Telangana’s Economic Engine and the New Rules of Work

At the heart of this policy change lies Hyderabad, the engine of Telangana’s economy. The city’s burgeoning Information Technology (IT), IT-enabled Services (ITeS), and broad commercial sectors are the state’s economic powerhouse, contributing over 65% of its Gross State Value Added (GSVA). With an IT workforce exceeding 900,000 professionals and generating exports second only to Bengaluru, Hyderabad is a globally significant economic hub. It is home to the largest international campuses of tech giants like Microsoft, Amazon, and Google, making the state’s regulatory climate a critical factor in their operational calculus.

It is precisely this workforce that is targeted by the new law, G.O. Rt. No. 282. The order exempts “commercial establishments” from the standard 8-hour workday rule for overtime calculation. Previously, any hour worked beyond eight in a day was compensated at twice the normal rate. The new framework eliminates this daily threshold. Now, an employee can be asked to work 10 hours a day for five days a week at their regular wage, as overtime is only calculated after the 48-hour weekly limit is breached. This represents a fundamental reclassification of what was once premium-paid overtime into standard work, constituting a direct and significant transfer of value from employees to employers. The government’s framing of this as “flexibility” is misleading; it is not flexibility for the worker, but for the corporation, which can now schedule longer days at a lower cost, effectively normalizing a 10-hour workday and facilitating a “crunch culture” where long hours can be demanded to meet project deadlines without the financial disincentive of overtime pay.

The following infographic effectively shows what the change in the law does.

The Myth of Deregulation: Deconstructing “Ease of Doing Business” and FDI

The core justification for this policy—improving Ease of Doing Business to attract FDI—is rooted in a development narrative that has been empirically challenged and officially discredited. This narrative was largely shaped by the World Bank’s annual Doing Business report, a tool that for years pressured developing nations to weaken labour laws. However, in September 2021, the World Bank permanently discontinued the report after investigations revealed data irregularities and ethical breaches, fatally undermining its credibility. Any policy based on climbing the rankings of this defunct report is, therefore, built on a phantom metric.

Even before its cancellation, the report’s “Employing Workers” sub-index was heavily criticised for its inherent anti-worker bias. Its methodology explicitly penalized countries for having robust worker protections, such as setting maximum weekly work hours, establishing a meaningful minimum wage, or requiring notice for dismissal. The index failed to distinguish between the absence of regulation and the presence of efficient, well-designed regulations that foster stability and equity. It promoted a simplistic and ultimately harmful view that labour rights are an impediment to economic growth.

The notion that diluting labour laws is a primary lever for attracting FDI is not supported by the balance of economic evidence. A broad consensus in academic and institutional research points to a different set of factors as the true determinants of investment decisions, especially for the high-value, knowledge-based FDI that a city like Hyderabad aims to attract.

Investors are primarily drawn to large and growing consumer markets where they can sell their goods and services. Availability of Credit has been an important factor impacting ease of doing business, according to recent research. Ease of getting permits has been identified as an important factor in enabling ease of doing business. Reliable transport, consistent energy supply, and high-speed digital communications are non-negotiable prerequisites for modern business operations. Investors require a predictable environment with low political risk and stable economic policies to protect their long-term assets. A transparent, efficient, and predictable legal system for enforcing contracts and protecting property rights is paramount for investor confidence.

When viewed against these factors, labour law flexibility is, at best, a secondary and often statistically insignificant consideration. For labour-intensive, low-skill manufacturing, low wages can be a draw. But for the service and technology sectors that define Hyderabad’s economy, competing on the basis of longer work hours is a strategic mismatch. It is a “race to the bottom” that devalues the city’s core competitive advantage: its vast pool of highly skilled human capital. Weakening worker protections risks alienating this talent, fostering a culture of burnout, and paradoxically making the state less attractive to the very high-value companies it wishes to court.

The Productivity Paradox: Why More Hours Mean Less Output

The most fundamental flaw in the logic of extending work hours is the assumption that more time spent at work equates to more output. A vast body of scientific research from economics, public health, and management studies refutes this, revealing a non-linear and often inverse relationship between long hours and productivity.

Foundational research from Stanford University demonstrated that productivity per hour declines sharply after an employee works more than 50 hours a week. Beyond 55 hours, the drop is so precipitous that the additional time yields almost no discernible benefit. This “productivity cliff” means that a 70-hour workweek accomplishes virtually nothing more than a 55-hour one. The International Labour Organization (ILO) corroborates this, noting that while gross output may rise in the short term, output per hour steadily decreases with excessive working time due to fatigue, which leads to a higher rate of errors, poorer quality work, and an increased risk of accidents.

This is not merely a theoretical concept. Real-world experiments have consistently validated it. When Microsoft Japan trialed a four-day workweek, it saw a 40% surge in productivity. An extensive trial in Iceland involving shorter workweeks resulted in improved employee well-being alongside equal or even higher levels of output. Historically, Henry Ford’s pioneering decision to reduce the workday to eight hours famously led to a spike in productivity, as rested, motivated workers proved far more efficient.

Beyond the economic inefficiency, policies that encourage overwork are a significant public health concern. A landmark study by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the ILO established that working 55 or more hours per week is a serious health hazard, leading to a 35% higher risk of stroke and a 17% higher risk of dying from heart disease. The report attributed over 745,000 deaths in a single year to the effects of long working hours, framing it as a major occupational risk factor. The health consequences—including hypertension, diabetes, chronic fatigue, anxiety, and depression—translate directly into tangible business costs through higher rates of absenteeism, employee burnout, and increased turnover of skilled professionals.

A Normative Framework for Progress: Working Smarter, Not Longer

The Telangana government’s decision represents a choice between two competing visions of development. The first, embodied by the new amendment, views labour as a cost to be minimized. The second, grounded in evidence, views human capital as the primary engine of sustainable growth. The latter path is not only more equitable but also more effective for achieving long-term prosperity.

The alternative to a low-road strategy of extending hours is a high-road strategy of enhancing the value and productivity of each hour worked. This “Productivity-Welfare Flywheel” creates a virtuous cycle of growth. It begins with investments in technology, automation, and modern management practices that allow employees to work smarter, not longer. This includes streamlining processes, automating routine tasks, and fostering a results-oriented culture that measures value created, not hours logged.

When productivity per hour increases, it allows for better wages and improved work-life balance. This, in turn, enhances worker well-being. Well-rested, motivated, and healthy employees are more creative, make fewer errors, and are more loyal to their employers. This high-productivity, high-welfare environment becomes a powerful magnet for the highest-value FDI and the most sought-after global talent, spinning the flywheel faster and moving the economy up the value chain.

The role of government in this model is not to engage in a deregulatory race to the bottom but to act as a steward of a high-productivity ecosystem. This means investing in infrastructure, education, and R&D, and maintaining fair and stable regulatory frameworks. Corporate responsibility, in turn, extends beyond mere compliance to actively investing in the tools, training, and culture that enhance both productivity and well-being.

In conclusion, Telangana’s decision to extend working hours is a regressive step based on a flawed and outdated economic ideology. It misinterprets the true drivers of foreign investment, ignores the scientific consensus on productivity, and jeopardizes the health and well-being of its workforce. By treating the 8-hour day not as a fundamental right but as a bureaucratic hurdle, the policy threatens to erode the very human capital that has made Hyderabad a global success story. A truly competitive and prosperous future for states lie not in working longer, but in working smarter. It lies in rejecting the false trade-off between worker rights and economic growth and embracing a synergistic model where investing in people is understood as the surest path to lasting productivity and shared prosperity.

(The author is part of the legal research team of the organisation)

Related:

Beyond the Clock: Deconstructing Telangana’s Labour Law Reform and the Flawed Pursuit of Investment

ILO raises deep concern over recent trend of labour law reforms, asks PM to engage with states

New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI) demands that governments retract changes in labour laws

Battle against dilution of labour laws to culminate in Supreme Court?

The post Beyond the Clock: Deconstructing Telangana’s Labour Law Reform and the Flawed Pursuit of Investment appeared first on SabrangIndia.

To fully understand the significance of September 17, it’s important to look at the historical context. Unlike many other princely states, Hyderabad wasn’t annexed or attacked during the British Raj from the late 18^th century onwards. In fact, it was one of the first princely states to accept the British policy of subsidiary alliance. Under this arrangement, Hyderabad allowed British forces to station in the capital in exchange for protection against external threats. In return, the Nizam was not only required to dissolve its own army but also required to pay the British and, if unable to do so, ceded territory as compensation. It was through this alliance that the districts of Anantapur and Kurnool, among others, were handed over to the British.

This system allowed the Nizam to maintain a degree of autonomy, making Hyderabad a unique case in the larger narrative of British India. However, by 1947, the situation had changed dramatically. As India gained independence, the princely states were faced with a choice: accede to India, join Pakistan, or remain independent. The Nizam chose the latter option, setting the stage for the Indian government’s military action in 1948 termed as ‘Operation Polo’

Operation Polo and the subsequent annexation of Hyderabad state into Indian Union remains a watershed moment in Telangana’s history for two significant reasons.

First, the administrative changes that followed the annexation sowed the seeds for demands for a separate Telangana state. Outsiders were recruited into key positions in the newly annexed administration, which gradually led to resentment among locals. This discontent would later fuel the Telangana statehood agitation, culminating in the formation of Telangana as a separate state in 2014.

Second, the annexation brought to the surface the rebellious, anti-feudal spirit of Telangana’s society. The anti-feudal sentiments that emerged during this period have remained a defining feature of Telangana’s political culture. Many political analysts believe that this very sentiment played a crucial role in shaping the narrative of the 2023 Telangana assembly elections, where the Indian National Congress (INC) positioned itself as the party fighting against feudal tendencies, particularly targeting former Chief Minister K. Chandrashekhar Rao (KCR).

Congress and the “Praja Palana Dinotsavam”

The Indian National Congress, having played a pivotal role in the military action to annex Hyderabad, could have claimed this event as a cornerstone of its legacy. However, the current INC leadership, under A. Revanth Reddy, has chosen to commemorate September 17 as ‘Praja Palana Dinotsavam’—or ‘People’s Governance Day.’ According to the Congress narrative, this day marks the end of the Nizam’s monarchy and the beginning of democracy in Telangana.

However, this interpretation is not without its flaws. Following the annexation, Hyderabad was placed under military rule, led by General J.N. Chaudhary, until 1949. It was only then that a civilian government was installed, with M.K. Vellodi, an ICS officer from outside Telangana, taking charge. Furthermore, the last Nizam, Mir Osman Ali Khan, was appointed as Rajpramukh (Governor) by the Indian government. True democratic governance only began after the 1952 general elections, raising questions about the Congress’s claims that democracy took root immediately after annexation.

Another issue with Congress appropriation of this day was that there was large scale communal violence after the military action in the Hyderabad State. The Sundarlal Committee appointed by the Union to look into the communal violence reported that the districts of Osmanabad, Gulbarga, Bidar and Nander were the most affected by the communal violence. Notably, these were also the districts the Razakars were powerful. For example, the committee noted that in the town on Latur, where there was a population of 10,000 Muslims-only 3 remained; 2-3 thousand people were killed and the rest, fled.  A rather baffling part of the report was the participation of sections of the Army in the violence against Muslims.[1] This shabby handling of the annexation surely takes away the credibility the Congress seeks to have. Although the people of Telangana largely remember Operation Polo to be a Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s initiative, Congress has stopped appropriating any part of it, whatsoever. The word ‘Praja Palana’ was actually an election slogan given by the Congress as a promise during the Assembly Election 2023.

BRS’s ‘National Integration’ Day

On the other side is the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS), which, although was only formed in 2001 as Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS), played a leading role in the Telangana statehood movement. After coming to power in 2014, the BRS adopted a neutral, federalist stance, celebrating September 17 as ‘National Integration Day.’ This approach allowed the party to acknowledge the importance of the day without getting mired in the political or historical controversies surrounding the annexation. In 2016, BRS MLC and then Member of Parliament K. Kavitha reportedly stated that Moderate Telangana people do not believe in the Liberation Day and that the party believes in a day where Telangana state was merged into the Indian union. In 2023 the All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeeen also conducted a Tiranga Rally on September 17^th, last year and celebrated the day as National Integration Day like their tacit ally-the BRS-did.

Even in 2024, after the BRS found itself in opposition for the first time since 2014, the party continued to celebrate National Integration Day. On September 17, K.T. Rama Rao (KTR), BRS’s working president, unfurled the national flag at the party headquarters, reinforcing the party’s message of unity and integration.

BJP’s Hyderabad Liberation Day

Meanwhile, in contrast, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has chosen to frame the event differently. Rather than focusing on the broader integration narrative, the BJP has appropriated the legacy of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, who oversaw the military action that led to Hyderabad’s annexation. For years, the BJP has advocated celebrating September 17 as ‘Hyderabad Liberation Day,’ a term that reflects their view of the event as a victory over the Nizam’s autocratic rule.

In 2022, the Ministry of Home Affairs officially declared September 17 as Hyderabad Liberation Day, stating that the Prime Minister Narendra Modi has decided to celebrate the day under a government order. A press release from the ministry emphasized the BJP’s recognition of the Hyderabad Liberation Movement—a term notably absent from much of the historical literature on the Telangana armed struggle. In 2022, Home Minister Amit Shah attended the 75th anniversary celebrations, and the BJP launched a series of public outreach initiatives, including bike rallies and public meetings, to further solidify its claim to the day. In March 2024, the Ministry of Home Affairs published a Gazette Notification saying that the government has decided to commemorate September 17 as Telangana Liberation Day.

While the BJP had been using the term ‘Hyderabad Liberation Day’ well before 2009, it was only after 2022 that the central government officially recognized the term, signalling a broader political effort to claim this moment in history for itself. Ideally, this should have worked-for the larger population in somehow associating BJP’s commemorative events and the Telangana Armed Struggle, but it has not.

For example, Telangana BJP leader Guduru Narayana Reddy producer a film called Razakaar and released it just before the 2024 Parliament Elections. The pre-release function for the movie was attended by the who’s who of the State BJP unit. However, a surprising presence among the attendees was the famed Telugu leftist film maker R.Narayana Murthy who took the opportunity to school the fundamentalist leaders on the event’s stage itself while everyone watched. This was possible because of a strong commune memory about a struggle between people of Telangana and the Nizam. The fact that the recent Telangana Agitation for separate statehood borrowed tactics, art, and inspiration from the earlier struggles of Telangana has imprinted a fresh recall of the Telangana Armed Struggle. This has made the task to claim and appropriate September 17 more difficult for the BJP.  On top of this, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh-BJP’s predecessor- took a good 3 elections to achieve a meagre 2% vote share in combined Telangana and Andhra Pradesh after independence. Therefore, the problem for BJP in its mission to appropriate September 17^th is that it simply has no history fighting for the state, and those who are intrinsically linked to the rebellion and have spearheaded it are its political enemies.

Communists and September 17 (1948)

The Telangana Peasant Struggle was significantly shaped by the Communists, who mobilised local populations against the Nizam and his feudal agents across various districts. While contemporary fundamentalist forces often depict the Hyderabad state’s exploitative dynamics in a communal context, they tend to ignore that many local feudal lords under the Nizam were predominantly Hindu. Recognising the class nature of the struggle, the Communists took decisive action.

During this time, Qasim Rizvi led the Razakars, a private militia aimed at establishing Hyderabad as a Muslim-only state. Although separate from the police, the Razakars collaborated with them to suppress Communist peasants and proponents of Indian integration. In response, the Communist Party organized guerrilla squads, redistributed grain, and secured explosives from coal miners to disrupt Razakars operations. They also fought for land redistribution, tenant rights, and the cancellation of unjust loan deeds, promoting social justice amid conflict.

Despite being banned, the Communists participated in Hyderabad State elections through the ‘People’s Democratic Front,’ winning five out of 11 parliamentary seats in the Telangana region, equal to the Indian National Congress (INC). In the legislative assembly, the Communists became the principal opposition with 42 seats with 36 of them coming from Telangana region, showcasing significant local support that rivalled that for Congress- which got 38 seats from the Telangana region-and underscoring their influential role during this transformative period.

The two main Communist Parties in the State- the CPI and the Communist Party of India (Marxist)[CPI(M)] commemorate September 17 but barely attract any media to cover their stories except their own party-run newspapers. The CPI has been conducting a Commemoration Week since 2017 and the CPI(M) too has been holding various activities on the day, every year. However, their parties’ participation in the Telangana Armed Struggle remains relatively unknown to younger generation.

What does this mean for Telangana and its people?

The attempts by fundamentalist forces to distort the significance of September 17 reflect a broader agenda to stoke division. However, the people of Telangana have largely resisted these efforts. Instead of focusing on one day, many recognise the complexities of the entire 1946-1952 period, viewing it as a prolonged struggle rather than a single transformative event. This understanding shows a maturity that political parties have struggled to emulate. Although Operation Polo may have been the single biggest event, the population remembers the stories of their villages being raided by the local feudal lords, and their goons-thus decimating the fundamentalist narrative of Hindu Population versus Muslim King.

Now, it surely is the responsibility of the current Congress-led government to take a clear stance on this historical narrative. In a state where the principal opposition is a non-BJP party, the Congress has a unique need to reinforce its secular identity. By presenting a more complete picture of the Telangana struggle, rather than allowing fundamentalist views to take root, the government can ensure that the nuances of history are not lost. How the ruling party addresses this will influence the state’s political landscape in future. The choice is between engaging meaningfully with Telangana’s past or allowing divisive forces to shape the conversation moving forward.

(The author is a legal researcher with the organisation)

[1] Pandit Sundarlal Comiittee Report on massacres in Hyderabad, 1948, Available at: https://archive.org/details/pandit-sundarlal-committee-report-on-the-massacres-in-hyderabad-1948/page/n12/mode/1up

Related:

Role of progressives in Telangana land struggle – Part III

Understanding role of progressives in Telangana Peasant Armed Struggle is crucial to combatting Hindu majoritarianism

Role of Progressives in Telangana Peasant Armed Struggle

The post The real significance of September 17 & the continuing struggle for Telangana’s Legacy appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In their protest the students raised several demands including the identification of the perpetrators and action to be taken against them, as well as systemic changes such as the constitution and implementation of a transgender policy in the university.

Sabrang India spoke to Hritik, who stated that they have filed a complaint mentioning all the past attacks they faced by right-wing forces, and that the administration has accepted most of their demands. Hritik said, “Finally the Vice-Chancellor came down to meet us students. We asked why has the administration been sitting on the various complaints by Dalit and Trans people? They have agreed to our demands and released a circular that they will authorise a committee to draft a transgender policy for the upcoming prospectus for the admission cycle. They have also initiated an inquiry in the incident.”

Describing the current situation within HCU and other universities, Hritik explained, “They are not taking into account the transphobia that comes from students that are not even transgender, where Dalit men are harassed and called slurs. We need some measures, not only regulations and guidelines. These mechanisms should address all kinds of harassment and violence that students go through. Of course, infrastructural issues should be taken up. There are a lot of places and universities that are providing gender neutral hostels. But they also have to take into account that transgender students are not isolated from other students.”

In 2022, the UGC issued regulations regarding the university’s responsibility towards its transgender students in a manual titled Accessibility Guidelines and Standards for Higher Education Institutions and Universities. It highlights that university are mandated by law to have independent toilet units for ‘transgender persons,’ and also cites the  Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019  which mentions that education institutes that are “funded or recognized by the relevant governments” should have inclusive education, sports and recreational facilities for transgender persons without discrimination. However the UGC guidelines fail to recognise the need for safe spaces and built infrastructure such as hostels for transgender students.

Due to the lack of clear legislative provisions or directives, universities continue to neglect the concerns of transgender students, as evidenced in the recent case of arson from Hyderabad. This continues to be an issue that is not isolated but rather endemic to the university establishments in the country. In 2021, University of Hyderabad had similarly seen another incident where a transgender student was humiliated and harassed by a security guard.

Across India, transgender students have to struggle for finding something as simple as hostels while trying to continue their education. In 2022, it took Yashika, a dalit-trans woman from Delhi and student at Punjab University’s Centre for Human Rights and Duties, six months, nine letters, several meetings and two sit-in protests to finally receive accommodation. She went on to file a petition in the Punjab and Haryana High Court seeking directions for a gender-neutral hostel on campus.

In the same year, a petition was also filed in the Karnataka High Court by Dr. Trinetra Haldar Gummaraju for gender neutral hostel facilities across all universities in the state, as she herself had been denied room in the women’s hostel of Kasturba Medical College, Manipal when she studied there for four years. The petitioner noted that transgender students are often forced out of hostels due to incidents of harassment and many students drop out and leave education due to the discrimination they face.

In Tata Institute of Social Sciences, (TISS) Mumbai, student demands and advocacy led to the creation of a separate gender neutral hostel by the administration for students which is frequently dubbed as ‘India’s first gender neutral hostel’. The hostel does not compel students to provide administrative proof or certificate for their gender identity to gain residence at the hostel because for transgender students, particularly those who come out during their academic years, there is a need to recognize the right to self-determine one’s gender identity.

Students and queer collectives across many university campuses have been consistently demanding gender neutral hostels and washrooms, as well as policies that encourage the creation of safe spaces for transgender students.

Related 

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No proposal for affirmative action in education or employment for transgenders: Govt

The post Hyderabad: University students’ belongings attacked in transphobic hate crime appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Between 2018-2023, that is the term of the incumbent governments facing elections, journalists and RTI activists in these states have been killed, arrested and attacked for their work. Censorship was an abiding feature, either due to government policy or through the weapon of ‘lawfare’, as journalists were slapped with cases ranging from sedition to defamation, causing disharmony and enmity, often struggling with multiple FIRs registered in different police stations.

Of the five state assemblies go to the polls – Chhattisgarh, in two phases, on November 7 and 17; Mizoram on November 7; Madhya Pradesh on November 17; Rajasthan on  November 23 and Telangana on November 30. Among the issues being raised before the electorate – social security schemes, health insurance, protection for gig workers, unemployment, corruption, health care, safety of women, displacement due to infrastructure projects, farm loans and pensions, there is a studied silence over the state of free speech and safety of media persons in these states.

The categories recorded by Free Speech Collective were: Killings of journalists; arrests; detentions; deportation; arrest of other citizens; attacks on journalists; threats; censorship, Internet shutdowns, cases of defamation, sedition and contempt of court, clubbed uner the term ‘lawfare’ to indicate overuse and misuse of laws to silence dissent). The report records cases, police investigations and action and court cases and judgements in this period. It includes news reports, monitoring of existing cases, interviews with key stakeholders along with a brief contextual background into each state and a brief summary of laws affecting freedom of expression.

Mizoram (goes to the polls on November 7):

 Over the last five years, one journalist was attacked, another was threatened and two faced censorship. According to local journalists who sought anonymity, self-censorship had become a norm and divisions on political lines within the media has also not helped the cause of press freedom.

In Mizoram, access to information has been the biggest challenge and journalists’ bodies have been hampered by attempts by the government and border security forces to restrict their movements and regulate permission for news coverage in border areas. Mizoram, which goes to the polls on November 7, shares a border with Manipur and its government has come out in support of the Kuki-Zo community in the wake of the ongoing conflict in Manipur. Its government has stated that it will ignore the Union home ministry’s order to collect biometric data of refugees from bordering Myanmar who have crossed the international border to flee from the junta.Chhattisgarh (goes to the polls in two phases on November 7 and 17):

The Free Speech report observes that while Chhattisgarh was one of the few states which offered financial assistance of Rs 500,000 to dependents of media persons who died due to Covid-19 under the Media Representative Welfare Assistance Rules, journalists in this state faced the brunt of ‘lawfare’, being charged under multiple sections of the law for reporting on sand mining and other corruption at local levels.

Despite government assurances and the passage of a media protection law, journalists on the ground were vulnerable to false cases. In Surguja division alone, which comprises six districts, 22 journalists have faced the brunt for their reporting, most of whom have been arrested or have had cases slapped against them. arrested. Take the case of Sunil Namdev, who runs a YouTube channel News Today. Reporting on Covid violations by the ruling party members; corruption in construction; the arrest of senior IAS officers who colluded with the Congress government in the coal mafia scam, promptly landed him in jail, where he still is lodged since May 2023. Jitendra Jaiswal, a journalist from Ambikapur who runs a digital news platform, Bharat Samman has 12 cases against him – one during the 15-year- old BJP rule and the rest in the last five years of Congress rule. Jaiswal has recently been given a notice of ‘jilla badal’ (externment) placing him under the list of ‘gunda-badmash’ (gangster).Madhya Pradesh (goes to the polls of November 17):

Over the last five years, there were 24 incidents of free speech violations recorded in Madhya Pradesh. Apart from the killing of two journalists (Chakresh Jain and Sunil Tiwari), the arrests of journalists, stand-up comedian Munawar Faruqui and five members of his team, there were 12 instances of “lawfare” against the media. Madhya Pradesh also became a laboratory of sorts for academic censorship with the monitoring of prescribed books, classroom teaching and the targeting of teachers of a minority community, as exemplified but the case against Dr Farhat Khan in Indore.

As the recent arrest and over two-month long incarceration of reporter Jaalam Singh, charged with seven FIRs in Guna and Shivpuri districts in Madhya Pradesh indicates, such repressive action has had a chilling effect on journalism. If on the one hand, there is acute self-censorship, on the other, there is a woeful absence of the critical questioning that would otherwise be the hallmark of investigative journalism. In both scenarios, the net result is deliberate silencing. As Suman Kirar, Jaalam Singh’s wife said bitterly, “Instead of questioning and protesting the arrest of a colleague, all these ‘positive’ stories are being published. A journalist who refused to take money or remain silent is still in jail.”Rajasthan (goes to the polls on November 23):

Over the last five years, as per data available with Free Speech Collective, there were two killings of   RTI activists (Jagdish Goliya and Rai Singh Gurjar) while six others were attacked. Of the total of 72  incidents of free speech violations, sixty were of internet shutdowns – amongst the largest in the country.

Rajasthan has also unfortunately used the undemocratic internet shutdown at times of law and order crises. Shutdowns were implemented ignoring the guidelines laid down by the Supreme Court of India in the Anuradha Bhasin case. In this western Indian state alone, Rajasthan, of the five states under review, the Internet was shut down on a whopping 72 occasions recorded by the FSC State Index, a majority of which were to clamp down on protests.Telangana (goes to polls on November 30):

There were two killings of journalists and RTI activists, while at least four journalists were arrested and three were attacked. In January 2022, in a shocking incident that amounts to mass intimidation of the media, around 40 journalists were detained for 12 hours for their allegedly unfavourable coverage of the Telangana Rashtra Samithi government and chief minister K. Chandrashekar Rao. In Telangana, bulldozer policing was used to devastating effect on May 22, 2020 to raze to the ground the residence of V6 News Channel journalist Shanigarapu Parameshwar, who reported on the birthday party of MLA Mahareddy Bhupal Reddy with 500 supporters in violation of the lockdown in Narayankhed, Telangana, observes the report.

Right to Information (RTI) activists also faced curbs on the right to free speech, and were vulnerable to murderous attacks. In a chilling case against an RTI activist and retired Mandal Parishad Development Officer (MPDO) in Telangana, 70-year-old RTI activist Nalla Ramakrishnaiah was killed in Jangaon district and his body dumped in a water-filled quarry after he complained about irregularities by the accused, G Anjaiah, in a land issue.

This report has been prepared by Geeta Seshu, Laxmi Murthy, Malini Subramaniam and Sarita Ramamoorthy. The report has also observed that the term of the outgoing state assemblies was also marked by the Covid-19 pandemic and shutdown from March 24, 2020. There is already extensive documentation on the restrictions on the media during the unprecedented nation-wide lockdown. In Madhya Pradesh, the scare over the virus resulted in suspension of print media publications in 95 per cent of the state’s districts.

Overall, observes the analysis, there has been a steady deterioration of freedom of expression in India and there is overwhelming evidence of journalists killed, attacked, arrested, charged for their investigative work, intimidated or denied access to the gathering of news and information in the public interest or bluntly censored and silenced. India fares badly in global indices of press freedom organisations. India has slipped to 161 in rankings of the World Press Freedom Index maintained by Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and ranks 11th on Global Impunity Index 2022 of the Committee to Protect Journalists.

As the five states go to the polls, it is worth noting that the Indian National Congress in its 2019 manifesto on “Media and Press Freedom” promises reform in regulatory bodies to tackle paid news, disinformation and media monopolies, and promises to work with state governments to protect journalists working in conflict areas or those investigating matters of public interest. Free speech is not a specific poll issue in the manifesto of any of the other political parties.

The entire report of Free Speech Collective may be read here:

The post Two journalists each killed in MP & Telangana, a free press under threat: Report appeared first on SabrangIndia.

‘Save Telangana from Modern-Day Razakar’s,’ proclaimed Home Minister for the Union Government, Amit Shah in his speech at Adilabad on October 10, 2023, reported the Deccan Herald. Shah sounded the hate bugle so to say for the Telangana state assembly campaign. He then brought up the Ram Temple at Ayodhya, “The Congress government had earlier dragged the construction of Ram temple in Ayodhya. However, PM Modi took the initiative to construct the shrine and the grand temple will be ready by January, 2024.”

While it comes as no surprise that the BJP has spearheaded this communal campaign, like most of their other campaigns other electoral forays, in Telangana. Statements drawing analogies with the Razakars, Nizam etc., have peppered the speeches of leaders big and small, from office-bearers of the party who hold ministerial positions, to the union home minister himself, to the member’s one of their student wing, BJYM.

#WATCH | Union Home Minister Amit Shah in Telangana’s Adilabad to take part in ‘Jana Garjana Sabha’ public event pic.twitter.com/uHfwR3zgjE

— ANI (@ANI) October 10, 2023

As the Telangana elections draw close, with polling day on November 30, and Bharat Rashtra Samithi’s (BRS) K Chandrasekhar Rao’s, often referred to as KCR, current term ends, how has the state fared on the harmony quotient this year?

Only days before, news surfaced of the alleged use of paper containing “Quranic verses” in firecrackers after some people discovered it. Following this, on October 23, the Musheerabad police lodged a complaint against a fireworks manufacturer for causing offense to religious sentiments. The firecrackers were from a local vendor who was operating a stall in front of Musheerabad’s Ek Minar Masjid whereas the cracker producer is reportedly based in Sivakasi, Tamil Nadu. The complainant has demanded strict action against the two.

The upcoming elections appears to be a tripartite fight between the BRS, Indian National Congress with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) only a distant third. KCR has held the post since 2014 and carries the legacy of having led the Telangana movement over the years.

According to the Frontline Magazine, different motives drive the three main players in the state. The INC fights for survival or revival (in undivided Andhra Pradesh it has held power for significant numbers of years) and retain the seats it had garnered in earlier polls; for the BJP has which previously had only 3 seats, the party wishes to make a broader entry in the state in the assembly that currently holds 119 members. The party’s strategy in revoking the suspension of venom spitting MLA T Raja Singh last Sunday, just before he was re-nominated to fight the election from Ghoshamahal, Hyderabad, makes its unprincipled stand on communal harmony starkly clear; Singh with a poor track record on hate speech –being jailed for it too—now also faces a complaint lodged against him with the Election Commission (ECI).

Has the ongoing campaign been devoid of hate?

While the ruling party KCR has been accused by opposition leaders to be practising ‘soft-Hindutva’, KCR, the chief minister of Telangana, has been a strident critic of both the INC and the BJP over the years. While the BRS supremo has criticised the BJP for being communal and has even spoke out against the ‘cancer of communalism’ in  2022 yet, at the same time, his critics assert that the leader has not done enough for instance in the case of sanctioning notorious BJP MLA T Raja Singh.

Apart from the ‘modern-Razakars’, comment by India’s home minister made in October 2023[1], the start of 2023 itself records the Home Minister to have made another seemingly polarising speech. As early as April 2023, Shah spoke of removing reservations from Muslims if BJP were to be elected, saying, “In the two-bedroom kitchen hall scheme too, they (KCR’s Bharat Rashtra Samithi) brought in reservation for minorities, this is anti-constitutional. Muslim reservation was brought in (the field of) education. They also said many other things. I am saying this here, when there is a BJP government here, we will end this anti-constitutional Muslim reservation. This right is of Telangana’s SC, ST and OBC. They will get this right and Muslim reservation, we will end. We will put an end to Muslim reservations in educational institutions. Quotas are the constitutional right of Dalits, tribals and backward castes and we will ensure they benefit.” “His speech followed close on the steps taken by Basavaraj Bommai led BJP government in Karnataka in April. Karnataka went to the polls in May 2023 and it was on the eve of elections that this announcement had been made there. Shah followed this decision by referring to the issue in neighbouring Telangana.

On May 14, the ‘Hindu Ekta Yatra’ took place in Karimnagar, where it was spearheaded by Telangana BJP chief Bandi Sanjay Kumar. Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma was a notable guest at the event and flew in to attend the rally.

The Assam Chief Minister, who currently has a case of Hate Speech pending against him, also made the following statements in Karimnagar, Telangana, “We’re working to stop love jihad in Assam, and we’re also working towards closing down Madrasas in Assam. After I became CM, I closed 600 Madrassas in Assam, and I want to tell Owaisi that I will close 300 more Madrassas this year.” According to Siasat.com, speeches delivered by both Himanta Sarma and Bandi Sanjay Kumar Bandi revolved predominantly around topics such as ‘love jihad’, Owaisi, and Razakar makes it seem that that the BJP leaders are intent on using certain incendiary arguments and conspiracy stories to ignite communal sentiment. Like Raja Singh, BJP has fielded Bandi from the constituency of Karimnagar. Bandi is said to be a main player in the party’s elections. In August 2023 too he made targeted speech, in the presence of the Home Minister, where he asserted that “Ram Rajyam and Modi Rajyam were inevitable.”

#WATCH | Telangana: “We’re working to stop love jihad in Assam, and we’re also working towards closing down Madrassas in Assam. After I became CM, I closed 600 Madrassas in Assam…I want to tell Owaisi that I will close 300 more Madrassas this year…”:Assam CM Himanta Biswa… pic.twitter.com/mPm8c4BKpc

— ANI (@ANI) May 14, 2023

According to The News Minute, Sanjay is renowned for a hard-line Hindutva approach, and he rose to the fore in 2020 when he said that the old city of Hyderabad should be struck with ‘surgical strikes,’ to remove Rohingya. A complaint against Sanjay Bandi, for violating the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) has also been filed by Citizens for Justice and Peace. (CJP).

Similarly, BJP’s Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) President Nitin Nandkar too gave a hate speech which was seemed to be targeted against Muslims in April, 2023, saying, “Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, RSS and other organisations are active when it comes to protecting cows. We did it yesterday, we will do it today and certainly do it tomorrow. Nobody can stop us and no one can prevent us.”

Location: Hyderabad, Telangana

Last week, the Hyderabad Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) President Nitin Nandkar delivered hate speech against Muslims and threatened violence against people who sell, transport, or consume beef. pic.twitter.com/M7cqzENiXh

— HindutvaWatch (@HindutvaWatchIn) April 8, 2023

T Raja Singh: BJP’s notorious player

The BJP on October 23, reinstated MLA of Ghoshamahal constituency in Hyderabad T Raja Singh after his suspension from the party last year. His suspension came instantly after he made controversial remarks about Prophet Mohammed during the time the former BJP spokesperson made derogatory statements. Singh was recently in the news this month for sending letters to Garba event organisers with a warning to Hindutva groups to remain vigilant against individuals who were not Hindu. He has advocated for Hindu-only garba events, citing the supposed bogey of ‘Love Jihad’ being a threat to the safety of Hindu girls.

In the letter, Singh also stated that all event staff, including DJs, caterers, bouncers, musicians, and lighting personnel, must belong to the Hindu community and should not be allowed near the Garba pandals. Shortly after this on Monday, October 18, a commotion reportedly erupted at a Garba event in Hyderabad where reports suggest that the Bajrang Dal raised an issue when allegedly a Muslim man attended the annual Navkar Navratri Utsav at the Begumpet Hockey Stadium in Hyderabad. They argued that he was trying to do ‘love-jihad.’’ In a post on that incident, BJP’s legal cell member, Advocate Neelam Bhargava Ram, even referenced T Raja Singh in a statement regarding the incident.

However, the veracity of the events as claimed by these organisations are also put in question as, according to reports, the man confronted by the mob was allegedly handed over to the police. However, the Begumpet police station had said that no such individual had been handed over to them.

Singh and Kumar held to account 

On October 17, Citizens for Justice and Peace filed complaints with both the Election Commission of India and the Telangana State Election Commission concerning a controversial election speech delivered by BJP’s national general secretary, Bandi Sanjay Kumar. This speech, delivered on October 10 in the Adilabad district of Hyderabad, contained remarks that were deemed inflammatory and promoting violence along communal lines. He made these statements during his address at the Jana Garjana Sabha, where he declared, “Modi’s rule must come to Telangana so that those responsible for attacking Hindu society and causing havoc in Bhainsa, along with individuals associated with AIMIM who committed crimes against minors, are exposed and pursued through the streets.” In a disturbing turn, he also invoked memories of past riots, suggesting actions against those in Pakistan who don’t chant ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai,’ saying, “Those who raise Pakistan flags instead of uttering ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’ should face encounters and be buried in Pakistan.”

Furthermore, CJP had approached the Election Commission of India and the Telangana State Election Commission on October 25 regarding BJP MLA Tiger Raja Singh’s conduct. CJP has highlighted his hate-filled speeches delivered by Singh during the Garba festivities in Gujarat which were explicitly aimed at inciting discord, spreading false information, propagating conspiracy theories, and promoting violence against religious minorities. CJP has urged the authorities to initiate the actions against T Raja Singh arguing that such actions that involve sowing discord among different communities, endorsing violence, and disseminating false information, clearly violate election laws and the Model Code of Conduct.

Hate crimes in 2023 in Telangana

Numerous reports of instances of targeted violence against Muslims have arisen from Telangana. What is to be of note is that most of these instances are from Hyderabad, which leaves the question what about other regions of the state? There is little data available.

According to The Quint, in May 2023, a mob assaulted, as they chanted ‘Jai Sri Ram’, Muslim man named Imran Ahmed after reportedly an altercation took place between Imran and a gas cylinder delivery boy in Narsapur, which is located in Telangana’s Medak district. Videos of the horrifying incident had gone viral on social media where Imran’s mother and his pregnant sister can also be seen desperately trying to shield him, but were not spared from the violence.

Valdas Mallesh, a BJP leader in the area, spoke to the media at the police station after the incident and asserted that the incident took place because Ahmed had insulted religious sentiment. Following this, the police took action by registering a case against Imran himself under Section 295 (insult to religion) as well as against 10-15 members of the mob under Sections 341 (wrongful restraint), 323 (voluntarily causing hurt), 506 (threat to cause grievous hurt), and 504 (intentional insult). Imran was let go after two days of his arrest. Imran remained the only one, according to reports, who was taken into custody. According to reports, a BJP councillor was also amongst the people who were booked for the violence.

Similarly, in April 2023, a disturbing instance was reported where three fruit vendors were forced to drink alcohol and beaten up, reportedly, with the involvement of right-wing organisations in Telangana’s Sangareddy district. The vendors were all Muslim.

[1] See Citizens for Justice and Peace’s Nafrat ka Naqsha at https://cjp.org.in/hate-hatao#hate-map CJP’s Nafrat ka Naqsha tracks hate speech across the country. It receives submissions from users, volunteers, monitors social media, submits all these for a rigorous fact-checking process, and then locates these on the map.

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The post Telangana Hate Crimes: a closer look as Election Day approaches  appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Telangana elections for 119 assembly constituencies will be held in four phases from November 3-15, 2023 and the Model Code of Conduct therefore came into effect on October 9. The letter drafted by Singh to Garba organisers has been reported on October 14.

Singh is known for being a frequent hate offender. According to news reports, he has around 100 and counting cases against him. However, the BJP has once again given him a party ticket to defend his Ghoshamahal constituency in Hyderabad.

The model code of conduct in anticipation of the Telangana assembly elections came into effect on October 9. Amongst other things, the MCC emphasises on the need to maintain communal harmony and refrain from making caste and communal comments. However, despite the MCC being set up in force in the state, the MLA was witnessed on camera allegedly making hate speeches. Though the erstwhile MLA’s defence on the issue (last year) when he was suspended was that “he only criticises Owaisi” but this is seen as criticising all Muslims, this is not borne out by a slew of hate speeches consistently and regularly made by him where it is Islam, Prophet Muhammed and Muslims who are a target.

This month, as people lay in anticipation for celebration of the festival of Garba, several videos of him have been circulating on social media in which he is seen urging Garba event organisers in Hyderabad to remain vigilant about the alleged entry of non-Hindus during the upcoming Navaratri celebrations.

According to one report, he has sent a letter to ten garba organisers in Hyderabad. The Goshamahal constituency MLA who was “suspended by the BJP” over his comments on the Prophet, had called for the restriction of entry to these Garba events exclusively to Hindus, citing concerns about the so-called ‘Love Jihad’ bogey and has expressed his concern for the ‘safety of Hindu girls’. Singh also has reportedly written that even the staff, including DJ’s caterers, bouncers, musicians, and lighting personnel etc., should not be from a non-Hindu community and thus, they should not be permitted near the Garba pandals.

Along with this letter to groups in Hyderbad, Singh visited Surat, Gujarat and gave the following speech at an event reportedly organised by Sanatani Sena on October 16, 2023, Singh made the following speech, “But, our garba and dandiya are being eyed by some people, some anti-Dharma people, which we should be vigilant about. Whose programme or temple is this? All are Hindu here right?’ The crowd replies yes. ‘Then what are ‘ghair-Hindus’ doing here? Do we ever go to their programmes? But these people run a conspiracy by donning the tilak, wearing the Kalawa, and come and make our sisters and daughters victims of ‘Love Jihad.”

Location: Surat, Gujarat

Organizer: Sanatani Sena

Telangana legislator T Raja Singh advocates violence against Muslims participating in Dandiya/Garba events. pic.twitter.com/ehBUWyEcYI

— HindutvaWatch (@HindutvaWatchIn) October 18, 2023

These two of his recent speeches were published on social media on October 18, 2023.

In another similar event in Surat Gujarat from October 17, 2023, talking about the ‘aashirwaad given by his Gujarati brothers’, he reportedly made once more communally charged speech.

In another event in Surat, he repeated similar calls for violence while peddling anti-Muslim conspiracy theories. pic.twitter.com/RLpJIwtr7d

— HindutvaWatch (@HindutvaWatchIn) October 18, 2023

Furthermore, in his written appeal to event organisers, Raja Singh has also spoken about the alleged rise in ‘Love Jihad’ cases that have exclusively, according to him, occurred at these Garba events. In this vein, he has in his letter urged event organisers to take stringent measures, including requiring attendees to apply a tilak at the entrance and verifying their identity with Aadhaar cards before granting access.

The charged letter also stipulates that people other than Hindus should be denied entry to the Garba pandals. Additionally, Singh warned that a group of 100 ‘karyakartas’ will be present at the event with valid tickets, warning that people should take necessary preventive ‘steps’, “A team of 100 Hindu karyakartas will be present in your event with valid tickets and if any such entry (of Love Jihadis) is noticed, they will take necessary steps to prevent it (which in turn may spoil your event). So, please ensure that only Hindus are permitted to attend your event so that it is a success for you as well.”

This image with Singh’s directions on celebration of the Hindu festival Garba was shared by a seemingly right-wing, pro-BJP account called Kreatively. The caption for the photo was ‘Are you being vigilant, Telangana?’ These guidelines in the letter by Singh is similar to the speeches he had given in Surat earlier this month.

Do Singh’s statements affect peace and harmony?

What is further worrying that on Monday, October 18, an alleged ‘ruckus’ arose in Hyderabad at a garba event. Reports allege that the Bajrang Dal created an issue that a Muslim man had entered the celebrations to engage in ‘love jihad’ at the annual Navkar Navratri Utsav at the Begumpet Hockey Stadium in Hyderabad. According to Siasat.com, a video was circulated of the mob at the event by BJP’s legal cell member, Advocate Neelam Bhargava Ram, who even referenced T Raja Singh in his statement on X. The man accosted by the mob was allegedly handed to the police. However, when Siasat.com reached out to the Begumpet police station, they said no such man has been handed over to them. The organisers of the event have stated that there is strong possibility a business rivalry against them which is why their event was targeted.

What of his suspension from the party?

New reports arrived late Saturday evening that the suspension of Singh by the BJP might be revoked soon. Singh had been suspended from the party after he had made remarks against the Prophet, which had led to protests. Many social media users uploaded videos celebrating his reinstatement.

Suspension of T Raja Singh revoked by BJP!pic.twitter.com/meMfFeeM80

— Kreately.in (@KreatelyMedia) October 21, 2023

And on Sunday, the BJP released a statement attesting to the same. The party released a statement which stated that Singh’s reply and explanation was ‘considered by the committee’, on the basis of which they have revoked his suspension. According to Deccan Chronicle, The party’s state president G. Kishan Reddy said, “The decision was taken after the committee considered his explanation to the show cause notice served on him.” According to ANI, Singh had earlier expressed confidence that he would contest and win from the Ghoshamahal constituency again on a BJP ticket.

The party also released its final list for the upcoming Telangana elections which will be held on November 30th 2023, which featured Singh contesting from the Ghoshamahal constituency once again.

BJP releases the first list of candidates for the upcoming Assembly Elections in Telangana.

Party MPs Soyam Bapu Rao fielded from Boath, Arvind Dharmapuri from Koratla and Bandi Sanjay Kumar from Karimnagar.

T Raja Singh to contest from Goshamahal. pic.twitter.com/IkghIilEpM

— ANI (@ANI) October 22, 2023

Singh, seen with garlands and a resounding smile, spoke to ANI stating the following, “MLA T Raja Singh says, “Goshamahal Assembly constituency comes under Hyderabad Parliamentary constituency. The MP is Asaduddin Owaisi who is anti-national. I am the MLA from here and I defeated one of his men to become one. Asaduddin Owaisi used to sell Muslim votes to Congress. He now sells votes to BRS. He is a businessman. In the time to come, I will keep winning from here and give a reply to the anti-nationals.”

Meanwhile, Hyderabad MLA Asaduddin Owaisi took to X to make his observation on the matter.

.@narendramodi has rewarded his dear “fringe element.” Quite sure that Nupur Sharma will also get her blessings from the PM. Hate speech is the fastest way to a promotion in Modi’s BJP https://t.co/Qky6RlObH8

— Asaduddin Owaisi (@asadowaisi) October 22, 2023

Observers have stated that Singh being reinstated to the party comes in light as the list for the candidates for the upcoming Telangana assembly polls is likely to be announced soon. According to a report by The News Minute, several party leaders had stated way before the list released that they were expecting to see his name in the list once again; his followers too have been demanding that he be reinstated to the party. Singh was suspended from the party on the day when Hyderabad witnessed widespread protests after he repeated the offensive comments which were made by former BJP spokesperson, Nupur Sharma, regarding the Prophet. Sharma’s derogatory statements had ignited a fierce controversy across the Middle East as well as India.

According to the suspension letter issued by the part last August, 2022, the reason for his suspension was cited as ‘Rule XXV’ of the party’s constitution, which says that the ‘parliamentary board’ … ‘has the authority to take note of any breach of discipline by members.’ However, it did specify the event or statement which was breached. Following this, writing a response from jail, last August 2022, to the show cause notice issued to him in this regard, Singh had written to secretary of the BJP disciplinary committee Om Pathak that he had ‘never criticised Muslims’, and he was only imitating comedian Munawar Farooqui, according to Scroll.in.

While Singh had made comments on Farooqui’s show on August 20th 2022 he made derogatory comments on the Prophet on August 22, 2022. Furthermore, there is no mention of the video Singh released after the Nupur Sharma row wherein he made derogatory comments about the Prophet as she had.

After the video made rounds on social media, a crowd had gathered outside the Hyderabad police commissioner’s office and demanded Singh’s arrest after which he was arrested. This really begets the question as to why BJP is retaining a member who has repeatedly called for violence, especially against minorities. However, contrary to having concern over Singh’s violent speeches, Singh appears as more of a ‘star campaigner’ for the BJP, especially because he has won the constituency in Ghoshamahal twice previously. Singh has also been reported over the year to have made hate speech across the country.

Earlier this month, in Rajasthan too, Singh had made an incendiary speech at an event which even saw the presence of another BJP MLA from the state, Kirodi Lal Meena, according to Sabrang India. With news reports such as the one above alleging that over a 100 cases have been registered against Singh, Hindutva Watch has reported that Bangalore police registered another case against Singh where a zero FIR was filed against him for his reportedly anti-Muslim speeches given in Bhilwara, Rajasthan, earlier this month. However, despite the number of FIRs and complaints against him it remains to be seen whether Singh’s reportedly hate-filled speeches will be prevented from happening again.

Citizens for Justice and Peace has been complaining against Raja since as far back as 2018 when he first surfaced as an aggressive hate campaigner for the party making problematic statements over the Amarnath Yatra that takes place in Jammu & Kashmir each year

There onwards, in February 2019, CJP’s Hate Watch team had shed light on one hate speech by Singh which was broadcast to Singh’s approximate half a million followers on Facebook.

Singh was then, too, a sitting MLA and a party whip of the state when he made a post on his account wherein he explicitly urged his followers not to buy anything from ‘terrorist Kashmiris’ during the Amarnath Yatra. CJP complained to Facebook without delay. However, the video remained there till 2019 where it had gathered over 300,000 views.

However, Facebook continued to host his account despite numerous complaints, as well as FIRs lodged against him. Yet, CJP kept pressing on the issue after it learned that the page which was supposedly taken down on Facebook was still active. For instance, in February 2019, CJP was invited to a roundtable discussion on Online Hate Speech and Facebook Community Standards and during the question and answer session with Facebook’s representative Varun Reddy, the CJP team presented concrete examples of hate speech, such as Raja Singh’s page, which remained active despite repeated reporting and complains.

However, while his page was eventually taken down, his videos reportedly continued to proliferate on the social media site. What is alarming further is that it was two years later in March 2021 that Facebook, finally concluded that Singh had violated its community standards and his official account was finally removed from the platform. However, the earlier report by CJP observes that his hate-filled rhetoric continued to spread through what appears at first glance to be several of his “fan pages” like the Tiger Raja Singh Fan Club and T Raja Singh Samarthak Jalgaon PRK Group hosted thousands of followers.

In 2023 itself, CJP has rallied means to legally address his hate speech and communal tactics. Prior to Ram Navami processions organised by right-wing groups in Hyderabad and Mumbai, CJP proactively reached out to local authorities intimating them of the nature of these events. The team sent letters to the Santacruz Police in Mumbai and the Mangalhat Police in Hyderabad on March 28 and March 29, 2023 respectively.

In letters address to the Assistant Commissioner of Police, Goshamahal Division, and the Deputy Commissioner of Police, West Zone, Hyderabad., CJP maintained about Singh’s history which has recorded him consistently delivering hate speeches against minority communities and thus committed a violation of the Telangana High Court order that barred him from participating in rallies after being granted bail in a previous case.

Further, in May 2023, CJP submitted a complaint to the State Election Commission in Karnataka with regards to the hate comments made by the Singh during the election campaign in Karnataka. In the complaint, CJP had urged strict action against Singh for his speech since it included anti-Muslim slurs and thus was in direct violation of the Model Code of Conduct on two instances.

Despite these repeated violations of criminal law and Indian election law, T Raja Singh, though facing prosecutions and even having been jailed, has been chosen, again by the ruling regime in New Delhi as a candidate for the upcoming polls in the state of Telangana.

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The post BJP lifts suspension on T. Raja Singh, a frequent hate offender, gives him a ticket: Telangana appeared first on SabrangIndia.

She walks half-a-kilometre from her house, in Pacharla village, and collects three pots of clean drinking water which she uses for cooking and cleaning at the Anganwadi centre.

Once done with the chore, she hurriedly returns to clean the house, take a bath and make tea. She also cooks and packs her lunch of rice and curry before setting out for the Anganwadi centre again, mostly by 8.30 am.

By 9 am, the Anganwadi helper assembles slum dwellers’ children aged between seven months and six years and makes them sit for preschool activities. Earlier, no one was interested in tending to the children from lower castes due to the rigid caste system. As Mahboobi showed willingness, she managed to get the job.

Mahboobi immerses herself in work till 4 pm—boiling milk and eggs for 25 children, cooking nutritious food for them as well as the pregnant/lactating mothers visiting the centre, doing dishes, cleaning the premises and putting the tiny tots to sleep after their lunch at 12 pm.

Every child gets 120 ml of milk and an egg daily. However, the hard work she puts in does not match her monthly honorarium of Rs 7,800.

“I joined the Anganwadi centre in 2007, two years after my husband died. I was paid nothing in the first two years. Finally, some relief from the financial stress came when I started receiving a monthly honorarium of Rs 4,500 in 2009,” says Mahboobi, who sold betel leaves to raise her two sons and three daughters.

With her children moving out after marriage, she now lives alone. Her biggest fear is that she will not receive gratuity on retirement. “My salary will not be enough to deal with the future, including diseases,” she frets.

Nothing comes without a fight

At every protest, Anganwadi teachers and helpers raise their voices seeking gratuity. They seek recognition as full-time government employees, who get wages under the Payment of Wages Act, 1936, not honorarium.

An Anganwadi teacher is paid Rs 12,000 per month, which translates to Rs 460 a day. Similarly, a helper’s daily wage is Rs 300. The Central and state governments contribute in the ratio of 60:40 to pay them. Sadly, the honorariums are no match for the minimum wage of Rs 800 a daily wager receives in Telangana.

An Anganwadi helper in front of her hut in the Jogulamba Gadwal district of Telangana. A helper’s daily wage is only Rs 300.

The Telangana Anganwadi Teachers and Helpers Union (affiliated to CITU) has been demanding Anganwadi teachers be paid Rs 26,000 and helpers Rs 20,000. The union will launch an indefinite strike on September 11 to make the state government fulfil its demands, which include retirement benefits of Rs 10 lakh to teachers and Rs 5 lakh to helpers.

A landmark Supreme Court (SC) judgement on April 25 last year raised their hopes. The SC observed that Anganwadi workers and helpers were entitled to gratuity under the Payment of Gratuity Act, 1972 and directed the disbursal of gratuity to all eligible employees within three months with 10% simple interest.

The apex court also noted that Anganwadis worked are an arm of government and take responsibility for the proper implementation of the Right to Education Act and the National Food Security Act.

In a bid to firefight and find a loophole, the Telangana government recently announced financial assistance of Rs 1 lakh to retiring Anganwadi teachers and Rs 50,000 to mini Anganwadi teachers and helpers. It also raised the retirement age of Anganwadi teachers and helpers from 57 to 65 years.

Notably, the term ‘gratuity’ was not used for the financial assistance, which will be a much bigger sum than the amount announced. For example, if a helper’s last drawn salary is Rs 7,800 and she has completed 30 years of service, the gratuity contribution would be Rs 1,35,000. For an Anganwadi teacher with similar experience, the gratuity contribution comes to Rs 2,07,692.

There are 34,148 Anganwadi centres across Telangana with each supposed to have a teacher and helper. However, only 33,843 teachers and 27,990 helpers are on duty with the remaining posts vacant.

No job security, health cards

Being the torchbearers of government education and health schemes under the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS), the compensation for their critical work does not match the importance of their roles. Health cards, pension and job security are still unattainable for the predominantly female Anganwadi workforce. They have also been seeking more budget allocation for the ICDS.
The lack of money or health cards needed for treatment leads to deaths at times. Padma Kolas (46), an Anganwadi helper from Maddulapalli village, in Khammam Rural mandal, died of dengue, leaving two children below eight. Similarly, cases where funerals got delayed due to want of money have also been reported.

Boya Manikyamma (55) is an Anganwadi helper at the Comprehensive Women Child Welfare Development Anganwadi Centre in Jyotinagar 2 of Khairatabad mandal, Hyderabad district.

“This is my 26th year of service. I have leg and back ache. Officials say we can take voluntary retirement if we want. But how can I leave with empty hands? How shall I live after retirement?” says Manikyamma, who stays with one of her three children.

Boya Manikyamma, an Anganwadi helper at the Comprehensive Women Child Welfare Development Anganwadi Centre in Jyotinagar 2, Khairatabad mandal, Hyderabad district, listens to an ICDS class.

The nutritional status of women and children in the state has improved through the concerted efforts of Anganwadi workers though it has not achieved the target to reduce anaemia. The percentages of underweight children under three years and anaemic pregnant women are still high. As a result, reduction of Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) and Maternal Mortality Rate (MMR) continues to be a challenge.

A Press Information Bureau release dated February 8, 2022, shows how IMR in Telangana decreased from 34 in 2015 to 23 in 2019 per 1,000 live births. In fact, Telangana health minister Thanneeru Harish Rao claimed on Twitter last November that the state ranked third in the country in reducing IMR and MMR.

Despite the good work, Anganwadi workers are yet to receive their dues. When they will get it depends mainly on the state and Central government’s willingness to recognise their role as frontline workers in educating the marginalised, ensuring their nutrition and thereby securing their health in the future. Until then, people like Mahboobi and Manikyamma will continue to struggle.

The writer is a Telangana-based freelance journalist and a member of 101Reporters, a pan-India network of grassroots reporters.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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#Telangana Two Dalit youths were hung upside down in a shed and beaten up by the owner of a goat farm on the outskirts of Mandamarry town in Mancherial district on Friday for allegedly stealing a goat.

The victims were identified as Teja and C Kiran. To add to the torture, the… pic.twitter.com/XAEEIpeM7m

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) September 3, 2023

The Bellampalli Police, under the Ramagundam commissionerate, a day following the incident arrested all four individuals responsible for violence.

This horrifying and gruesome incident unfolded under the jurisdiction of the Mandamarri Police Station. Kiran, belonging to a Scheduled Caste, and Teja were accused of goat theft by four members of a family. The police have registered cases under Sections 342 (punishment for wrongful confinement) and 307 (attempt to murder), in conjunction with section 34 (acts done by several persons with common intention) of the IPC, along with Section 3(2)(v) of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, according to South First.

Ramagundam Commissioner of Police, Rema Rajeshwari has further stated that the accused used caste-based slurs against the victim. She assured that due action would be made if there were a case of theft, against the theft as well. Rajeshwari further shed light on the victims’ background, stating, “Kiran and Teja work as daily wage labourers in local areas. There were suspicions that both of them stole goats from upper-caste people.” Rajeshwari also condemned the bystanders who instead of intervening chose to record the incident on their mobile phones. “We are in the process of identifying them, and we will initiate legal action against them for being mute spectators,” she said, according to South First. 

Furthermore, interestingly, the FIR has made no mention of the second victim, even though videos of the incident, which later went viral, clearly showed both individuals being subjected to torture. The police acknowledged that both men were assaulted.

What has made matter worse is that a “missing person” case was registered as both victims left the village following the assault. This seems to be a concerning development, especially for the authorities in their effort to maintain security and law and power.

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The court, according to a report in LiveLaw, has held that raising a slogan of “fascist BJP, down” is not an offence and called it a trivial matter.

The accused was a research scholar Lois Sofia, who had raised the slogan at the Thoothukudi airport and in the flight which had Soundararajan, who is now governor of Telangana and Lieutenant Governor of Puducherry. Videos showed Tamilisai Soundararajan even shouting at Sofia when she raised the slogans at the airport. Sofia was arrested soon afterwards and was granted bail the next day.

The court, reported Deccan Herald, was hearing a petition filed by Sofia in 2019 through which he sought the quashing of the FIR filed against her by Thoothukudi police in 2018.

Lois Sofia was booked under sections 290 (punishment for public nuisance in cases not otherwise provided for) and 75 (1) (C) of the Madras City Police Act, DH reported. The latter pertains to the penalty for drunkenness or riotous or indecent behaviour in public places.

These sections are both non-cognisable offences. However, as the court pointed out on August 16, a Section 505(1)(b) of the IPC – which is a cognisable offence and can thus alter the case into a cognisable one – was later hand-written into the printed FIR even though there was no mention of non cognisable offences in the complaint.

During the hearings, present BJP Tamil Nadu and intervenor K. Annamalai questioned why the police had failed to register a case under the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against Safety of Civil Aviation Act 1982, the court said turned down the possibility citing the fact that mere uttering of a word is not likely to endanger the safety of an aircraft.

Significantly, Justice P Dhanabal of the Madurai bench further said that there was nothing in Sofia’s actions which can warrant the invocation of public nuisance under section 290 of the Indian Penal Code, which pertains to public nuisance.

“The First Information Report and the charge sheet discloses that the petitioner only raised slogan as ‘Fascist B.J.P’ and those words do not constitute any offence and it is trivial in nature  Therefore as discussed supra, the charge sheet in S.T.C.No. 324 of 2018 on the file of the learned Judicial Magistrate No.III, Thoothukudi is liable to be quashed,” the order says, according to LiveLaw.

The court also said that due procedure under Section 155 of the Criminal Procedure Code was not followed by police after the plea for her remand under Section 505 was rejected.

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Satyagraha and the Hyderabad State Congress

Until 1938, the AMS functioned more as a forum for the achievement of their reformative objectives. In 1938, the Indian National Congress (INC) in its Haripura Resolution declared that all princely states are an integral part of India. Encouraged by these developments, a Hyderabad State Congress was formed, which was later outlawed by the Nizam.[2] As the efforts to give legitimacy to Hyderabad State Congress had failed, the activists of the congress formed a Satyagraha Committee. This satyagraha was also supported by the Arya Samaj- Hindu Maha Sabha combine. However, the Indian National Congress was not very enthusiastic about support to this Satyagraha. This was partly on account of Mahatma Gandhi’s reluctance to push the nationalist agenda in princely states as this could slide into violence and partly also because of the communal nature of some members within the state Congress unit. While the Satyagraha was started in October 1938, there were ripple effects in the universities. The students who chanted Vandea Mataram in the Osmania University were expelled and Nagpur University had to admit them.[3] One such student was Devulapalli Venkateshwar Rao, who was later instrumental in the propagation of leftist ideology in the districts of Khammam.[4] However, this Satyagraha movement later got diluted through several compromises made between the activists and the Nizam and lost its prominence. 

Andhra Maha Sabha- Radical Transformations

People participating in Hyderabad State Congress’ movements were also members of Andhra Maha Sabha. This meant that the 7th Session of AMS could not be conducted until 1940, despite its 6th session having taken place in 1937. The AMS, it was felt, should not just be seen as an apolitical organisation which worked within the bounds of political neutrality. Raavi Narayana Reddy, one of the more radical members of AMS says in his book that even though some AMS leaders strove to put the organisation within the ambit of political neutrality, the fact that an organisation like that existed within an environment where there were/are no political rights is in itself a political achievement. However, it also cannot be seen as some liberal organisation which was outright against the Zamindari system or the general oppression prevalent in the state. AMS did have a good number of Zamindars, affluent and influential conservatives who were in the organisation for its political clout.[5]

The 7th session of AMS happened while World War II was going on, in 1940. It is just before this session that Raavi Narayana Reddy had joined the Communist Party of India. Since the Communist Party was working underground, the rest of AMS members did not know that Narayana Reddy was a member of the CPI. In the 8th Session of AMS in 1941, Narayana Reddy was elected as the president of the session. Between the 1941 session and the 1942 session, the ban on the Communist Party was lifted and the members of the party started to work in public. As a result, Narayana Reddy announced himself as a member of the Communist Party while continuing to work as the president of AMS.

Before 1942, the membership criteria of AMS were liberalised, some language restrictions were also removed. This was the strategy of the radicals to overwhelm the conservatives with the participation of people. The AMS also started to undertake movements that are political and socially reformative in character.  There were awareness campaigns against Vetti, a form of forced labour inflicted on agrarian workers for the local zamindars without any wages. After the 8th session, the next two sessions were presided over by the conservative section of AMS. Due to the Communist Party’s emphasis on building the party at a national level, no special care of the AMS was taken and as a result, the AMS, both in 1942 and 1943 had a conservative leadership and this conservative trait reflected in its activities.

By the 11th session of AMS in 1944 in Bhuvanagiri, the Communists worked tirelessly for the promotion of the Andhra Maha Sabha among the people. Not only a huge number, close to 12,000 people attended this session, but the membership criteria was also further liberalised. The entry fee which had already been reduced from one rupee to four annas, was reduced further to one anna. The 11th session of Andhra Maha Sabha also saw the participation of Chandra Rajeshwar Rao, another influential communist leader. Due to the growing influence of Communists, the conservative section of the AMS started to harp on the fact that the Communists are a breakaway faction and the Bhuvanagiri session was not the real AMS session. However, many important members of the AMS did participate in the Bhuvanagiri session. The communists surprised the nationalists by holding a session without their cooperation in Bhuvanagir in 1944. This move allowed the communists to freely pursue their revolutionary politics and implement their anti-feudal agrarian program, which aimed to overcome the obstacles imposed by the Nizam-led feudal system. The moderates in the government, operating under the Nizam’s authority, were viewed as a constraint on the progress of the people’s movement.

The last and 12th session of Andhra Maha Sabha was conducted in Khammam in 1945. Khammam, being a communist a stronghold in the state, saw an attendance of 40,000 people. Here, the leadership also called people to engage in an active struggle to achieve their demands. With people’s movements spreading across the state and with the radical nature of those movements, the AMS could not hold its annual sessions thereafter.

It is important to keep in mind the social and economic condition of Telangana, for this large a movement to have taken over. As discussed here, the Vetti system, the taxes and also the concentration of land ownership with powerful Zamindars meant that the people needed an organised movement to present their opposition against the Nizam. The end of world war in 1945 would also mark the start of a people’s movements in the Hyderabad state whole legend still reverberates in among the masses today.

(The author is a legal researcher with the organisation)

[1] Charitratmaka Telangana Poratam, Chandra Rajeshwar Rao, 1982

[2] Mantoo, I.A., Policy of Indian National Congress towards Princely States of India.

[3] Hugar, G.B., 2015. Vande Mataram Movement in Hyderabad Karnataka 1938–39, India. International Research Journal of Social Sciences, 4(9), pp.30-3.

[4] Thirumali, I., 1996. The Political Pragmatism of the Communists in Telangana, 1938-48. Social Scientist, pp.164-183.

[5]  Narayana Reddy, R. 1972. Veera Telangana- Na Anubhavalu, Na Gnapakalu

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