This public interest litigation (PIL) was filed citing 11 such children, four of whom were either severely malnourished (SAM) or acutely malnourished (MAM) and was brought to the attention of the Court. After detailed affidavits and responses, the Court has not just underlined that government schemes to mitigate malnourishment and hunger should be inclusive but sought commitments from the Union of India (Women and Child Welfare Department-WCD) and state government that sincere efforts would be made to reduce these malaises and government schemes would be proactively made available.

The Order was delivered on May 18, 2023 and the matter has been listed on August 1, 2023.

A public interest litigation filed before the court dealt with severe malnutrition of children that emerged in Danagadi Block in the district of Jaipur which brought to notice the non-coverage of PDS and NFSA. In its Order, the court observed that it is a fact that there are still several poor and vulnerable people in the country who do not possess an Aadhaar card or mobile number and these people cannot be excluded from availing the benefits of the welfare schemes which are meant to cater to the needs of the poorest and vulnerable sections of the society.

The court while suspecting the exclusion of some vulnerable people from PDS or NFSA directed the Department of Women and Child Development to ensure that the coverage of these schemes is increased progressively every year which can take place only when there are systems in place that incentivise ‘inclusion’ rather than ‘exclusion’.

Pertinently, the Court sharply observed that human lives and health of persons, especially children should not be measured as cold statistics and percentages alone but by acknowledging that they are actual persons.

To have in Odisha in 2023 nearly 30,000 SAM and 86,000 MAM children is a cause for alarm not just for the State of Odisha but for the Government of India as well. If one were to understand the national percentages of 2.26% SAM and 4.75% MAM on a 1.8 billion population, and translate them into actual numbers, the severity of problem would become evident.

Facts of the Case

One child, Subhalaxmi Tarai, who was suffering from cerebral palsy and secondary malnutrition had died. Records suggest that young Subhalaxmi Tarai had been abandoned by her family. She was found dead on April 20, 2023. According to the affidavit filed by the Collector of the district, thereto, ASHA health activist of the area is supposed to have visited the child on two dates in January and one date in February, 2023. The Rashtriya Bal Swasthya Karyakrama (RBSK) team is also said to have visited her.

The finding that “as she was suffering from cerebral palsy, she could neither move nor inform the neighbours of the plight” is a pointer to the fact that here is a “a child in need of attention, who is unable to get it despite the existence of a plethora of schemes both at the level of the Central Government and the State Government which will be referred to hereafter,” observed the Court. (Paras 2, 3)

Another child who also died, Arjun Hembram, whose name, does not find mention’ in the records of the Mobile Health Team (MHT). “This,” observed the High Court, “is a pointer to the fact that there could still be families and children, who are not covered by the schemes. The fact is that these are all children in the age group of 0 to 6 years and belong to tribal community and the poorest sections of the society.” (Para 4)

The Court cautioned one Mr Pandey, Secretary to the Women & Child Development (WCD) ministry in the Union government that

“…Human lives and health of persons, especially children should not be measured as cold statistics and percentages alone but by acknowledging that they are actual persons. To have in Odisha in 2023 nearly 30,000 SAM and 86,000 MAM children is a cause for alarm not just for the State of Odisha but for the Government of India as well. If one were to understand the national percentages of 2.26% SAM and 4.75% MAM on a 1.8 billion population, and translate them into actual numbers, the severity of problem would become evident.”

The Court impressed upon Mr. Pandey that at the level of Government of India, it has to be ensured that the coverage under the schemes is increased progressively year after year and that can only happen if there are systems put in place that incentivise ‘inclusion’ rather than ‘exclusion’. “

For e.g., the failure to possess an Aadhaar Card or a mobile phone or a proper ‘identity’ paper of a particular kind can result in a child or a family being denied the basic support in terms of food and supplements which are so essential for basic survival. The absence of these documents cannot become obstacles to availing the benefits under the schemes.” (Para 7) 

A fact that emerged in course of deliberations before the Odisha High Court during the hearing of the PIL, was that even in a district like Jajpur in Odisha the coverage of the population by public distribution system (PDS) under the National Food Security Act (NFSA) is not ‘universal’. Discussions in the court discussion threw up expressions like ‘allocation’ and ‘vacancies’ pointing to the fact that there might be sections of our society, and this includes the most vulnerable, who may not be covered under the PDS system. Since the distribution of nutritional supplements and rations happens only through the PDS, there is every likelihood that a child or an expectant mother in a family in need of such supplements and rations may not receive them.

This, therefore, points to a larger problem of the coverage attempted to be achieved by the NFSA. This also shows that the absence of pending ‘applications’ for coverage under the PDS in a particular district may not explain how many people there are in actual need of such rations and supplements for their children, who may be either in the SAM or MAM categories. What compounds this issue further is that all the statistics are projected on the basis of 2011 census and not on the actual figures on the ground as of 2023. Therefore, the number of persons ‘excluded’ from the coverage of all the schemes could be much larger than what is projected in these affidavits. This is a matter for reflection both by the Government of India and the State of Odisha when they sit down to address the issue of gaps in the implementation of the schemes. (Para 9)

In its judgement, “the Court impressed upon Mr. Pandey that at the level of the Government of India, it has to be ensured that the coverage under the schemes is increased progressively year after year and that can only happen if there are systems put in place that incentivise ‘inclusion’ rather than ‘exclusion’. For e.g., the failure to possess an Aadhaar Card or a mobile phone or a proper ‘identity’ paper of a particular kind can result in a child or a family being denied the basic support in terms of food and supplements which are so essential for basic survival. The absence of these documents cannot become obstacles to availing the benefits under the schemes. (Para 10)

The Collector, Jajpur had stated in court on affidavit that no person in Jajpur district in Odisha has been denied any ration only because such person does not possess an Aadhaar card or a mobile phone. The Secretary, WCD Department, Odisha confirmed that this was the position elsewhere in Odisha too. The Court is of the considered view that given the unfortunate happenings in the Danagadi Block in Jajpur district spoken of in the petition, this needs to be made abundantly clear at both the State level as well as the National level since this welfare schemes are meant to cater to the needs of the most vulnerable and poor sections of our society who cannot be excluded on any ground including the lack of an Aadhaar Card or a mobile phone. The fact is that there are still several poor and vulnerable individuals, in the State of Odisha and in the country, who may not possess either. (Para 11)

Responding to the Collector, Jajpur’s stand that families of Scheduled Tribes are “not willing to have their children treated at the public health facilities and it requires great persuasion and sometimes even coercion to get them to have their children, who are obviously in the SAM and MAM categories, treated at the CHCs or DHHs. This points to the fact that more active efforts would have to be made by the Tribal Welfare Department to spread awareness of the existence of the schemes and to convince the tribal populations that they are intended to positively benefit them and their children. (Para 15)

Commitments have been given by both Commissioner-cum-Secretary, WCD Department and the Collector, Jajpur have stated that concerted efforts will be made to ensure that there is a progressive reduction in the numbers of children falling in the SAM and MAM category in the immediate short term i.e. in the next two months and those efforts will be kept up to ensure that there is no child in the SAM category in the near future in Odisha. (Para 16).

Other districts of Odisha also suffer from chronic malnutrition. While this PIL has highlighted the alarming situation concerning SAM and MAM children in the Danagadi and Sukinda Blocks in Jajpur district in Odisha, figures made available by the GOI’s WCD Department it appears that in Keonjhar district there are 2,820 children in the SAM category that require immediate attention.

The High Court through this Order therefore extended the scope of the present petition to include Keonjhar district as well and the Collector and the CDMO, Keonjhar have been directed to undertake visits to the Blocks in Keonjhar district in the next one month to ascertain for themselves the factual position regarding children in the SAM and MAM categories, but not stop at that. Just like the Collector, Jajpur has been able to identify the broader category of ‘vulnerable’ children and has undertaken to also identify the category of ‘vulnerable women’. Thereafter joint reports have to be submitted before the Court says the judgement also flagging the issue of ‘universal’ coverage under the PDS.

The High Court has also highlighted the fact that other departments like the apart from the  WCD Department are involved and SME Department, the Health and Family Welfare Department and the Tribal Welfare Department too should work together on the issue including also with Food and Civil Supplies, hold a review meeting within one month of the order, draw in participation of the Odisha Child Rights Commission too. (Para 17)

Case Title: Mantu Das v. Union of India & Ors.

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In 2019, the Government of India announced a reduction of corporate tax rate from 30 per cent to 22 per cent, along with a further reduction to 15 per cent for new corporations. The Parliamentary Committee on Estimates has recently stated that this has led to a revenue loss of Rs. 1.84 lakh crore to the public exchequer in the two years: 2019-20 and 2020-21.

This raises the question regarding how much we have lost in terms of funds that could have been utilized for priority tasks. What we should not forget is that many important schemes and programs have been facing severe resource constraints. Inadequate allocations have been made for important welfare and development programs, and then further cuts have been made, citing resource constraints. Hence questions are bound to be asked regarding the additional funds that could have become available for priority needs if this loss of revenue amounting to Rs. 1.84 lakh crore had not taken place.

Here we present calculations to show that an amount of Rs. 1.84 lakh crore would have been adequate to exactly double the allocations for as many 20 departments and ministries which are very important for welfare and development.

In the table below we show the combined actual expenditure for 2019-20 plus 2020-21 for 20 ministries and departments. By adding these we get a figure of Rs. 1.84 lakh crore. In other words, if the loss to revenue caused by corporate tax cut had not taken place, then there was a potential of exactly doubling the budget/expenditure of all these 20 departments and ministries.

The expenditure data has been taken from the expenditure profile for these two years provided by the Budget Division of the Ministry of Finance, and then adding the figures for the two years.

Combined Actual Expenditure of 20 Ministries and Departments for 2019-20 and 2020-21

1. Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change – Rs. 4,486 crores

2. Ministry of Labor and Employment—Rs. 23,003 crores

3. Ministry of Minority Affairs—Rs. 8,351 crores

4. Department of Social Justice and Empowerment—Rs. 16,771 crores

5. Department of Empowerment of Persons with Disabilities—Rs. 1,864 crores

6. Ministry of Tribal Affairs—Rs. 12,821 crores

7. Ministry of Women and Child Development—Rs. 42,395 crores

8. Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports—Rs. 4,384 crores

9. Department of Science and Technology—Rs. 10,300 crores

10. Department of Health Research—Rs. 4,984 crores

11. Ministry of Ayush—Rs. 3,910 crores

12. Department of Pharmaceuticals—Rs. 1,009 crores

13. Ministry of Culture—Rs. 4,629 crores

14. Ministry of Development of North-Eastern Region—Rs. 4,510 crores

15. Department of Animal Husbandry and Dairying—Rs. 5,175 crores

16. Department of Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation—Rs. 14,650 crores

17. Ministry of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises—Rs. 12,152 crores

18. Ministry of New and Renewable Energy—Rs. 6,051 crores

19. Ministry of Panchayati Raj—Rs. 1,184 crores

20. Ministry of Planning-Rs. 1,316 crores

Total—Rs. 1.83,945 crore (approximately Rs. 1.84 lakh crore).

As can be easily seen, several very important ministries and departments are covered in the table above, including the Ministry of Women and Child Development, Ministry of Labor and Employment, Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Ministry of Minority Affairs, Department of Social Justice and Empowerment and Department of Science and Technology.

Several schemes and programs of these various ministries and departments have been suffering due to lack of availability of adequate resources and have been in news due to this. Imagine what a relief it would be if the resources available could be doubled, as would have been possible if the loss on account of arbitrary and unwarranted cut of corporate tax was avoided.

Here it may be recalled that this cut in corporate tax, announced in September 2019 just before the Howdy Modi event organised in the USA, had attracted a lot of criticism at that time as well.

The lesson for future is that in situations of severe resource constraints revenue opportunities should not be squandered just to appease some powerful interests. The costs for people can be very heavy, as was soon seen during the pandemic times which followed this tax cut.

*Views expressed are the author’s own. The writer is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now.

Other articles by Bharat Dogra:

Himachal Pradesh: Apple growers continue protest over adverse impact of Big Business

80th Anniversary of Quit India Movement

Why the Struggle of Dhinkia Deserves Wide Support

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On a positive note, Pre and Post-matric scholarship is real support for a student’s tuition fees and the process is streamlined online to reach its targets. The overseas Masters and PhD student are given scholarships up to Rs 10 lakh. Lawyers who have just finished their graduation and are working under any seniors are also provided with monthly stipends. In addition, Seekho aur Kamao skill development schemes have been instrumental in getting graduates and underemployed youth for self-entrepreneurship and corporate-level job. Also, doctorate students are given monthly stipend in tune with the UGC scale for JRF/NET Fellowship. Moreover, the students with aspiration for civil service examination are provided with free coaching and accommodation facilities.

Apart from the educational scholarships, funds have been budgeted to provide for financing either for education (all levels), skill development, entrepreneurship, small scale industries, funds for construction of a pucca house and purchase of land etc. In addition, Prime Minister schemes like Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana  (PMJDY), Pradhan Mantri Jan Suraksha, Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana (PMJJBY), Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana (PMSBY), Pradhan Mantri Mudra Yojana and Pradhan Mantri Vaya Vandana Yojana are all cater for social and financial inclusion. So much of a comprehensive package catering to every basic need of below poverty line has been provided by minority and welfare department. For all the schemes to implement and reach it to the ground, local minority offices are established under municipalities across the state, while officers are seen actively promoting and creating awareness through seminars and campaigns. All of these schemes are conceptually and theoretically good but requires effective implementation as to obtain desired results with commitment and conviction from the receiving end parties as well. Despite all these schemes and implementation efforts, they are yet to reach the targeted results in terms of numbers and achieve their objectives. Why?

The dilemma remains: why is there such absolute poverty in a community, where the most downtrodden would rather beg than benefit from such schemes? This has to be addressed at a policy level and administration level.

The problem is the banking interest.
 

To understand this, let me explain how the Government of India channelizes this process. It engages formal banks for effective regulation and supervision for all their undertaking and schemes implementation. The financing schemes (inclusive of subsidy), are provided in consultation with the nationalized banks for its delivery and recovery. tied with bank interest and insurance, both of which are against the tenets of Islam. Therefore, Muslims tend to avoid avoiding these schemes.

The commercial banks align same interest-based contracts with commercial wisdom and mindsets. Whereas, all the efforts by the government through welfare and minority departments is to alleviate minorities position from absolute poverty to adequate level of livelihood, illiteracy to literacy, penetration in the formal sector from their excessive role in the unorganized sector. The motive behind is cooperation, compassion, welfare and development but the use of interest-based financing contracts makes it deemed not practical in achieving the above-said goals and also anti-faith to the Muslim community.

There are academic and practical case studies to augment the claim that borrower has become true slaves to their loans. The amount being disbursed to achieve development has to achieve those objectives instead of deepening the borrower financial situation. In most of the cases, individuals are left with no option but to restructure the debt with higher interest and fees to pay. There would be scenarios of complete default as well. This is because of interest being charged relative to days of borrowing. Hence, the interest makes all these schemes anti-welfare and instead only strengthens the control of the banks.

But why does the government in consultation with concerned departments frame financial schemes and programs for minorities which is contrary to their faith? In my humble opinion, the government needs to draft the scheme in line with Muslim faith that definitely accommodates all government regulation except the use of interest-based contracts.

The way forward in structuring
Such welfare schemes have to be structured based on the actual cost of borrowing with the relaxation and easement on days of payment in case of default. This has to be done through a separate mechanism that might be within the conventional banks opening up a new state cooperative society exclusively for financing in such a way. Financial inclusion policies and schemes conceptualized through PM’s aspirational Yojana’s and minorities department can be effectively utilised if they are structured without interest and conventional banks routes, rather than being channelized through a specialized institution. This is a fundamental change needed if the government is serious about Muslims actually benefiting from the schemes meant for them.

This is my strong suggestion to all bureaucrats and officers to revisit and relook the proposition of welfare schemes if they are serious about Muslim development and solving their innate problems.

The author is a Certified Islamic Finance professional based in Bhatkal, Karnataka

Editor’s note: The author’s view that banking interest and insurance are forbidden in Islam is his personal view which is not shared by very many Muslims.

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Puttaswamy, a dalit farmer in Nagavalli, Chamarajanagar, said he supports the Anna Bhagya scheme for its efficient delivery of foodgrains monthly. They get 28 kg of rice–7 kg each for four members in the family.

Karnataka, the only southern state governed by the Congress party, is slated for assembly elections on May 12, 2018. And BJP chief ministerial candidate and state party president BS Yeddyurappa has said that his party would retain all the good welfare programmes initiated by the Congress government.
 
All he would do is change their names if he came to power, The Hindu reported on May 7, 2018. The BJP has also sought some credit for these schemes.
 

 
These welfare schemes are popular, especially among rural constituencies that form 69% of the state’s 224 assembly constituencies. Nearly four in five respondents to this May 7, 2018, Lokniti-CSDS-ABP News Karnataka Pre-Poll Survey 2018 said that they benefited from Anna Bhagya. However, the poll also showed that only two in 10 benefitted from the Krishi Bhagya, which includes a slew of sustainable measures to help farmers.
 
The impact of these welfare schemes could decide the electoral fate of the Congress government. Chief minister Siddaramaiah, a lawyer-turned-politician, is now the first state chief minister in the last 40 years to complete a full term. D Devaraj Urs completed his in 1977.

 
 
“All the ‘bhagya‘ schemes were part of Siddaramaiah’s populist welfare measures. He was very conscious about Tamil Nadu’s populist politics and drew on that,” said A R Vasavi, a social anthropologist and independent researcher. “Most have been ‘successful’ in that their delivery has been effective. The fact that the two years of drought were tided over with these schemes indicates the pressure to make them effective.”
 
To analyse the impact of these schemes, IndiaSpend travelled to rural pockets of three districts in Karnataka–Mandya and Chamarajanagar in the south and Yadgir in the north-east.
 
It became clear in our interaction with voters that Anna Bhagya enjoys unanimous support in rural Karnataka for its efficient delivery. While Krishi Bhagya’s main objective of promoting sustainable farming has not been able to fulfill its full potential due to successive droughts, it has helped farmers collect water for irrigation from borewells in Krishi Hondas (farm ponds) when rainwater is scarce.
 
Experts believe that the bhagya schemes are populist but are essential for poor households and will bring in popular support for the Congress in the election.
 
Govt allocation for Anna Bhagya highest in 3 years, all-time high for Krishi Bhagya
 
The Anna Bhagya scheme was among the first Siddaramaiah announced to create a “hunger-free” state after assuming power in 2013. It now includes nearly 40 million beneficiaries across the state.
 

The state has nearly 10.8 million beneficiary families below poverty line. This includes those entitled to the Antyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY, or grains for the poorest among the poor) and those marked as priority households (PHH) under the scheme, according to the Economic Survey of Karnataka, 2017-18. Each member of a priority household is being given 7 kg of grain and each AAY household 35 kg.
 
Since the launch of the Anna Bhagya in 2013-14, the government has allocated close to Rs 15,380.7 crore and utilised 76% of the amount, according to Pratibimba, a Karnataka government dashboard.
 
Krishi Bhagya, run by the agriculture department, looks to improve rainfed agriculture with efficient rainwater management and to enhance productivity. It provides farmers financial assistance through subsidies of upto 90% (based on social category) for construction of farm ponds to collect runoff water. It also helps farmers procure polythene lining to avoid percolation losses, diesel pumpsets to lift the stored water, sprinkler/drip sets to irrigate the crops, and shade-nets around the farm pond to avoid evaporation and accidental deaths.

 
 
Over the four years since its launch in April 2014, the government has allocated Rs 2,100 crore of which Rs 1,807.8 crore–nearly 86%–has been used, according to the government dashboard. This has benefitted nearly 186,000 farmers in the state.
 

‘I don’t have to worry about my family starving even in bad times’
 
Forty-two-year-old Laxman Rathore’s five-acre farm in Horuncha Tanda is a half-hour drive from Yadgir town. He grows groundnuts, tur dal (pigeon pea) and mung dal (green gram). He has a BPL card and is a beneficiary of both schemes: One helped him irrigate his fields during drought and the other fed his family when the yield was too low to earn him anything substantial.
 
Yadgir, in northeastern Karnataka, is one of the most underdeveloped districts of the state. It is ranked 40 in the central government’s programme to improve development in backward districts in India, and its literacy rate (51.8%) is lower than that of Bihar (63.8%), India’s least literate state.
 
The consecutive droughts in Karnataka, a state where 70% agriculture is rainfed, has been hard on farmers like Rathore who depend on the rain.
 

Laxman Rathore’s farm pond in his 5-acre farm in Horuncha Tanda, Yadgir, dug through Krishi Bhagya scheme, has helped him store rainwater and borewell water when it doesn’t rain. But the initial cost of Rs 20,000-Rs 30,000 is often unaffordable for small and marginal farmers like him, he said. At the same time, as a beneficiary of Anna Bhagya, he has no complaints.
 
In 2016, 160 of the 176 taluks in Karnataka were declared drought-hit during the rabi or winter crop season, and 139 during in kharif or monsoon crop season, according to this 2016 Karnataka State Disaster Management Monitoring Centre document, IndiaSpend reported on May 8, 2018 .
 
The 15×15 metre farm pond funded by the Krishi Bhagya scheme has helped Rathore survive these droughts.
 
“Depending on how much we use, the farm ponds provide a few months’ worth of water once they fill up during rains,” Rathore said. “When it does not rain, we store water from the borewell when we have power and then use the diesel pumps to lift the water.” He said they get power for irrigation for close to seven hours daily.
 
Rathore earns between Rs 15,000-20,000 from his produce each year. If the government procures it, he earns about Rs 6,000 per quintal for tur. Usually he sells it to the private buyers for less–Rs 4,000 per quintal. “The market has not been good,” he said.
 
In such times when incomes fluctuate based on the market and farm debts, the Anna Bhagya scheme has sustained his family of four. “We get 5 kg rice and 2 kg wheat without fail every month. We buy from the market only if it isn’t enough,” he said. Beneficiaries also get a 1 kg tur dal at Rs 42, although the stipulated government rate is Rs 38, he pointed out.
 
The government had reintroduced the distribution of wheat in northern Karnataka in anticipation of the assembly election, The Times Of India reported on October 31, 2018. It had earlier discontinued the practice citing low demand.
 
Another resident of Yadgir town, taxi driver Sadashiva Nayak, said that Anna Bhagya will be a critical factor in his vote. He has a loan of Rs 3 lakh for the car he bought.
 
“My income varies depending on the tourist season,” said Nayak. He owns land in his village but it is rainfed and not remunerative enough. “The scheme ensures that I do not have to worry about my wife and son going hungry,” he said. His wife supplements the income by working as an agricultural labourer for Rs 100 a day.
 
“Anna Bhagya has ensured that there is no fear of starvation among poor households which is a significant factor for them,” said Narendar Pani, economist at National Institute of Advanced Studies.
 
We heard similar stories in Mandya and Chamrajnagar. Nearly half of Chamrajnagar is forest area; it is also among the least developed districts in state. Its literacy rate of 61.4%–although 10 percentage points more than Yadgir–is still below the state average of 75.3%.
 
Puttaswamy (60), a dalit farmer, lives with his wife Manju in Nagavalli village, 10 km from Chamrajnagar town. “We think the Anna Bhagya scheme is important,” Manju said. They said they would vote for the present government for the support the scheme provides.
 
The family gets 28 kg of rice for four members, including a son and a daughter. Puttaswamy, who owns 2 acres of land, also works as an agricultural labourer for about Rs 250 a day.
 
Puttaswamy’s 2 acres of scattered farmland cannot accommodate farm ponds but that is not a problem for Nabi Khan (44), a farmer whose family owns close to 200 acres of land in Nagavalli.
 
‘Farm ponds help us deal with water scarcity’
 
Nabi Khan’s 20-acre banana farm requires at least 150,000 litres of water daily which is sourced from borewells, he said.
 
“The farm pond we recently dug is 40×40 metres. When it rains, we’ll be able to use the substitute borewell water for irrigation for sometime,” Khan said.
 
In bordering Mandya district, known for its sugarcane production, farm distress is high due to debt and water scarcity. This is especially the case in unirrigated, dryland areas where farm incomes are low.
 
In arid Basaralu, 20-year-old Raghuveer, who works on his father’s seven acre sugarcane farm, has found both the schemes useful. “Due to drought, we have not been able to conserve rainwater, but use the pond to store water from the borewell,” he said. Another farmer, Jayaram G, dug a 21×21 metre pond which he shares with with three other farmers. The government provides free diesel pumpsets to farmers who decide to dig a common farm pond. “That saved me money,” said Jayaram.
 
Not all in Basaralu, however, are satisfied with the farm pond scheme.
 
The trouble with ‘Krishi Bhagya’
 
Janardhan K, who owns 4 acres of agricultural land in Kambadahalli, was of the opinion that diesel pump sets must be given free.
 
There is another problem: Under the Krishi Bhagya scheme, the government provides a free diesel pump set if four farmers agree to create a common pond to feed their plots. “It becomes difficult when one person does not cooperate,” Janardhan pointed out. There are delays in giving components like the sprinklers and pumps, he added.
 
Laxman Rathore and Khan, too, pointed to issues on ground.
 
Although Khan did not have to pay an upfront cost, he had to buy polythene lining and sprinklers as the quality of the components was not the best, he said. “The lining that the department gives tears after a while and the sprinklers need to be sturdy as we use it regularly,” said Khan. While he can afford to pay the additional cost, farmers like Laxman cannot.
 

The family of 44-year-old Nabi Khan, a farmer, owns nearly 200 acres of land in Nagavalli where he has dug a 40×40 metre farm pond through Krishi Bhagya. While he is happy that he can conserve rainwater, he admits that the quality of material provided in the scheme is not the best.
 
In Yadgir, farmers have to pay up the initial amount for digging the pond–anywhere between Rs 20,000-Rs 30,000 based on the size of the pond. “Paying this amount is a problem, especially when we already have other loans to repay,” said Laxman.
 
The amount is reimbursed once the site is inspected by agriculture department officials as per guidelines. Often, there is a delay in reimbursement. Laxman has received the diesel pumpset and the polythene lining to prevent percolation but there was a delay.
 
Information offered about the implementation of the scheme is the same for both big and small farmers, said Khan. “How can that work? Farmers’ requirements are different and we do not get the relevant information when we meet local officials,” he added.
 
The chief executive officer of Yadgir, Avinash Menon Rajendran, rejected the criticism. “There are delays when procedures are not followed,” he said. “In some cases, we are unable to reimburse the farmers who dig ponds at scientifically inappropriate locations. We have to follow guidelines, but are trying our best ensure that the scheme details are communicated correctly by panchayat development officers.”
 
Anna Bhagya too has had a few glitches.
 
Parashuram Rathore is another groundnut and tur farmer in Yadgir. “The only impediment is that we have to be physically present to register our fingerprints at a machine at the ration shop,” he said. Some whose fingerprints go unread have to go to the panchayat and re-link.
 
“Although my family gets rice under the scheme, I am unhappy with the quality. We use it for making dosa batter,” said Nagendra, a farmer in Chamrajnagar. “We use as little as possible for daily consumption.”
 
Balasubramaniam, development activist and founder and chairman, Grassroots Research and Advocacy Movement, pointed to the need for accurate identification of benefactors. “While I do not deny the present Anna Bhagya scheme is efficient in its delivery, I think identification of the poor correctly is vital in such schemes,” he said. “Often, households who are not BPL but have managed to get cards sell the rice in market.”
 
(Paliath is an analyst with IndiaSpend.)
 

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