Presently, he serves as the editor-in-chief of the YouTube channel DMAindia online and is pursuing a PhD in journalism.

Having a background in law and coming from the most historically underprivileged segments of society, Valmikis, Sanjeev’s perspectives are of significant relevance. He has been part of the Ambedkar movement for years, advocating for the empowerment of the entire Dalit community through his writings.

Sanjeev expresses disappointment that, despite his support for the Supreme Court’s decision regarding the classification of Scheduled Castes, he has faced backlash. This topic was thoroughly discussed during a conversation with me, where Sanjeev elaborated on the struggles and social issues stemming from this classification debate:

You’ve been actively engaged in the Ambedkarite movement, advocating for Baba Saheb’s mission and rallying for Dalit unity. However, you now face criticism for supporting the Supreme Court’s verdict on reservations for the most marginalized Dalits. Can you describe the nature of this criticism and its source?

Sanjeev: My support is directed towards those Dalits who remain significantly disadvantaged and economically backward—often referred to as Mahadalits or extremely backward Dalits—who have not yet benefited from government resources or welfare initiatives. As a thinker and intellectual, it’s crucial for me to uphold my views and promote dialogue between both forward and backward Dalit groups to address the root causes of this backwardness. It’s undeniable that many Dalit communities are still grappling with these issues. However, I find myself labeled as foolish or accused of being an agent of the RSS or BJP, particularly by individuals with whom I have previously worked closely in various movements. This is disheartening, as they seem unwilling to engage with or understand my perspective.

After years of activism, do you believe that our leaders and intellectuals have failed to transcend their caste frames? 

Sanjeev: The events surrounding the Bharat Bandh on August 21 highlighted that the Dalit movement is often centered around the interests of specific castes, rather than embracing the wider Dalit community. At many Ambedkar Jayanti celebrations, for instance, the leadership is dominated by members of a single caste, controlling the distribution of government funds, leaving others sidelined while lamenting a purported division among Dalits. This same insularity is evident in Buddha Vihars nationwide, which have become strongholds for caste panchayats rather than spaces for unity and advocacy.

You have referred to Buddha Vihars as strongholds of caste panchayats. Can you elaborate on that?

Sanjeev: Buddha Vihars should embody Dr. Ambedkar’s vision of caste eradication and inclusive representation. Unfortunately, they have often become exclusive spaces that restrict access and perpetuate divisions based on caste identity. You can often discern the caste affiliations merely by looking at the Budh Vihar, which starkly contradicts the original purpose of these spaces.

In light of the criticism you’ve received, do you still stand by the questions you’ve raised?

Sanjeev: Yes, upon reflection, I believe that my inquiries are justified. The stand I take is corrective and necessary for a more inclusive dialogue within our community.

What is your perspective on the Supreme Court’s ruling regarding caste classification?

Sanjeev: The Supreme Court addressed two main elements: the “creamy layer” and classification. While I oppose the concept of a creamy layer as it detracts from the core issues of caste discrimination and untouchability, I view classification positively. Coming from a historically marginalized caste like Domar, I observe that sanitation workers, including Valmiki, are still trapped in adverse working conditions and have not received equitable job opportunities according to their demographics. The classification of reservations stands to benefit the most backward within the Scheduled Castes, although some powerful Dalit groups are claiming that such measures will fracture Dalit unity—echoing sentiments from upper castes during the time of Baba Saheb Ambedkar when faced with the Communal Award.

It appears that the Dalit and Ambedkarite movements are currently fragmented over this ruling. Critics allege that accusations of caste appropriation are unfounded; however, ignoring the unique identities of our other brothers and sisters seems unwise. Have the marginalized members of Scheduled Castes been overlooked in Ambedkarite philosophy, leading to their exclusion from political dialogues? 

Sanjeev: It is indeed shortsighted to claim that rights are being violated or that someone is encroaching upon one’s entitlements. However, the persistent backwardness of certain groups is undeniable. Just as the untouchable castes progressed after the introduction of reservations, so too can backward untouchables advance with tailored reservations.

Many accuse the Swachhkar Samaj of not aligning with Baba Saheb Ambedkar. Critics claim that by identifying as Hindus and supporting the BJP, they should be removed from Scheduled Caste reservations and categorized under the EWS. How would you respond?

Sanjeev: Such statements stem from a lack of understanding of Ambedkar’s teachings. The societal dynamics were influenced by figures like Ramratan Janorkar and Advocate Bhagwan Das, who worked alongside Baba Saheb from the beginning. If individuals face discrimination or humiliation, they naturally seek refuge with those who show them respect. The RSS has attempted to engage with these communities, while upper Dalits have largely failed to extend help beyond opposition. The protests against the backward Dalits on the 21st only exacerbated existing tensions.

After your long association with the Ambedkarite movement, do you think intellectuals squandered the chance for unity across the entire Dalit society? 

Sanjeev: Absolutely. Upper-Dalit intellectuals have squandered a critical opportunity. Following the Supreme Court’s verdict, they should have initiated dialogues with representatives from backward Dalit groups instead of missing the chance to unify and address issues collaboratively. The level of vitriol directed toward marginalized Dalit castes on social media today is shocking—often surpassing even that from upper castes. The abuse faced by individuals like Ramesh Bhangi, for simply expressing their views, exemplifies this injustice.

Has the discourse on social media contributed to deepening animosities between communities, rather than fostering dialogue?

Sanjeev: Indeed, upper caste society has capitalized on this discourse to exacerbate tensions, with some upper Dalits actively contributing to the animosity.

Your life story also reflects overcoming significant hardships. Can you share more about your background? 

Sanjeev: My family has faced caste-based discrimination for generations, which instilled in me a profound understanding of poverty and social injustice. Education has been my pathway to progress, inspired largely by Dr. Ambedkar’s teachings, helping me discern the distinction between exploiters and allies.

What led you to Ambedkarism? 

Sanjeev: My maternal uncle, Pramod Khurshil ji, was closely associated with Kanshiram Saheb, and it was he who introduced me to a biography of Dr. Ambedkar when I was around 10-12 years old. His profound influence and the realization of what Ambedkar had achieved for our community ignited my passion for education and social justice.

In our current climate, with rising inter-community distances, how can we foster unity? Who will spearhead this initiative?

Sanjeev: The only way forward is through conversation. Dialogue is essential. Upper caste Dalits have a responsibility to recognize and address the issues faced by backward Dalits while setting aside their own self-interests.

Looking back, do you ever feel misplaced in the Ambedkarite movement when confronted with caste interests?

Sanjeev: I must concur that, in the face of significant opportunities for solidarity, many so-called Ambedkarite upper caste Dalits have instead resorted to censure of backward Dalits due to conflicting caste interests. This is contrary to the core principles of Ambedkarism and the Constitution, which advocate for the rights and resources for the most marginalized.

Is the classification of reservations leading to new divisions among castes? 

Sanjeev: I disagree with that assertion. Dr. Ambedkar himself classified castes into Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and Backward Classes. This classification does not equate to division; rather, it highlights areas needing targeted assistance. A society comfortable in its progress should support this classification, not fear it. To dismiss it is to dismiss Ambedkar’s foundational principles.

What message would you like to convey to fellow comrades of the Ambedkarite movement, especially intellectuals and writers?

Sanjeev: I urge my fellow intellectuals and authors within the Ambedkarite movement not to abandon one another during these challenging times. Instead of resorting to insults, it’s vital that we strive to comprehend the issues faced by deprived Dalits and offer our support. While differing opinions may exist, let’s maintain mutual respect. Recent events, such as the altercation involving the Bhim Army and members of the Valmiki community surrounding the Supreme Court’s order, highlight the pressing need for unity among Ambedkarites to mitigate these conflicts.

Author is Human rights defender. Facebook:  https://www.facebook.com/vbrawat;  Twitter @freetohumanity

The post Importance of classifying Scheduled Castes for reservation: Sanjeev Khudshah, Dalit writer appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Later many of them as mark of protest started a padyatra to Delhi and decided to bring their protest to national capital when they found that the government in Haryana was not very responsive to their issue. Unfortunately they have been betrayed by the political parties and many others. Jagdish Kajala has been in the forefront of this movement from very beginning who left everything at Hisar. We recorded this conversation some months back when the people from Bhagana had come to National Commission for Scheduled Castes in Delhi to get justice where DGP Haryana was supposed to come but with six hours wait at the Commission's headquarter at Loknayak Bhavan no official turned up and people again were taken for granted. Bhagana's struggle can provide a lot of learning for future and what is important to ensure that they are taken to logical conclusion. Sharing this conversation with Jagdish Kajala about the movement and
its future.

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भगाना के लोगो के आन्दोलन को आज पांच साल हो गए हैं . २१ मई २०१२ को हिसार जिले के भगाना गाँव के दलितों को वहा के जाटो के द्वारा आयोजित सामाजिक आर्थिक बहिष्कार के चलते गाँव छोड़ना पड़ा था . करीब १५० परिवार हिसार के मिनी सेक्रेटेरिएट में रह रहे थे. बाद में बहुत से लोगो ने हिसार से दिल्ली तक का पैदल मार्च आयोजित कर मामले को देश के राजधानी में ला दिया क्योंकि हरयाणा सरकार के तरफ से कोई सकारात्मक जवाब नहीं मिल रहा था . पांच साल के लम्बी लड़ाई में जगदीश काजला और उनके भाई सतीश सुबह शाम अपना सब कुछ छोड़कर जंतर मंतर पे डटे रहे जिसमे उन्होंने लोगो के अलग अलग चेहरों को देखा . बहुत से लोग समर्थन में आये और बहुत से जुड़ने के बाद अलग हो गए . बहुतो ने आरोप लगाया के आन्दोलन भटक गया है तो बहुतो ने कहा के राजनीती करना चाहते हैं लेकिन हकीकत यह है के गाँव जाना अभी भी दूभर है और लोग या तो हिसार सेक्रेटेरिएट में हैं या अपने अपने रिस्ठेदारो के यहाँ दूर दूर चले गए हैं . इस पुरे आन्दोलन के प्रश्नों को लेकर जगदीश काजल से ये बातचीत जंतर मंतर पर कुछ महीने पूर्व रिकॉर्ड की गयी थी जब वह गाँव के अन्य साथियो के साथ रास्ट्रीय अनुसूचित आयोग में गए थे जहाँ पुरे दिन इंतज़ार करने के बाद भी हरयाणा पुलिस के प्रमुख अंततः नहीं पहुंचे जो यह भी दिखाता है के सरकारी आयोगों को अधिकारी कितनी गंभीरता से लेते हैं

The post The Long Road to Justice: Bhagana’s Dalit Struggle appeared first on SabrangIndia.