I don’t see a way God can exist and yet be good.
Does God exist and watch his children slaughter each other?
Does he stand beside them and watch as they fall into despair so deep that they take their own life?
Does he watch the infinite pain they feel and the infinite violence they inflict and have inflicted on them and does he stand idly by and do nothing?
Does he watch a little baby, with the widest eyes and the smallest hands die at the hands of disease or worse, another human its cries echoing till heaven?
Does He watch his parents bury him in the tiniest coffin and give away all the clothes they bought him and the dreams they saw for him miserable until the day they die?
Does God stand by when I writhe in pain and do nothing to alleviate my suffering?
Did God see me pray and hear me beg in the hospital that morning and refuse to save her?
Does God, who is omniscient and omnipotent create His children and then leave them on God’s green earth to break and suffer?
Does he see us as children, note the dreams and wishes in our eyes, the lightness of our heart and then watch the world he created rob us of it?
If I go to heaven, how will He look me in the eye and tell me He is the one true all-powerful all-knowing god whose will we are all following?
If this is His will isn’t He worse than any other human being we may know?
Does he slaughter children, watch us lose faith in him and then pull a rabbit out of a hat, a cheap trick to restore faith in “miracles”?
Do one in a million get miracles and the rest of us must bear the brunt of what reality is?

Or is God powerless, watching as his children maim and kill each other?
Does He sob when a wide eyed baby dies after being shot in its head?
Does He scream and try to stop them when He watches His children lose the light behind their eyes and take their own life?
Did He pray with me that day, and did it break his heart as much as mine to see his prayers turned down?
Does the One I pray to also beg someone else for mercy? For His world, His children and their rotten fate?
Does he sit by the child’s tiny grave or sort through his never-before used clothes and break down into them?
Does he welcome into heaven those with these fates with tearful eyes and a broken smile, offering them solace from pain?
Because if there is a God, I would rather he be weak and loving than be cruel and loveless.

(The author is a student of law in Mumbai and can be contacted at parulekarpriyanka02@gmail.com)

Related:

Shh..Silence is golden and violence is platinum…shh

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Brutal: A painting of British soldiers shooting civilians in Amritsar on April 13, 1919

Jallianwala Bagh

One of the worst political crimes of the twentieth century was committed in Punjab during 1919. Popular resentment had been accumulating in Punjab since the beginning of the War (World War I), mainly due to the ruthless drive – by the British — for recruiting soldiers and forced contribution to the war fund. Gandhiji’s call for a country-wide hartal to protest against the Black Acts received a tremendous response from Punjab on March 30 and again on April 6.

The agitated mood of the people and Hindu-Muslim solidarity demonstrated on the hartal (strike) days and on April 9 celebration of the Ramnavami festival made the Lt.Governor Michael O’Dwyer’s administration panicky.

Gandhiji’s entry into Punjab was banned: two popular leaders of Amritsar. Kitchlew and Satya Pal, were arrested. These provocations led to hartals and mass demonstrations in Lahore, Kasur, Gujranwala and Amritsar.

In Amritsar, the police firing on demonstrators provoked some of them to commit acts of violence. The next day the city was handed over to Brigadier-General Dyer. Dyer began his regime through indiscriminate arrests and ban on meeting and gatherings.

On April 13-the day of Baisakhi festival – a meeting was called in the afternoon at the Jallianwala Bagh a ground enclosed on all sides. Thousands of people, many of whom had come from surrounding villages to the fairs in Amritsar and were unaware of the ban order, gathered in the meeting.

Suddenly Dyer appeared there with troops and without any warning to the people, ordered firing on the completely peaceful and defenceless crowd. The fusillade continued till Dyer’s ammunition ran out. Atleast about a thousand people, if not more, are estimated to have been killed. This cold-blooded carnage, Dyer admitted later, was perpetrated ‘to strike into the whole of Punjab’. The massacre stunned the people and became a turning point in the history of India’s struggle for freedom.

Rabindranath Tagore’s Wrote a Strong Letter of Protest to the Viceroy, dated May 31, 1919, renouncing his Knighthood
“….The disproportionate severity of the punishments inflicted upon the unfortunate people and the methods of carrying them out, we are convinced, are without parallel in the history of civilised governments…. The accounts of insults and sufferings undergone by our brothers in the Punjab have trickled through the gagged silence, reaching every corner of India and the universal agony of indignation roused in the hearts of our people has been ignored by our rulers,-possibly congratulating themselves for what they imagine as salutary lessons….the very least that I can do for my country is to take all consequences upon myself in giving voice to the protest of the millions of my countrymen, surprised into a dumb anguish of terror. The time has come when the badges of honour make our shame glaring in their incongruous context of humiliation, and I for my part wish to stand shorn of all special distinctions, by the side of those of my countrymen, who, for their so called insignificance, are liable to suffer a degradation not fit for human beings….”

The Hunter Committee

The Hunter Committee was appointed by the British government. Halfway through its proceedings, the Hunter Committee had also suffered the setback of being boycotted by Indian nationalists, represented by the Congress, because of the government’s refusal to release Punjab leaders on bail.

Of the eight, the Hunter Committee had three Indian members. The conduct of the Indian members is a study in principled independence and courage.

Example of the Cross Examination of General Dyer

Brigadier Reginald Dyer was in charge of British troops and ordered the massacre in Amritsar

Chimanlal Setalvad: ‘You took two armoured cars with you?’
Dyer: ‘Yes.’

Chimanlal Setalvad: ‘Those cars had machine guns?’
Dyer: ‘Yes.’

Chimanlal Setalvad: ‘And when you took them you meant to use the machine guns against the crowd, did you?”
Dyer: ‘If necessary. If the necessity arose, and I was attacked, or anything else like that, I presume I would have used them.’

Chimanlal Setalvad: ‘When you arrived there you were not able to take the armoured cars in because the passage was too narrow?’
Dyer: ‘Yes.’

Chimanlal Setalvad: ‘Supposing the passage was sufficient to allow the armoured cars to go in, would you have opened fire with the machine guns?’
Dyer: ‘I think, probably, yes.’

Chimanlal Setalvad: ‘In that case the casualties would have been very much higher?’
Dyer: ‘Yes.’

Chimanlal Setalvad: ‘And you did not open fire with the machine guns simply by the accident of the armoured cars not being able to get in?’
Dyer: ‘I have answered you. I have said that if they had been there the probability is that I would have opened fire with them.’

Chimanlal Setalvad: ‘With the machine guns straight?’
Dyer: ‘With the machine guns.’

Chimanlal Setalvad: ‘I take it that your idea in taking that action was to strike terror?’
Dyer: ‘Call it what you like. I was going to punish them. My idea from the military point of view was to make a wide impression.’

Chimanlal Setalvad: ‘To strike terror not only in the city of Amritsar, but throughout the Punjab?’
Dyer: ‘Yes, throughout the Punjab. I wanted to reduce their morale; the morale of the rebels.’

Chimanlal Setalvad: ‘Did it occur to you that by adopting this method of “frightfulness” –excuse the term-you were really doing a great disservice to the British Raj by driving discontent deep?’
Dyer: ‘I did not like the idea of doing it, but I also realized that it was the only means of saving life and that any reasonable man with justice in his mind would realize that I had done the right thing; it was a merciful though horrible act and they ought to be thankful to me for doing it. I thought I would be doing a jolly lot of good and they would realize that they were not to be wicked.’

This erudite exchange on the pointed killings ordered by Dyer on April 13, 1919 – the Jallianwala Bagh massacre– took place during the hearings of the Hunter Committee. The hearings took place in Lahore on November 19, 1919. These questions were part of a detailed and rigorous cross examination of General Dyer. It was Sir Chimanlal Setalvad, a lawyer from Bharuch, Gujarat based in Bombay who had conducted this particular cross-examnation.

The bullet marks are still visible

Setalvad’s cross examination followed Lord Hunter’s and that of one more British member. Dyer had already admitted to Lord Hunter that although ‘a good many’ in the crowd might not have heard of his ban on the public meeting, he had ordered the firing at Jallianwala Bagh without giving any warning. He went further when he said before the Committee that, although he could have ‘dispersed them perhaps even without firing’. He felt it was his ‘duty to go on firing until (the crowd) dispersed’.

An eight-member committee headed by Lord William Hunter, former solicitor general in Scotland constituted the Inquiry Committee. Apart from Setalvad, then Vice Chancellor, Bombay University,  two other Indians were part of the Committee. Sir Chimanlal Setalvad, Pandit Jagat Narain, Member of the Legislative Council of the Lt. Governor of U.P. and Sultan Ahmed Khan, Member for Appeals, Gwalior State.

Lord Hunter, Justice Rankin and WF Rice, Add. Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department, Major-General Sir George Barrow, Commanding the Peshawar Dn and Smith, Member of the Legislative Council of the Lt. Governor of U.P. were the members. The questioning was done, in turn, by eight members.

Following up on the admissions by Dyer to the two British members before him, Setalvad probed Dyer on the two armoured cars that he had been forced to leave out. Dyer’s callousness stood exposed: even after the firing had left almost 400 dead and many more injured, when asked by Setalvad if he had taken any measures for the relief of the wounded, Dyer replied, ‘‘No, certainly not. It was not my job. But the hospitals were open and the medical officers were there. The wounded only had to apply for help.’

All three Indian members of the Hunter Committee displayed a remarkable degree of independence faced with sharp differences with the British members. The differences arose over the recording of conclusions.

The Hunter Committee ended up giving two reports – the majority report by the five British members and the minority report by three Indian members.

Both reports indicted Dyer, in no uncertain terms. The differences were in in the degree of condemnation, in so far as Jallianwala Bagh was concerned.

The report by the British members’ report condemned the action by Dyer on two counts: that he opened fire without warning and that he went on firing after the crowd had ‘begun to disperse’. Though his intention to create a moral effect throughout Punjab was ‘a mistaken conception of duty’, the British members thought it was ‘distinctly improbable that the crowd would have dispersed without being fired on’. Even the British members of the Hunter Committee, rejected the official stand that Dyer’s action had ‘saved the situation in the Punjab and averted a rebellion on a scale similar to the (1857) mutiny’.

The minority report, drafted by Chimanlal Setalvad, on behalf of all the Indian members was not only more severe in general. It specifically condemned Dyer for ‘suggesting that he would have made use of machine guns if they could have been brought into action.’ Members expressed strong anguish at the fact that even after the crowd had begun to disperse, Dyer had continued the firing ‘until his ammunition was spent.’

Citing Dyer’s own admission in cross examination, the Indians disagreed with the opinion expressed by the British members of the Committee that the crowd was unlikely to have dispersed without the firing. In conclusion, the Indian members of the Hunter Committee described Dyer’s conduct ‘as inhuman and un-British and as having caused great disservice to British rule in India’.

Faced with both reports, the then Viceroy of India, Chelmsford conceded that Dyer ‘acted beyond the necessity of the case, beyond what any reasonable man could have thought to be necessary, and that he did not act with as much humanity as the case permitted’. Dyer had no option but to resign and return to England in disgrace.

Apologists for the Raj in Britain however, bought into Dyer’s claim that it was this bloody firing by Dyer that had saved the Raj in India. This not only reduced the punishment meted out to Dyer, he was also treated as some sort of a hero on his return.  In fact, the inquiry itself could only be instituted only after in indemnity law had been passed protecting Dyer and other recalcitrant officers from criminal liability.

Setalvad had been knighted by the British monarch, just a few months before the Jallianwala Bagh inquiry. He was then vice-chancellor of Bombay University. In his memoirs published in 1946, Recollections and Reflections, Setalvad disclosed that within the British and Indian members of the Hunter Committee had developed ‘a sharp cleavage of opinion’.

(Large portions of this article have relied upon excerpts from the autobiography of Sir Chimanlal Setalvad, Recollections and Reflections; Sir Chimanlal Setalvad was the great grandfather of Teesta Setalvad )

The post Bloodbath on Baisakhi: The Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, April 13, 1919 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

It is to be noted that since the past few months, a campaign is being run by the certain Hindu right-wing outfits to “free” the historic Vishalgad fort of “encroachment”. A brief on the importance of the said fort in Maratha history is that the same fort was used by Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj to escape after being besieged at Panhala Fort in 1660. In 1844, Vishalgad was ruled by the Kolhapur State when a rebellion was led against a Brahmin regent who had been installed by the British when the natural heir to the throne was underage.

The said video can be viewed here:

In Maharashtra’s Kolhapur, mobs on Sunday climbed on the top of a mosque, planted a saffron flag and started destroying it when a rally against the illegal encroachment turned violent. pic.twitter.com/i8HkwYfoVg

— Waquar Hasan (@WaqarHasan1231) July 15, 2024

As per multiple reports, the attack against the Muslim structures by the extremist group did not limit itself to the Mosque as houses and shops belonging to Muslim community were also destroyed.

Approximately 50-60 houses and shops belonging to Muslims were attacked, torched, and looted in Gajapur village, Kolhapur, Maharashtra, according to local residents. Fleeing for safety, residents sought refuge in nearby jungles as mobs numbering in thousands wreaked havoc. pic.twitter.com/Z3zFoLZunn

— The Observer Post (@TheObserverPost) July 16, 2024

Details of the incident:

Calling it ‘Vishalgad Anti-Encroachment Movement,’ Sambhaji Raje Chhatrapati and his supporters in Kolhapur have been mounting pressure on authorities to remove illegal encroachments at the Vishalgad fort for the past year. 

The clashes erupted after former Rajya Sabha MP Sambhaji Raje called upon his supporters to march to the Vishalgarh fort in a bid to protest against the inaction of the authorities over illegal encroachments. The fort is located in Shahuwadi of Kolhapur district, about 75 kms from Kolhapur city.

As per the report in Maktoob Media, ahead of Sambhajiraje’s arrival at the fort around 9:40 am, a mob of his supporters had already started with stone-pelting on the mosque, Rehman Malik Dargah, and attacking local Muslim residents in the vicinity. Some vandals also allegedly chanted ‘Jai Shri Ram’ outside the mosque and raised objectionable slogans. It is essential to note that the said Mosque was on the way to Vishalgad fort, but was 6 km away from the fort.

The Maktoob Media report also alleged that the attack against Muslims occurred in police presence. As per the videos accessed by Maktoob Media, a few police personnel were deployed to guard the place to stop the Hindutva mob but were unable to do anything. After the attack on the Mosque, some of the residents then reportedly retaliated, following which the situation went out of control. The police then cordoned off the fort and barred entry, following which the mob allegedly attacked shops and homes in the Gajapur village by the foothills of the fort. Several homes in Gajapur were allegedly set on fire while several other homes and shops were vandalised and looted. As per Scroll, around 50-60 houses and shops belonging to members of Muslim community were attacked, looted and torched by the mob as it ran amok at Gajapur village in Kolhapur district. As told by the locals to media, several vehicles were also damaged. Locals further alleged that no cops were present there. As per the report in Maktoob Media, at least 40 Muslims, including children, were attacked in the incident.

Locals targeted, attacked, forced to flee fearing for violence: 

Last year, in 2023, the district administration had carried out a survey of the Vishalgarh fort and claimed that they found 160 buildings, including a mosque, houses, and shops, to have been constructed illegally. 

Statement of the locals who suffered the violent attack was provided in a report of Clarion India. As per the report, Imran Mujawar, a resident of Gajapur whose house was also attacked, stated that the residents fled their homes towards the nearby jungle to protect their lives when the mob reached the area. Mujawar is also a khadim at the Vishalgad dargah.

“People armed with weapons barged into houses. The residents fled their homes toward the jungle nearby to protect themselves. Homes were looted and their jewelleries were also stolen. Around 50-60 houses were destroyed,” said Mujawar.

Providing an estimate of the losses suffered by the Muslim whose properties and shops were destroyed, Mujawar stated that he lost properties worth 9-10 lakh while some people incurred the loss of 15-20 lakhs. Mujawar also provided how their vehicles were also destroyed. He stated, the mobs were armed with weapons such as swords and knifes and their target were Muslim people only.

The helplessness of the locals was also conveyed by Mujawar, who stated that the mob even threw or destroyed the edible items. As per Mujawar, the situation post the violent incident was so dire that people are not even left with ration to cook anything. 

“We can’t now estimate the losses. There might be a loss of crores. Dozens of vehicles were destroyed. Some houses were set on fire by exploding gas cylinder. It was the house in which a woman was living along with her children while his husband was working somewhere. The woman fled her home along with children,” said Mujawar.

According to Mujawar, there were four to five thousand people in the mob and the attacks occurred even in the presence of the police force. Several people got injured in the attacks. Some of them had fractures and were admitted to a local hospital, as per a Clarion India report. 

“In Gajapur, all the residents are Muslims. Their homes and properties were targeted. There are homes of Hindus ahead of Gajapur. They were not touched. Only Muslims were targeted,” asserted Mujawar.

Mujawar also alleged that the said targeted attack against the Muslim community took place Maharashtra assembly elections are approaching. “They want to win elections by creating riots,” he said, as per Clarion India.

As per a statement of the police, police personnel were also injured during the incident. A report of The Quint provided that several local journalists reporting on the incident had alleged that they were threatened by people who were a part of the mob with knives and sticks to stop them from reporting on the incident. Furthermore, the journalists claimed that their equipment, mobile phones, and boom mic were snatched by miscreants while brandishing swords and knives. Some also claimed that their vehicles were chased in order to scare them into not coming to the area. Notably, Kolhapur Press Club president Sheetal Dhanwade, addressing journalists on July 15, had said that an undertaking will be given to the police and the authorities in this regard.

Action taken by authorities:

As per media reports, following the violence, vandalism and arson, there is a deployment of police force in the village and prohibitory orders under Section 144 have been imposed in the area. The police are registering FIRs over the incidents. As per media reports, the Kolhapur police on Monday lodged four FIRs against over 500 persons including former Rajya Sabha member Chhatrapati Sambhaji Raje. Till now, a total of 21 people had been arrested by the Kolhapur police.

It is also essential to point here that Sambhaji Raje called off his protest after an assurance by CM Eknath Shinde that action will be taken against illegal encroachments in the fort. It has also been reported that following the violent incident, about 35 illegal shops were razed by authorities on Monday on the orders of CM Shinde who arrived in Kolhapur on Sunday night.

Some politicians condemn, some under scanner point fingers at authorities:

Sambhaji Raje, who is deemed to be the cause of the unrest, blamed the local authorities and the police for not taking enough measures despite anticipating that the situation may get out of hand. He also showed up at the local police station to urge officials to book him instead of ‘Shivaji bhakts’.

“Several Shiv Bhakts have been booked. Rather than harassing them, the police should book me. I kept asking them if I have been booked but they refused to answer,” Sambhaji Raje said, as per media reports. Furthermore, Sambhaji Raje claimed that there was no communal agenda behind his movement but some people with vested interests are trying to portray it so.

काल विशाळगड येथे झालेल्या प्रकरणानंतर पोलिसांनी शिवभक्तांची धरपकड सुरू केलेली आहे. काही शिवभक्तांवर गुन्हे नोंद करण्यात आलेले आहेत. प्रशासन स्वतःच्या चुकीवर पडदा टाकण्यासाठी व स्वतःचा बेजबाबदारपणा लपविण्यासाठी जाणीवपूर्वक शिवभक्तांना लक्ष्य करत आहे. मी सर्व शिवभक्तांच्या पाठीशी…

— Sambhaji Chhatrapati (@YuvrajSambhaji) July 15, 2024

“One of the first encroachments to be destroyed belongs to a Prakash Patil. Some of the first action was faced by Hindu families. Some people are trying to do Hindu-Muslim over this, they must not. I do not support what happened in Gajapur. The incident must be probed and the police must take appropriate action. If somebody is firing shots with the gun on my shoulder, I will look into it. But my intention was only to protest against encroachment,” he said, as per The Quint.

Meanwhile, All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) chief Asaduddin Owaisi MP attacked the Mahayuti Government in Maharashtra and asked them to take action against the culprits. Owaisi slammed Chief Minister Eknath Shinde and Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis on ‘X’ (formerly Twitter) by describing the incident as a repeat of Babri Masjid demolition. In his post on social media, Owaisi shared the video on his official account and said, “6 December continues @mieknathshinde @Dev_Fadnavis under your government a Masjid is attacked by a Mob, this is an attack on Rule of Law but your government is not concerned.”

He further said, “Muslims of Maharashtra must reply through Ballot by ensuring your party MIM candidates win the forthcoming elections to stop the Mobs and the political leaders & parties who give them patronage and support and remember the Silence of parties who are claiming they won ‘Moral victory’.”

The post can be viewed here:

“6 December continues “@mieknathshinde @Dev_Fadnavis under your government a Masjid is attacked by a Mob,this is an attack on Rule of Law but your government is not concerned.
Muslims of Maharashtra must reply through Ballot by ensuring your party MIM candidates win the… https://t.co/085RnK2y7u

— Asaduddin Owaisi (@asadowaisi) July 15, 2024

After the statement made by Sambhaji Raje was released, many of the opposition leaders spoke out against the incident and demanded immediate action against him. A meeting was also held by Nationalist Congress Party – Sharadchandra Pawar (NCPSP) chief Sharad Pawar, Kolhapur MP Shahu Maharaj, NCPSP district president VB Patil, and district Congress president and MLA Satej Patil over the unrest.

Kolhapur Lok Sabha MP and Sambhaji Raje’s father Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj condemned the violence while blaming the administration for failing to handle it.

“We condemn the violence committed on the occasion of removing the encroachment on Vishalgad Fort after Chhatrapati Sambhajiraje’s call. It is extremely painful and distressing to witness such an incident in Kolhapur district, which holds the legacy of Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj deeply,” Shahu Maharaj said, as per The Quint.

Satej Patil stated that “Somebody like Sambhaji Raje should have been careful while blaming the authorities for the unrest.” 

As per a report of the Deccan Herald, Kolhapur Guardian Minister Hasan Mushrif stated that “Such an incident is a blot in the kingdom of Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj. The issue of encroachments on Vishalgad is sub-judice. So, it is for Sambhaji Raje to answer whether his stance on the issue is appropriate.”

Several Muslim bodies led by Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind also submitted a letter to the Kolhapur authorities to take strict action against those accused and demanded that Sambhaji Raje must be arrested.

Related:

Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill tabled in assembly, using the myth of “urban naxals” to supress dissent?

CJP moves Maharashtra Police against the Hateful and Provocative Speech delivered by Kajal Hindustani in Mudkhed, Nanded

Uttarakhand: Local leader alleges shots fired by BJP workers as Muslim voters beaten when they went to vote

CJP flags 8 incidents of hate crime including lynchings to National Commission for Minorities

The post Violence, vandalism and arson in Kolhapur, Muslim houses and mosque targeted by mob that had gathered on the call of former RS MP Sambhaji Raje Chhatrapati appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Supply Sodium Cynanide and a Rope to every Dalit student-Rohit to the VC a month before he took his life

This letter, dated December 18, 2015 has not been so widely quoted nor has it gone viral. It is a comment on all of us, especially those of us in the media, that we failed to read the warnings or feel the anguish.  After all it is since August 2015 that the social boycott and ostracizing of Dalit students, including Rohith was systematically afoot. That is close to five months ago.

Nearly a month to the day that he tragically gave up the struggle to live and took his own life, on December 18, 2015, a hand-written letter from Rohith Vemula to Vice Chancellor Appa Rao says it all. Taunting and tragic, the note will now be read as a precursor of what was to come. In a hand-written scrawl that hints at acute desperation, he says, “Your Excellency (addressed to the Vice Chancellor Appa Rao) “make preparations for the EUTHANASIA for students like me from the Ambedkarite movement…and may your campus rest in peace forever.”

The letter traces the officially sanctioned “social boycott” of Dalit students after they took on a member of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) for his derogatory remarks to the Dalit students. “Donald Trump will be a Lilliput in front of you,” Rohith tells Appa Rao then offering a piece of chilling advice. “Please serve 10 miligram of Sodium Azide to all the Dalit students at the time of admission…Supply a nice rope to the rooms of all Dalits students..”The text of the letter can be read here and a scanned hand written copy seen here.

Now we know, and fret over the fact that his Rs 25,000 per month stipend (as of all his other suspended colleagues) was stopped after suspension and he had to borrow money, even from home, to survive the struggle. Now that he is dead we listen to the plight and anguish of his family. Why did we not listen before? As the isolation and anguish built up to make Rohith take a step so final that it signalled no return? Yes, we are all to blame.

“After the stipend was stopped, his family was struggling to support him. He borrowed Rs 40,000 from a friend and was living frugally. Almost every day, he used to say that his money was stuck,’’ said Velmula Sankanna, a fellow PhD scholar and one of the other five students who were suspended. “In December, Rohith wrote an angry letter to the V-C, sarcastically asking him to provide euthanasia facilities for Dalit students. Since then, he was scared to go to the administration building and ask about his stipend. He became silent and withdrawn. He said that he was falling into depression because he was being defeated by the system at every turn. He blamed himself, his caste, and the circumstances around him. He did not take much interest in anything except studies,’’ added Sankanna, a close friend.

We did not rise to feel, see or appreciate the seriousness implicit in the warnings. In August 2015, a questionable mode of ‘suspension’ of five singled out students of the Ambedkar Students Association (ASA) followed by the arbitrary stopping of their scholarship stipend, further followed by their being locked out of their rooms from January 4, 2016. Yet they fought on, sleeping out near the shopping complex in the cold. Awaiting fair hearing, democratic space for protest(s) and justice.

From the night of January 4, 2016 until today the sleep out protests continue.

After the tragic and unnecessary loss of the life of a budding science scholar, a proud Ambedkarite, will justice and fair hearing happen? Yesterday in a fully articulated representation to PL Punia, Chairperson of the National Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Commission, the Joint Action Committee for Social Justice, University of Hyderabad (UoH) has demanded:

• Punish the Culprits under the SC/ST Atrocities Act:
• Banadaru Dattareya, Union Cabinet Minister of State for Labour and Employment
• P Appa Rao, Vice Chancellor
• Professor Alok Pandey, Chief Proctor
• Susheel Kumar, ABVP President
• Ramchandra Rao, MLC
• Remove P Appa Rao from the post of Vice Chancellor
• Employ a family member of Rohith Vemula at the University of Hyderabad and give his family Rs 50 lahs in compensation
• Drop the fabricated cases against five Dalit Research Scholars immediately and unconditionally
• Revoke the suspension of Students immediately and unconditionally

The Anger Spreads; Demands for resignation of Vice Chancellor Appa Rao

Anger and grief are potent combinations and both were visible in plenty at the mortuary of the Osmania Hospital on Monday, January 18 where Rohith Velumal lay, a day after he tragically ended his own life. His mother’s anguished cry says it all, ““I used to proudly tell everyone in my village that my son was doing PhD at Hyderabad University. Today, I have come to collect his dead body.’’ The family is from Gurazala near Guntur, his mother a tailor and father, Manikumar a security guard at the Hyderabad University. Rohith has two siblings, an elder sister and a younger brother.

Over 1200 students of the University of Hyderabad (UoH) participated in a rally on Monday evening and have resolved to protest on Tuesday, January 19 and not allow the university to function until the current Vice Chancellor, Appa Rao steps down. Before the rally, his close friends and colleagues, along with his family were present at the cremation of Rohith in Hyderabad. (see Image story)

Simultaneous and spontaneous protests continued through the day yesterday at Hyderabad, Vishakhapatnam, Mumbai and Delhi. The road outside Shastri Bhavan, the office of Smriti Irani, the Ministry for Human Resources Development (MHRD) was cordoned off akin to a war zone (see pictures). In Hyderabad, a visit from the chairperson of the Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribes Commission allayed feelings somewhat.

Though it is Rohith is the one who has made the most recent and most tragic sacrifice, the question is whether it will still open India’s eyes and hearts?

We read every other day not just of the social boycott of Dalit children in the mid day meal schemes. In ‘Dravidian’ politics ruled Tamil Nadu colour bands on Dalit students brand them with their caste. There is little political, social or cultural outrage. The television channels, packed as they are with ‘journalists’ most of whom sport a myopic caste consciousness of the elite Indian that simply excludes any mention of discrimination or exclusion while badgering home ‘the banner of tolerance’, rarely flag anti-Dalit atrocities as an institutional ill to be faced squarely then remedied.
In ‘progressive’ west India the discrimination takes similar forms, and examples abound. In Phugana, three young Dalit children, one a baby was burnt alive in a burst of Rajput rage.

Just like the Blacks fought (and have barely won) the Civil Rights battle in the West – last year’s incidents at Fergusson are evidence of how thinly layered this success is –it is privileged India, caste Hindus who need to hang their heads in acknowledgement, first, and the, shame.

We need to internalize what Dalit students experience when they enter schools, colleges and universities and break the glass ceiling and enter India’s famed institutions of higher learning, the IITs, the IIMs and Universities.

Not only is the percentage of Dalit students who enter higher educational institutions small. They are subject to insidious caste practices and exclusion that batters the hard earned self-esteem. A dangerous argument of ‘meritocracy’ cloaks well organized money and caste induced privilege.

This everyday institutional and societal exclusion and othering needs to be acknowledged squarely by each and one of us.

It is time we ask difficult ourselves some hard and uncomfortable questions.

What kind of history do we teach? Who are our heroines and heroes?
How many Dalits are there in the media, print and television?
How many Dalits in Institutions of power and governance?

The Dalit experience says that entering the corridors of elite educational institutions like Indian Institute of Technologies (IIT) and Indian Institute of Managements and Central Universities for scores of Dalit students is like walking into a living hell, where the fear of being shamed and humiliated hangs heavy on the heart and soul of every student.

Before Rohit, we lost Senthil Kumar and Nagaralu Koppalas, also in the Central University of Hyderabad. Have these earlier losses, deaths of young men in their prime been internalized and taught the UoH any lessons worth learning? The recent and continuing unfair suspension of Dalit scholars would appear to suggest that no lessons have yet been learned.

Is India willing ready and able to accept her Not So Hidden Apartheid?

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This distressing incident unfolded following a two-hour armed attack against individuals from the Kuki-Zo by Meitei people, according to reports. The clash took place in the bordering areas of Kangpokpi, a hill district predominantly inhabited by the Kuki-Zo population, and Imphal West, an area dominated by the Meitei community. Numerous casualties, including bystanders, were reported injured during the altercation. Furthermore, another incidence of firing was reported after armed men reportedly attacked an area near West Imphal. 

On November 9, the police were still unable to locate the missing Meitei teenagers. The Manipur Police has informed an Imphal court that they suspect that two were probably already killed by Kuki militants. Thus far, they have recovered the cell phones of the two teenagers found wrapped in black polythene in Senapati district of the state. However, two bodies were recovered by the police from two different districts in Manipur. The police have stated that the description of the two seems to match those of the four Kuki-Zo people who were abducted on November 7. The two include one woman with a bullet shot in the head who was found in Imphal West and another body of a middle aged man was found in Imphal East. The Police have stated that the victim was found blindfolded with similar bullet injuries on his head. Thanghul Haokip, the soldier’s eldest brother, has stated according to the Hindustan Times that, “Police are yet to officially communicate to us about the bodies. We also cannot go to the mortuary where the bodies are kept as it is in Imphal, where Kuki people avoid travelling at this time.” The police have stated that an FIR is filed and the incident is under investigation. 

On Thursday, November 9, the North East Students’ Organisation (NESO), which comprises of eight student associations, held protests in Kohima, Shillong and Guwahati, where protestors expressed their dissatisfaction with the actions of the Centre. In Kohima, the capital of Nagaland, the Naga Students’ Federation (NSF) organised a demonstration on behalf of NESO. The NSF urged the Centre to urgently take actions to intervene and quell the violence in Manipur. According to Deccan Herald, the AASU (All Assam Students’ Union) advisor Samujjal Bhattacharya at the Guwahati protest called on the “silence” of the Prime Minister Modi, asserting that, “It is indeed a shame that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has maintained silence on the Manipur issue while Union Home Minister Amit Shah has taken no step to resolve the crisis.” On November 6, 10 MLAs from Manipur came out in a collective act and called out the excessive force used by the army and police against the Kuki-Zo community, and also urged the Centre to stop the conflict. The MLA’s also included legislators from the ruling government’s party, BJP.

The administration has extended the internet ban once again in the state, which was last slated till November 8, to November 13, except for a few areas. The Manipur conflict has continued since ethnic conflict between Kuki-Zo and Meitei communities erupted on May 3, 2023. About 200 people are said to have been killed, and over 60, 000 people have been displaced thus far. 

Related

Manipur is Burning but who cares?

Bishops of India must protest & speak out for peace, against injustices in Manipur & India: Jesuit priest

Manipur HC directs state government to allow internet in areas with no ethnic violence on a trial basis

Manipur: 10 MLAs call out the excessive use of force against the Kuki-Zo community

The post Manipur: two dead bodies discovered after soldier’s family kidnapped appeared first on SabrangIndia.

First published on: November 2009

Delivering judgement in a 1984 anti-Sikh communal massacre case, a Delhi trial court observed, “After the assassination of late Prime Minister Mrs Indira Gandhi on October 31, 1984, anti-Sikh riots broke out in different areas of the capital, killing thousands of Sikhs. [The] law and order machinery was completely paralysed because of inaction/connivance of the police… In the name of investigation a farce was carried out… It seems the prosecution expected that the trial will be equally a farce and cases would be summarily disposed of thereby drawing a curtain on the legal drama.”1

Today we are confronted with a peculiar schism where the truth of who are the perpetrators and masterminds of the communal pogrom of 1984 is part of public knowledge but it invariably fails to translate into proof beyond reasonable doubt in courts of law.

In the aftermath of the anti-Sikh pogrom, victims have approached the criminal justice system, seeking punishment for the guilty. The consequent judicial verdicts demonstrate that wanton killings and looting in communal pogroms invariably end in acquittals, barring a few rare convictions.

Why this pattern of impunity

Beyond the lament of injustice, it is important to discern and identify the reasons why both the law and the judiciary fail to deliver justice to the victims of communal carnage. The present legal system has failed to award penalty for communal crimes, for these events overturn some fundamental premises on which the criminal justice system is based. The rubric of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), the Indian Evidence Act and the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) is not designed to adjudicate and punish the perpetrators of a communal pogrom.

The violence unleashed against the Sikhs in Delhi in 1984, Muslims in Gujarat in 2002 and Christians in Orissa in 2008 is usually labelled ‘riots’. The term ‘riot’ as defined in Section 146 of the IPC or the commonly used phrase, ‘communal riot’, implies a violent clash between members of different religious communities, causing loss of life, limb and property to both. This phrase is inaccurate to describe the communal violence under discussion, which was a premeditated and organised targeting of the minority community, carried out with the explicit and/or implicit sanction and support of the state, its representatives and functionaries. The term ‘pogrom’ is more appropriate to describe the events of 1984.2

A corollary would be that the list of accused persons to be prosecuted must include not only those whose hands killed, sexually assaulted, looted and burnt but also the minds that planned, incited, abetted, conspired and provided financial and other resources as well as those who abandoned their constitutional duty to protect the people caught in the vortex of communal violence.

A successful prosecution hinges on professional investigation by the police. The Kusum Mittal report indicted 72 and recommended summary dismissal of six senior Delhi police officers for their culpability in the 1984 carnage. The executive exonerated them all. After the massacre, for the police the registration of crimes and investigation of offences are a matter of political expediency. In a case of 1984, a Delhi trial court stated, “After the rioters had done their job, the rest of the job to frustrate the investigation was done by the police.”3 The shoddy and partisan investigation conducted by the police undermines the very foundation of the prosecution.

The absence of an independent and effective investigating agency is felt most acutely when victims and survivors have to beseech the very police force that through myriad acts of omission and commission was complicit in the communal crimes. The directive of the Supreme Court in the Prakash Singh judgement is a beginning in the direction of a professional investigating agency but much more remains to be done.

Experiences from across the country indicate that the malaise runs much deeper. The police as a force have displayed an institutional bias against religious minority communities. A communalised police force, enjoying de facto and de jure immunity and subject to weak mechanisms of accountability, will only reinforce the already etched patterns of impunity for communal crimes. This deep sectarian institutional bias displayed by the police force against minority communities is further aggravated by the de facto and de jure immunity enjoyed by them. A serious hurdle in punishing public servants is the shield of legal immunity provided by Section 197 of the CrPC, which must be repealed.

The underlying premise, of the state as the parent and protector, stands completely distorted when the political executive dons the mantle of the mastermind and becomes an accomplice in communal crimes. The present legal apparatus requires the executive, which stands deeply implicated, to discharge the onerous task of prosecuting itself and its henchmen. In such a scenario, the filing of closure reports by the CBI against Congress leaders, or the Tehelka sting operation showing public prosecutors in Gujarat scheming to derail trials, should come as no surprise. For the prosecution of communal crimes, the law must grant the public prosecutor a measure of institutional autonomy and functional discretion.

Although the IPC defines murder, rioting, rape, it is insufficient for convicting either the mobs or the masterminds. The criminal provisions of conspiracy and abetment are also inadequate to nail the sponsors of communal crimes. Sections of the IPC simply list and describe the acts that are labelled crimes. The IPC does not envisage mass crimes where an entire community is systematically targeted by reason of their religious identity and this attack is carried out with the direct and/or indirect complicity of state institutions and agents. For the guilty to be nailed, the law will have to be amended to adopt a distinct typology of crimes akin to the ‘crimes of genocide’ and ‘crimes against humanity’ as codified in the statute of the International Criminal Court.

The CrPC prescribes the procedure for purposes of investigation and trial notwithstanding that during the pogrom the investigators and prosecutors were themselves complicit in the crimes and later obliterated traces of the same. The Indian Evidence Act too demands the same kind and degree of proof for communal crimes as otherwise. For instance, delay in lodging the FIR by a survivor, or absence of corroborative material evidence, or non-mention of names of accused in the statements recorded by the police, or absence of a medical report can lead the court to draw an adverse inference against the victim without taking cognisance of the difficult circumstances prevailing at the time. It is therefore critical to formulate new rules of procedure and evidence, sensitive to the context of communal violence.

Women whose bodies become sites of contestation and community ‘honour’ rarely get redress. The failure of the present law to even provide a definitional description of the brutality and scale of sexual violence suffered by women emboldens its denial.

The weakness of the law is most glaring in its abject and recurring failure to punish those who sponsor and profit from the carnage. To extend criminal liability beyond the actual perpetrator and affix culpability of political leaders and persons in positions of social, administrative, civil or military authority, the principle of command/superior responsibility must be incorporated. This would make the leaders criminally responsible for failing to take reasonable measures to prevent crimes committed by subordinates under their effective control and about which they can reasonably be presumed to have had knowledge. Thus the escape route deployed by political leaders, of ignorance and inaction, while their party men kill and burn, could be plugged. It is time to shift the burden of responsibility from the victim witness to those at the helm.

Clearly, the jurisprudential yardstick of ‘normal times’ cannot be indiscriminately applied to decide trials marked by an extraordinary collusion of state agencies and institutions. This challenge must be met not by whittling down the guarantees and rights of the accused but rather by exacting greater accountability from the state and empowering the victim.

As the home minister sagely advises us to ‘let the law take its own course’, it is pertinent to point out that the delay in punishing the guilty of 1984 for 25 years indicates an urgent need to forge new legal tools to alter this pattern of continuing injustice and rampant impunity. The UPA government has yet to fulfil its promise of introducing a comprehensive legislation against communal violence. A flawed beginning in this respect has been made by the government through the introduction of a bill that has been rejected outright by citizens’ groups. Criticising the same, a public statement stated, “What we have before us today is a dangerous piece of legislation called the Communal Violence (Prevention, Control and Rehabilitation of Victims) Bill 2005, which will not only fail to secure justice for communal crimes but will actually strengthen the shield of protection enjoyed by the state, its political leaders and its officials for their acts of omission and commission in these crimes. It is a bill which conceives of communal violence as a ‘one-time’ event rather than as a long-term politically motivated process and seeks to prevent it only by giving greater powers to (often communally tainted) state governments. Further, it continues to perpetuate the silence around gender-based crimes.”4

Notes

1 ASJ OP Dwivedi, State vs Kishori & Ors, Karkardooma, Delhi, SC No. 53/95, FIR No. 426/84. p. 1.

2 Jyoti Grewal argues that the 1984 anti-Sikh violence was a pogrom in Betrayed by the State: The Anti-Sikh Pogrom of 1984, Penguin Books India, 2007, pp. 14.

3 ASJ SN Dhingra, State vs Kishori & Ors, Karkardooma, Delhi, SC No. 42/95, FIR No. 426/84, p. 9.

4 Public statement released at the National Consultation on the Communal Violence (Prevention, Control and Rehabilitation of Victims) Bill 2005, June 16, 2007, New Delhi.

Archived from Communalism Combat, November 2009  Year 16    No.145, Cover Story 5

The post Regimes of impunity appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh

In Ayodhya, where the BJP government is building the Ram Mandir, a horrifying incident of violence against Dalits has emerged where Dalit women were subjected to a vicious attack by men from the Thakur community. The video of the injured women emerged on social media on September 14. 

In response to this incident, the police has stated on Twitter that they have initiated legal proceedings and is actively pursuing appropriate actions.

Despite the severity of the attack, coverage of this story has mostly remained limited to social media and alternate media so far.

This is horrifying,

Dalit women were brutally beaten by casteist Thakurs and left drenched in blood in Ayodhya of Ramrajya, UP.

Please take strict action up police. pic.twitter.com/5GUdZTiHuK

— Susheel shinde (@susheelshinde98) September 14, 2023

उक्त प्रकरण मे प्रभारी निरीक्षक तारुन द्वारा अभियोग पंजीकृत कर आवश्यक कार्यवाही की जा रही है।

— AYODHYA POLICE (@ayodhya_police) September 14, 2023

Kaushambi, Uttar Pradesh

In the early hours of Friday morning, the village of Mohideenpur in Uttar Pradesh (UP) was witness to a horrifying act of violence against some members of the most downtrodden group in India. Three members of a Dalit family were killed in cold blood as they lay asleep their hut. Hori Lal, a 62-year-old farmer, his 22-year-old daughter, Brijkali, and her 26-year-old husband, Shiv Sagar, all fell victim to this brutal murder that has shaken the village and turned it upside down, according to the Mooknayak.

The incident is said to have been motivated by an alleged property dispute between Hori Lal and his neighbors, who belong to the Other Backward Classes category. 

In the aftermath of the murder grief-stricken and angry public protested the murder by setting things on fire and breaking property. The houses of the alleged perpetrators, who had fled the scene, were also set ablaze after the horrifying murder was discovered.

Law enforcement officials responded to the scene upon receiving reports of the triple murder and the developing situation as Kaushambi’s Superintendent of Police, Brijesh Srivastava, confirmed that the situation is now under control, but four suspects remain at large, their whereabouts unknown, “The names of four people have come out as the accused. They are absconding. We are in search of them. We are collecting all the information. ” 

To prevent further worsening of the aggravated situation, police presence has been deployed in the village.

Dalit Man slapped, abused for winning Sabrimala tender to prepare Unni Appam in Kerala pic.twitter.com/z2UtnweMgn

— Bahujan Lives Matter (@BahujanLives) September 10, 2023

Trivandrum, Kerala 

In Kerala, a Dalit man was slapped and abused for having secured the tender to provide sweets offered at the acclaimed Sabarimala Temple. It is noted that Dalits face violence and hurdles especially in professions where they are required to handle food. Indian society’s pre-occupation with caste has made it difficult for Dalits to work and live with dignity. 

The two accused are now facing serious charges for their alleged assault and casteist verbal assault on a Dalit man and are currently on the run. Travancore Devaswom Board had given the tender to the victim, Subi, to prepare unniyappam, a traditional sweet fritter offered at the Sabarimala temple. However, the professional success that should have been celebrated instead resulted in garnering humiliation and violence. Subi is from the Pulaya community which classified as a Scheduled Caste in Kerala. 

The incident occurred on September 2 when Subi was targeted by the accused individuals, identified as Ramesh alias Krishnankutty and Jagadeesh. These two men were enraged at the fact that a Dalit man had gotten the tender to prepare the sweet according to The Newsminute. Ramesh and Jagadeesh allegedly threatened him against entering the temple, spat on him, and slapped him across the face, all in the presence of witnesses. 

According to The Newsminute, the victim was standing in the parking lot of the Devaswom Board office in Nanthancode when the accused men confronted him and launched a series of casteist slurs and insults. According to reports by the Times of India, they also questioned how Subi could have gotten tender, and said that the temple belonged to “Hindus and not Pulayas.”

The Thiruvananthapuram police has booked Ramesh and Jagadeesh under Sections 294(b) (dealing with obscene acts and songs) and 34 (pertaining to acts committed by several persons with a common intention) of the Indian Penal Code. Additionally, they were charged under Section 3(1) (s) of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. As of now, the police are actively pursuing the absconding accused, ensuring that justice is served in this disturbing case of caste-based discrimination and violence.

Dalit Man slapped, abused for winning Sabrimala tender to prepare Unni Appam in Kerala pic.twitter.com/z2UtnweMgn

— Bahujan Lives Matter (@BahujanLives) September 10, 2023

Kashmir

A Dalit IAS officer Ashok Parmar from Jammu & Kashmir has asserted that he has been harrassed due to his caste location of a Dalit. The officer claims to have been transferred half a dozen times in the past year, according to The Mooknayak. 

Several parties have spoken in his favour. For instance, the Congress’ spokesperson Pawan Khera has raised questions about the treatment of the officer and said that the move is to apparently hide a multi-crore Jal Jeevan Mission scam in the region. They have also questioned why the National Commission for Scheduled Castes has not taken action on his complaint. 

The JJM scheme was instituted to deliver clean drinking water to all rural households via tap connections by 2024.

Khera has also further asked, “Why, in the wake of his exposé, was a Dalit IAS officer subjected to harassment and targeting? Why did those officers involved in embezzlement and financial misconduct, who burdened the public treasury and harmed our citizens, receive promotions?” 

He further questioned why, despite complaints lodged with the Home Ministry and calls for a CBI investigation, the Jammu and Kashmir administration and the Narendra Modi government have not initiated a thorough inquiry into the multiple irregularities and alleged corrupt practices in the implementation of the Jal Jeevan Mission.

जम्मू-कश्मीर में ‘जल जीवन योजना’ के तहत 13,000 करोड़ रुपये के भ्रष्टाचार का मामला सामने आया है।

यहां G-20 की आड़ में LG-420 को छिपाया जा रहा है।

जब अशोक परमार नाम के IAS अफसर इस गबन को सामने लाते हैं, तो उनका साल में 4-5 बार ट्रांसफर और LG द्वारा अपमान किया जाता है।

वहीं अशोक… pic.twitter.com/xdFnvVQRyU

— Congress (@INCIndia) September 11, 2023

The Congress spokesperson also questioned the National Commission for Scheduled Castes, asking why they haven’t issued a show cause notice to the Lieutenant Governor’s office despite the serious allegations of harassment, intimidation, and mistreatment made by the Dalit IAS officer. He suggested that, following a proper investigation, charges under the SC-ST (Prevention of) Atrocities Act should be applicable.

A case of corruption worth Rs 13,000 crore has come to light under ‘Jal Jeevan Yojana’ in Jammu and Kashmir.

Here LG-420 is being hidden under the guise of G-20.

When an IAS officer named Ashok Parmar exposed this embezzlement, he was transferred 4-5 times a year and insulted… pic.twitter.com/Xfx8wjvMle

— Spirit of Congress (@SpiritOfCongres) September 11, 2023

The National Conference leader, Omar Abdullah has also asked for an impartial enquiry to be taken in the allegations by Parmar, according to Mooknayak.

The IAS officer has approached the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and has sought redressal for the harassment at the hands of the Jammu and Kashmir administration. While the J&K administration has denied the allegations by Parmar in a press conference they have held earlier. Parmar has claimed there were irregularities in the pipe supply tendering process, but  Jal Shakti Department Additional Chief Secretary Shaleen Kabra has maintained that all work allocations and pipe material procurement have been conducted transparently through the tendering process since 2019. He has asserted further that every transaction is accessible on the department’s website. 

Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh 

News emerged on 14 September of an elderly  Dalit man being kidnapped and beaten by a local BJP leader led gang in Chopda Kalan Village. The village falls under Sukhi Sevaniya police station limits in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh. The BJP leader is also said, too, have allegedly urinated on the man when he asked for water. The men took him in an SUV and beat up the Dalit man when he told encroachers to get off government land. They beat him up again and locked him in a room after that, according to Times of India. 

The Superintendent of Bhopal (rural) has said that seven people have been arrested so far.

A 39-year-old Dalit man was abducted and beaten up by a gang led by a local BJP leader, who also urinated on the victim. The incident occurred at Chopda Kalan village under Sukhi Sevaniya police station limits in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh. pic.twitter.com/zAFL1bciwP

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) September 14, 2023

Bharatpur, Rajasthan

A government school teacher in Bharatpur district was apprehended by the police on Saturday for reportedly assaulting a Dalit student who was studying in 7th grade merely because the child used water from the staff’s water cooler. The boy was also assaulted with casteist slurs, reportedly. This incident occurred after the student drank water from a container reserved for the staff on Friday, according to Outlook India.

The 12-year-old victim claimed that three students took water from the container intended for the staff, however only he was the only one to be subjected to physical violence. He recounted, that after the morning prayer, students came out of the classroom. Due to some accident while filling water, students ended up spilling some water due to which there was a shortage and students had to take water from the staff’s cooler.  He continued, narrating, that two of his classmates and he filed water from the staff’s cooler in their bottles. However, he was only one who was beaten.

The victim’s brother from Bhimnagar Pahariya Ambedkar Colony, spoke to Times of India stating that, “When my brother attended school on Friday, he was brutally assaulted by the teacher for drinking water from a container meant for the staff. Gangaram also used casteist slurs and attacked the child with sticks and blows, leaving marks on his back.”

He mentioned that the victim’s father had succumbed to silicosis in 2012, and his mother had passed away from typhoid in 2013. Singh’s complaint also reportedly said that the school officials had come to his house the following day and asked to resolve the issue by providing monetary incentive of 2 lakhs.

On Saturday morning, enraged family members and villagers gathered at the government school  protesting against the incident and the accused teacher, Gangaram Gurjar. The police soon arrived at the school, rescued him from the crowd, and took him to the police station.

Superintendent of Bharatpur Mridul Kachawa l has confirmed the teacher’s detention, “The teacher has been detained, and a case has been registered based on the complaint.”

The crowd also attempted to block the state highway but was dispersed by the police. A police officer mentioned that a committee led by an official has been appointed to investigate the matter. “A committee has been established to probe the incident. Based on the committee’s findings, appropriate action will be taken.”

Related 

Real Impact, Real Change: CJP’s year of monitoring violations: a review

Theirs & ours, how Indian cities discriminate against Dalits & Muslims

Continued Surge of Violence against Dalits Spans Maharashtra to Tamil Nadu

Anti-BJP, ‘inconvenient’ voters in Bengaluru could be dis-enfranchised: Karnataka polls

The post From Ayodhya to Trivandrum, are Dalits still unsafe in India? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra have once again, witnessed distressing instances of caste-based violence, shedding light on the pervasive discrimination that continues to grip society. The two separate incidents of attacks on Dalit students took place this month and have brought the spotlight on caste-based violence in Tamil Nadu, India.

Karur, Tamil Nadu

A young boy and his grandmother were attacked last week in Karur. According to the police, the 14-year-old Dalit boy is alleged to have engaged in a verbal altercation with an intermediate caste boy, resulting in a brawl aboard a government school bus. The altercation took a more sinister turn the following day, as the 20 boys appeared at the Dalit boy’s residence, assaulting him and his grandmother, identified as Kaliyammal, according to the Indian Express.

These people have been charged under various sections of the Indian Penal Code, including 294 B (related to obscene acts) and 323 (pertaining to voluntarily causing hurt). Additionally, they face charges under the Prohibition of Harassment of Women Act and the Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, reflecting the gravity of their actions.

The Dalit boy, in a police complaint, accused the group of several boys of attacking him and his grandmother. Two individuals, Ilango and Manikantan, along with two minors, were taken into police custody. Meanwhile, the Dalit boy and his grandmother, who has been his sole caretaker following the loss of both his parents, were swiftly transferred to the Karur Government Hospital for medical attention. However, the police has alleged that no attack took place.

This unsettling occurrence marks the second instance of Dalit students reportedly being targeted by students from the intermediate caste. Earlier, in Nanguneri, Tirunelveli district, another group of intermediate caste boys assaulted a Dalit boy, leaving his younger sister injured as well.

Valliyoor, Tamil Nadu 

In a separate case from the state, the Tamil Nadu Police apprehended six minor boys on Friday for their alleged involvement in an attack on a 17-year-old Dalit student. The victim, who had complained of harassment by three of the boys to the school management, was reportedly attacked with sickles. The victim’s sister also suffered injuries in the assault, according to India Today.

The victim and his sister were immediately rushed to a hospital, where they are reportedly out of danger. In response to the incident, the victim’s family staged a protest outside the hospital, urging law enforcement to take swift action against the attackers.

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin condemned the attack, saying “The incident in Nanguneri is shocking. This shows how deeply caste poison has permeated even amongst the young students.” The Chief Minister also offered reassurance to the victims’ mother, promising comprehensive support to ensure the continuation of their education. 

All six accused individuals belong to the Maravar community, and two of them were classmates of the victim at a school in Valliyoor. The victim had endured casteist slurs, extortion, and demeaning tasks assigned by the accused boys, compelling him to skip from school for several days. Despite assurances from his class teacher and the headmistress that the issue would be addressed, the situation escalated dramatically.

The assailants, armed with sickles, forcibly entered the victim’s residence, leading to a violent altercation during which the victim’s sister attempted to shield him. The police promptly detained the suspects and their associates. The accused minors have been charged under various sections of the Indian Penal Code, the Juvenile Justice Act, and the Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. 

A fact-finding study conducted on-site by Evidence, a Dalit rights organisation, concluded that the assailants had allegedly harboured intentions to cause harm. The organisation’s report stated that the attackers were armed with a sickle, with three of them reportedly using it in the assault.

Tragically, this incident is not isolated. The Deccan Herald reports that according to Kathir, the leader of the NGO ‘Evidence,’ between November 2022 and January 2023, nearly 450 cases were registered under the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, and thus highlight the distressing prevalence of such violence.

These disturbing incidents have highlighted the urgent need for addressing caste-based violence and discrimination in Tamil Nadu. The events have also prompted conversations about the safety and security of Dalit students within the state’s educational institutions. As investigations continue, the spotlight remains on the imperative to ensure a just and inclusive society that safeguards the rights and dignity of all its citizens.

Satara, Maharashtra 

Adding to this grim narrative is the recent incident in Satara, Maharashtra, where a Dalit woman faced public humiliation and assault. Her only “crime” was daring to demand the return of money she was reportedly owed.

The woman was from Maan Taluka in Satara and had lent money to a group of individuals, but upon requesting repayment, she was subjected to a brutal attack by four assailants in Panavan village, Maan Taluka. The disturbing incident was caught on video. The attackers used sharp weapons in the assault and abused her as they beat her brutally in public view. Subsequently, the police responded by lodging a complaint, resulting in the arrest of two suspects. However, two more culprits remain at large, prompting an ongoing search by the police. The victim sustained severe injuries and is currently undergoing treatment at a hospital. The case has been registered under the SC/ST Atrocities Act, with IPC 354 also included in the charges, according to Sameer Shaikh, Superintendent of Police, Satara.

These incidents of violence are stark reminders of the deeply rooted caste-based discrimination that continues to plague society across the length and breadth of the nation. While legal actions are a step toward justice, they also underline the pressing need for systemic changes, education, and awareness campaigns to dismantle the entrenched biases that perpetuate such violence. 

Dalit women thrashed, molested in full public view in Satara Maharashtra

Her crime? She was asking people to return the they borrowed from her
Atrocity act filed against accused seen in the video pic.twitter.com/jVacr969ww

— Ravi Ratan (@scribe_it) August 28, 2023

Parbatsar, Rajasthan

Two Dalit youths tragically lost their lives, and another was injured in a devastating incident that occurred in Ranasar village of the Didwana-Kuchaman district. The incident transpired on Monday night when a high-speed Bolero jeep collided with their motorcycle. The victims, identified as Rajuram and Chunni Lal from Bidiyad village in Parbatsar, in Rajasthan’s Nagaur, were on their way back home after attending a religious fair. Reportedly, a according to Free Press Journal, during a halt at a hotel along the way, an altercation erupted between them and a group of men. The situation escalated, resulting in the group chasing the victims and deliberately ramming their Bolero jeep into the youths’ motorcycle, leading to the untimely demise of Rajuram and Chunni Lal. Another individual, Kishnaram, also sustained injuries during the incident. The police have launched an investigation to apprehend the culprits, and the family members of the deceased are urging for a CBI inquiry to ensure a thorough and impartial investigation into this distressing incident. According to Times Now, the vehicle repeatedly crushed the legs of the victims to the point where there legs were discovered separate from the body. 

According to CJP, the statistics presented in the NCRB report tell us that there was a 1.2% rise in crimes against Scheduled Castes in 2021, with the number increasing from 50,291 cases in 2020 to 50,900 cases, making it a grim picture for the situation of Dalits rights in India.

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No country for Dalits: brutal incidents of violence against Dalits in the last week of August

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Protecting Human Rights of the Most Deprived People

The post Continued Surge of Violence against Dalits Spans Maharashtra to Tamil Nadu appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Srirampur, Maharashtra

 A chilling account has emerged from one of thesurvivors of the attack on four young Dalit boys in Maharashtra. Stripped, hung upside down, and subjected to brutal lashes of wires and sticks, the boy said he had to bear the pain for over an hour in a cowshed as he narrated the gut wrenching narrative from his hospital bed in SakharKamgar Hospital, Shrirampur town, Ahmednagar district, according to the Indian Express. The group of four young boys, all between the ages of 15-22, were assaulted and beaten over suspicion of pigeon theft from a resident’s house in Haregaon village, Ahmednagar, on August 25.

State revenue minister RadhakrishnaVikhe-Patil, with roots in Ahmednagar, paid a visit to the hospital, meeting with the survivors and their families, and assuring them that an investigation is already underway, reported Deccan Herald.

The local police took action, resulting in the arrest of two additional suspects, raising the total arrests to four.The arrested individuals, namely Manoj Bodkhe, PappuParkhe, DeepkGaikwad, and YuvrajGalande, are at the centre of the investigation. The disturbing episode unfolded on Galande’s farm, where the victims were allegedly subjected to torture after some pigeons were reportedly stolen.The authorities continue their search for two more suspects, Durgesh Vaidya and Raju Borge. Notably, Galande’s father, Nana Galande, has also been implicated in the case, although his arrest is pending. Numerous members from Dalit organisations and various social groups have rallied in support, offering solidarity throughout the day.

Sagar, Madhya Pradesh

After the harrowing incident that unfolded last Thursday, where a 20-year-old Dalit boy, Nitin Ahirwar, was fatal victim to brutal violence, the family refused to accept his body if their demands for justice, which include 10 lakhs from the government as well as for the government to raze the house of the accused. The young boy was beaten to death while his home was also vandalised, and his mother was also subjected to assault the day off the attack. The attack on Nitin Ahirwar’s family was reportedly motivated due their refusal to withdraw a sexual assault case filed against the perpetrators back in 2019. The accused were from a dominant caste and held a sphere of influence in the area. The accused had threatened them with murder of they did not withdraw. The family’s FIR was lodged in response to the molestation of their 23-year-old daughter on the streets.

राजनीतिक गलियारों में हंगामे और कांग्रेस प्रेसिडेंट के बयान के बाद हरक़त में आए प्रशासन ने आख़िरकार समझा बुझा कर अंतिम संस्कार करवाया।

प्रशासन ने दो दिनों के अंदर आरोपियों का अवैध निर्माण तोड़ने, परिवार को 10 लाख़ की आर्थिक सहायता, नौकरी और घर बनवाने का लिखित वादा किया है।… pic.twitter.com/aJgWVd4rd9

— काश/if Kakvi (@KashifKakvi) August 27, 2023

In the aftermath of Nitin’s tragic demise, law enforcement lodgedan FIR at KhuraiGrameen Police Station. This FIR implicated nine individuals under multiple sections of the Indian Penal Codeand the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Inspector Nitin Pal reported that out of the nine accused, eight have been apprehended, and revenue officials are actively investigating any illegal encroachments linked to the attackers. The family’s claims pointed to the alleged perpetrators belonging to the influential Thakur community of BarodiyaNonagir village, with alleged kinship ties to the village’s sarpanch. However, despite the family’s attempts at seeking justice by lodging a written complaint and providing video evidence, the police reportedly declined to accept their FIR.

MP | Castism Crime | Dalit ।

In a shocking incident in Sagar, an upper caste Sarpanch and his men beaten to death a dalit youth, assaulted his mother after allegedly ripping off her clothes and razed their home.

They were pressuring to withdraw a molestation case lodged by… pic.twitter.com/VRO9YX4KKt

— काश/if Kakvi (@KashifKakvi) August 26, 2023

According to journalist, KashifKakvi, the state government and police responded only as the case gathered news, and was especially prompted by the formation of a fact-finding team by the Congress party. Former Chief Minister Digvijay Singh’s planned visit to the family, that along with MallikarjunKharge’svocal criticism of the state government’s handling of Dalit atrocities. In the wake of these events, the family carried out the last rites of the deceased only after District Collector Deepak Arya extended a written assurance to the family, committing to demolish the alleged perpetrators’ building, provide a government job, offer financial aid of Rs 10 lakh, and facilitate the reconstruction of their home within a span of two days.

Rajasthan

In Rajasthan’s Kotputali-Behror district, two teachers from a government school have been charged with murder following the alleged suicide of a Class 10 Dalit student, Sachin Kuldeep, according to the Indian Express. Prior to his death, Sachin had spoken to his father, revealing that he had been subjected to casteist slurs and humiliation by the teachers, Vivek and Rajkumar, at JawaharNavodayaVidyalaya in Paota. Sachin had lodged complaints with the principal and vice principal about their behaviour, but no action was taken. Tragically, a few hours after his call, Sachin was found hanging in a classroom within the residential school. His uncle shared that Sachin’s classmates also claimed he was mistreated and threatened by the teachers, impacting his mental and physical well-being. The teachers are not only facing murder charges but also charges under the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Both teachers have been suspended, and investigations are ongoing to determine whether the case is a suicide or murder. Meanwhile, Sachin’s family was seen protesting outside the hospital in response to the tragic incident earlier last week.

Whose witnesses are given by the students of the same school. The police and the administration are suppressing the matter by declaring Suicide under political pressure.

We will not let this happen. The family of the deceased Sachin is protesting outside the hospital. pic.twitter.com/6BCzDm3Yiy

— Susheel shinde (@susheelshinde98) August 24, 2023

The issue of discrimination faced by marginalised communities, particularly Dalit and Adivasi students, is a deeply entrenched and systemic problem. Accordion to an analytical piece by Sabrang India, while there has been recognition and discussion about this discrimination by judges and officials, implementing concrete changes in educational institutions requires a comprehensive approach involving policy changes, awareness campaigns, and cultural shifts. Anti-ragging policies, addressing caste biases and a broader effort to promote inclusivity, diversity, and sensitivity within academic environments is equally necessary. The article further argues that there is a dire need to overcome deep-rooted structural discrimination and a sustained commitment from institutions, society, and policymakers alike. In the light of cases like Sachin, and the many more who suffer like him, concrete actions must be taken.

Violence against Dalits has been constantly rising. According to another story by Sabrang India, the crime rate per 1 lakh population against Scheduled Castes was 51.90 in 2017. It had reportedly decreased to 41.90 in 2018 since and then it has been on a continuous rise since then.

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The post Violence against Dalits refuses to curb, the families of the victims protest appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Dubbing itself a think-tank of Indian-Americans dedicated to the furthering of Indo-US relations and “setting right” the narrative on conflicts and issues within India, this outfit that has previously sharply criticised the USICRF Freedom of Religion Report as “biased” (May 2023), in facts goes out on a limb to sat that for FIIDS, “the state government of Manipur and the government of India have deployed all their resources to establish peace and provide relief to those affected.”

The recent USCIRF report, has for several years in succession, included India in the Countries of Particular Concern when it comes to the rights and freedoms of religious minorities. This is what the think-tank termed as “biased.”

Now FIIDS says: “In summary, the violence has historical baggage, inter tribes distrust, fear of economic impacts, drugs and insurgency as factors. However, it is important to note that, although religious polarization exists among the tribes, we did not find evidence of religious violence. Instead, it is based on an ethnic divide and historical distrust and rivalry between the tribes,” said the report.

“Various dormant insurgency/extremist groups took advantage to revive themselves with gun violence. This was further fuelled by funds and arms from drug mafias who grow opium and process heroin for export through Myanmar. Some even alleged that a foreign interference cannot be ruled out,” the agency said in a press release issued Thursday.

While the violence and protests have calmed down in the recent weeks, the underlying distrust still exists, and displaced people are not yet comfortable to return to their origins, they said in the release. Further steps, such as discussions, negotiations, major trust-building exercises, and help to rebuild their lives, are necessary to carry forward, it said.

The report will be shared with the US-based policymakers and think tanks, FIIDS said.

Violence that erupted in the north eastern state of Manipur on May 3 has not entirely ceased four and a half months later. Now, the Supreme Court of India (August 2023) has also stepped in with radical measures for re-investigation and prosecution of crimes. The distrust between the dominant Meities and Kuki tribal community, with Nagas thrown in has taken on frightening dimensions.

Denying the abdication by the state that has been widely postulated across India by Manipuris, opposition parties and human rights groups, the FIIDS media release says that it was the “wide social media circulation of fake news of graphic videos and pictures sparked lethal violence and resulted in over 100 deaths and thousands of people displaced from their villages.”

In October 2017, the same think-tank had played host to chief minister, Madhya Pradesh, Shivraj Singh Chavan, RSS ideologue Ram Madhav and Prof. Arvind Panagariya, then vice-chairman of NITI, India and professor of economics at Columbia University.

 “There seems to be a biased agenda of USCIRF generalizing isolated incidents without considering the complexities of India’s diverse population of 1.3 billion people,” foundation member Khanderao Kand said, according to PTI. “… It raises questions about their true intentions and credibility.”

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“Who gains? Who loses?”- An interim report on Manipur violence, resilience, relief and rehabilitation

Manipur urgently needs the healing touch, prompt political intervention: former bureaucrats

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