speech events unfolded in states governed by the Bharatiya Janata Party.

Sonipat, Haryana

On November 22, Pravin Togadia, delivered a loaded speech in Haryana’s Sonpiat. Togadia is a public figure and Hindutva leader, and formerly the international working president of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. In speech, Togadia engaged in fearmongering as he claimed “they”, Muslims, were taking over parks and even posing a threat to businesses. Furthermore, he spoke about conspiracy theories about Muslim population growth. 

Location: Gohana, Sonipat, Haryana
Date: November 22

Antarrashtriya Hindu Parishad (AHP) leader Pravin Togadia delivers another hate-filled speech against Muslims, indulging in fear-mongering while peddling conspiracy theories over Muslim population. pic.twitter.com/9B6Enn8821

— HindutvaWatch (@HindutvaWatchIn) November 24, 2023

“No beard-topi is seen in Haryana. Now (they’re) taking over parks, killing in Mewat, Pakistan is standing in Panipat. And population is rising in the entire country. Danger is rising. What does danger mean? None of our homes will remain. Business won’t be safe…History is witness, wherever “their” rule has been, non-Muslims have been attacked, killed and rendered homeless, daughters-sisters don’t remain. We can see from Spain to Malaysia…Their population is rising. Amongst, our Hindus, our population is decreasing. Some Hindu couples exist without a child! Some have one, others have two. The average used to be 2, now it is 1 ¼.”

New Delhi

In New Delhi on November 19, during the Hindu Rashtra Adhiveshan event organised by Hindu Janajagruti Samiti, Lata Singh Thakur who is the chief of Hindu Dharmasena Chandi Vahini, delivered a hate-filled speech against Muslims. Thakur not only targeted the Muslim community but also called on Hindus to keep weapons. “In areas, where Muslims are large in number and Hindus are less, then we go and perform Hindu rituals there, to do away with the fears of the Hindus…The reason for this is that we are so paralysed by fear. Thus, if they know how to wield a sword or use a Katta, don’t we know this too?” She continued, “The day the Hindu in you will awaken, that day Hindu Rashtra won’t have any issue in getting established.”

Location: New Delhi
Date: November 19

At the Hindu Rashtra Adhiveshan event organized by Hindu Janajagruti Samiti, chief of Hindu Dharmsena Chandi Vahini Lata Singh Thakur delivers hate speech against Muslims and calls on Hindus to keep weapons.

This event featured multiple… pic.twitter.com/lv29RGaaea

— HindutvaWatch (@HindutvaWatchIn) November 24, 2023

Sangareddy, Telangana 

On November 23, Thursday, BJP’s national president, J.P. Nadda, criticised Telangana Chief Minister and BRS chief K. Chandrashekhar Rao for what he termed as ‘appeasement politics.’ Nadda accused KCR of attempting to please a “particular section of Telangana” by promising to increase reservation for minorities from 4 percent to 12 percent. 

Location: Sangareddy, Telangana
Date: November 23

BJP President JP Nadda promised to rescind 4 percent reservation to Muslims if his party comes to power in the state. pic.twitter.com/F7wCZNHMWN

— HindutvaWatch (@HindutvaWatchIn) November 24, 2023

Jaipur, Rajasthan

Speaking in the capital city of the poll-bound state, who is said to be a BJP leader, delivered a speech which mostly targeted Muslims, and also raised the slogan, “If you want to live in India then you have to chant Jai Shri Ram.” Sharma continued further, saying, “These (coming) elections will decide whether Jaipur will be “mini-Pakistan” or not. However, we are the sons of Bharat Mata, and with us remaining, we will not let mini-Pakistan be created.” The crowd roared in response to his slogans. “And whoever talks of making a Pakistan … he will have to go to Pakistan.”

“Two years ago in this district, a situation akin to riots was created here. Glasses of houses were shattered. Those goons who have such an ideology will not be allowed to enter here! And if, should one (of these goons) enter…then, Yogiji had told such criminals to either surrender or,” cries of bulldozer, “leave Uttar Pradesh. And if neither doesn’t happen, then…”

He further says the oft spoken slogan, “Ayodhya toh Jhaanki hai! Mathura, Kashi baaqi hai!” He continued further, “The election in Rajasthan is basically a semi-final. This will be fought by Ram Bhakts itself! But when, the Modiji’s rule will be established in 2024, several will have to go!” BJP leader Gopal Sharma delivers fiery hate speeches against Muslims. He said that mosques in Mathura and Varanasi will be replaced with/temples & raised the slogan: “If you want to live in India then you have to chant Jai Shri Ram.”

Location: Jaipur, Rajasthan
Date: November 19

BJP leader Gopal Sharma delivers fiery hate speeches against Muslims. He said that mosques in Mathura & Varanasi will be replaced with/temples & raised the slogan: “If you want to live in India then you have to chant Jai Shri Ram.” pic.twitter.com/4S8MvtDJlI

— HindutvaWatch (@HindutvaWatchIn) November 23, 2023

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The post Muslims continue to feature as main characters in hate speech appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In July 1946, when Visnuru Ram Chandra Reddy started an attack against the villagers who were involved in Communist activities, people gathered themselves and rallied to the local manor. In the firing that followed from the Zamindar’s goons, Doddi Komarayya was martyred. The people were furious and a gherao took place in the village. The Zamindar and his people were not allowed into the village for months. A feature of this peaceful, local revolt was that whenever needed, people from the neighbouring villages used to rally themselves to the village of revolt to support their comrades. Therefore, it can be seen that the Communist party had created a network of huge masses that could organise and agitate.

As the date of independence neared, the Communist Party called for the inclusion of Hyderabad state into India and division of the state on the basis of language. However, even after independence, there was not much traction on the issue, within the Hyderabad State and regarding its accession into the Indian Union. In September 1947, a call was given by Raavi Narayana Reddy, Baddam Yella Reddy and Makdhoom Moinuddin that people should take up arms against the tyrannical reign of the Nizam. This is the same poet Makhdoom Moinuddin who wrote Ghazals like Aapki Yaad Aati Rahi Raat Bhar.[1]

 In November 1947, the Indian Union signed a Standstill Agreement with the Nizam under which domestic affairs would be under the Nizam and the affairs of Defence, Communications and Foreign Affairs would be under the Indian Union. The agreement would be valid until November 1948. However, the Nizam made multiple violations to the agreement within the year. [2]

Before we go further, it is important to understand the Razakars.

Bahdur Yar Jung –  opposition to Nizam- An orator and a religious preacher, Bahdur Yar Jung was elected the President of Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Musalmeen (Majlis), a cultural and religious organisation. However, it acquired a political nature soon and Bahdur Yar Jung became the undisputed leader of the organisation. He propagated the doctrine of Ana’l Malik, meaning ‘We are the Sovereign.’ This meant that the Nizam did not have the sovereignty, but the Muslim Community in the Hyderabad state did. However, he died in 1944 and many suspected that he was poisoned by the Nizam. His death changed things in the Hyderabad state. The powerful Majlis organisation underwent a crisis, and the extremists within the organisation gained the upper hand. In 1946, Qasim Razvi became the President of the Majlis.[3]

The Razakars

Qasim Razvi formed the militia- the Razakars- who advocated a status quo in Hyderabad’s independence. To preserve it, the Razakars used to raid villages and destroy any property that had a national flag or communist flag. Crucially, it must be understood that the Razakars were not an entirely communal force that attacked only Hindus. Those Muslims who were seen as sympathetic to the cause of communist peasants or to the cause of integration into the Indian state were also persecuted. Puchalapalli Sundarayya, one of the leaders of the Communist party during the rebellion states as follows in his book Telangana People’s Struggle and Its Lessons: “….the Nizam and his feudal administrators, his armed Razakars, tried to rally the Muslim masses to support them as against the “Hindus”. But thanks to the leadership of the Communist Party, large numbers of the Muslim peasantry and rural artisans and the rural poor were rallied behind the fighting Telangana peasantry, though it has to be admitted that a vast section of Muslims in the towns and cities supported the Nizam and the Razakars. It was again thanks to the Party’s leadership, that the reprisals against Muslims, after the “police action,” were prevented in the Telangana area, whereas in the Marathwada region, in many areas, where the democratic movement was not so strong as in Telangana, they occurred on quite a large scale.”

His book is one of the most authoritative accounts on the Telangana struggle. In fact, one of the most famous plays ‘Maa Bhoomi’ which galvanised the masses against the feudal oppression was based on the story of a poor Muslim peasant Sheikh Bandagi who was killed by the Zamindar Visnuru Ram Chandra Reddy. There was also a tacit understanding between the Razakars and the Zamindars who needed the military force of the Razakars to protect their lands against the impending Communist backed revolt by the villagers.

Formation of Village level Squads against Razakars

It is important to note that the Razakars were not the police but were a separate militia run by a powerful religious preacher. However, the police and the Razakars worked in tandem in their crackdown of the communist peasants and those who were sympathetic to the cause of integration into the Indian union. The Communist Party organised and trained guerilla squads without which the Telangana armed peasants struggle would not have been landmark event. In the beginning, there were district Guerilla Squads but thereafter taluka level and village level guerilla squads were formed. There used to be a maximum of ten members in the squads and since these were guerilla squads whose motive is to take the enemy by surprise and attack with a clear mission and disappear, more number of armed people in a squad would have been a liability, according to the Party.

There were Village Squads which used to do the propaganda and make sure to counter any feudal propaganda in the village. The members of the squad used to stay in the village and do their occupation and on top of this, they used to be the members of the Squad.

The Village Destruction Squads used to dig up roads so that the Razakars could not enter the villages, and make it hard for the forces of feudal lords and Nizam to access the villages. The members of these squads too, used to reside in village and do their normal occupations along with the party work.

These regular guerilla squads used to be the armed squads which used to fight and attack the Razakars when necessary and protect people. The Communists lost many of their people in the raids by the Razakars but were also successful in raiding feudal landlords’ houses when necessary. The Communist party was instrumental in redistributing grain, back to the people from the feudal landlords who collected the grain from villagers. The party, with the help of coal mine workers in Kothagudem area, used to procure gelignite sticks and detonators which would be used to destroy bridges and roads so that Razakar movement could be restricted. It is important to understand that the Communist party was doing all this before the execution of Operation Polo by the Indian Union.

Apart from the military struggle the party also strived hard to make sure that land redistribution took place and that tenant holdings were given to the tenant without having to pay any money and unfair loan deeds are cancelled etc.[4]

By mid-1948, there were indications that the Indian military would intervene in the Hyderabad state and ensure its accession into the Indian union. The Communist Party was then debating whether it should continue its armed struggle even after Hyderabad state becomes a part of the Indian Union or not. Some members of the Communist Party even argued that distribution of lands that could not be protected in that status was a mis-step by the Communist Party. The Congress party was opposed to the Communist Party in the Andhra region and the Communist Party saw no reason as to why the Congress party would be more amenable to the Communist Party within the Hyderabad State. Making these assumptions come true, the Indian government also unleashed (unsubstantiated) campaigns claiming that the communists had joined Razakars in opposing the Indian military action.

On September 13, 1948, the Union launched police action also known as Operation Polo in India and the Nizam surrendered with almost no resistance. The Communist Party squads were given orders by the party to support the army when they attacked Razakars and the Nizam’s forces. Puchalapalli Sundarayya notes in his book that, once the Hyderabad state became a part of the Indian union, the Indian military along with the landlords attacked the peasants to take back the land that had been redistributed by the Communist Party to the peasants.[5] While Puchalapalli Sundarayya went on to become one of the founding members of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), Raavi Narayana Reddy stood for elections to Lok Sabha in Telangana and polled more votes than the first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru!

There are many more aspects that should and need to be discussed such as the communal flare up after the integration of Hyderabad state into the Union, the Sunderlal Committee Report, 1949, that reveals that thousands of people were killed after the integration of the state. This report also indicates or points towards the role of some army people in perpetuating communal violence, the lack of land redistribution etc.[6] However, the recent attempt by the BJP and its friends in appropriating the peasants’ armed struggle and presenting it on a solely communal basis is entirely politically motivated. In the wake of such efforts, it is more important to recount and recall the role of progressive forces within the Telangana armed struggle and demonstrate how their participation prevented the communal flare up in the Telangana region.

(The author is a legal researcher with the organisation)

[1] Chaaritratmaka Telangana Poratam, Chandra Rajeshwara Rao, 1972.

[2]   Nanisetti, S. (2018, September 15). Accession of Hyderabad: When a battle by cables forced the Nizam’s hand. The Hindu. https://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Hyderabad/accession-of-hyderabad-when-a-battle-by-cables-forced-the-nizams-hand/article61532892.ece

[3]   Moid, M. A., & Suneetha, A. (2018). Rethinking Majlis’ politics: Pre-1948 Muslim concerns in Hyderabad State. The Indian Economic & Social History Review, 55(1), 29–52. https://doi.org/10.1177/0019464617745929

[4] Page 51, Telangana People’s Struggle and Its Lessons

[5] Page 129, Telangana People’s Struggle and Its lessons.

[6]   Frontline. (2001, March 3). From the Sundarlal Report. Frontline. https://frontline.thehindu.com/other/article30159647.ece

Related:

Understanding role of progressives in Telangana Peasant Armed Struggle is crucial to combatting Hindu majoritarianism

Role of Progressives in Telangana Peasant Armed Struggle

The post Role of progressives in Telangana land struggle – Part III appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Socio-Economic Conditions of Hyderabad

Exploitative Land Revenue System

Even though the British stopped annexing new territories after the revolt of 1857, the princely states knew that the British were a powerful enemy to make and therefore used to maintain friendly relationships with the British. Hyderabad was no exception. However, the internal systems were exploitative in nature, especially the land ownership.

Sixty per cent of the land in the state was under the control of the government land revenue system called the Khalsa Area. Thirty per cent of the land was under the Jagirdari system. Under the Jagirdari System, the king would bestow upon his nobles- the right to collect revenue from villages and their activities. Jagirdari System was first introduced by the Mughals. Ten per cent of the land was Nizam’s own direct estate, i.e., Sart Khas system. In jagir areas the land taxes on irrigated lands used to be tentimes more than those collected in diwani (government) areas, amounting to Rs. 150 per acre or 20-30 mounds of paddy per acre.^[1]

The Vetti Labour system

The Vetti system meant that people-especially those belonging to the marginalised castes- would work for free when the need arises in the houses of landlords or whenever the officials of Nizam visit the village. This was a system in which the people offered their services as a rule, without getting paid. While peasantry used to pay the landlords a fixed amount of grain or other produce, castes engaged in different occupations were required to give to the landlord a free service. The blacksmiths were required to supply implements for free, the weavers were to supply the clothes for free etc. The worst of all these feudal practices was the prevalence of keeping girls as “slaves” in landlords’ houses. When landlords gave their daughters in marriage, they presented these slave girls and sent them along with their married daughters, to serve them in their new homes. These girls were also sexually exploited by the landlords.^[2]

Discrimination on the basis of Religion

While scholars differ on how intense the discrimination was and whether the word oppression can be used in the context of treatment of Hindu people by the Nizam or not, it is amply clear that Islamic culture took prominence and dominated the state.  Three out of four gazette officers’ posts were filled by Muslims, 1/3rd of posts in state run schools were filled by Muslims. However, this does not mean that all Muslims lived in riches while all Hindus suffered in poverty. Many Muslim peasants found themselves at the bottom rung of the economic order while many Hindus were Zamindars and affluent professionals. Irrespective of this disclaimer, Islam was the religion of the king, Urdu was the language of the king. Therefore, Islam and Urdu took centre stage in administration, appointments etc.^[3]

Arya Samaj had a decent presence in Hyderabad. As different organisations backed by the Nizam tried to convert people into Islam, the Arya Samaj was putting its effort to get them back into the fold of Hinduisms. The Ittihad-ul-Muslimeen, an organisation backed by the Nizam and led by a charismatic orator Bahadur Yar Jung is credited with almost 20,000 conversions in the state.^[4]

This was the state of affairs in Hyderabad. An exploited rural populace, a religious king and systemically exploitative land revenue.

Formation of Andhra Jana Sangham.

No understanding of Telangana Rebellion against the Nizam can emerge without understanding the role of Andhra Maha Sabha-whose precursor is the Andhra Jana Sangham. In 1921, a social reform conference was organised in which the Telugu speaking members were not allowed to pass a resolution in Telugu. Marathi speaking people, though less in number than the Telugu speaking people of the state, used to occupy important positions and therefore could speak in Marathi, unlike the Telugu participants of the conference. 

Aggrieved by this, a small association called Andhra Jana Sangham (AJS) was formed. When the membership reached 100 members, an all-member meeting was thereafter, village committees of AJS were formed in villages and towns. Consequently, a central Andhra Jana Sangham was formed.^[5]

Programmes of the AJS revolved around the following:

1)      Establishing Libraries in towns and villages.

2)      Assisting and helping Telugu Students

3)      Respecting Scholars and Archiving important cultural documents.

4)      Educating the masses.

5)      Increasing awareness over physical exercise.

6)      Establishing hostels for Boys and Girls.

The Andhra Jana Sangham was not a progressive mass body. It was a body consisting of elite urban and rural individuals among whom some had some progressive ideals. Even with this moderate stance, the AJS was not able to get permissions for its meetings from the Nizam. The Andhra Jana Sangham had many functions as required by the programmes listed above, and therefore, different sub-branches of AJS came into existence. In 1928, under Madapati Hanumanth Rao’s leadership, all these sub-branches of AJS, Telangana and AJS, Telangana came together to form Andhra Maha Sabha.^[6]

By now, AJS has published different pamphlets against Vetti, and the need for education of people of Hyderabad etc. It did not have an inherently feudal character, but neither did it have an anti-feudal or anti-Nizam stance. In one way, it was equivalent to the Indian National Congress in its formative years as far as its stance on various socio-political issues is concerned. Just like the Congress, even when it acquired a mass character, the organisation did not see a substantial leadership emerge from marginalised castes.

The Andhra Mahasabha conducted its first session in 1930, second session in 1931 and third session in 1934.

Andhra Mahasabha

The formative sessions of Andhra Mahasabha (AMS) saw the participation of a young Raavi Narayan Reddy and other Gandhians as volunteers. These volunteers went on to become communists in the later stages of their lives and led Andhra Mahasabha. For now, Andhra Mahasabha’s sessions gradually saw debates on social issues such as child marriages and widow remarriages. As the youth rung of the AMS saw more participation, the rigour of debate and discussion on social issues also increased. A Resolution on Education for All and education for women were passed in the second session off AMS.^[7] 

By 1934, two important developments took place. Raavi Narayanreddy, the leader of the younger rung of AMS was appointed as the secretary of Harijan Sevak Sangh’s Hyderabad unit. Harijan Sevak Sangh was founded by Mahatma Gandhi after the Poona Pact. The second development is that the younger rung of the AMS had, by now, gained more followers and momentum.^[8]

Back to the 1934 conference. The permission to hold a public conference was given to AMS by the Nizam government after imposing many conditions. These conditions mandated that the speech texts should be first submitted to the government and the undesirable portions be removed. Some conservative sections of the AMS did not want progressive resolutions to be passed in the session and tried to jeopardise the efforts of younger members of the AMS. With AMS’ main session not being a fertile ground for the progressive resolutions, the same resolutions were passed in the Women’s conference of the AMS. 

This tussle between the conservative, feudal section of the AMS and the young progressives continued until 1938. One of the most important developments of the century was about to take place, sending waves through all regions of the world including the state of Hyderabad. In 1939, World War II would begin and provide impetus to the progressives of AMS for a complete takeover. 

In the next part, the journey of Raavi Narayanreddy from an ardent Gandhian to a militant communist, and his role in strengthening the AMS will be discussed along with other developments until 1944.

(The author is a legal researcher with the organisation)

[1] Vaikuntham, Y., 1981, January. GROWTH OF ECONOMIC NATIONALISM IN HYDERABAD STATE (1920-1938):(A Case Study Of Telangana). In Proceedings of the Indian History Congress (Vol. 42, pp. 517-524). Indian History Congress.

[2] Sundarayya, P., 1972. Telangana people’s struggle and its lessons. Foundation Books.

[3] Copland, I., 1988. ‘Communalism’in Princely India: The Case of Hyderabad, 1930–1940. Modern Asian Studies, 22(4), pp.783-814.

[4] Ibid

[5] Jitendra Babu, K. 2007 Nizam Rashtra Maha Sabha, Part I.

[6] Ibid

[7] Narayana Reddy, R. 1972. Veera Telangana- Na Anubhavalu, Na Gnapakalu

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The post Understanding role of progressives in Telangana Peasant Armed Struggle is crucial to combatting Hindu majoritarianism appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A video with disturbing visuals is doing rounds on social media. In the video, a man can be seen having died by suicide while a group of women can be seen and heard crying. As is being alleged, a Dalit sanitation worker died by suicide in gram panchayat office in BibipetMandal, Kamareddy district of Telangana. It is being alleged that the deceased was pushed to this point due to the non-payment of his salary since past after 4 months.

A large group of women can be seen sitting near the spot where the deceased’s body is still hanging. The loud cries of these women are enough to chill the bones.

The video can be viewed here:

Trigger Warning : Disturbing Visuals.

A #Dalit Sanitation worker commits suicide in gram panchayat office in #Bibipet mandal, #Kamareddy, #Telangana, after 4 months of non-payment of salaries…#Dalits #DalitLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/qhfrR5KHBF

— Hate Detector ? (@HateDetectors) March 13, 2023

Sewer and other sanitation workers’ struggles against contractorisation and poor working conditions are strongly intertwined to their struggles against a lack of state oversight for hazardous working conditions. For years now, sanitation workers forced to engage in manual scavenging have demanded an acknowledgement of their rights and proper equipment like sewage cleaning machines to do the work without endangering their lives. And now, they are being pushed to suicides due to non-payment of salaries.

Families of as many as 12 sanitation workers who have died since 2020, did not receive due compensation for their kin, reported the Times of India on March 26, 2022. The prolonged negligence and exploitation of Dalit sanitation workers is suggestive of the dynamics present in our society, in which caste determines occupation and employer-employee relations are individualised, based on patronage and oppression. 

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Varanasi: Sanitation worker dies after being trapped in sewer line for 18 hrs!

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The Human Rights Forum (HRF) has condemned the Telangana government’s decision to declare 16 organisations as unlawful under the Telangana Public Security Act. The Telangana government issued a government order (G.O.)  on March 30 declaring 16 organisations posing as fronts for the Communist Party of India (Maoist) and stating that they are encouraging/aiding persons to commit acts of violence and intimidation.

The G.O. declares Telangana Praja Front, Telangana Asanghatitha Karmika Samkhya (TAKS), Telangana Vidyarthi Vedika, Democratic Students Organization Telangana Vidyarthi Sangham, Adivasi Students union, Committee for Release of Political Prisoners, Telangana Raithanga Samithi, Tudum Debba, Praja Kala Mandali, Telangana Democratic Front, Forum Against Hindu Fascism Offensive, Civil Liberties Committee, Amarula Bandhu Mithrula Sangham, Chaitanya Mahila Sangham and Revolutionary Writers Association as unlawful associations.

It states that the activists of these organisations are adopting urban guerrilla tactics and using different covers as per their strategy and tactics document to wage war against the state. The order states that the members of these organisations meet with maoist leaders in forests of Chhattisgarh and under their aegis organize protests demanding release of Dr Varavara Rao, GN Saibaba, Rona Wilson and others arrested in the Bhima Koregaon case, protests against Citizenship Amendment Act, farm laws and so on. It states that the “objectives” of these organizations are interference with public administration, upsetting law and orders thereby constituting danger to public peace.

The HRF states that declaring these organisations  as unlawful “has the effect of whittling away basic liberties and does enormous damage to the very notion of democracy”.

“What it seeks to make unlawful is not violence – which has been proscribed ever since the birth of the State in history – but politics and social activism that is not palatable to the ruling dispensation. Such an approach impinges upon fundamental freedoms and is unacceptable in a democracy,” HRF has said.

The government order may be read here:

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The post Telangana declares 16 organisations unlawful; HRF calls it throttle of dissent appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On Monday, the Telangana State Assembly passed a resolution opposing the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), National Population Register (NPR) and National Register of Citizens (NRC). The resolution was moved by Chief Minister K Chandrashekhar Rao and was almost adopted unanimously except for BJP’s T Raja Singh protesting against it, reported The Economic Times.

The resolution urged the Centre to “remove all references to any religion or to any foreign country” in the CAA and expressed “concern over the proposed implementation of the National Popuation Register (NPR) and National Register of Citizens (NRC) which may result in the exclusion of a large number of people.” It also said that “there are valid concerns as to the legality and constitutionality of NPR and NRC.”

Objecting to the trend of calling anti-CAA-NPR-NRC protestors ‘Pakistani agents’ or ‘traitors’, he said, “Can you call the Telangana assembly a traitor for passing the resolution?”

Livemint also reported that the CM said the Act and two processes (NPR and NRC) were being used to “tinker with the inclusive and non-religious nature of citizenship.”

While addressing the Assembly as the resolution was being passed, he said that the implementation of the CAA-NPR-NRC will violate the principles of equality, non-discrimination and secularism, further adding that a “concerted attempt would also endanger the lives of vulnerable groups who did not possess documentary proof of citizenship.”

He also said, “Telangana plays an active role in nation building. We contribute a lot in taxes to the Centre. We have a responsibility to the nation as it is a question of our country’s future. We have a very strong reason to oppose the CAA,” The News Minute reported.

Saying that women, marginalized and underprivileged would be the most affected by it, he told, “The unfortunate thing with the CAA is that it is isolating Muslims. Our constitution doesn’t permit that and it is not with its framework. That is why we are opposing. We urge upon the Centre to review the decision. We are ready to support them as far as the nation is concerned.”

Condemning the ‘shoot the traitors’ slogan that was widely used by members of the ruling central government KCR, as he is popularly known, said, “Instead of focusing on farmers issues, unemployment and access to water, if they raise such issues, where will the country go? It is not a Hindu problem or a Muslim problem. It is the country’s problem.”

Telangana has now joined West Bengal, Kerala, Rajasthan, Punjab, Delhi and Bihar which too have passed a resolution against the same.

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