Following on two earlier reports released by the citizen’s platform in 2024, the report on the Lok Sabha elections and the Haryana and Jammu & Kashmir state assembly elections, this 214 page report includes a detailed study of the manner in which data has been collected for the ongoing Bihar Special Intensive Revision (SIR). The large section of analysis that deals with Maharashtra reveals shocking discrepancies between official data published by the CEO, Maharashtra  and the ECI, Delhi, massive post-midnight unexplained surges in voter/elector percentages and disproportionate spikes in Elector numbers since 2019 (Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha) and 2024 (Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha). Apart from anything else the report lists the close margin seats (amounting to 133 out of the state’s 283 seats) where stakes were high: 25 seats won by less than 3,000 votes, 39 seats by less than 5,000 votes and another 69 seats with less than 10,000 — suggesting that small anomalies could change outcomes.

At the outset, the current report released by Vote for Democracy, lays out what the ‘Weaponisation’ of India’s Election System? (IES) has amounted to since around 2017 onwards:

“The EVM-centred voting system has four critical components. Microchips to record the votes as cast by the voter, Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail (VVPATs) to audit and verify that the votes are recorded as cast and counted as recorded and Symbol Loading Units (SLUs) that upload the name and symbol of the candidates contesting on a particular seat on EVM/VVPAT. The fact that post 2017, the EVS (electronic voting system) is no more stand-alone but linked to the internet with the SLU having a labile memory has made the system susceptible to manipulation/meddling. The fourth critical component in the IES is Electoral Roll which is the voter’s list and because of the methods adopted by the Election Commission of India (ECI) large scale ‘disenfranchisement’ of voters looms large. Cumulatively these constitute the ‘weaponisation’ of IES. If allowed to continue it could sound the death-knell of electoral democracy!”

The detailed report also lists, with close to two dozen tables and 21 graphs the key findings related to the Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha elections of 2024.

Key findings (Maharashtra)

1. Unexplained midnight turnout surge

1. 5 PM turnout: 58.22%; midnight: 66.05% — a 7.83% jump (~48 lakh extra votes).
2. Spikes: Nanded (+13.57%), Jalgaon (+11.11%), Hingoli (+11.06%), Solapur (+10.63%), Beed (+10.56%), Dhule (+10.46%).
3. Historically, late surges are minimal.

2. Close margins, high stakes

• 25 seats won by <3,000 votes; 39 seats by <5,000; 69 seats by <10,000 — meaning small anomalies could change outcomes.

3. Erratic and unverifiable voter roll changes

• Between the May 2024 Lok Sabha elections and November 2024 Assembly polls — just six months — Maharashtra’s electoral roll ballooned by over 46 lakh voters.
• The increase was concentrated in about 12,000 polling booths spread across 85 constituencies — predominantly in seats the BJP had lost in the Lok Sabha elections.
• Some booths saw 600+ new voters added after 5 PM, implying an implausible 10+ hours of extra voting time that did not occur in reality.
• Official elector data fluctuated wildly:
  • August 30, 2024: The ECI reported 9,64,85,765 voters, but the CEO Maharashtra’s own press release for the same date listed only 9,53,74,302 — a gap of over 11 lakh.
  • October 15, 2024: The CEO’s figure dropped slightly to 9,63,69,410.
  • October 30, 2024: Just 15 days later, the CEO’s figure surged to 9,70,25,119 — an increase of more than 16 lakh voters in two weeks.

4. Large-scale election data mismatches (2019–2024)

• In 2019, Maharashtra had 8,86,76,946 voters for Lok Sabha and 8,98,38,267 for Vidhan Sabha — an increase of 11,61,321 voters in just a few months. Votes polled rose from 5,35,65,479 (Lok Sabha) to 5,44,07,794 (Vidhan Sabha) — an increase of 8,42,315
• In 2024, the state had 9,30,61,760 voters for Lok Sabha and 9,70,25,119 for Vidhan Sabha — an increase of 39,53,259 voters in less than six months.
• Votes polled jumped from 5,69,69,708 (Lok Sabha) to 6,40,85,091 (Vidhan Sabha) — 71,15,383 more votes in the Assembly election than in the Lok Sabha election held the same year.
• Between 2019 and 2024:
  • Lok Sabha voter rolls grew by 43,94,814, but votes polled increased by only 34,04,229.
  • Vidhan Sabha voter rolls grew by 71,86,852, while votes polled increased by 96,77,257.
• The disproportionately high voter participation in the 2024 Assembly polls compared to the Lok Sabha— and the sharp, unexplained increase in registered voters within months — has not been explained by the Election Commission of India or the CEO Maharashtra.

Disproportionate Spikes:

12. SIX MONTHS Between 2019 LS and 2019 Assembly:         +12.7 lakh electors.
13. FIVE YEARS Between 2019 LS and 2024 LS:                    +37.9–45 lakh.
14. FIVE MONTHS Between 2019 LS and 2024 Assembly:         +84.6 lakh.
15. SIX MONTHS Between May–Nov 2024 (LS to Assembly): +41 lakh.
16. SEVEN MONTHS Between March–Oct 2024 (LS to Assembly): +46.7 lakh.

• These inconsistencies point to major roll integrity concerns and require urgent ECI and CEO Maharashtra clarification.

5. Sudden vote surges benefiting specific parties

• In the Lok Sabha elections (May 2024), BJP averaged 88,713 votes per Assembly segment.
• In the Assembly elections (November 2024), BJP averaged 116,064 votes per seat — a sudden 28,000 vote increase per seat without matching demographic growth.
• Examples:
  • Kamthi: Congress vote stayed flat (~1.35 lakh) while BJP gained 56,000 votes; voter list increased by 35,000.
  • Karad (South): 41,000 more votes than six months earlier — a rise not seen in five years.
• In the Nanded Lok Sabha by-election, Congress won the parliamentary seat but lost all six Assembly segments in the same area, with 1.59 lakh fewer votes at the Assembly level despite simultaneous polling. 

6. High-profile anomalies

• Nagpur South West added 29,219 voters in 6 months — above ECI’s 4% verification threshold; BLOs confirmed incomplete checks.
• Markadwadi village, Solapur, alleged EVM results did not reflect actual votes; police blocked a paper-ballot mock poll.

7. Procedural and technical anomalies

• Reports of routers near polling stations, sudden power cuts during counting, EVMs arriving late at strong rooms, CCTV failures, and alleged strong room breaches.
• In some booths, EVM batteries showed 99% at counting start, inconsistent with normal discharge.
• Mismatches between Form 17C (polling station record) and Control Unit counts.
• VVPAT concerns: potential internet connectivity and no public audit of slips.
• Questions over whether ECI independently controls EVM source code.
• Conflict of interest: BJP members on boards of ECIL & BEL — EVM manufacturers.

8. Data secrecy and legal changes curtailing scrutiny

• December 2024: ECI amended Rule 93 of the Conduct of Election Rules to restrict access to CCTV footage and Form 17C — just days after a court ordered their release in another state’s polls.
• May 2025: Retention of election CCTV footage cut from up to one year to 45 days, enabling destruction of crucial evidence before legal challenges can proceed.
• Despite 100% webcasting of polling stations, neither video footage nor VVPAT slips are available for public verification. 

9. Inaction on hate speech

• Despite 100+ complaints during the Maharashtra polls, including from specific constituencies and named leaders, no visible ECI action was taken. 

Why Maharashtra Matters

The scale, precision, and constituency targeting of these anomalies suggest a structured pattern of electoral manipulation — not random administrative error. Maharashtra’s 2024 Assembly election case study stands as a warning for future polls across India.

While the report briefly notes concerns over Bihar’s Special Intensive Revision of rolls, Maharashtra offers the clearest, most data-backed evidence of the “weaponisation” of India’s election system.

The press release dated August 16 echoes the demands raised in the Report:

• De-centralise voter system: ECI to conduct only Parliamentary/Presidential elections; State ECs to conduct Assembly and local polls. They should be strengthened suitably.
• Immediate forensic audit of EVMs, VVPATs, and voter rolls.
• Public release of machine-readable rolls, Form 17A/17C, and CCTV footage.
• Rollback of restrictive Rule 93 amendments; restore transparency safeguards.
• Legislative guarantees for end-to-end vote verifiability.

Related:

The curious case of Mumbai Mahanagari’s 36 seats: who holds the winning card?

Congress raises alarm over manipulated voter rolls in Maharashtra Assembly elections

Vote for Democracy: Statistical, legal and procedural irregularities dot Bihar’s controversial SIR process

EVM row: Winning MLA from Malshiras (Markadwadi) issues ultimatum to ECI, demands elections by ballot papers

Markadwadi, Pune, Sholapur, Akola, are protests against ECI mounting in Maharashtra?

Bihar SIR: 65 Lakh electors flagged for deletion, SC said “if there is mass exclusion, we will immediately step in”

ECI to SC: Voter ID insufficient for Bihar roll, defends citizenship verification power

Punjab University’s former dean writes to CJI: Bihar SIR threatens democracy, alleges ECI overreach & voter disenfranchisement

Non-Electors Within Electors: ECI reports over 61 lakh potential exclusions

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