On one hand, a minor Dalit girl was a victim of a brutal gang-rape in Mainpuri, while in Prayagraj, a Dalit man died under suspicious circumstances in police custody. In the third incident, a Dalit youth in Amroha was attacked with a sword for objecting to alcohol consumption. These cases not only highlight the severity of the crimes but also raise concerns about the slow pace of justice and the safety of victims.

Mainpuri: A 14-year-old Dalit girl was allegedly gang-raped

A shameful incident has emerged from Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh, where a 14-year-old Dalit girl was allegedly gang-raped by two middle-aged men. The accused also made a video of their actions and shared it on social media. The incident, which took place in a village under the Kurawali police station area, came to light after the video went viral.

According to the police report filed by the victim’s mother, the two accused, Mahavir Yadav (50) and Navinchandra Yadav (40), threatened and pulled the girl into a field where they took turns raping her. Frightened, the girl initially didn’t tell anyone, but the video’s spread forced her to reveal the ordeal to her family, The Mooknayak reported.

On the complaint of the victim’s mother, a case of gang-rape has been registered against both the accused at Kurawali police station. The police have formed two teams to arrest them. The incident has also sparked social and political outrage.

Bhim Army Chief Chandrashekhar Azad condemned the incident on social media platform X, stating, “This is the result of feudal, social, and caste-based oppression.”

He demanded the immediate arrest of the accused, additional legal sections for making and circulating the video, and a fast-track trial to ensure quick punishment.

Prayagraj: Custodial death in Prayagraj, PIL filed in High Court

The death of a Dalit man, Hira Lal, in police custody at Nawabganj police station in Prayagraj is also under scrutiny. While the police claim he died of a heart attack, his family alleges he was tortured to death in the police station. The Allahabad High Court is hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) seeking an investigation into the matter.

The petitioners have demanded ₹25 lakh in compensation for the family and a High Court-monitored investigation.

According to the lawyer for the petitioners, Charlie Prakash, “This is a case of brutal custodial death and murder by the police within the police station premises, in violation of Article 21 (Right to Life and Personal Liberty).” The High Court has directed the state government to file a response within two weeks. It is alleged that Hira Lal’s body was not handed over to his family and was cremated by the police at Daraganj Ghat, as The Mooknayak reported.

Amroha: A Dalit youth was attacked with a sword for objecting to alcohol consumption outside his home

Another case of caste violence has surfaced in the Bachhraun police station area of Amroha, where a Dalit youth was attacked with a sword for objecting to alcohol consumption outside his home. The incident took place on August 17 when Shivam Singh, a resident of Musallepur village, asked a group of men led by Siddhant Devra not to drink outside his house.

Enraged, the accused summoned more associates and attacked Shivam and his father. The sword attack on Shivam severed a vein in his hand, leaving him critically injured. He was hospitalised for 15 days, and doctors have stated that the damaged vein will no longer function.

Azad Samaj Party chief Chandrashekhar Azad raised the matter on social media platform X, demanding the immediate arrest of the accused and warning of a mass protest if strict action is not taken.

जिला अमरोहा के बछरांव थाना क्षेत्र के मुसल्लेपुर निवासी शिवम जाटव पर एक महीने पहले जातंकवादियों ने जानलेवा हमला किया। शिवम का हाथ बुरी तरह जख्मी हो गया, नसें कट गईं और अब उसका हाथ काम करना बंद कर चुका है। इलाज में परिवार के लाखों रुपये खर्च हो चुके हैं। यह घटना अत्यंत पीड़ादायक…

— Chandra Shekhar Aazad (@BhimArmyChief) September 16, 2025

The events in Mainpuri, Prayagraj, and Amroha represent not only physical violence but also a grave violation of human rights. There is a need for strict action in these cases to ensure that the perpetrators are punished and the victims receive justice. It is time for both the government and society to work together to address this serious issue and ensure that no one has to face violence and oppression because of their caste.

Related

Anti-Dalit Crime: Dalit Family brutalised in Ghaziabad

Caste Atrocity in 2025: Normalisation, neglect and the crisis of accountability

Dalit and Tribal girls brutalised in Andhra Pradesh: Twin crimes lay bare caste violence and systemic collapse

The post Unending Violence: Caste atrocities haunt Uttar Pradesh’s Dalit communities appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Mubarakpur’s weaving tradition dates back to the 14th century, appearing in Ibn Battuta’s travel diaries, where he marvelled at the fabrics of the region. During Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s reign, records mention some 4,000 weavers in the town. Known for weaving pure silk sarees with zari work, the artisans developed looms that still rival mechanised versions in quality and finish.

For decades, however, weavers have suffered from under-representation, exploited by middlemen who blurred the distinction between Banarasi and Mubarakpuri products. Many were forced to accept inferior raw materials and unfair loans, producing fabrics that demanded long hours yet yielded little return. Religious riots drove away workers, while erratic state policies—such as scrapping fixed electricity tariffs and replacing them with metered bills—pushed fragile households out of the loom sheds. The “One District One Product” scheme failed to meaningfully uplift Mubarakpuri sarees, while GI tagging and transport connectivity with Varanasi and Gorakhpur—essential trade hubs—remain inadequate. Even a completed shop market complex in Alinagar, built under the Samajwadi Party, stands locked and unused.

Despite intermittent political support, weavers have largely been left to innovate and survive. Some modified looms with motors to mimic power looms. Others migrated to cities like Hyderabad. For those who stayed, dignity came slowly through organisations such as the All India Artisans and Craftworkers Welfare Association (AIACA). Beginning in 2014, “Mubarakpur Weaves” revived skills, trained artisans in business and design, and secured Craftmark certification for authenticity. Wages rose, ownership and profit-sharing returned dignity, and the brand gained visibility. The effort proved that even a marginalised cluster could reimagine itself with collective organisation, certification, and a distinct identity.

Yet these hard-won gains now face an external shock. In August 2025, the United States sharply raised tariffs on Indian goods. A prior 25% reciprocal tariff was joined by a new 25% punitive tariff, bringing total duties to 50% on a wide swath of exports, including garments, textiles, carpets, and jewellery. The stated reason—India’s continued purchase of Russian oil—was geopolitical. The effect on artisans was immediate. Sarees, carpets and handicrafts destined for diaspora customers in the US suddenly, became uncompetitive. Exporters reported cancelled or delayed orders.

Rajan Bahl, vice president of the Banarasi Textile Industry Association, stated: “Exports of Banarasi sarees will decline by 15 to 20 per cent due to these tariffs. Handloom products will be the most affected. Though the current losses may appear small, the future impact will be severe. Every year, exports worth Rs 200 to Rs 300 crore were sent to the US, which is now under threat. Orders are being cancelled, and no new orders are coming in. This is not a minor loss; it is a major blow to Banaras and its industry.” Traders in Varanasi staged protests, burning posters of US President Donald Trump and warning of widespread disruption. For the Banarasi and Mubarakpuri clusters, the US market is vital: not the largest in volume, but among the most lucrative, especially for high-end consignments. A 50% tariff makes Indian products far more expensive than those from Bangladesh, Vietnam or Turkey, who now stand to capture price-sensitive segments.

The ripple effects are harsh. In the dispersed handloom economy, even a short spell of cancellations means idle looms, depleted working capital and migration away from craft. International and Indian outlets estimate that thousands of jobs across labour-intensive textile sectors are at risk. For communities already surviving on thin margins, the blow is existential.

To its credit, New Delhi responded with stop-gap relief. The government extended an 11% import duty exemption on raw cotton until the end of 2025, aiming to lower input costs across the textile sector. While Mubarakpuri sarees are primarily silk, blended ranges, linings, and broader supply chains do benefit indirectly. Branding initiatives such as the “Silk Banarasi” trademark, complete with QR-linked authenticity and Silk Mark certification, are also being scaled. Uttar Pradesh to establish showrooms in Varanasi, Lucknow, Ayodhya and Delhi, where digital codes link customers to weaving videos and details of artisans.

Still, tariffs test more than cost structures. They expose a strategic weakness: over-reliance on a single overseas market. For Mubarakpur and other clusters, the way forward lies in diversification. Industry bodies urge exporters to pursue Japan, the UK, Australia, the UAE and Europe, while strengthening domestic retail linked to tourism. Digital direct-to-consumer platforms offer another path, enabling weavers to bypass middlemen and reach diaspora buyers in lower-tariff markets.

Raw material resilience is another critical factor. Assam’s silks—muga, eri, pat—have long inspired designers, adding richness and exclusivity to sarees. Yet Assam’s sericulture has recently suffered from cocoon shortages, administrative instability and logistical disruptions. In 2024–25, yields fell, imports rose, and prices spiked, reducing availability for experimental blends in Mubarakpur and beyond. Without reliable supplies of specialty silks, innovation suffers, and artisans are pushed towards inferior fibres that diminish quality and reputation.

The danger is not only economic but cultural. If tariffs drive buyers towards cheaper mechanised alternatives, the painstaking artistry of handloom risks erosion. Once artisans leave the loom, their skills rarely return. The emotional economy—pride, identity, heritage—is as fragile as the financial one. As one weaver noted, a saree may sell for ₹5,000, but the artisan’s share amounts to only ₹500–600 a day, while intermediaries capture the rest. When shocks like tariffs or raw-material shortages arrive, the imbalance becomes unsustainable.

And yet, resilience persists. Mubarakpur’s weavers continue to innovate. Their sarees remain sought after for bridal wear, ceremonial occasions, and heritage collections. Urban elites and diaspora buyers still pay for authenticity when they can recognise it. The challenge is ensuring that recognition translates into sustained demand in markets beyond the US.

The story of the Mubarakpuri saree today is one of survival amid compounded pressures: historical neglect, domestic policy missteps, raw material shortages, and now punitive tariffs. But it is also a story of possibility—of artisans reclaiming identity through certification, of NGOs building weaver-led enterprises, of governments experimenting with branding and provenance. Whether these interventions can withstand the storm of tariff-driven market loss remains to be seen.

The lesson is clear. Cultural resilience requires economic strategy. The saree may be timeless, but its survival depends on choices made in boardrooms, ministries, and export councils. If India diversifies markets, strengthens branding, secures raw materials, and provides genuine support to its artisans, the Mubarakpuri saree can navigate the tariff era and emerge stronger. If not, one of India’s most ancient weaving clusters risks becoming another casualty of global trade politics.

In the end, tariffs are more than percentages; they are reminders of fragility in heritage economies. For Mubarakpur, the challenge is not only to endure the present shock but to convert it into an opportunity—preserving a craft that is both identity and livelihood, and ensuring it thrives for generations to come.

(The author is a writer in English and Urdu, with a focus on literature, politics, and religion.)

Related:

Urgent need to revive and sustain Banarasi weaving industry

Purvanchal: Silence of the Looms

Curtain raiser: The Warp and Weft of Despair in Purvanchal

The post The Mubarakpur Saree in the Digital Age: Can e-commerce bypass traditional barriers? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The region’s Muslim community has historically contributed richly to India’s culture, politics, and intellectual life, but remains educationally and socially disadvantaged in contemporary times. Their contributions to education in Uttar Pradesh stretch back centuries. During the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal period, UP’s cities like Lucknow, Agra, and Fatehpur Sikri emerged as centers of Persian scholarship, Islamic jurisprudence, and cultural refinement. Later, in the nineteenth century, reformers responded to the colonial encounter in distinct ways.

One of the most influential responses was led by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, whose Aligarh Movement recognized the urgency of reconciling tradition with modernity and championed Western-style modern education as the path to progress, establishing the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College in 1875 (later Aligarh Muslim University, AMU). This institution created a generation of lawyers, administrators, and professionals who shaped Indian politics and society both within India and abroad. The institution symbolised a community deeply engaged in self-reflection and reform.

The Sachar Committee Report (2006) was a watershed in documenting Muslim marginalization in India. For Uttar Pradesh, the findings were stark: Muslims had lower literacy rates, higher school dropout rates, and weaker access to higher education than even Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in some cases. Subsequent surveys (NSS 2017–18) confirm that progress has been uneven. The literacy gap between Muslims and the state average remains significant, and Muslim representation in higher education institutions—particularly in technical and professional courses—remains disproportionately low.

The major question remains unanswered: what drives this persistent backwardness?

Poverty and economic marginalisation are considered the prime reasons. Muslim-dominated districts like Rampur, Moradabad, Bijnor, and Azamgarh often rank poorly on human development indicators. Families struggling to survive cannot (always) prioritize education. For some families, mainstream schooling appears costly and uncertain in its returns; they prioritise earning over learning. Moreover, many Muslim-majority localities lack sufficient government schools, especially for girls. Travel distance, poor-quality teaching, and inadequate facilities exacerbate dropout rates may also be deemed a factor. Subtle biases in schools and colleges also discourage Muslim children, reinforcing feelings of exclusion. This crisis is not merely statistical; it perpetuates a cycle where Muslims remain concentrated in low-income, informal-sector jobs, with little upward mobility.

Uttar Pradesh has over 16,000 registered madrasas, with numerous unregistered ones. These institutions, while essential in preserving Islamic learning and identity, face critiques. Most madrasas follow a traditional curriculum focused on theology, Arabic, and jurisprudence, with limited integration of science, mathematics, or social sciences. Graduates often find few opportunities outside religious vocations. They need to be upgraded and integrated with modern educational curricula to provide sustainable livelihoods for graduates.

Attempts at madrasa modernization—introducing computer labs, English, and vocational training—have met with mixed success. Some clerics fear dilution of religious content, while bureaucratic inefficiencies hinder consistent reform. Yet, abandoning madrasas is neither realistic nor desirable. They serve millions of the poorest children. The challenge is to integrate them with mainstream education without undermining their religious mission. For example, partnerships with state universities, digital learning modules, and parallel certification could open new doors for madrasa graduates.

If education is the most powerful tool for social reform, women’s education is doubly so. In UP’s Muslim community, gender gaps in literacy and school completion are among the widest. Social norms, early marriage, and safety concerns often restrict girls’ education, especially beyond primary school. Women’s empowerment must be at the heart of reform. A single educated mother can transform the trajectory of her entire family. Scholarships, hostels, safe transportation, and female teachers in rural schools are concrete measures that can make a transformative difference.

Education cannot succeed in isolation; it must be linked with economic empowerment and social reform. In UP, where Muslims dominate certain artisanal trades—like weaving, brass work, and handicrafts—the decline of traditional industries due to globalization has deepened economic vulnerability. To break the cycle, vocational training should be embedded within schools to prepare students for modern markets. Digital skills and entrepreneurship can help Muslim youth participate in India’s growing service economy. Microfinance and start-up support in Muslim-majority districts can create employment opportunities, reducing dependence on informal work. Without such economic linkages, education risks being a dead end—producing degrees without jobs.

Since the Sachar Committee, several schemes have targeted Muslim educational uplift: scholarships, free coaching for competitive exams, and skill-development programs. Yet implementation has been patchy in UP. Awareness about schemes is low in rural Muslim communities. Bureaucratic hurdles and political polarization often dilute impact. Too often, focus remains on token measures rather than systemic reform of schools in Muslim-majority areas.

The post-Sachar period illustrates a broader problem: policy intent without political will. Unless the UP government adopts a non-partisan, long-term vision for minority education, interventions will remain fragmented. While state responsibility is paramount, community leadership cannot be ignored. Historically, Muslim reformers—from Sir Syed Ahmed Khan to Maulana Abul Kalam Azad—understood that renewal required both government support and internal reform. Today, Muslim civil society in UP must prioritise education over identity politics in community mobilization, establish local education trusts and scholarship funds, encourage parents to enroll children in quality schools rather than settling for minimal literacy, promote a culture of reading, critical thinking, and gender equality at the family level.

The recently launched “40 Under 40” Muslim leadership initiative by the All India Muslim Development Council (AIMDC) is a positive step in grooming young leaders in law, medicine, entrepreneurship, and academia who can serve as role models. But such leadership must trickle down to village schools and mohalla committees.

Institutions like AMU, Darul Uloom Deoband, and Nadwa continue to symbolise Muslim intellectual life in UP. Yet they must ask: are they adequately serving the wider community? AMU has expanded with outreach centers, but it remains prestige-focused and geographically concentrated. It should invest more in community schools, digital platforms, and partnerships with state education boards. Deoband and Nadwa must revisit their curricula to balance religious and modern education. Global Islamic universities (e.g., in Iran, Malaysia, and Egypt) have achieved such blends more successfully. These institutions must move beyond being islands of excellence toward engines of mass uplift.

Three pathways are crucial for meaningful change in UP’s Muslim educational and social landscape:

Integration and Innovation in Education:

Merge religious and modern curricula. Use technology (EdTech platforms, mobile learning) to overcome infrastructure deficits. Introduce compulsory vocational and digital literacy in high schools.

Gender-Centered Development:

Scholarships, safe schools, and mentorship programs for Muslim girls. Role models and visibility of educated Muslim women in public life.

Community-Led Social Reform:

Campaigns against early marriage and child labour. Encouragement of critical inquiry, interfaith dialogue, and pluralism as part of Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb (the syncretic culture of UP).

The challenges of Muslim education and social reform in Uttar Pradesh are undeniable: low literacy, poverty, inadequate access to higher education, and gender disparities. Yet these challenges are not insurmountable. History demonstrates the resilience and creativity of UP’s Muslim community—from the grandeur of Mughal institutions to the reformist zeal of Aligarh, Deoband, and Nadwa.

Today, the task is to translate that legacy into universal empowerment. This requires a synergy of state policy, community initiative, and institutional reform. Without it, Muslims in UP risk being trapped in a cycle of marginalisation. With it, they can reclaim their place as full partners in India’s democratic and developmental journey. Education is not just a pathway to jobs; it is a vehicle for dignity, equality, and citizenship. For UP’s Muslims, it is the cornerstone of social reform—and the promise of a brighter future.

(The author is a student of Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi)

The post Muslim Education in Uttar Pradesh: Pathways to Inclusion and Reform appeared first on SabrangIndia.

To substantiate this, Yadav distributed affidavits to journalists, detailing that the party had submitted 18,000 affidavits after the 2022 assembly elections flagging discrepancies, but “not a single action was taken by the Commission”. The ECI has been on record through the Bihar SIR and the hearing around it at the Supreme Court, claiming “no political parties had brought any complaints, as it seemed to deem the exercise successful and fair.”

Yadav’s revelations bear great relevance given the peevish response of the ECI and CEC Gnanesh Kumar to LOP Rahul Gandhi’s serious allegations on “Vote Chori” made on August 7.

SP submitted 18,000 affidavits on ‘vote theft’ says Akhilesh Yadav

Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav on Monday said that his party has submitted 18,000 affidavits about “vote theft”, but the Election Commission has not taken action so far. “The list keeps getting longer. There has been no response on the wrongdoings we pointed out, nor on the affidavits we submitted,” Yadav alleged.

Also stating that the Election Commission has the “historic responsibility” of safeguarding democracy, the SP chief said that when it takes the “right course”, support of crores of Indians will become its shield.Yadav said that a single “correct and bold step” by the poll panel could secure the future and welfare of countless generations in the country.

“The Election Commission needs not just reforms but a complete transformation. Today, the historic duty of protecting democracy rests on its shoulders. We understand that it faces various unwarranted pressures, but it must not think it stands alone,” Yadav said in a statement.

“When the Election Commission chooses the right course, crores of Indians will stand behind it as its shield. When one walks the path of truth, people and their faith walk along. A single correct and bold step by the commission can ensure the future and well-being of endless generations. Everyone must listen to the voice of their conscience,” the former Uttar Pradesh chief minister said.

In this post on X (see below), Yadav presented a receipt and said, “The Election Commission, which is saying that it has not received the affidavits submitted by the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh, should check the acknowledgement issued by its own office as proof of receipt of our affidavits.”

He further demanded that the ECI authenticate the digital acknowledgement it had issued. “This time we demand that the Election Commission give an affidavit that the digital receipt sent to us is correct, otherwise along with the ‘Election Commission’, ‘Digital India’ will also come under suspicion.”

Concluding his statement, Yadav remarked, “If BJP goes, truth will come!” The statement came hours after the Election Commission gave Rahul Gandhi a seven-day deadline to either submit an affidavit with evidence or issue a public apology over “vote chori” claim.

Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar had said on Sunday, August 17, at a press meet in New Delhi, “An affidavit will have to be given or an apology will have to be made to the country. There is no third option. If the affidavit is not received within 7 days, it means that all these allegations are baseless.”

जो चुनाव आयोग ये कह रहा है कि हमें यूपी में समाजवादी पार्टी द्वारा दिये गये ऐफ़िडेविट नहीं मिले हैं, वो हमारे शपथपत्रों की प्राप्ति के प्रमाण स्वरूप दी गयी अपने कार्यालय की पावती को देख ले। इस बार हम मांग करते हैं कि चुनाव आयोग शपथपत्र दे कि ये जो डिजिटल रसीद हमको भेजी गयी है वो… pic.twitter.com/9A4njvF9Tw

— Akhilesh Yadav (@yadavakhilesh) August 17, 2025

Later in the afternoon, doubling down on the “vote chori in Uttar Pradesh (UP), senior Samapajwadi Party leader and secretary general, SP, Ram Gopal Yadav (also an MP in the Rajya Sabha) questioned the ECI for diverting attention from Leader of the Opposition (LOP), Rahul Gandhi’s serious allegations of vote fraud showcasing the Madhevapura assembly segment of Bengaluru central lok sabha constituency by asking for the “allegations on affidavit.”

Addressing a joint press conference called by the INDIA alliance in New Delhi, Gopal said that soon after the 2022 state polls in UP, when Akhilesh Yadav had stated that thousands of votes of voters with allegiance to the SP had been cut from the voter rolls, the poll body had served a “notice” to him. The poll body had demanded proof, he said. At the time 18,000 affidavits (signed and notarised) for which receipts were also obtained. Gopal further stated that there was no action on even one of these complaints given on affidavits by the ECI.

“Jo election commission rozaana Rahul Gandhi ji se affidavit maang raha hai, us ECI ko ham, 2022 main galat tareeke se kaate gaye voter kee affidavit de chuke hai. (The same ECI that is, everyday, demanding “proof” from Rahul Gandhi ji and maligning the Opposition, refuses to investigate or answer specific complaints!) We have receipts for this. No action was taken. Then, when elections took place in 2024 for the Lok Sabha, they (state election commission) removed all Muslims and Yadavs were removed discriminating on basis of caste and community. No inquiry or investigation on these grave allegations was conducted. Similarly when elections were taking place in Mainpuri, we gave in writing, (complaints of) only one community (caste)—the caste of the CM (Thakurs), all election officials –be it SDMs, Cos and SHOs!! We gave this in writing. We all know that on election day, SDM and CO, in their vehicles, with police, they can bully persons—use brute force—to prevent voting. Only presiding officers and polling officers have legal authority over polling but these techniques were brazenly employed (in UP in 2022) to prevent all voters who have allegiences to the Opposition, from voting. So today for the ECI to say that the Opposition speaks without evidence and affidavits is an untruth, falsehood and belied by facts. Then we know in Delhi the violations… In UP from now itself voters are being cut from the rolls, illegal transfers of officers are happening. Check transfer lists, we appeal to the media to save Indian democracy.

“We appeal to the media to highlight these calculated moves,” Gopal added. “ECI ignores all Opposition complaints of these brazen violations. When under Article 326 of the Indian Constitution, it is clearly stated that, any Indian above the age of 18 will be registered as a voter, this kind of brazen disenfranchisement is taking place. If some local official simply rules that X or Y is not a voter and strikes him/her off, this means that an irregular NRC process is being implemented! Imagine the implications: if X or Y is told he/she is not a voter it means he has been declared a non-citizen. This is very, very serious what is going on. The motives of the government, the motives of the ECI are very suspect and their actions have a serious implication for the interpretation of the right to adult franchise, Article 326. This must be communicated to the people by the media, people need to be awakened, made aware. The media must not only speak the language of the ruling party/government but must reflect the interventions and views of the Opposition that are presently rebuilding India.”

The press conference called by the INDIA opposition may be viewed here

Related:

Rahul Gandhi alleges ‘Vote Chori’ in 2024 polls, accuses BJP-ECI nexus of systematic electoral fraud

The post Thousands of discrepancies in UP Voters Lists of 2022, widespread fraud alleges Akhilesh Yadav, former UP chief minister appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The aggression extends to vandalism over trivial matters like food preferences, as seen in Muzaffarnagar, where Dhabas were vandalised and owners assaulted over the presence of onion and garlic. Furthermore, brutal physical assaults have occurred, including a widely condemned incident in Mirzapur where a CRPF jawan was attacked, and civilians and their property were not spared in Meerut and Haridwar.

Supreme Court declines to examine legality of UP Govt’s display of QR code mandate

Moreover, amidst alarming reports of assaults on eatery owners based on their identity, on July 22, 2025, the Supreme Court refused to go into the legality of directives issued by the Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand authorities requiring eateries along the Kanwar Yatra route to display QR codes for pilgrims to know owner details, considering the pilgrimage was ending. A bench of Justice MM Sundresh and Justice NK Singh disposed of the applications challenging this mandate, clarifying that sellers must display their licenses and registration certificates as required by law. The bench stated, “We are told that today is the last day of the Yatra. In any case it is likely to come to an end in the near future. Therefore, at this stage, we would only pass an order that all the respective Hotel owners shall comply with the mandate of displaying the licence and the registration certificate as per the statutory requirements. We make it clear that we are not going into the other issues argued. The application is closed” as Live Law reported

The applications, filed by Professor Apoorvanand and activist Aakar Patel, along with TMC MP Mahua Moitra and NGO Association for the Protection of Civil Rights, sought a stay on these directives, arguing they circumvented a previous Supreme Court order from last year prohibiting forced disclosure of seller identities and promoted religious discrimination. 

Senior Advocate Dr Abhishek Manu Singhvi contended that these directives were intended for religious profiling, not quality service, and were a “direct assault” on secularism. Senior Advocate Mukul Rohatgi, for Uttar Pradesh, argued the directions complied with FSSAI regulations, stating some dhabas misrepresented vegetarian food. Justice Sundresh noted that consumers should have the choice to know if a place exclusively serves vegetarian food, especially during a pilgrimage, as reported

Ultimately, the bench declined to delve into contentious issues, deeming the matter infructuous due to the Yatra’s conclusion, advising petitioners to approach the High Court if they wished to challenge it further.

A surge in lawlessness: incidents of hooliganism and violence

As per reports, in the various cities of the UP and Uttarakhand, the Kanwar Yatra has been plagued by a worrying surge in incidents of misconduct. Data from the Mela Police Force Control Room reveals that over 170 Kanwariyas were booked within the first five days alone for serious charges including hooliganism, rioting, blocking highways, obstructing police officials, breach of peace, and wrongful restraint, as Hindustan Times reported.

Targeted harassment of eatery owners and staff

A particularly disturbing trend observed during this year’s yatra is the targeted harassment and vandalism directed at hotel and dhaba owners, often fuelled by communal allegations. In a shocking incident in Muzaffarnagar, members of a saffron outfit, led by Swami Yashveer Maharaj, allegedly attempted to strip eatery staff at ‘Panditji Ka Dhaba’ to verify their religion after scanning a barcode revealed the owner was Muslim, as Deccan Herald reported.

The outfit had deployed hundreds of members to check eateries with Hindu names but Muslim ownership, following a state government directive for eateries to mention owners’ names. This incident, captured in a viral video, led to police booking six individuals, though Swami Yashveer Maharaj vowed statewide agitation if action was taken against his activists, unequivocally stating, “We will, under no circumstances, allow the Muslims to operate eateries along the Yatra route.”

This communal targeting was not isolated. In Haridwar, Kanwar pilgrims verbally abused and harassed a Sikh manager at a Muslim-owned eatery, accusing him of deception for serving tea from a “Muslim stall.” When the manager advocated for religious equality, he was told to “stop using logic.” 

Similarly, in Meerapur, a dhaba was vandalised by Kanwariyas who claimed the Muslim owners had not displayed their identities, further demonstrating a pattern of communal intimidation. 

In Loni, Ghaziabad, on July 10, BJP MLA Nandkishor Gurjar took matters into his own hands, shutting down a meat vendor, citing the Hindu month of Sawan and the Kanwar Yatra, threatening to “take matters into their own hands and break the law” if police didn’t act.

However, the Supreme Court, in July 2024, intervened to prohibit the enforcement of a public notice issued by Muzaffarnagar police, which had directed hotels, dhabas, and shops on the Kanwar Yatra route to display the names of their owners and employees, recognising its discriminatory nature. Vandalism over food preferences and other assaults

Beyond communal angles, Kanwariyas have engaged in vandalism and assault over trivial matters. In Muzaffarnagar on July 7, Kanwar yatris vandalised ‘Tau Hukkewalah Haryanvi Tourist Dhaba’ after alleging that the dal served contained onion and garlic, despite the owner, Pramod Kumar, explaining it was a worker’s mistake. The pilgrims, who had vowed to avoid these ingredients, assaulted staff, damaged furniture, and chased the cook. 

Another similar incident occurred at ‘Balaknath Dhaba,’ where owner Sadhana Pawar tearfully recounted, “I folded my hands but they broke my entire dhaba… They broke my servant’s leg, looted all the money,” simply because a dish accidentally contained onion.

कांवड़ियों का कहर
“मैंने हाथ जोड़े पर उन्होंने मेरा पूरा ढाबा तोड़ दिया”
“मेरे नौकर का पैर तोड़ दिया, पूरा पैसा लूट लिया”
ये बता रही हैं बालकनाथ ढाबे की मालकिन साधना पवार
इनके ढाबे में गलती से कांवड़ियों के खाने में प्याज़ आ गया,पूरा ढाबा ख़त्म
Ground report on our YT channel pic.twitter.com/PYhAHyhoqx

— Saurabh shukla (@Saurabh_Unmute) July 9, 2025

The aggression extended to physical assaults on individuals. In a widely condemned incident in Uttar Pradesh’s Mirzapur, seven Kanwariyas were arrested after brutally punching and kicking a CRPF jawan at the railway station over a dispute regarding train tickets. CCTV footage showed the saffron-clad pilgrims pinning the jawan to the ground in a public display of violence. 

Even innocent civilians and their property have not been spared. In Meerut, three Kanwariyas were injured when a bus grazed them, prompting their fellow pilgrims to vandalise the vehicle, break its window panes, and assault the driver, who subsequently fled. 

A bus driver was attacked by Kanwariyas in Muradnagar Ghaziabad because the bus touched the kanwad in the high traffic area.

Either the UP government should issue lock down orders for general public or stop public transport on the Kanwar route.

Why to put lives in danger? pic.twitter.com/VLJMdatRyi

— Kapil (@kapsology) July 13, 2025

On July 5, 2025, in Manglaur, Haridwar, Kanwar Yatra pilgrims attacked a car carrying a Muslim family, alleging it had hit a Kanwar, and proceeded to assault the driver and passengers while vandalising the vehicle.

Now, authorities, recognising the escalating issues, have attempted to rein in unruly behaviour. The Uttar Pradesh police banned Kanwariyas from carrying sticks, tridents (trishuls), hockey sticks, and similar items across major yatra routes in districts like Meerut, Muzaffarnagar, Shamli, Saharanpur, Bulandshahr, Hapur, and Baghpat. 

Additionally, the use of motorbikes without silencers was prohibited to curb noise pollution and public nuisance. ADG (Meerut Zone) Bhanu Bhaskar affirmed strict enforcement, stating, “The govt has issued clear directives prohibiting it. We are enforcing these strictly, and FIRs are being registered against violators.”

The chief minister’s stance and its implications

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s statements regarding the Kanwar Yatra have been a subject of scrutiny, with critics suggesting they may have inadvertently emboldened some elements. On Sunday, July 20, 2025, the CM alleged that “miscreants” were infiltrating Kanwar groups to defame them on social media, urging “kanwar sanghs” to expose such individuals and keep them away. He stated, “We have to keep in mind that where there is enthusiasm and excitement, where there is faith and devotion, some elements are constantly trying to disturb that enthusiasm and to defame this devotion and faith.” He promised strict action against those captured on CCTV after the yatra concludes, as reported the Indian Express.

Just two days prior, on July 18, 2025, in Varanasi, CM Adityanath had doubled down, alleging the Kanwar Yatra was “deliberately defamed” and its participants labelled as “goons” by elements seeking to “humiliate the heritage of India.” He linked these critics to those who tried to separate tribal communities from India, emphasising, “Today, the Yatra is progressing peacefully and with devotion, yet some label it as unruly. These are the same forces that try to mislead and provoke tribal communities. We must remain alert to such divisive elements” The Hindu reported. 

He even recalled an incident where an arsonist wearing a saffron scarf was shouting “Ya Allah,” attributing such deceptive acts to anti-social elements.

While the Chief Minister condemned the actions of “miscreants” and called for law enforcement to take action, his narrative of external “defamers” and “anti-national elements” potentially provided a shield for unruly behaviour, shifting the blame away from the immediate actions of the Kanwariyas themselves. His public showering of flowers on Kanwariyas in Meerut, alongside other political figures, further projected an image of state endorsement and leniency, which critics argue might have been perceived by some as tacit approval, thus pushing the “courage of anti-elements” to act with impunity, knowing they might be defended as victims of defamation rather than perpetrators of crime.

Tainting the pious purpose 

The increasing reports of violence, aggression, and communal targeting profoundly taint the otherwise pious purpose of the Kanwar Yatra. Mahant Ravindra Puri’s assertion that the yatra is about “compassion” and “penance” stands in stark contrast to the acts of vandalism and assault witnessed. The Supreme Court’s refusal on July 22, 2025, to examine the legality of controversial QR code directives, particularly amidst ongoing reports of targeted assaults on eatery owners based on their identity, further highlights the disconnect between the pilgrimage’s spiritual intent and the real-world incidents. While the Court opted not to delve into the controversial directives, especially given the reported communal targeting, leaves questions about accountability for such violence. 

When a pilgrimage meant to symbolise devotion and sacrifice, following in the footsteps of revered figures like Lord Parshuram and Shravan Kumar, becomes synonymous with road blockades, harassment, and physical violence, its spiritual sanctity is eroded. The incidents not only disrupt public peace and order but also sow seeds of fear and division, fundamentally betraying the yatra’s core values of unity, devotion, and selfless service.

Related

Supreme Court stays directive of state forcing food sellers along Kanwar Yatra to display names, states authorities cannot usurp power without legal foundation

Kanwar Yatra episode: Pasmanda Muslims, ‘wooed’ by BJP, perhaps biggest losers

Two petitions filed in SC challenging UP and Uttarakhand governments’ directive to display name of shop owner and staff for being unconstitutional

The post How deviant acts mar the sacred Kanwar Yatra appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The official statement further said that, on average, 143 identified cases were resolved, and 187 criminals convicted each working day, the state government said. “Launched on July 1, 2023, Operation Conviction has proven to be a game-changer, leading to the conviction of 97,158 criminals between July 2023 and mid-June,” ADG prosecution was reported by HT to have Deepesh Juneja said.

Juneja also stated that of the 1,14,029 identified cases, 74,388 cases were disposed of. Under the campaign, 68 accused persons were sentenced to death, 8,172 received life imprisonment, 1,453 were sentenced to over 20 years, and 87,465 were given up to 20 years’ imprisonment. The state government claims that the data showcases this government’s commitment to delivering swift and decisive justice particularly in cases involving serious crimes needs to be closely examined however. To justify these methods the government statement also states that “395 accused were convicted in 272 cases involving the top 10 criminals.” Besides, when it came to crack down on the mafia, 29 of the 69 identified mafias were convicted, reaffirming that the crackdown was not limited to petty offenders, the statement added.

The campaign was stated have also delivered results in cases of crimes against children as reflected from 17 accused being sentenced to death under the POCSO Act which included three such punishments in a month and 619 persons being handed out life imprisonment. Of the 68 death penalties, 17 were under POCSO, 48 for heinous crimes, and the rest in other cases. On average, 143 identified cases were resolved, and 187 criminals convicted each working day, it said.

The post 97,000 persons convicted in UP under ‘operation conviction’: State Govt appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Soon after ABVP submitted its “memorandum to the administration” of the state-run Chaudhary Charan Singh University – a major educational institution in western UP – the institution obliged and decided to debar Panwar from all examination work for life. “She has been debarred from setting papers for life,” Dhirendra Kumar Verma, the registrar of the university, told The Wire on April 5.

The unseemly controversy surrounded the private MA political science final-year examination on the paper ‘State Politics in India,’ conducted on April 2 in the colleges affiliated to the CCSU. The ABVP objected to two questions that were about its parent organisation, the RSS.

In this paper, question number 87 asked which of the following were considered anomic groups – those alienated from society. Among the options were “Dal Khalsa, Naxalite Groups, Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front and Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh.”

Yet another question, numbered 93, was a match-the-following test. The question seemed to link the RSS to the rise of religious and caste identity politics. The other options linked the BSP to Dalit politics, Mandal Commission to OBC politics and Shiv Sena to politics of regional identity.

1. Rise of backward politics
   B. Rise of Dalit politics
   C. Rise of Religious and Caste identity politics
   D. Rise of regional identity politics
2. Shiv Sena
   2.⁠ ⁠RSS
   3.⁠ ⁠BSP
   4.⁠ ⁠Mandal Commission

The correct answer was A=4, B=3, C=2, D=1

Reputed for its disruptive even violent activities in Delhi University (DU) and elsewhere too, the ABVP said the questions had described the RSS as the reason for the emergence of religious and caste politics on the basis of the available options.

“Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has been an apolitical, social, cultural and dedicated organization in the national interest on the basis of equality and national unity for the last 100 years,” the ABVP said. The wing of the RSS dubbed that the professor’s act was “anti-national” and demanded strict legal action by suspending the examiner who set the question paper in the “interest of students and the nation.”

A copy of the memorandum, shared by the ABVP’s Meerut wing, quoted by The Wire, stated, “The way Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has been added in the above question, it seems that the examiner who set the question paper, being afflicted with some anti-national ideology, has worked to tarnish the image of the Sangh among the students in the society and create a wrong narrative, whereas doing so is not in the national interest.”

The ABVP also threatened to launch a large protest if the university did not act against the examiner. Registrar Verma said that a team of the university’s vice-chancellor concluded that the questions found “objectionable” by the students were “controversial.”  Professor Panwar, who teaches at Meerut College, was asked for a clarification, following which she submitted a written apology.

“She expressed regret and said that it was not her intention. She said she set the questions as there was a chapter on it,” said Verma. The registrar said no further action was taken against her. “She apologised for the mistake. What else could she do,” said Verma.

Related:

Madhya Pradesh faculty accused by ABVP of allegedly “promoting Islam” due to a post on Ramadan greeting

‘Attack on free expression’: ABVP ‘insults’ Udaipur professor for FB post

The post Two Questions ‘anti-national’, says ABVP UP professor barred for life from setting exam papers appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The bench comprising Chief Justice of India Sanjiv Khanna, Justice Sanjay Kumar, and Justice KV Viswanathan was hearing a plea seeking the quashing of an FIR that invoked charges of criminal breach of trust, criminal intimidation, and conspiracy—offences which, as per the Court’s observations, clearly arose out of a civil money dispute. Notably, the petitioner was already facing proceedings under Section 138 of the Negotiable Instruments Act (cheque dishonour), and yet, the state police had layered additional criminal allegations without any legal basis.

As per the report of LiveLaw, expressing sharp disapproval, CJI Khanna had exclaimed, “This is wrong! What is happening in UP? Every day, civil suits are being converted to criminal cases. That’s not correct. That’s a breakdown of the Rule of Law completely.” The Court further declared the summoning order and chargesheet to be legally untenable, remarking that failure to repay a debt, by itself, cannot constitute a criminal offence. This is not only an egregious misuse of state power but also a deliberate distortion of criminal law to harass individuals in civil disputes.

Importantly, the Court also directed the Director General of Police (DGP), Uttar Pradesh, and the Investigating Officer (IO) to file affidavits within two weeks, explaining the steps taken to comply with the directives laid down in the landmark judgment Sharif Ahmed v. State of Uttar Pradesh (explained below). In that case, the Supreme Court had clearly mandated that chargesheets must contain precise, complete entries and that the investigating officer must distinctly outline the role of each accused, with supporting statements and documents. The Court had emphasised the necessity of these procedural safeguards to ensure that criminal prosecutions are not misused and remain grounded in substantive evidence.

Yet, despite these clear instructions, the UP Police appeared to have completely ignored these safeguards. The CJI, exasperated with the lack of accountability, even hinted at the initiation of contempt proceedings against the IO, stating, “We have made it clear that he has to detail it in the case diary; he has not submitted it. If the case diary is submitted, the IO will have to enter the witness box and say this is the case… Let the IO learn his lesson, this is not the way you file chargesheets.”

Even as counsel for the state sought to deflect responsibility by arguing that the petitioners had not first approached the High Court, the bench remained unconvinced. In a broader reflection on the state of legal practice in UP, the CJI lamented that lawyers seemed to have forgotten the existence of civil jurisdiction altogether, so routine has the misuse of criminal provisions become.

To make matters worse, when the state’s counsel sought a pass-over to find the correct citation of Sharif Ahmed, the bench granted it but not without a stern warning: if compliance is not demonstrated, costs will be levied directly on the UP Police. As per LiveLaw, the Court categorically ordered a stay on trial court proceedings against the accused, with the exception of the pending Section 138 NI Act proceedings, which were unrelated to the present petition.

The bench’s order leaves little ambiguity: “The order taking cognisance, the summoning order as well as the chargesheet filed is clearly contrary to the decision in Sharif Ahmed and others v. State of UP.” It also clarified that the DGP must submit an affidavit outlining steps taken to implement the earlier directives and ensure that such misuse is not repeated.

At a time when state police forces, particularly in Uttar Pradesh, have displayed alarming tendencies to criminalise civil disputes—often to harass individuals or settle scores—the Court has stepped in to reaffirm the boundaries between civil and criminal law. Its scathing observations, tough stance on accountability, and warning of costs signal an institutional intolerance for such arbitrary exercise of power. More importantly, this order reiterates the Court’s commitment to upholding procedural integrity and constitutional norms. The UP government, on the other hand, finds itself once again in the dock for fostering a legal culture that prioritises coercion over due process. The Supreme Court’s intervention in this case is not only timely but necessary—for justice, for precedent, and for the restoration of rule of law in a state where it appears to be fast eroding.

Previous instance of Supreme Court rebuking UP police for misusing criminal law in civil disputes

On November 28, 2024, the Supreme Court had delivered a sharp reprimand to the Uttar Pradesh Police for repeatedly turning civil disputes—especially land-related conflicts—into criminal cases. Hearing an anticipatory bail plea by an individual facing multiple FIRs tied to property issues, the Court warned that it would not hesitate to issue orders that the UP’s Director General of Police (DGP) would “remember for the rest of his life” if such misuse continued.

A bench comprising Justices Surya Kant and Ujjal Bhuyan had questioned the credibility of the numerous FIRs filed and the intent behind them. Appearing for the State, senior advocate Rana Mukherjee argued that the petitioner had not joined the investigation. However, the Court observed that the petitioner likely feared further false cases and arbitrary arrest. As per the report in LiveLaw, the bench had commented, “He must not be appearing because he knows you will register another false case and arrest him. Every time there is a new FIR—how many can the prosecution actually sustain?”

The bench had pointed out that accusing someone of land grabbing based on a legitimate property purchase through a registered sale deed was a clear misuse of criminal law. “Is it a civil dispute or a criminal one?” the Court asked, emphasising that the UP Police were crossing a line by treating civil disagreements as criminal matters.

The bench also addressed the systemic issue of police overreach. It cautioned that if this practice continued unchecked, the Court would impose strict action against the officers involved. When the State’s counsel attempted to shift responsibility, the Court made it clear that the issue lay with the conduct of the police and urged Mukherjee to ensure the message was conveyed clearly to the authorities.

In its interim direction, the Court permitted the petitioner to join the investigation but barred the police from arresting him without prior permission. The bench stated that any genuine need to arrest should first be justified before the Court. It also warned that officers acting in bad faith would face not only suspension but possibly more serious consequences.

To ensure transparency, the Court instructed the police to issue summons via mobile, clearly mentioning the date, time, and location for appearance before the Investigating Officer.

The Court’s intervention reflects growing concern over the casual criminalisation of civil matters in Uttar Pradesh. This case adds to a series of instances where the judiciary has had to step in to curb the misuse of police powers in the state.

The order may be read here.

Supreme Court guidelines on proper filing of chargesheets

In a judgment delivered on May 1, 2024, the Supreme Court laid down clear directions regarding the filing of charge sheets under Section 173(2) of the CrPC. The court stressed the importance of a well-drafted chargesheet for enabling a magistrate to take cognisance of an offence.

A bench of the then Justice Sanjiv Khanna and Justice SVN Bhatti had observed that investigating officers must ensure that every column of the chargesheet is filled with clarity and completeness. This is necessary for the court to clearly understand which accused is being charged with what offence and what evidence supports the allegations. The charge sheet must also include the list of witnesses along with their statements recorded under Section 161 of the CrPC. Importantly, the specific role played by each accused must be separately stated.

The bench criticised the widespread practice in some states where police merely reproduce the contents of the FIR and make a general remark on whether an offence appears to have been committed, without citing any supporting material. Such a practice, the court said, defeats the purpose of the chargesheet, which should serve as a basis for the magistrate to take informed decisions.

While the court clarified that the chargesheet need not go into a detailed evaluation of evidence—that being the purpose of the trial—it must at least include the reasons and grounds that led the investigating officer to conclude that an offence had been committed. These basic justifications would enable the magistrate to determine whether there is sufficient basis to take cognisance, issue summons, or frame charges.

The court emphasised that a chargesheet is not meant to be an exhaustive summary of the prosecution’s case, but it must reflect a serious and complete investigation. Based on this record, the magistrate exercises powers under Section 190(1)(b) and Section 204 CrPC. Where doubts arise, or if no offence is made out, the magistrate retains the discretion to choose other available options under the law.

To support its position, the court referred to the landmark case H.N. Rishbud and Inder Singh v. State of Delhi, which outlined the key components of an investigation: visiting the crime scene, fact-finding, making arrests, collecting evidence through witness interviews, searches and seizures, and forming an opinion on whether an offence has occurred.

Additionally, reliance was placed on the recent judgment in Dablu Kujur v. State of Jharkhand, where the court directed police officers across India to strictly comply with the mandatory provisions of Section 173(2) CrPC and the relevant State Police Manuals. Any failure to do so, the court said, will be viewed seriously by courts where the police report or chargesheet is filed.

Key guidelines laid down-

1. Complete information required: Chargesheets must contain complete and clear entries in all columns to assist the Magistrate in understanding the offence, the accused’s role, and the supporting evidence.
2. Specific attribution of roles: The role of each accused person must be clearly and separately indicated. General or vague allegations are not acceptable.
3. Mandatory annexures: Statements recorded under Section 161 CrPC and a list of witnesses must be enclosed with the chargesheet.
4. Avoid repetition of FIR: Merely copying the contents of the FIR is insufficient. The chargesheet must reflect the outcome of an independent investigation and present the evidence relied upon.
5. Chargesheet to have sufficient grounds and reasons: While a detailed analysis of the evidence is not necessary, the chargesheet must contain sufficient grounds and reasons to justify the prosecution.
6. Facilitating cognisance: The chargesheet is a crucial document that allows the Magistrate to decide whether to take cognisance, issue process, or dismiss the case under Sections 190(1)(b) and 204 CrPC.
7. Reflect thorough investigation: Although not expected to be a comprehensive narration of the case, the report must reflect a serious and complete investigation.
8. Magisterial discretion not affected: If the Magistrate finds the material insufficient, they may choose not to proceed with cognisance and exercise other available legal options.
9. Investigation procedure reaffirmed: Referring to H.N. Rishbud v. State of Delhi, the Court reiterated that investigation includes visiting the scene, ascertaining facts, making arrests, collecting evidence, and forming an opinion on whether an offence is made out.
10. Strict compliance required: Citing Dablu Kujur v. State of Jharkhand, the Court directed that police officers must strictly adhere to Section 173(2) CrPC and the State Police Manual. Failure to comply will be viewed seriously by the courts.

The judgment may be read here.

Related:            

Black Armbands, State Crackdown: UP targets Muslims for peaceful protest against Waqf Act

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Uttarakhand HC orders unsealing of Madrassa, SC steps in to hear Jamiat’s petition against Dhami govt’s crackdown against Madrassa

From Prison to Uncertainty: After Battling for Bails, Kashmiri Journalists Battle Stigma, Financial Crisis and Isolation

The post Supreme Court slams UP police for criminalising civil disputes, calls it a ‘complete breakdown of rule of law’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This protest was in line with an open call by the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) urging Muslims across the country to express their opposition to the Act by donning black armbands. While similar demonstrations occurred without incident in other states, including Karnataka and Bihar—where even ministers participated—Uttar Pradesh responded with an unprecedented show of state power and repression. The administration has accused hundreds of Muslim men in Muzaffarnagar of “disrupting peace” and “inciting the public,” even though there were no reports of violence, disruption, or unlawful assembly during or after the prayers.

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रमज़ान के इस आख़री जुमा, जुमातुल विदा को मुसलमान यह काम ज़रूर करें…

This Ramazan’s Jumma Tul Wida Let us Protest against Waqf Amendment Bill by this method #IndiaAgainstWaqfBill… pic.twitter.com/FPFC0XSZbk

— All India Muslim Personal Law Board (@AIMPLB_Official) March 27, 2025

The Charges: Disrupting peace by wearing armbands

On April 5, the City Magistrate of Muzaffarnagar issued notices under Section 130 of the Indian Civil Defence Code to more than 300 Muslims, accusing them of “inciting the general public and endangering law and order.” The sole basis for this accusation, as per the notice, was that they wore black armbands inside the mosque while offering prayers—a constitutionally protected form of expression.

The notices demand that each of the accused appear in court on April 16, 2025 and furnish a surety bond of ₹2 lakh, failing which further legal consequences may follow. The language of the notice makes sweeping and speculative claims, stating that “it is believed that in the future, the respondents may incite the general public and spread misinformation,” thereby justifying pre-emptive action against individuals who have not violated any law.

This use of Section 130—a preventive provision meant to maintain peace in times of actual threat—is being grossly misapplied here to punish individuals for peaceful, symbolic dissent. The invocation of such provisions in the absence of any violence or disorder raises serious questions about the arbitrary use of executive power to criminalise protest.

Lack of evidence, arbitrary targeting

What makes the state’s action even more alarming is the complete absence of individualised inquiry or due process. Notices have been issued not only to those who participated in the protest, but also to people who weren’t even present or aware of the protest.

According to Maktoob Media, Naeem Tyagi, principal of Madrasa Mahmudiya, is among those who received a notice. He categorically stated that he did not wear a black armband and only learned of the protest after arriving at the mosque. “Thousands came for Friday prayers—some wore armbands, many did not. No slogans were raised. There was no demonstration, no speech, no incident,” he said.

Similarly, Shabbir, a resident of Sarwat village, received a notice and has declared his intention to challenge it in court. “If MPs can wear black clothes to protest inside Parliament, how is our peaceful action at a mosque any different?” he questioned, as per a report in Maktoob Media. Shabbir also noted that some people listed in the notices haven’t lived in the village for years—suggesting a blanket, communalised approach rather than a lawful, fact-based response.

The local police, when contacted by journalists, failed to offer any explanation or legal justification for their actions and instead disconnected calls—a disturbing reflection of the lack of transparency and accountability that surrounds this crackdown.

Selective policing and disproportionate response

The administration’s action in Muzaffarnagar cannot be seen in isolation. It comes in the context of heightened policing and surveillance across Muslim-majority districts in Uttar Pradesh. Following the passage of the Waqf Amendment Act in Parliament, alerts were issued in districts such as Lucknow, Moradabad, Rampur, Bareilly, Meerut, Amroha, Aligarh, Firozabad, and Shamli, and large contingents of police and paramilitary forces were deployed. Flag marches were conducted by senior police and administrative officers to “maintain peace.”

This alleged militarised response to a symbolic protest smacks of disproportion and is deeply telling of the communal mind-set that governs state action in Uttar Pradesh. In other parts of the country—such as Karnataka—people peacefully offered Eid prayers wearing black armbands, including elected officials and government representatives. States in cities such as Delhi, Mumbai, Lucknow, Bhopal, Kolkata, Jaipur, Ranchi, Nuh, and Coimbatore, and in smaller towns like Baran, Tonk, Bhagwanpur, Mandya, Belagavi, and Bidar, scores of Muslim men and clerics were seen with black bands tied to their sleeves—a show of unity and political expression from a community often vilified for its protest. No such action was taken against them. Only in Uttar Pradesh was this peaceful and silent protest by Muslims was met with threats, intimidation, and legal coercion.

The Act, the right to dissent and the criminalisation of Muslim expression

The Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2024, introduced by Minority Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju, has sparked nationwide concern among citizens. The Act, which got the President’s assent on April 6, claims to “streamline administration” and “increase transparency,” but many have argued that it allows greater state control over Waqf properties and undermines the autonomy of religious endowments managed by the Muslim community.

Opposition to the Act is not only legitimate but rooted in constitutional freedoms. Protest—particularly peaceful protest—is a cornerstone of democratic expression. To wear a black armband is a time-honoured form of dissent. It has been used globally—from the Vietnam War protests in the US to anti-CAA movements in India—as a non-violent signal of disagreement with state policy.

Criminalising this form of protest by branding it a security threat is not only constitutionally untenable, but morally bankrupt and politically motivated. Additionally, this is not an isolated incident. It fits a larger pattern in many BJP ruled states, especially the state of Uttar Pradesh, where Muslims have routinely been penalised for protest—whether it was the anti-CAA movement, the Friday prayers after incidents of lynching, or even expressions of solidarity with global Muslim causes. Protesters have been met with FIRs, house demolitions, mass arrests, and police violence, while calls for violence from other quarters are often ignored or legitimised.

Remarkably, this show of peaceful resistance came even as state agencies in some BJP-ruled states issued veiled threats and warnings.  In Sambhal, Uttar Pradesh, local police had earlier warned that offering Eid prayers on public pavements could result in revocation of arms licences or passports. Nonetheless, young men in the town were seen participating in the armband protest during Friday prayers, stitching their own bands or using pieces of cloth—demonstrating that grassroots mobilisation continues despite intimidation.

In Bhopal, clerics clarified that the black armband protest was strictly tied to Jumat-ul-Vida, not Eid, to avoid conflating it with religious celebrations. Bhopal Qazi Syed Mustak Ali Nadvi reiterated that the AIMPLB had called for a solemn, prayerful protest—not for confrontation or public disruption.

As per ANI, Maulana Khalid Rasheed Farangi Mahali, who led the Friday prayers at Aishbagh Eidgah in Lucknow, joined the protest by wearing a black armband himself. Addressing the community, he reiterated the Board’s concerns, stating that the now passed legislation was not in the interest of Muslims and urging Parliament to withdraw it

The current episode in Muzaffarnagar is another stark reminder of how law is used as a tool of political repression, especially against Muslims in the state. The government’s message is clear: any form of Muslim political expression, however peaceful, is suspect. Dissent is not just discouraged—it is actively punished.

A silent resistance with powerful symbolism

Despite the limited time between the announcement and the day of prayer, participation was widespread. In many mosques, the Friday khutbah (sermon) included references to the implications of the now passed legislation, which the Board and its supporters believe poses a grave threat to the autonomy and sanctity of religious endowments managed under Waqf. At Delhi’s historic Jama Masjid, hundreds of worshippers participated in the armband protest. A worshipper there remarked that the turnout might have been even higher had senior clerics like Imam Ahmed Bukhari publicly endorsed the call.

Prominent figures in the community did, however, lend their weight to the demonstration. In Lucknow, Maulana Khalid Rasheed Farangi Mahali, Imam of Aishbagh Eidgah and chairman of the Islamic Centre of India, led Alvida prayers while wearing a black armband. He reiterated the community’s concerns and appealed for justice not just regarding the Act but also in the context of Palestinian suffering, which was observed in tandem with International Quds Day—another global protest against Israeli occupation.

The AIMPLB had clarified that their call for protest was intended specifically for Jumu’atul Wida and not for Eid, although some Eid congregations across the country did see black armband-wearing worshippers as well. In historic locations such as Jama Masjid in Delhi, hundreds joined the protest in silence, reflecting both unity and urgency in the face of what the Board described as a legislative attack on community assets.

“Today’s protest is a message to Parliament that Indian Muslims are united in their opposition to this Bill. We are deeply worried about its consequences on our mosques, madrasas, dargahs, and graveyards,” said Maulana Mahali, as per a report in The Hindu.

In public statements and on social media, the Board has described the Act as “controversial, discriminatory, and damaging,” and warned that it would pave the way for the state to arbitrarily appropriate or interfere in the functioning of Waqf institutions under the guise of reform and transparency.

AIMPLB spokesperson S.Y.R. Ilyas hailed the response to the black armband protest as a sign of growing political awareness within the Muslim community. “We issued the call very late, but the overwhelming turnout reflects the desperation of the community to protect its institutions. This is only the beginning,” he said, as per Free Press Journal.

The protest was part of AIMPLB’s broader strategy to mobilise constitutional and democratic resistance to the Act. The Board’s 31-member Action Committee has resolved to continue using peaceful and lawful methods to oppose the recently passed amendments, which they have labelled as “controversial, discriminatory, and damaging”.

On social media, the AIMPLB declared the Act to be a “sinister conspiracy” designed to strip the Muslim community of its historical religious and charitable properties—mosques, Eidgahs, madrasas, graveyards, dargahs, khanqahs, and more. In its official statement, the Board called upon every Muslim to treat resistance to the Act as a collective responsibility, urging them to take part in silent yet visible protest.

मुसलमानों से एक महत्वपूर्ण अपील

वक़्फ़ संशोधन विधेयक 2024 के खिलाफ
जुमा-तुल-विदा के मौके पर अपने बाजू पर काली पट्टी बांधकर विरोध दर्ज करें

और इस हैशटैग को इस्तेमाल करते हुए फोटो ट्वीट करें #IndiaAgainstWaqfBill pic.twitter.com/sLs5oU6I1R

— All India Muslim Personal Law Board (@AIMPLB_Official) March 27, 2025

Beyond Armbands: Solidarity with Palestine and political resistance

In addition to the black armbands, some worshippers also carried Palestinian flags and placards, expressing solidarity with residents of Gaza and aligning the protest with broader concerns about justice and human rights. The overlap with Quds Day, observed globally on the last Friday of Ramzan to protest Israeli actions in Palestine, added to the emotional and political tenor of the day.

Meanwhile, the AIMPLB’s campaign to oppose the Waqf Act has not been limited to symbolic gestures. In recent months, it has organised multi-party dharnas in Patna and New Delhi, drawing support from political parties like the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD). Leaders such as Lalu Prasad Yadav and Tejashwi Yadav have publicly backed the protests, amplifying the message that the legislation is viewed not just as a communal issue, but as a constitutional and democratic concern.

Conclusion: A call for accountability and Constitutionalism

In an age where peaceful protest is frequently met with surveillance, criminalisation, or suppression—particularly when it comes from Muslims—the success of the black armband demonstration is both symbolic and substantial. It shows that people across the country are willing to unite in the defence of their institutions and rights.

The UP-government’s action against black armband protesters is legally unsound, constitutionally indefensible, and morally reprehensible. It undermines the very principles of democracy by punishing individuals not for what they did, but for who they are and what they might do in the future. It reflects a regime that is less interested in public order and more invested in silencing minority dissent through intimidation and fear.

The judiciary must intervene to uphold the constitutional rights of those targeted and ensure that the right to peaceful protest is protected. Civil society, too, must speak out and stand in solidarity with the victims of this arbitrary state action. If wearing a black band in protest is a crime in today’s India, then democracy itself is in peril.

Related:

Uttarakhand HC orders unsealing of Madrassa, SC steps in to hear Jamiat’s petition against Dhami govt’s crackdown against Madrassa

CJP submits objections to Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill, 2024 over serious threats to civil liberties

SC: Recent judgment in the Imran Pratapgarhi case, what are police powers under section 173 (3) BNS?

Was the Waqf Beneficial for Muslim Society?

The post Black Armbands, State Crackdown: UP targets Muslims for peaceful protest against Waqf Act appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On April 1, 2025, a bench comprising Justices Abhay S. Oka and Ujjal Bhuyan found that the demolitions had been executed in blatant disregard of due process, with authorities failing to provide proper notice before destroying the residences. The ruling underscored the constitutional protections afforded under Article 21, reminding the state that “the right to shelter is also an integral part of Article 21 of the Constitution of India… Considering the illegal action of the demolition which is in violation of rights of the appellants under Article 21 of the Constitution, we direct the Prayagraj Development Authority to pay compensation of 10 lakhs each to the appellants.”

Violation of Due Process and Right to Shelter

The Court expressed its deep dismay at the brazen manner in which these demolitions were carried out. “These cases shock our conscience. Residential premises of the appellants have been high-handedly demolished in the manner which we have discussed in detail,” the bench stated, as per LiveLaw. Justice Oka, during the hearing, further criticised the conduct of the authorities, observing, “This shocks our conscience. There is something called the right to shelter, something called due process.”

One of the most damning aspects of the ruling was the Court’s rejection of the method by which demolition notices were allegedly served. As per the details of the case, the authorities had affixed notices to properties instead of properly delivering them in person or by registered post, effectively depriving the occupants of any real opportunity to challenge the demolition orders. “This affixing business must be stopped. They have lost their houses because of this,” Justice Oka remarked, condemning the practice as a flagrant violation of legal safeguards.

Procedural lapses and flawed execution of notice

The timeline of events further illustrated the authorities’ disregard for procedural fairness. As dictated by Justice Oka in his order, a show-cause notice under Section 27 of the U.P. Urban Planning and Development Act, 1973, was issued on December 18, 2020, and immediately affixed, with a perfunctory note claiming two prior unsuccessful attempts at personal service. A demolition order followed on January 8, 2021, which was again affixed but never sent via registered post. The first registered post communication was dispatched only on March 1, 2021, received on March 6, and the demolition was carried out the very next day—denying the appellants any meaningful chance to exercise their right to appeal under Section 27(2) of the Act.

The Supreme Court firmly rejected this approach, clarifying that the objective of the proviso to Section 27(1) was to ensure a genuine opportunity for affected individuals to respond before any demolition took place. “The object of the proviso to Section 27(1) is to provide a reasonable opportunity to show cause before demolition. This is no way of granting a reasonable opportunity,” the Court held, as per a report in LiveLaw.

Interpretation of legal provisions on service of notice

The order also addressed the legal requirements for serving notices under Section 43 of the U.P. Planning Act. The Court highlighted that affixation could only be resorted to if personal service had genuinely been attempted and failed. “When the provision talks about a person who cannot be found, it is obvious that genuine efforts are required to be made for effecting service in person. It cannot be that the person entrusted with the job of serving notice goes to the house and affixes it after finding that on that day the person concerned is not available. It is obvious that repeated efforts have to be made to make personal service. Only if those efforts fail then there are two options available. One is of affixing and second is of sending by registered post,” the Court observed.

The Court’s ruling also referenced its 2024 decision in In Re Directions In The Matter Of Demolition Of Structures, which laid down clear guidelines for the service of notices and procedural safeguards to be followed before demolishing structures. While the present case predated that judgment, the Court applied Section 43 to underscore the authorities’ failure to comply with even existing statutory requirements.

Compensation and accountability

Initially, the Court had considered allowing the appellants to rebuild their homes, provided they undertook to demolish them at their own cost if their appeals were ultimately unsuccessful. However, during the latest hearing, their counsel submitted that they lacked the financial means to do so, prompting the Court to award compensation instead. The Attorney General for India, R. Venkataramani, opposed this move, arguing that the affected individuals had alternate accommodations. The Court rejected this line of reasoning outright, stating that the availability of alternative housing did not justify the violation of due process.

Justice Oka was emphatic that financial compensation was necessary to ensure accountability. “We will record this whole thing as illegal. And fix compensation of ₹10 lakh in each case. That is the only way to do this, so that this authority will always remember to follow due process,” he declared during the hearing.

Importantly, the Court clarified that it had not ruled on the appellants’ ownership rights over the land in question, leaving them free to initiate proceedings to establish their title. Additionally, it directed the Prayagraj Development Authority to “scrupulously follow” the guidelines set out in In Re Directions In The Matter Of Demolition Of Structures going forward, ensuring that such abuses do not recur.

A win for due process, justice and equality

The case had an additional political dimension, with the petitioners alleging that the State had wrongly linked their properties to the late gangster-politician Atiq Ahmed, who was assassinated in 2023. They maintained that their homes were demolished without notice under this pretext. The Uttar Pradesh government countered that the structures were unauthorised and that the occupants had overstayed their leases. The Allahabad High Court had earlier ruled in favour of the State, dismissing the petitioners’ challenge on the grounds that their leases had expired in 1996 and that their freehold applications had been rejected in 2015 and 2019.

This Supreme Court order represents a crucial intervention against the increasing trend of illegal demolitions carried out under the guise of law enforcement. By awarding substantial compensation and issuing a strong condemnation of the Prayagraj Development Authority’s actions, the Court has reaffirmed the fundamental principle that due process cannot be sacrificed at the altar of administrative expediency. The said stance of the Supreme Court sends a clear message that state authorities cannot bulldoze homes without following the law—a warning that should serve as a precedent in future cases of unlawful demolitions and state-sponsored targeting.

Related:

Maharashtra Human Rights Commission probes Malvan demolitions after suo moto cognisance

Hegemony and Demolitions: The Tale of Communal Riots in India in 2024

Supreme Court reinforces due process in demolition cases, lays down stringent guidelines to prevent arbitrary demolitions

Supreme Court rebukes “Bulldozer Justice,” plans to issue nationwide guidelines to prevent arbitrary demolitions

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