The document, which has been released as part of the 112-page government resolution (GR), whose annexures say it all, is a guideline on what all the selected 20-odd young graduates with a mere 60% with a monthly stipend of Rs 1 lakh (which is more than the salary of state class one entry-level state official) – would need to do research on.

It admits, “There is wide gap in the generation of the sewage and its scientific disposal”, underlining, “Lack of adequate system for sewage collection in villages and small towns” is leading to “serious water pollution problems due to discharge of untreated domestic sewage into recipient bodies like rivers, natural drains, lakes, seashores or groundwater.”

At the same time, the document believes, the problem is equally huge in big cities. It says, there is “wide gap in the amount of household solid waste generated in the state as well as the amount of waste collected and disposed of scientifically”, adding, “Due to the urbanization in big cities, solid waste management requires advance planning and a lot of changes in budget provision.”

What happens because of “the use of polluted water in dry areas” and “lack of clean water” across the state, believes the document, is “diseases and other health problems” to human beings, on one hand, and adverse impact on “agriculture and animal husbandry”, on the other.

Talking of “lack of proper solid waste collection, treatment and disposal system”, the document says, the “frequent epidemics and other pollution problems” become worse because of of lack of public awareness.

Pointing towards “a lot of opposition from nearby residents/ public while selecting new sites for solid waste disposal”, the document says, there is a “need to work for economic benefit from proper collection of recyclable solid waste and compostable bio-degradable solid waste.”

Insisting on the “widespread need for low-cost sewage treatment plants”, which needs to be done after evaluating “treatment capacity with regard to domestic sewage generation in municipalities”, the document recommends, there should be provision of “severe penalties for violation of solid waste disposal regulations and for its effective implementation.”

Pointing out that “operational problems in most sewage treatment plants needs to addressed, the it says, there is “lack of proper operation and maintenance of” existing “sewage treatment plants”, which “leads to odour nuisance in surrounding areas.” Hence, it underscores, the “establishment of appropriate and adequate systems for re-use of treated sewage is a big question.”

Coming to industrial wastewater pollution, the document states, “The industrialization in the state and presence of multiple sectors of industries leads to generation of complex and high volume of industrial wastewater”, adding, “Small scale industries lack technical and financial capabilities for operation of treatment plants. Problem and recommendation.”

However, it is not just small industries which are a problem. The document does not spare even large industries. Thus, it says, there is “lack of technologies and technical manpower in treatment plants with regard to product diversification in large industries.”

This problem, it notes, is compounded by operational and maintenance problems in common effluent treatment plants (CETPs), where there is “lack of capacity and new technologies in existing treatment plants for disposal of wastewater arising from new products in member units of CETP.”

The document continues, “Lack of reuse system of treated industrial wastewater from CETPs leads to disposal issues”, adding, “Industrial wastewater management by zero liquid discharge units as compared to other units have higher economic burden”, which is caused by “lack of skilled workers in industrial units as well as in CETPs.”

Presence of multiple sectors of industries in Gujarat leads to generation of complex, high volume of industrial wastewater

Coming to problem of plastic pollution, the document claims, “Number of plastic waste recyclers is the highest in Gujarat as compared to other states”, but adding, for enhancing “plastic waste management”, there is a need for registration of plastic “producers, importers and brand owners as per plastic waste management rules”.

Further claiming that “plastic waste from paper mills in the state is used as alternate fuel in cement mills”, it says, “New innovative technology is requires for utilization of plastic waste in other industries.” Also, there is need for proper “disposal of plastic waste generated from metropolitan, municipal and rural areas in scientific manner”, as it too “is a big issue.”

Seeking to address hazardous waste, the document says, “There is a huge generation of hazardous waste in Gujarat”, pointing out, the problem becomes particularly sharp because of “wide variation in the type of hazardous wastes due to diversity in industries”, which add to “its collection, storage, treatment, reuse and disposal.”

Insisting on the need for “new technologies for cleaner production and use of cleaner technology in industries to reduce hazardous waste generation” as also “policy” for promoting “industries for scientific reuse of hazardous waste”, the document seeks “strict implementation of waste hierarchy by industries, treatment, storage, and disposal facility (TSDF) operators and regulators.”

However, it regrets, “In spite of proper landfill site design and operation”, issues like “air pollution, water pollution or structural stability incidents from existing landfill sites” occur. Hence, what is required is “land use plan for keeping distance of hazardous waste disposal sites from human population and other environmentally sensitive locations on permanent basis. Problem and recommendation.”

Commenting on air pollution in the state, the document says, “effective implementation of state level air pollution control action plan by every stakeholder” is required. It talks of “lack of participation and proper time-bound coordination and implementation by all concerned departments of the state for … the City Air Action Plan.”

Seeking mandate for the use of clean fuel or controlling the increasing number of vehicles, document wants “wider use of public transportation” for which “micro level planning” should be done “for air pollution control in big cities as well as industrial estates.” Also policy is required “to increase use of clean fuel in industries”, and monitoring and imposition of penalty should be done “for effective measures to prevent air pollution from building construction.”

Then, the document talks of the need for “preventive measures required to prevent accidental pollution in industries”, which requires “monitoring by authorities like the Directorate of Industrial Safety and Health (DISH) for proper safety measures to prevent air pollution and need to guide industries accordingly.”

Among the measures required include “green buffer zones to prevent air pollution and noise pollution” along “major roads, highways, railway lines etc.”, though regretting, there is “lack of adequate green buffer zone around industrial estates.”

Courtesy: https://www.counterview.net

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Image: Indian Express

Dalit, OBC and Patidar (Patel) youth on one platform fighting Unemployment their collective slogan?

Youth leaders cutting across caste lines once have again joined hands on the issue of unemployment and declared Berojgar Yatra (unemployment march) from Becharaji in Mehsana to the Collector office near Sabarmati Ashram in Ahmedabad on January 6. They have asked the Gujarat government to ensure that 85 per cent jobs were given to Gujarati youths by companies investing in the state. There are also threats to disrupt or protest outside the Vibrant Gujarat Summit.

 The march has been organised by OBC leader Alpesh Thakor under the banner of Thakor-Kshatriya Sena and it has been supported from Dalit youth leader Jignesh Mevani and Patidar leader Varun Patel, who is the media convener of Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS), led by Hardik Patel.

The three were joined by people from other communities on Tuesday, when Thakor addressed a press conference to announce the march from Becharaji, which is part of the Gujarat Government’s ambitious Mandal-Becharaji Special Investment Region (MB-SIR) project. Farmer leader Sagar Rabari, a couple of Muslim youth workers and some Brahmin leaders joined them in solidarity. Rabari on Monday had concluded 20-day-long farmers’ march to highlight the plight of Gujarat farmers in Gandhinagar.

Debunking the exaggerated claims around Vibrant Gujarat summits, Thakor said that unemployment was the harsh reality of Gujarat not investment. “The Gujarat government has been signing MoUs worth lakhs of crores of rupees during the Vibrant Gujarat Summit. However, the reality is that 60 lakh youths are unemployed in Gujarat. So, we want the government to declare the figures of how many youths were given employment by companies who come through MoUs during the Vibrant Gujarat Summits.”

“If the government does not make sincere efforts to ensure that 85 per cent jobs in these companies are given to Gujaratis, then we are going to disrupt the Vibrant Summit… We have support from all communities,” Thakor said. According to Thakor, around 3 lakh youths would likely join the Berojgar Yatra.

Varun Patel of PAAS said that while the outfit’s priority remains the Patidar reservation agitation, it was also with the unemployed youth of Gujarat. “There are a number of agitations going on in Gujarat like the Patidar agitation, the Dalit agitation and the OBC agitation. The root of these agitations is unemployment,” he added.

Jignesh, meanwhile, said, “If we analyse the root of the Dalit agitation, the Patidar agitation or the OBC agitation, three things emerge as the main reasons — unemployment among youths, exploitation of youths and labourers in government jobs, private jobs and factories and deep rooted agrarian crisis in the state. And so, this time, cutting across caste and communal lines, we have come together on the issue of unemployment and we will oppose this year’s Vibrant Gujarat Summit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi while telling him, ‘Modi, go back’.”

Events related to Vibrant Gujarat Global Summit are scheduled between January 9 and January 13. Modi will be in Gujarat on January 9 and 10.
 

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My plane landed at Ahmedabad airport in the wee hours of the morning. As I emerged from this splendid airport I was surrounded by a herd of taxi-drivers all asking me to get into their taxis. One of them picked up my bags as another literally pushed me into his cab, each compelling me to travel with him. It was a surreal feeling.

I had planned to visit several places in Gujarat on this tour and according to my schedule I was to leave for Anand the same day. I could go either by local train or taxi and I had been advised to use a taxi. The problem was however that while I sat in one taxi my luggage had been loaded into another. This hijack only confirmed that although I was travelling into Narendra Modi’s progressive Gujarat, in fact I stood helplessly in no man’s land.

Last year, under Narendra Modi’s leadership, the BJP won the Gujarat assembly elections with a thumping majority. The BJP’s mega success and absolute majority in the state assembly has already made Modi mightier than his party. As a leader, he ‘helped himself’ and the BJP to retain success. He now rules the state for yet another term, making it four consecutive terms for the BJP.

Following his victory at the polls, Narendra Modi declared that his win was a triumph of the sentiments and prestige of five crore Gujaratis (sic) "including its 50 lakh Muslims". It is however a shameful truth that the Muslims of Gujarat are still outcastes in their own land.

Why did Modi win with a complete majority? Political pundits and analysts in the media have their own explanations for this; the media always seems able to justify ‘worshipping the rising sun’. According to popular opinion in the fourth estate, it was Gujarat’s social, political and economic development under Modi’s "able leadership" through the preceding decade that rewarded him with yet another term in power.

Five years down the line, many media hypotheses and views, voices that the media once espoused, seem to have subsided as many lie forgotten. The one fact that everyone seems to agree on today is that Modi won thanks to the social, political and economic prosperity of his state. Yet his win owes much to his religious chauvinism, his bigotry being a major factor in scripting his "success story". A state that had long been experimenting with religious dogmatism, Gujarat soon turned into a boiling hotbed of Hindu fanaticism. The carnage and riots of 2002 was the chosen battleground where thousands of Muslims were slaughtered, their women brutally raped and murdered, in a genocide that was condemned worldwide.

Ironically, this time around, Narendra Modi was praised for his "statesmanship". Hindutva’s new poster boy for victory made history for the win-win mechanism of Hindu fanaticism. Interestingly, the media seemed to forget his many misdeeds.

As a devout Gujarati, Narendra Modi has developed infrastructure in his state. He appealed to non-resident Gujaratis to maintain ties with their state as true sons of the soil. He has improved the distribution and supply of electricity in Gujarat and supported industrialisation for sustainable growth. But as chief minister he can pick and choose which areas to look after and which ones to avoid. Upon closer analysis it appears that Modi deliberately overlooked Muslim dominated areas of the state, which are instead being looked after by NGOs. Functioning within their own limitations, these NGOs are unable to formulate feasible plans for development; especially without the governmental support they are denied. The very idea that they work for a particular religious group is reason enough to arouse bias against them. Where then do Gujarat’s Muslims and their supporting NGOs fit in such a scenario?

My musings come to a halt as I zero in on a taxi that could drive me to Anand. Appearances speak louder than words, they say. I applied this wisdom to the dilemma at hand, looked deeply into the faces of both taxi-drivers and concluded that one of them was a Muslim. He sported a beard and his typical attire, a salwar khameez, confirmed his identity. I chose to take his taxi because I thought it would be safer travelling in a Muslim’s taxi – my misgivings had transformed me into a communal peer.

Guessing my intentions, the other taxi-driver played his final card. Hoping to change my mind, he used sound fiscal logic to lure me into his taxi instead. Sir! How much are you going to pay that mian (Muslim) chap? It isn’t safe to travel with a Muslim in Gujarat nowadays.

My appearance disguises my religion and I wasn’t easily distinguishable as a Muslim, rather I have often been mistaken for a Hindu.

You ride with me and pay me 100 rupees less than what you would have paid that mian, he said.

Perhaps it would be an adventure to travel in disguise. I chose the taxi driven by Hirabhai Patel, the Hindu taxi-driver, and instructed him to take me on a tour of Ahmedabad before I left for Anand. The architectural beauty of this historical city evoked its golden past, highlighting a bygone era. Its splendid buildings and monuments surpassed my musings. This was no idle reverie.

I had to be careful when I answered incoming calls on my mobile phone, choosing to say “hi” instead of “salaam” to my Muslim friends when they called. I did this not out of fear but because I wanted to hear more of these outbursts from an ordinary if communalised Hindu who had been poisoned by hatemongering

As we traversed a busy city street, Hirabhai Patel asked me my name. Asif Anwar, I replied. He repeated it aloud, with some modifications: Ashish Anup. Yeah, I said, and began to talk of something else. But I was not afraid. So you are a North Indian Brahmin. Would you please shut up and take me to some monuments, I rebuked him. Sure, sir! A little later, Hirabhai’s words, uttered as we drove through another crowded street, grabbed my attention. Sir, look at that place. This is where the biggest ever dhamal had happened. Dhamal! What do you mean? I don’t understand. You wouldn’t since you are a "non-Gujarati Hindu". Dhamal is a riot where devout Gujarati Hindus killed Muslims and showed them their rightful place – the graveyard.

I couldn’t weep. I should not. Apart from anything else, I could have been taken for a Muslim.

A few hours’ journey had suddenly become an exhausting experience.

From my seat in the taxi, I looked out anew at the city’s monuments. To my eyes, most of them seemed to be stained with fresh blood. I looked at Hirabhai who was now driving along in silence. People like him had turned into Hindu chauvinists. But who can blame him for the mischief he gave voice to? He had his arguments. Thousands like him had been instigated to choose the path of hatred.

I toured all of Ahmedabad city in the space of two hours. I was shown each and every temple in the city. I visited a grand temple at the army base camp. Each devotee, including ‘me’, was checked through security. I ate prasad. If they could have, the security guards would have checked my ‘religion and my intentions’ and found that I was not a worshipper but, unfortunately for them, they could not. I didn’t visit a single mosque in Ahmedabad. And I admired the towering architecture of its temples.

By evening I had arrived in Anand. Hirabhai was happy that I was a "devoted Hindu" from North India. Still, he contended, Gujarati Hindus were unsurpassable in their devotion. North Indian Hindus cannot even begin to conceive of what Gujarati Hindus had done. This was all thanks to the "able leadership" of a man of Narendra Modi’s stature, he said.

I kept nodding in mute agreement, yeah, yeah. I was in no mood for a discussion on such weighty issues with a taxi-driver. I had to be careful when I answered incoming calls on my mobile phone, choosing to say "hi" instead of "salaam" to my Muslim friends when they called. I did this not out of fear but because I wanted to hear more of these outbursts from an ordinary if communalised Hindu who had been poisoned by hatemongering.

History flashed back through the centuries, years and years through which Gujarat has encountered the Hindu hatemonger. Viewed against this backdrop, Narendra Modi was no more than an ‘active’ puppet of Hindu fanaticism who deliberately advocated the ‘cause of Hinduism’. One cannot but recall the Gujarat riots of 1714, 1715, 1716, 1741, 1750, 1941, 1946, 1965, 1969, 1982, 1984, 1986, and the more recent ones of 1992, 1993 and 2002. The seeds of hatred have spread unbridled among leaders here.

On entering the precincts of the Institute of Rural Management in Anand, which I was visiting on an official assignment, I paid the taxi-driver’s fare. As he was leaving, he invited me to come back to Ahmedabad and hire his taxi again, saying that it was really nice to have toured his Gujarat with a "North Indian Hindu". By this time I had decided to clarify Hirabhai’s misconceptions. I told the poor chap, enough is enough. Do you know my identity? I am a Muslim, and a devout Muslim. Now, please leave me alone. I had grown increasingly short-tempered.

Hirabhai Patel was plainly stunned. He sped off the campus, probably convinced that he had been deceived by a Muslim – an experience he wouldn’t forget in this lifetime. One that could turn him into either a true Hindu or a full-fledged hatemonger.

I don’t know what happened with him. But a minute or two later when I received a call on my mobile phone I answered the call and, as usual, said salaam.

Hirabhai had reconfirmed my identity. He had disconnected the call.

I had toured Modi’s vibrant Gujarat.

Archived from Communalism Combat,  February 2008 Year 14    No.128-Cover Story 3

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