Reading P. Sainath’s article, “Where there is a wheel” in the book “Everybody loves a good drought”, which narrated how the women of Pudukkottai were trying to cycle their way to personal independence, I felt a compelling urge to learn about the present condition of that place and its women. That’s why I headed to Pudukkottai, nearly 25 years after the master of rural reporting in India did so.

This is what Sainath had written about the cycling movement in Pudukkottai: “Cycling as a social movement? Sounds far-fetched. Perhaps. But not all that far -– not to tens of thousands of neo-literate rural women in Pudukkottai district of Tamil Nadu. People find ways, sometimes curious ones, of hitting out at their backwardness, of expressing defiance, of hammering at the fetters that hold them.”

He has also discussed how young Muslim women from conservative backgrounds enlisted themselves to learn cycling. In the heart of rural Pudukkottai, young Muslim women from highly conservative backgrounds zip along the roads on their bicycles. Some seem to have abandoned the veil for the wheel. Jameela Bibi told the journalist: “It’s my right. We can go anywhere. Now I don’t have to wait for a bus. I know people made dirty remarks when I started cycling, but I paid no attention.”

It was the then collector, Sheela Rani Chunkath, who had hit upon the idea to reinvent “the wheel” for the women of Pudukkottai. Cycling fever gripped the land through a literacy programme called Arivoli Iyakkam (Light of Knowledge Movement). “Cycling has swept across this district. Women agricultural workers, quarry labourers and village health nurses are among its fans. Joining the rush are balwadi and anganwadi workers, gem-cutters and school teachers. And gram sevikas and mid-day meal workers are not far behind. The vast majority are those who have just become literate. The district’s vigorous literacy drive, led by Arivoli Iyakkam, has been quick to tap this energy.”

Kannammal, Arivoli central coordinator, had told Sainath then: “The main thing was the confidence it gave women. Very importantly, it reduced their dependence on men. Now we often see a woman doing a four-kilometre stretch on her cycle to collect water, sometimes with her children. Even carting provisions from other places can be done on their own. But, believe me, women had to put up with vicious attacks on their character when this began. So many made filthy remarks. But Arivoli gave cycling social sanction. So women took to it.”

Kannammal was among those first off the blocks. Initially, she was not sure whether should would be able to ride a cycle while she is clad in a sari. But the would-be cyclists turned up in strength at Kilakuruchi village and the inhibitions fell by the wayside — as did several male-enforced barriers.

Even ballads were written about the cycle movement, prompting the women to sing aloud while they cycled in the village-

“Cast off these illusions/                                    Set fire to the misery they have brought upon you.

Like birds whose wings have been clipped,/    Society has kept you confined within your homes.

Emerge like a storm gathering its strength.  O, sister, learn to ride the bicycle/                  and then set forth on a journey on the wheels of time.”

This song, written by Pudukkottai poets Jayachandar and Muthu Bhaskaran, was one among the many that were written to inspire the cycling women.

The first girl I met after arriving in Pudukkottai was Karthika, 20, a bearer at the hotel I stayed at. After completing her Plus Two, she had enrolled herself in a degree correspondence course. Asked about bicycles, she appeared to wonder why I was even asking — she has been riding a bicycle everywhere since childhood.

“Now, I have an old cycle. The government gave me a new one but my father sold it. He had some debts to pay off. Now I need to buy a new bicycle. I’m saving a little from my salary,” Karthika said.

A whisper of a smile greeted the question whether she knew about the changes cycles had brought to the women of Pudukkottai. As her mother and the other women in her family had already been cycling ever since she could remember, Karthika said, it never felt like something worthy of special attention.

A middle-aged diner at the next table cut in: “All that is history. The younger generation today doesn’t know much about it. You should go out to the road and see for yourself.”

I did as the diner, Gopalan who runs a business, told me and stepped out. Gopalan was not exaggerating: I could see for myself women who were basking in the freedom of movement. The town was humming — with the bustle of girls galore, college girls and school girls riding bicycles.

The bicycle trail led me to the Annavasal Panchayat Union Office, where section officer Ilavarasi Vasanthan spoke of how bicycles had transformed the lives of women.

“Now the women of Pudukkottai are just like those in any other place. They venture out to do anything. The old way — where men would speak outside while women stayed at home — is gone. In the panchayat office and elsewhere, they come directly to ask questions and get things done. They’ve shown strength both in their families and in society. Most important, they continue to travel by bicycle.”

I recalled what Sainath had written once: “Never before coming to Pudukkottai had I seen this humble vehicle in that light -– the bicycle as a metaphor for freedom.”

Kannammal had told him that for women, cycling “is a Himalayan achievement, like flying an aeroplane”.

Around 30 years ago, the women of Pudukkottai were usually confined to the kitchen whenever guests visited. Arivoli Iyakkam, the literacy campaign, brought about some change: men eagerly attended the literacy classes but women still stayed indoors.

The then collector, Sheela Rani Chunkath, realised that the women needed to step out of their homes in order to take part in the literacy initiative. Among the many strategies she devised, one was teaching women to ride bicycles.

The Arivoli Movement cast cycling as a symbol of freedom, self-respect and mobility. Spearheaded by the collector, several programmes were implemented to encourage women to learn cycling, prompting thousands to take a shot at pedalling. It would be fair to say that the women of Pudukkottai literally cycled their way out of the kitchen.

In order to understand how the dramatic transformation took place, I tried to meet the women who had learned cycling then, as well as those who had worked with the Arivoli Movement at that time.

Pandian, who had volunteered with Arivoli Iyakkam when it launched its literacy drive in 1991, shared his experience. He recalled the days when women hardly stepped out of their homes and how the volunteers tried to reach out and spread awareness through songs and dances.

“We were fighting against caste and religious divisions,” Pandian said. “We encouraged people to sit together and share meals. The Arivoli volunteers made it a point to eat in every household, disregarding caste, to demonstrate equality. Do you see now how many women are riding bicycles?”

Fatima, a secondary school teacher, said she never imagined that learning to ride a bicycle would give her so much freedom. “Now I don’t have to depend on anyone. It has completely changed my life,” she said with conviction.

Sarala, an anganwadi teacher, recalled the early days of learning to ride a bicycle.

“There was such an uproar back then. The men reacted with outright hostility. They hurled many insults at us. But the Arivoli workers stood by us. When many women began to learn, those men had no choice but to sit quietly and watch. Eventually, society accepted us,” she said.

I went around several places in Pudukkottai in search of Kannammal, who had led the cycling movement initially. After much effort, I found her — she now works as an assistant at the LIC branch in Pudukkottai.

Kannammal was astonished that I had come all the way from Kerala to meet the woman who had taught the women of Pudukkottai to ride bicycles.

“Oh, back then, things were completely different,” she said. “Girls weren’t allowed to study beyond the fourth or fifth standard. There were no schools nearby; they were far away. Once the girls reached puberty, it became impossible for them to walk such long distances to school, and they dropped out.

“In 1991, when Arivoli Iyakkam launched a literacy drive across the state, lakhs of people came forward to learn. But very few of them were women. That’s when Sheela Rani Chunkath Madam came up with the idea of a bicycle scheme.

“I was the first woman to learn to ride a bicycle. People used to say that if women started cycling, it would be the end of the world — that rains would stop, that it would be a curse! But Sheela Madam stood firm and faced all such criticism with determination.

“She gave me the strength to stand up to everything with confidence. I taught many other women to ride bicycles and helped them gain confidence too. The government gave us strong support. We made it clear to everyone — to the government, that we wanted to learn; to ourselves, that we could learn; and to society, that we deserved to be accepted.”

Those days, whenever a woman needed to get something done from a government office, she was required to prove she could ride a bicycle. If a woman went to collect a paper or document, officials would ask her to show that she could cycle. This, in turn, made it impossible for men to prevent women from learning — and that’s how the project gained social acceptance, Kannammal said.

“The bicycle scheme spread like a social revolution. Bicycle training centres for women, cycling competitions, rallies, demonstrations, lucky dips, prizes — so many programmes were organized. Thousands of women who initially learned cycling only to win a prize eventually made it a part of their everyday lives. For anganwadi teachers, cycling was made mandatory. Today, just as a child learns to walk, girls learn to ride a bicycle as they grow up. Similarly, the Tamil Nadu government now provides free bicycles to all schoolgirls.”

Listening to Kannammal and seeing the women of Pudukkottai, one thing became clear: the very foundation of a woman’s self-confidence is her freedom of movement.

“When women began coming forward to learn cycling, there was an acute shortage of bicycles,” Kannammal said. “Women learned using the men’s bicycles. That actually turned out to be an advantage — since those cycles had a bar in the middle, men would seat children in front and ride long distances to fetch water. Later, women used the same cycles, seating their children on the back carrier, and it made fetching drinking water so much easier.”

Earlier, they used to walk long distances every day to collect water. Once they learned cycling, that burden was reduced. It also became easier to take goods and farm produce to the market. These may seem like ordinary things now, but back then, for women who had spent their lives inside the kitchen, appearing in public on a vehicle was a symbol of rising social status.

“Their circles of friendship expanded. They recognized their own strength. In truth, beyond just economic improvement, learning to cycle gave women self-respect, freedom and fulfillment,” Kannammal said.

When Sainath visited Pudukkottai in 1991, he had witnessed the early stages of the cycling movement. What I saw when I went there was the outcome — women who had stepped out from their homes are now deeply engaged in public life.

The history of cycling in Pudukkottai clearly shows that whether in a village or in a city, when sincere efforts are launched to empower/uplift women, they respond rapidly — and change truly follows.

Kannammal spoke about Women’s Day in 1992: “That year, the Women’s Day in Pudukkottai was like witnessing a historic event. Around 1,500 women tied the Indian tricolour to their bicycle handlebars and rode together in a grand rally through the town. I had never before seen such an expression of confidence.”

Cycling not only changed women’s quality of life but, as Kannammal said, it enabled them to come out of their homes and live alongside men as equals.

What I saw in Pudukkottai is this: when someone in power understands women’s movements and issues and when even a few committed people work sincerely for them, women’s lives can transform completely.

As I left, a song by Jayachandar came to my mind:

“Yes, brother, I have learned to ride a bicycle.

I now move with the wheels of time.”

In a country where so many women still cannot move freely, the women of a Tamil Nadu village learned to balance on two wheels — and through it, found freedom, confidence and progress. It remains a tale that continues to inspire, its revolutionary resplendence as radiant as ever.

Courtesy: The AIDEM

The post Breaking patriarchal cycles through cycling: Revisiting the Story of Women in Pudukkottai, Tamil Nadu appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Recent activity on X (previously Twitter), once again, showcases this mode of policing. Accounts such as Team Falcon and Muslim IT Cell have employed shaming and ridicule to condemn Muslim women for entering temples, forming friendships with men outside their faith, or celebrating their autonomy. Hindu supremacist organizations have found ways of employing the same tactics to marginalize a woman’s choice to marry a man outside of their faith or community, or choose clothing outside the boundaries of permissible attire. Despite presenting opposing principles, the toolbox is strikingly similar to “police” online, to “publicly shame”, and to socially “humiliate” someone into submission and compliance. Be it ‘love jihad’ or ‘bhagwa jihad’ the perpetrators mind-set is strikingly similar.

Common ground: Shaming, justification, surveillance

What is notable about these campaigns is their use of public shaming. Women are marked and shamed for exercising personal agency.

An example: a post by Team Falcon post showed a photo of Muslim women at a temple, with the caption sneering this as “shameful conduct of Muslim women.” Another post demonstrated how a woman was shamed for holding arms with her Hindu friends—that is to say, ordinary social situations were framed as shameful. By publicising women’s names, images, and voicing their social interactions, these accounts have made private behaviour into a public spectacle of communal shaming.

One post shared a photo of two Muslim women, who reportedly were turned away from a Garba event organised at a local mosque. Instead of holding the organisers accountable, the post went after the women specifically, trying to accuse them morally for attending, despite their faith.

Shaming is almost always accompanied by an explanation that the conduct is ideologically wrong. In fact, the rhetoric goes beyond objection of personal conduct to suggesting that women’s choices are a threat to the community. In one post, visiting a temple was framed as evidence of “Bhagwa Jihad,” a term meant to suggest that religious fluidity is part of a conspiracy to transform the community.

Another example stated that Muslim women were “diluting our culture by mixing with Hindus,” which reduces friendship or interfaith marriage to a ‘betrayal of the community’.  This discursive leap from personal agency to community traitor inspires politicized agency and turns it into a conflict of identity.

These stories are preserved by a social surveillance system that invites followers and supporters to act as its enforcers, magnifying and prolonging the policing effect. For example, a Muslim IT Cell post asked supporters to “expose Muslim women who befriend Hindus and betray their deen.”

Such posts act as crowdsourced surveillance, where every choice – what to wear, who to be with – may be subject to scrutiny in the public domain. The result is a constant sense of being watched – an online panopticon in which women are made to second-guess their choices.

Taken together, these practices represent informal yet deeply felt regulations of women’s lives. The coercion is not just in the explicit threats, but also in the fear they produce. Women who are targeted suffer reputational damage, harassment, and ostracism; women who are not targeted come to feel the threat, and, ultimately, censor themselves and withdraw from public life. Hashtags like “Bhagwa Jihad” and posts calling women’s autonomy “disgraceful” function in this same way as a means of ideological control based on obedience brought about from fearing discovery and humiliation.

Constitutional protections undermined

Monitoring women’s decisions online fundamentally contradicts the guarantees in the Constitution of India. These posts constitute a breach of Articles 14, 15, and 19(1)(a) of the Constitution. Article 14 guarantees equality before the law, yet what does it matter when a post describes a woman’s behaviour as “shameful conduct of Muslim women,” only to post another opinion claiming disloyalty for visiting a temple? Article 15 prohibits discrimination on grounds of sex and religion, yet these online campaigns are based on precisely these grounds. Article 19(1) (a) guarantees us freedom of expression, which is broadly interpreted in the Supreme Court’s jurisprudence to encompass choices of dress, associations, and beliefs.

At the heart of all these violations lies Article 21. It guards against any violation of the right to life and personal liberty, which has been gradually expanded in case law to include dignity, privacy, and autonomy. Yet, the monitoring and invading of a woman’s private behaviors essentially negates these liberties. When a public social interaction or a photograph can be subclassed or reframed into a documentation of “immorality” or “betrayal,” any assurances of dignity and private space, as contemplated by Article 21, disappear.

When women are demeaned for either entering a temple or upholding interfaith friendships/relationships by being vilified with derogatory and vile terms like “Bhagwa Jihad,” their rights guaranteed in the Constitution become hollowed-out rights. Public degradation dissuades them from expressing themselves, chilling their speech and removing their agency. These case studies expose the inconsistency: constitutional guarantees and judicial pronouncements declare autonomy, dignity, and equality, but the social narrative and digital age conflict with these values every day. Women are free in principle, but the fact-checking hashtags like “Bhagwa Jihad” and public campaigns or calls to “expose” them erode the rights guaranteed to them in the Constitution.

From online narratives to real-world consequences

Online shaming is not limited to timelines or hashtags; it invades women’s daily lives. Women are often shamed through posts and subjected to abuse, harassment, trolling, and stalking. Comments online like, “shameful behaviour of Muslim women,” go beyond disapproval and serve as a way to justify policing women on the street, at school, or at work. On top of this, the damage extends to reputational damage. “Bhagwa Jihad,” and “betrayal of faith” are screen-shotted, shared in WhatsApp groups, and saved, creating a digital footprint that follows women around. Whether true or not, the stigma sticks to women — impacting lives, jobs, education, and relationships.

Furthermore, shaming online leads to community ostracisation. Families often pressure women to leave friendships, jobs, and in some cases, marriages, due to a fear of social stigma. This has deep psychological harm, resulting in self-censorship, withdrawal from public spaces, and anxiety for what could happen if they exercise their autonomy.

Narratives of extremism, whether Muslim or Hindu, utilize the same logic of patriarchal control. In some Muslim extremist narratives, having a friendship with an interfaith person or visiting their place of worship may be viewed as a “betrayal of the deen” — an expectation that women should always carry the burden of safeguarding religious purity. Similarly, Hindu supremacist narratives present a threat of “love jihad” in interfaith marriage, while insisting that women should employ prescribed dress codes to preserve “cultural purity.” The terms may differ, but the strategy is the same: reduce women to instruments of ideological reproduction and limit women’s freedoms to protect the imagined community.

The counter voices as an act of resistance

In the current context of online shaming and moral policing, we have begun to see, from both public figures and ordinary users, a push back against the misogyny present both in Hindu and Muslim extremist narratives. Historian Ruchika Sharma has been particularly vocal, using her X account to explicitly call out Muslim men for hypocritically excluding women from public and religious spaces, while also criticising Hindu supremacy for their almost violent moral policing of women’s dress, marriage, and friendships.

By not allowing either side the luxury of moral high ground, Sharma demonstrates how patriarchy traverses ideological boundaries. These interventions are far from simply rhetorical and create important counter-spaces of resistance, wherein women’s choices become reframed as matters of constitutional rights, rather than communal loyalty. The assertion by Sharma that women’s freedom cannot be bartered away because of any anxieties concerning faith or culture reflects the guarantees embedded in Articles 14 (equality), 19 (freedom of association), and 21 (the right to dignity). Her voice, in fact, shows how social media, notoriously a tool of harassment against women and gender non-conforming persons, can be reclaimed as a space for accountability and counter-narrative.

These instances of resistance signal to us that the digital space is not only a realm of control but also a site of struggle. Resistance voices undermine the legitimacy of an extremist tongue, and in doing so, disrupt the cycle of shaming and surveillance, and offer women and allies a shared vocabulary of solidarity.

In a similar vein, feminist groups, journalists, and student activists condemn moral policing on the internet, provide targeted women with legal and psychological support, and educate the public on constitutional protections. These alternative voices reclaim social media as a public space of accountability and solidarity, demonstrating that resistance is indeed possible and effective.

Women’s autonomy as first casualty

Patterns traced across ideological lines reveal an unsettling truth: women are the first and primary victims of extremist strategies because controlling women constitutes an effective means of enforcement and compliance with extremism. Public shaming, ideological justification, and social surveillance follow women from digital spaces into families, workplaces, and communities, exposing women to reputational, psychological, and social harms.

These practices violate Articles 14, 15, 19, and 21, undermine the aspirations of Vishaka and Shafin Jahan, and erode dignity, freedoms, and the equality of living. Social media and public discourse are vehicles of cultural policing that further amplify exposure to threats and surveillance.

Women’s autonomy is not a negotiable cultural or religious project; it is foundational to democratic society. Maintaining women’s autonomy is non-negotiable and requires platform accountability, legal protections, institutional fortitude, and proactive counter-speech, all stemming from an understanding that gender is to be the first fault line along which extremist ideologies seek to exert control.

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this community resource has been worked on by Preksha Bothara)

Related: 

Exclusion at the Gate: Navratri becomes the new front for communal politics

Muslim women publicly assaulted, hijabs forcefully removed in twin attacks

2024: Love Jihad as a socio-political tool: caste, endogamy, and Hindutva’s dominance over gender and social boundaries in India

Right-wing groups demand Muslim ban at Jabalpur Navratri garba

The post Misogyny & Faith: Extreme narratives curtailing the autonomy of women appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Compiled by New Age Islam News Bureau

URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/taliban-tried-employing-afghan-women/d/135873

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The Taliban Tried To Stop Lida Mangal From Employing Afghan Women

By Isabella Ross

15-06-2025

Lida Mangal says her Afghan garment business in Western Sydney is a form of “resistance and representation”. (ABC News: Jack Ailwood)

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LidaMangal vividly remembers the “golden years” of her childhood in Afghanistan.

Decades on, Ms Mangal has found freedom in Australia — though her country of origin and the “very strong” women who remain there never leave her thoughts.

“I thought how could I provide a means of income to these women? They had experience in tailoring and textiles. Some were widowed or without a male companion … Afghan women deserve freedom.”

Photo shows A woman wearing a blue burqa covering shields her eyes from the sun and camera while she walks in the streetA woman wearing a blue burqa covering shields her eyes from the sun and camera while she walks in the street

Virtue laws introduced by the Taliban ban women from speaking or showing their faces in public as a senior UN official called it an extension of the “already intolerable restrictions” on Afghan women.

That same year, Ms Mangal founded her business, Ghan Fashion, where she brings traditionally designed dresses from Afghanistan to Australia.

Initially, she was able to openly hire women who were still working in Afghan textile factories, but in recent years, the “barbaric regime’s agenda” has made that effort extra difficult.

“I’ve got 20 women who are working now from home, because of the restrictions of the current regime. They have their own materials and equipment they use. I explain my designs … and they prepare and make it,” she said.

A former refugee and now Australian citizen, Ms Mangal works full-time in a separate occupation, as well as running her fashion business from her Western Sydney home.

The garment transportation process is a challenge — the Taliban use sharp tools to check packages for anything being smuggled out of Afghanistan, meaning some of Ms Mangal’s dresses arrive ripped and damaged.

“This new chapter has allowed me to reclaim my voice and write a story that I choose — one filled with hope, ambition and determination.”

Kabul Social is run predominantly by female refugees from Afghanistan, notes Shaun David-Christie (far right). (Supplied: Kabul Social/Kitti Gould)

Kabul Social, founded by Plate It Forward director Shaun Christie-David, is run by a team of predominantly female refugees from Afghanistan, bringing their country’s flavours to Sydney’s CBD.

It was predated by Colombo Social, which has the same intention of celebrating culture and cuisine while employing migrants and refugees.

“What truly humbles me is seeing our refugee workforce and their families thrive, building a legacy of generational change,”  Mr Christie-David said.

Mr Christie-David said his aim was to “give people a chance that wouldn’t get one otherwise”, given the challenges of having international qualifications recognised in Australia.

Marjorie Tenchavez is the founder and director of Welcome Merchant, a social enterprise that elevates refugee and people seeking asylum entrepreneurs.

“Often they [refugees] have family members relying on them in their home countries as well. Refugee merchants also don’t have mainstream access to much support, such as borrowing from the banks, given many are on bridging visas.”

“It’s now more important than ever to give them a platform because there has definitely been a waning interest in the refugee space.”

Adama Kamara, deputy chief executive officer of Refugee Council of Australia, said the event was a way to champion the resilient nature of many refugees.

“Refugees are among Australia’s most entrepreneurial newcomers … this incredible drive, often born out of necessity and a desire to contribute, adds significant economic and social value,” she said.

Later this year, the 1 millionth permanent refugee visa will be issued since Australia’s post-war resettlement program began in 1947, according to the Refugee Council.

Source: www.abc.net.au

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2025-06-15/former-refugee-helps-women-in-afghanistan-via-sydney-business/105365380

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‘I Wish I Weren’t A Girl’: 700,000 Women Struggle For Menstrual Hygiene In War-Torn Gaza

By Supratik Das

15 Jun 2025

Representational Image | Credit: Reuters

———–

At the centre of an relentless humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip, an often overlooked crisis is unfolding with quiet urgency, that is women’s and girls’ menstrual well-being. During Israel’s months-long siege and heavy shelling, close to 700,000 menstruating women and girls are finding it difficult to cope with their periods with dignity and safety. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) has cautioned that lack of access to essential hygiene products, clean water, and safe facilities has converted a normal biological process into a deep humanitarian and public health emergency.

According to UN global data, 1.8 billion people menstruate worldwide, but in conflict areas like Gaza, menstruation becomes far more than a monthly inconvenience, it becomes a human rights concern. In overcrowded displacement shelters and temporary tent camps, girls getting their first period are doing so in unimaginable conditions. They have no sanitary pads, no soap, and no private toilets. “I only had one pad, so I wrapped it in toilet paper to make it last. I couldn’t wash, and the pain was horrible. I sat in silence crying until the end of the day,” a displaced teenage girl told UNFPA. These stories are no longer isolated. Since March, the blockade of humanitarian relief has severely limited the introduction of hygiene material. While a partial suspension of the ban allowed for some relief, distribution of aid which is now organised by channels outside the UN system is still woefully insufficient. Current levels of delivery are far below the colossal demand, with only a small portion of more than 10 million sanitary pads needed monthly reaching Gaza’s displaced persons. “This crisis is not just about hygiene; it is about dignity, health, and the protection of basic human rights. “Food keeps us alive, but pads, soap, and privacy let us live with dignity,” a displaced woman from Khan Younis, said in a UNFPA statement.

With over 90 per cent of the region’s water and sanitation infrastructure destroyed and water pumping fuel out of reach, the hygiene crisis is assuming a deadly dimension. Women are resorting to makeshift substitutes such as worn-out clothing, used cloths, or sponges which are often unclean and unsuitable for prolonged use heightening the threat of urinary tract infections, reproductive disorders, and long-term health impairment. A father of four girl child from Jabalia recounted his sorrow, “I ripped my single shirt apart so my daughters could wear it as an alternative to pads,” he explained to UNFPA. Another girl admitted, “Every time my period comes, I wish I weren’t a girl,” she said to the UN agency. A local physician recounted how normal phenomena like menstruation, pregnancy, and giving birth are becoming traumatic because of the absence of essential materials. “These should be routine experiences. But now, I witness pain, humiliation, and desperation in women’s eyes on a daily basis,” she said to UNFP

While the health of menstruation has gone disastrous, the overall situation for women in Gaza is equally bleak. As per UNFPA, food insecurity is catastrophic, with one person out of every five starved. For approximately 55,000 pregnant women, every skipped meal increases the likelihood of miscarriage, stillbirth, and giving birth to underweight infants.

According to UN nearly 17,000 pregnant and breastfeeding women are projected to require urgent treatment for acute malnutrition in the coming months. Gaza’s already fragile health infrastructure is on the brink of collapse after prolonged bombardment of hospitals and healthcare facilities. Healthcare workers do not have the medicines and equipment they need.

Source: www.Thedailyjagran.Com

https://www.thedailyjagran.com/world/i-wish-i-was-not-a-girl-women-struggle-for-menstrual-hygiene-in-war-torn-gaza-heres-what-report-says-10245149

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TikTok Murder Sends Chill Through Pakistani Influencers: ‘Every Woman Knows This Fear’

15 Jun 2025

Since seeing thousands of comments justifying the recent murder of a teenage TikTok star in Pakistan, Sunaina Bukhari is considering abandoning her 88,000 followers.

“In my family, it wasn’t an accepted profession at all, but I’d managed to convince them, and even ended up setting up my own business,” she said.

Then last week, Sana Yousaf was shot dead outside her house in the capital Islamabad by a man whose advances she had repeatedly rejected, police said.

News of the murder led to an outpouring of comments under her final post – her 17th birthday celebration where she blew out the candles on a cake.

In between condolence messages, some blamed her for her own death: “You reap what you sow” or “it’s deserved, she was tarnishing Islam”.

Yousaf had racked up more than a million followers on social media, where she shared her favourite cafes, skincare products and traditional shalwarkameez outfits.

Source: Www.Scmp.com

https://www.scmp.com/news/asia/south-asia/article/3314505/tiktok-murder-sends-chill-through-pakistani-influencers-every-woman-knows-fear

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UN Human Rights Council to spotlight rights of Afghan women at 59th Session

by Milad Sayar

June 15, 2025

The United Nations Human Rights Council is set to open its 59th session on Monday, June 16, in Geneva, where delegates will consider an agenda that includes the worsening rights crisis in Afghanistan, particularly the treatment of women and girls under Taliban rule.

According to the Council’s official schedule, the session will run through July 9 and will feature reports and interactive dialogues addressing human rights violations in more than a dozen countries, including Sudan, Myanmar, Iran and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Among the most closely watched items will be a presentation by Richard Bennett, the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan.

Bennett’s report, titled “Access to Justice and Support for Women and Girls and the Impact of Multiple and Intersecting Forms of Discrimination,” concludes that the restrictions imposed by the Taliban on women and girls amount to a system of gender apartheid. It calls on the international community to recognize such policies as crimes under international law.

“The Council must take urgent and decisive action,” said Sima Nouri, a human rights activist who is among those calling for an independent fact-finding mission. “We need a mechanism to document the full scope of Taliban abuses — from gender-based discrimination and ethnic killings to the violent suppression of peaceful protests. Afghanistan’s case should be referred to the International Criminal Court.”

Since retaking power in 2021, the Taliban have barred most Afghan women and girls from work, education, and even freedom of movement without a male escort. MasoudaKohistani, another rights advocate, called the situation “a human rights emergency that demands global attention.”

Though Afghanistan will be discussed on the opening day, it is one part of a broader session that includes topics ranging from the human rights impacts of climate change to racial discrimination, digital rights, and the situations in Palestine, Venezuela and Belarus. No general debates are scheduled this session, but several high-level interactive dialogues will take place throughout the four weeks.

The Human Rights Council, which meets three times a year, is the UN’s primary intergovernmental body dedicated to the promotion and protection of human rights around the world. Its 59th session will include reports from special rapporteurs, commissions of inquiry and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

Rights advocates say they hope the international community will not lose focus on Afghanistan amid competing global crises. “This is a pivotal moment,” Nouri said. “The world must not abandon Afghan women.”

Source: amu.tv

https://amu.tv/180591/

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Pakistan names women’s squad for AFC qualifiers amid bid to elevate football’s profile

Arab News Pakistan

June 15, 2025

ISLAMABAD: The Pakistan Football Federation (PFF) on Saturday unveiled its squad for the AFC Women’s Asian Cup 2026 Qualifiers, as the country seeks to uplift its women’s football program and strengthen its profile in a sport where its men’s team has also struggled to gain traction.

Pakistan’s men’s national team, briefly competitive in regional tournaments in the decades following independence, has long languished near the bottom of Asian rankings amid administrative issues and lack of sustained investment.

In contrast, women’s football in Pakistan began to take shape in the early 2000s, with the formation of the country’s first women’s football clubs in 2002 and the launch of the National Women’s Football Championship in 2005.

“The Pakistan Football Federation has named a squad for the upcoming AFC Women’s Asian Cup 2026 Qualifiers, set to take place in Jakarta, Indonesia from June 29 to July 5,” said the PFF in a statement.

Placed in Group E, the team will open its campaign on June 29 against Chinese Taipei, confront host Indonesia on July 2 and conclude the group stage against Kyrgyzstan on July 5.

Athletes have recently expanded into Olympic swimming and achieved international success in javelin, demonstrating a broader ambition to elevate sports beyond one stronghold.

Pakistan will be seeking its first-ever Women’s Asian Cup appearance, while the men’s side continues to fight for relevance amid FIFA rankings that reached a historic low before recent suspensions were lifted.

Pakistan’s national women’s football team was officially formed in 2010 and has yet to qualify for a Women’s Asian Cup or World Cup, but played in multiple SAFF Championships and remained a bright spot in domestic football.

Source: Www.Arabnews.com

https://www.arabnews.com/node/2604523/pakistan

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‘Pakistan-born’ woman booked in UP’s Bareilly for procuring fake Aadhaar, ration card

by Manish Sahu

June 15, 2025

The Uttar Pradesh Police on Friday booked a 68-year-old woman of Pakistani origin in Bareilly for allegedly obtaining an Aadhaar card and ration card through fraudulent means. The woman has been residing in India for nearly six decades on a long-term visa.

The police said that during a campaign to spot Bangladeshi and Pakistani nationals staying illegally in the district, they received a tip-off about a Pakistan-born woman allegedly availing of benefits of government schemes using forged documents.

The case has been filed against the woman, identified as Farhad Sultana, under relevant sections of the Citizenship Act and for cheating at the Baradari police station, said a police officer.

The police learned that Sultana, born in Karachi, arrived in India in 1965 at the age of eight with her mother and sister, on a long-term visa.

Source: Indianexpress.Com

https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/lucknow/pakistan-born-woman-booked-in-ups-bareilly-for-procuring-fake-aadhaar-ration-card-10067350/

Courtesy: New Age Islam

The post The Taliban Tried To Stop Lida Mangal From Employing Afghan Women appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Brief facts

The case involved a series of incidents occurring on November 5 and 6, 2014. These included an initial altercation, followed by a criminal trespass, where a woman (the prosecutrix/primary victim) and her male companion (second victim) were assaulted, and a friend (third victim) who came to help was also attacked. During the trespass, the primary victim and the third victim were forced to strip and were videographed in compromising positions. Subsequently, the primary victim and the second victim were abducted. The second victim was taken to railway tracks, assaulted, and left for dead but managed to escape. The primary victim was then taken to multiple locations where she was subjected to gang rape by three individuals (two appellants and a juvenile tried separately).

Charges and initial convictions

Multiple accused faced charges including criminal trespass (Sections 450, 452 IPC), grievous hurt (Sections 324, 326 IPC), sexual harassment (Sections 354A, 354B IPC), voyeurism (Section 354C IPC), violation of privacy under the IT Act (Section 66E), abduction (Section 366 IPC), attempt to murder (Section 307 IPC), robbery (Section 394 IPC), gang rape (Section 376D IPC), and harbouring offenders (Section 212 IPC). The trial court convicted several accused on various counts, handing down severe sentences including life imprisonment. The accused appealed to the High Court.

High Court’s decision on appeals

The High Court upheld convictions for several appellants for offences including criminal trespass, assault (altered from grievous hurt to simple hurt by dangerous weapon in some instances), sexual harassment, voyeurism, IT Act violations, abduction, attempt to murder, robbery, and significantly, gang rape against two appellants.

One appellant was acquitted of all charges due to insufficient evidence placing him at the scene of the crime inside the room.

Sentences were modified for several convicts: life imprisonment for attempt to murder was reduced to 10 years rigorous imprisonment for two appellants; life imprisonment for the remainder of natural life for gang rape was reduced to 20 years rigorous imprisonment for the same two appellants. The sentence for harbouring an offender was reduced to the period already undergone for one appellant.

The Court on consent and sexual history

The High Court addressed the issue of consent, particularly in response to defence arguments that attempted to question the primary victim’s character and suggest that her alleged past relationships or sexual history, including a prior acquaintance with one of the accused, might imply consent or make her testimony unreliable. The Court emphatically rejected these notions, reinforcing the principle of “No means No.”

The judgment stated

• “NO means NO”: A woman who says ‘NO’ means ‘NO’. There exists no further ambiguity and there could be no presumption of consent based on a woman’s so called ‘immoral activities’. (Para 85)
• Irrelevance of past relationships or character: The Court made it clear that even though there may have been a relationship between the prosecutrix and [one of the accused] in the past but if the prosecutrix was not willing to have sexual intercourse with [the accused], his colleague… and the juvenile in conflict with law, any act without her consent would be an offence within the meaning of Section 375 of the IPC. (Para 85)
• Consent is instance-specific: The court stated that a woman who consents to sexual activities with a man at a particular instance does not ipso facto give consent to sexual activity with the same man at all other instances. (Para 85)
• Character and number of sexual partners are not determinative of consent: The court stated that a woman’s character or morals are not related to the number of sexual partners she has had in wake of Section 53A of the Indian Evidence Act. This section of the Evidence Act restricts evidence of the victim’s character or previous sexual experience in prosecutions for sexual offences. (Para 85)
• Primacy of consent over perceived morality: The Court addressed attempts to question the primary victim’s morals due to her being estranged from her husband and living with another man, or suggestions of a prior intimate relationship with one of the accused. It emphasized that even if such circumstances were true, “a person cannot force a woman to have intercourse with him without her consent.” (Para 84)
• Rape as aggression, domination: The Court described rape not merely as a sexual crime but as “a crime involving aggression which leads to the domination of the prosecutrix. It is a violation of her right of privacy. Rape is the most morally and physically reprehensible crime in society, as it is an assault on the body, mind and privacy of the victim, the court added. (Para 85)

In essence, the High Court’s judgment strongly affirmed that consent must be explicit and contemporaneous for each sexual act. A victim’s past sexual history, choices in relationships, or perceived character are not relevant to determining whether consent was given for a specific instance of sexual intercourse. The Court underscored that the absence of consent makes any sexual intercourse an offence, irrespective of the victim’s background or previous associations with the accused.

The judgement reinforced the evolving jurisprudence that centres the victim’s agency, making it unequivocally clear that consent must be specific, informed, and ongoing—regardless of any prior associations or societal judgments about the victim’s morality. In doing so, the Court not only delivered justice in a deeply disturbing case but also contributed meaningfully to the broader fight against rape culture and victim-blaming narratives in India’s criminal justice system.

(The author is part of the legal research team of the organisation)

Related:

When marriage is tyranny: Justice Shakdher’s judgment reads down the marital rape exception as a constitutional imperative

How Justice C Harishankar, in upholding the exception to marital rape, delivered a reasoning fir for the dark ages

A Licence to Violate: Chhattisgarh HC’s ruling on marital rape exposes a legal travesty’

The post Rape is aggression, domination, consent must be instant specific, not dictated by morality tests: Bombay High Court appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Thirty-six-year-old Dnyaneshwari Anjan, a practising advocate at the Ambajogai Sessions Court, had reportedly approached the police with a complaint about loudspeakers blaring from a nearby temple, as well as the constant disturbance from three flour mills installed near her home. Villagers, including the sarpanch (village head) however claim that she was a persistent (and often exaggerated complaint), sometimes even filing false complaints! Her claim that the persistent noise triggered migraines and caused her physical distress brought her violent retribution. Instead of any attempts at dialogue with her, detractors resorted to what, increasingly is seen, vigilante violence.

On the morning of April 19, 2025, Anjan was attacked by her village sarpanch and at least nine of his supporters. According to her account, they dragged her to a farm and formed a circle around her, beating her with wooden sticks and plastic pipes—including on her head—until she nearly lost consciousness. The photos of her severely bruised and battered back, which she later shared publicly, went viral on social media, igniting an outcry among civil society, and opposition leaders.

An attack orchestrated by power and patriarchy

This was not a spontaneous act of rage—it was a deliberate, orchestrated punishment for speaking up. Anjan revealed that prior to the attack, the sarpanch had visited her house and told her parents to “reprimand” her, as though her assertion of rights was a form of insubordination. An FIR was registered a full day after the assault, under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), including sections for rioting (Section 191(2)), assault to outrage modesty (Section 74), unlawful assembly (Section 189), criminal intimidation (Section 351(2)), and voluntarily causing grievous hurt by dangerous means (Section 118(2)). And yet, as of the last update, none of the accused had been arrested. The police at Yusuf Wadgaon station claimed that search teams had been formed, but the perpetrators remain at large—shielded, perhaps, by political proximity or the comfort of knowing that consequences are rarely swift for those who harm women.

Political firestorm, but no real action

Opposition leaders were quick to condemn the incident. Maharashtra Congress chief Harshvardhan Sapkal declared it a “proof” of the BJP-led government’s failure to ensure women’s safety, stating, “If a woman lawyer is not safe, what about ordinary citizens?” He added that the lawyer was taken to a farm and mercilessly beaten till she fell unconscious, demanding the arrest of the accused and accountability from Devendra Fadnavis, who also holds the home portfolio.

Amol Kolhe, NCP (Sharad Pawar faction) MP, called the incident a “blot on a progressive state like Maharashtra”, invoking the legacy of icons like Jijabai, Ahilyabai Holkar, and Savitribai Phule, and pointing to the collapsed law and order under the BJP-Shiv Sena-NCP alliance. As per Hindustan Times, he added, “Instead of working for the people, alliance leaders are busy fighting among themselves for power.”

Even as the outrage spread online, with photos of Anjan’s injuries making the rounds, the BJP led Maharashtra state government’s silence has been deafening. As public confidence in the state’s protection mechanisms erodes, what is left is the image of a woman lawyer—bruised, nearly broken—punished for doing what the law allows: filing a complaint.

A female advocate was brutally beaten by Sarpanch and his accomplice at Beed District of Maharashtra. Beed again news for wrong reasons#Beed #beednews #Maharashtra pic.twitter.com/QftUfGeCbR

— Tikam Shekhawat (@TikamShekhawat) April 18, 2025

From Beed to Delhi: A wider crisis of safety for women in law

What makes the Beed incident even more disturbing is that it is not isolated. Just days earlier, in Delhi, a woman Judicial Magistrate was subjected to a shocking episode of intimidation and abuse—this time within the confines of her own courtroom.

After convicting an accused in a cheque bounce case under Section 138 of the Negotiable Instruments Act, Judicial Magistrate Shivangi Mangla recorded in her official court order that the accused and his lawyer hurled abuses, made death threats, and attempted to hurl an object at her. The convict told her, in open court, “Tu hai kya cheez… tu bahar mil, dekhte hain kaise zinda ghar jaati hai”—a direct threat to her life.

The lawyer, Atul Kumar, joined his client in pressuring the magistrate to resign and reverse her judgment. Judge Mangla noted that the harassment continued beyond the courtroom, including psychological pressure to quit her post. In her courageous response, she announced her intent to approach the National Commission for Women, and also issued a show cause notice to the lawyer, asking why criminal contempt proceedings should not be initiated against him.

Here was a woman judge, upholding the law of the land, being told she might not “make it home alive” for doing her job.

A systemic pattern of violence and intimidation

What connects Dnyaneshwari Anjan in Beed and Shivangi Mangla in Delhi is not just their profession—it’s the price they paid for exercising their legal rights and authority. In one case, a complaint. In another, a conviction. In both cases, the state’s promise of safety and institutional protection crumbled in the face of patriarchal rage and unchecked power.

It is not enough to call these “rare” or “shocking.” They are part of a wider pattern of systemic violence against women—especially those who step outside domestic spaces and challenge the authority of men in politics, religion, and even the courtroom.

What is at stake is the integrity of the legal system itself, the right to justice, and the belief that the rule of law can protect us.

Conclusion: When the protectors are left unprotected

The brutal assault on Dnyaneshwari Anjan and the threats against Judge Shivangi Mangla should not be seen as two separate news items—they are symptoms of the same disease. A society where women in legal professions are met with violence, abuse, and threats, simply for doing what the law entitles them to do, is a society teetering on the edge of lawlessness.

Where is the urgency in the state’s response? Where is the accountability from those in power? Notably, both the states where these incidents took place are being governed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government. When perpetrators feel empowered enough to attack lawyers and threaten magistrates, they are signalling something far more dangerous—that they believe the law is on their side, or at least will look the other way.

Related:

When Courts Fail Survivors: How patriarchy shapes justice in sexual offence against women cases

From Protectors to Perpetrators? Police assaulted women, Children, Christian priests in Odisha: Fact-finding report

Surviving Communal Wrath: Women who have defied the silence, demanded accountability from the state

The post Beed to Delhi: Lawyer beaten in Maharashtra, judge threatened in Delhi—what the path for justice means for women practioners in today’s India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Gujarat: On January 28, 2025, a 35-year-old tribal woman in Dahod district was brutally assaulted, disrobed, and paraded through her village by a mob, allegedly led by her in-laws, over an alleged extra-marital affair. The Gujarat police arrested 12 individuals and registered an FIR against 15 people, charging them with abduction, wrongful confinement, outraging modesty, and assault with intent to disrobe. The High Court took suo moto cognizance, demanding an action-taken report from state authorities the woman has since been rehabilitated under the ‘Suraksha Setu’ program.

In #Dahod #Gujarat, a tribal lady was brutally beaten and paraded naked over an alleged affair; 12 people arrested by police @MinistryWCD @WCDGujarat @BhanubenMLA @NCWIndia pic.twitter.com/D8TOjZNyyU

— GujaratHeadline News (@GujaratHeadline) February 1, 2025

Rajasthan: On September 2, 2023, a similar attack occurred in Pratapgarh district, where a 21-year-old pregnant tribal woman was allegedly kidnapped by her in-laws, stripped, and paraded naked after being accused of an extra-marital affair. The police arrested nine people, including her husband. The Rajasthan government formed a Special Investigation Team (SIT) and announced financial assistance for the victim. The case will be fast-tracked to ensure swift justice.

 

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 Manipur: On May 4, 2023, in a horrifying incident that drew national and international outrage, two women were paraded naked by a mob in Kangpokpi district during ethnic clashes between the Meitei and Kuki communities. The victims were allegedly gang-raped in a field. The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF) condemned the act, and the Manipur government, under immense pressure, assured swift action. Police have identified the accused and are in the process of making arrests.

 

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Suresh Gopi’s controversial remarks on tribal affairs

Amid these escalating crimes, Union Minister and BJP MP Suresh Gopi sparked controversy with his remarks on the Tribal Affairs Ministry. Speaking at an election campaign in New Delhi, Gopi suggested that a Brahmin or Naidu leading the ministry would bring ‘big change’ to tribal welfare. Facing widespread backlash, he later withdrew his statement.

His comments expose the deep-rooted caste bias in India’s political discourse. The Tribal Affairs Ministry was created in 1999 to focus on the socio-economic development of Scheduled Tribes, who have historically faced oppression. Suggesting that a dominant-caste leader is necessary to ‘reform’ tribal affairs reflects an outdated and paternalistic mind-set.

Pattern of violence and systemic neglect

These incidents are not isolated. Crimes against tribal women continue to rise, often met with delayed justice or impunity. The High Court’s intervention in the Gujarat case and the swift action in Rajasthan and Manipur signal an urgent need for structural reforms and greater accountability in law enforcement.

Moreover, Gopi’s remarks highlight the persistent casteist attitudes that hinder genuine tribal empowerment. Political leaders must recognize that true progress comes from policies that uplift marginalized communities rather than reinforce historical hierarchies.

Call for action

The assaults in Gujarat, Rajasthan, and Manipur, along with the regressive remarks on tribal governance, demand urgent attention. Legislative measures must be strengthened to protect tribal women from gender-based violence. Additionally, political leaders must be held accountable for their statements to ensure that caste prejudices do not influence governance.

While outrage may dominate headlines today, real change will only come through sustained advocacy, policy reforms, and a collective effort to challenge deeply ingrained biases that continue to marginalize India’s tribal communities.

Related:

MP witnesses rising violence against tribals, as BJP youth wing leader caught beating a tribal elderly

Manipur Violence: Video showing 2 Kuki women being paraded naked opens the eyes of the government

The post Minister’s casteist remarks and tribal violence spark fury appeared first on SabrangIndia.

It is true that the degree of intensity of the policies of these two, Hindu Nationalism and Taliban, are very different but if one digs deep into the issue one can see the basic similarities in these types of politics. The Taliban policies towards women, the attitude of many Gulf countries and Iran are similar but not exactly the same. No two countries express their policies on ditto lines. Still one can discern the similarities at the level of principles. This phenomenon, fundamentalism in these countries has come up mainly from the decade of 1980s, with Ayatollah Khomeini coming to power in Iran; he changed the social landscape drastically. While at superficial level fundamentalism means going to the fundamentals, it is not just that. Fundamentalism is an imposition of selected parts of religious traditions on the society through state power. Many times this is done even not by the government which is ruling; but by dominant political tendencies.

These impositions are most conservative, backward looking and oppressive not only to women but also to the other weaker sections of society. Fundamentalism always strengthens itself by creating an internal or external enemy. In most of the Gulf countries it is women which are the main target. At places “Satan” (devil) America is so presented as the main. To this enemy all the ills of society are attributed to. In that way the Fascism which developed in Germany in particular shares this trait with fundamentalism, where Jews were labeled as cause of Germany’s ills and were targeted to the extent of Genocide, to strengthen the power of the leader, who was supreme in the state.

The traits of fundamentalism and fascism are also seeing some overlap. In Germany, women were dictated to be the beings whose role is in ‘Kitchen, Church and Children’. Depending on different countries these roles are patterned on similar lines, even in fundamentalism.

Hindu Nationalists’ most overt attack is on the Muslims (and lately Christians also). We have witnessed horrific communal violence increasing in quality and quantity over the last few decades. Beginning from the ghastly tragedy of demolishing a Mosque in Ayodhya and the consequent violence now questioning the existence of mosque is proliferating like a malignant cancer. In addition there is cow-beef lynching becoming the order of the day. Cow vigilantes are proliferating dime a dozen. The word Jihad to target the Muslim minorities has picked up and starting from love jihad, corona jihad to now land jihad has been added to the ever proliferating list!

No doubt compared to the targeting of Muslims the other implications of this fundamentalism get dwarfed in India, though they are very much similar. As far as women are concerned the Sati system has been prohibited, the last one being that of Roopkawar in the 1980s. In the Bhavari Devi case the upper caste rapist were released with the honorable Court opining that how can the upper caste accused be raping a low caste women! That’s the reflection of prevalence of caste system.

If we analyze the attitude of Hindu nationalist policies, the very notion of love jihad is very much anti women. This gives the handle to the male members of the family, to keep a watch on ‘their’ girls. The Same tendency which has been opposing the love jihad is opposed to the wearing of jeans by girls. The attitude regarding violence is best reflected in the Bilkis Bano case, where those found guilty of rape and murder were honored once they got relapsed. Mercifully they are back in jail to serve the sentence. A woman professor from Goa who wrote that Mangal Sutra is like a chain for women was hounded badly. To cap it all at theoretical level Manu Smiriti is eulogized as the ideal to be followed.

Calling all this as Hindu religiosity as she calls the present offensive of Hindu nationalists is very much off the mark. She herself cites the example of three Muslims being beaten with slippers to shout Jai Shree Ram. Here labeling all this in the category of religiosity hides the commonality of all this as having its similarity with fundamentalism. Calling Muslim fundamentalism as jihadi Islam falls too short and away from the commonalities, which is prevailing in many countries. It prevails in Egypt and many other countries as Muslim Brotherhood. Then there is the Ayatollah regime in Iran.

Hindu religiosity is practiced by millions of Hindus, who have been living with people of other religions for centuries, making India a really plural, diverse country. What began as an ideology articulated by Savarkar and Golwalkar is the base on which the present actions and policies of Hindu nationalism stand. These were totally opposed to Indian Nationalism which emerged as the part of anti colonial struggle. The greatest Hindu of the twentieth century, Mahatma Gandhi had to take three bullets on his chest for standing as a Hindu standing for plural India.

Singh is right in detesting this ‘religiosity’ but she needs to delve deep to understand this is the same pattern which ‘Jihadi Islam’ and Islamic Fundamentalists followed. Here politics derives its legitimacy from religion and mauls the society under the clothing of religion. And that is precisely what is going on in India today, be it the claim over most of the mosques, or use of bulldozers or to beat the Muslim Children in the class a la Tripta Tyagi of locking the child in the store for bringing non vegetarian food in the school, or beating the girls coming out from a pub in Mangalore!

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia

Also Read:

Sambhal Mosque, Ajmer Dargah: how deep do we plunge into the abyss?

Promoting love or instilling hate and fear

Restating the agenda of Hindu Rashtra: RSS chief sets the tone for BJP politics

The post Taliban, Women’s Equality and Hindutva Nationalism appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Alongside these marriage restrictions, the panchayat has also taken a firm stance against drug-related activities, announcing that no villager will act as a witness or arrange bail for those accused of drug offenses. The report by Observer Post also provided the stance of Sukhchain Singh, the husband of village sarpanch Ranvir Kaur, who defended the decision claiming that there has been a rise in the number of migrants, particularly around a nearby market. He explained, “The girl is considered the daughter of the village,” and asserted that the resolution had significant local support, although he believed it had been misrepresented by some reports.

The village, with a population of around 3,500 voters, now houses about 300 migrants. The move is part of broader tensions in Punjab surrounding migrant issues, which include opposition to migrant candidates in local panchayat elections and other instances where villages have sought to restrict migrant presence. In similar moves earlier this year, other villages in Punjab, including Kaudi and Jandpur, imposed curfews on migrants after 9 pm, leading to legal interventions, such as the reprimand from the Punjab and Haryana High Court over anti-migrant hoardings. These actions reflect the growing sentiment in certain areas of Punjab, and in Haryana, where khap panchayats have pushed for changes to the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, to outlaw intra-gotra and intra-village marriages.

This move comes amid broader tensions surrounding migrant issues in Punjab, where local panchayat elections have witnessed opposition to migrant candidates, and other villages, such as Kaudi and Jandpur, have imposed curfews on migrants after 9 pm. The actions of the Jawaharke panchayat reflect a growing hostility towards migrants, which has been evident in other parts of Punjab and Haryana. This hostility mirrors the actions of khap panchayats, which have pushed for changes to the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, to prohibit intra-gotra and intra-village marriages. The khap panchayats’ long-standing influence in rural areas has centred on restricting personal freedoms in the name of preserving cultural and social order, often with a particular focus on controlling women’s marital choices.

Khap panchayats, traditional village councils, have long been involved in regulating social conduct, particularly in rural North India. Their decisions often focus on issues of marriage, caste, and social behaviour, with particular emphasis on preserving what they consider traditional norms. These councils, typically dominated by older men from influential families, have historically sought to control who can marry whom, often enforcing prohibitions on intra-gotra (clan) marriages and inter-caste unions. Such decisions reflect a broader, patriarchal desire to maintain control over women’s lives, particularly their marital choices, and to ensure the preservation of caste and social structures.

Undermining women’s autonomy: The gendered impact of the panchayat’s decision

The resolution passed by the Jawaharke panchayat, alongside similar actions by khap panchayats in North India, represents a dangerous erosion of women’s autonomy, particularly in rural settings. By prohibiting unions with outsiders or within the village, the panchayat directly interferes with women’s ability to make independent decisions about their marriages and futures. These decisions reflect a deeper, patriarchal desire to control women’s sexual and reproductive choices, reducing them to instruments of family and community honour rather than autonomous individuals with rights to self-determination.

The assertion that “the girl is considered the daughter of the village” underscores a paternalistic and objectifying view of women, treating them as property to be controlled and protected from external influences. This reflects the long-standing practices of khap panchayats, which have historically imposed strict rules on marriage to ensure women remain within the confines of what is deemed acceptable by communal standards. The fear that allowing women to marry outsiders or even within the village would lead to the “loss of control” over their roles in society reveals the deeply entrenched patriarchal structures that limit women’s freedom. Such actions reinforce a system where women’s choices are secondary to community and familial interests, treating them as subjects rather than agents in their own lives.

The resolution’s impact is not isolated; it reflects a broader pattern in which women’s rights to choose their life partners are subordinated to communal and patriarchal dictates. Similar to khap panchayats’ efforts to control marriage through caste and lineage restrictions, the Jawaharke panchayat’s decision shows how local governance can perpetuate a regressive social order. By framing these actions as a defence of “community values,” the panchayat disregards the basic human rights of women to make choices about their lives. In effect, these measures not only restrict women’s autonomy but also reinforce a system where women’s roles are dictated by outdated norms, stifling their personal freedom in the name of tradition and cultural preservation.

This approach is not only deeply oppressive but also indicative of a broader societal problem—one where women’s autonomy is consistently undermined under the guise of protecting social stability. Whether through khap panchayats or local village councils like Jawaharke’s, the control over women’s marital choices is a clear tactic to maintain patriarchal control, limiting their freedoms and opportunities for self-expression. The resulting societal harm is not just the suppression of individual rights, but the entrenchment of gender inequality, where women are treated as subordinate to the collective interests of the community and its outdated traditions.

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What is the real intent of the extremists launching this aggressive “love jihad” campaign

The post Khap Panchayat resolution to control marriages: Women’s autonomy at risk in Jawaharke, Punjab appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In the last few weeks in Uttarakhand, several incidents of atrocities on women have taken place, including incidents in Rudrapur, Dehradun, Salt and Lalkuan. The most worrying thing is that leaders of the ruling BJP are accused of such atrocities in Salt and Lalkuan, but in these cases, at first the police did not even arrest the accused and then appear to be trying to minimise the crime by using weaker sections of the law.

However, in the same weeks, some organisations and individuals have attacked innocent people on the basis of religion in Kirtinagar, Chamoli, Rudraprayag, Dehradun and other places on the pretext of women’s safety.  In Kirtinagar and Chamoli, Muslim families have even been driven from their homes. The signatories have, in their statement and letter, recalled that in 2023, a similar criminal campaign took place centred around Purola town of Uttarkashi, and later it was found that the alleged molestation incident was completely fake. Till date, no action has been taken against any of the people or organisations responsible for all these criminal incidents.

Overall, the signatories have stated that the Uttarakhand government has failed to provide security to women and the public, while it seems that criminals associated with the ruling party and their organisations are getting protection. The signatories have further demanded that the Governor direct the government to take strict action in any incident of crimes against women and hate crimes, irrespective of the religion, caste or political affiliation of the criminal.

The full text of the open letter may be read here:

To

His Excellency the Governor

Government of Uttarakhand

Your Excellency,

“We would like to express our grave concern about events in the state of Uttarakhand. The state has always been known for peace, harmony and popular movements, but now, hate-driven violence is being spread to divert attention from crimes against women and the alleged role of politicians in these crimes. At a time when lakhs of people across the country are fighting on the streets for the safety and rights of women, other types of crimes are being promoted in Uttarakhand to conceal these crimes.

“Your Excellency, in recent weeks, there have been many incidents of atrocities against women, including incidents in Rudrapur, Dehradun, Salt and Lalkuan. The most worrying thing is that both the alleged rapist of a minor girl in Salt and the alleged rapist of a mother and her minor daughter in Lalkuan are leaders in the ruling BJP. First, the police did not even arrest them; now, they are said to be applying more lenient sections of the law in order to shield them.

“Even as public outrage was rising on these issues, a few organisations and individuals have started hate violence and propaganda in the name of women’s safety.

“On August 31, shops of innocent shopkeepers were vandalised in Chamoli, and their money was looted. According to press reports, at least ten families had to flee from there. Similar incidents have taken place in Kirtinagar, and communal boards have been installed in Rudraprayag.  In Dehradun after some people were beaten up there have been continuous efforts to vitiate the atmosphere, and in the Press Club a speech was made openly inciting violence and hatred, calling for Hindus to carry weapons and for Uttarakhand to be “Muslim free”. More such incidents are happening on a near daily basis in the state. All these crimes are being committed under the pretext that a person from the minority community has been accused of molestation.

“We would also like to remind the government that in 2023, a month-long criminal campaign was launched in Purola town of Uttarkashi on similar allegations, due to which dozens of families had to flee. But as the district court revealed in May, that entire supposed molestation incident was a hoax. The people responsible for those hate crimes, some of whom are engaged in such activities at present, have never faced any consequences.  Indeed, the opposite is happening – the Sunday Post newspaper has revealed that some police officials themselves were spreading hate propaganda on their WhatsApp groups.

“Overall, the Uttarakhand government has failed to protect women and the public, while criminals associated with the ruling party and their organisations seem to be getting protectiom. Instead of conducting a fair investigation, the Chief Minister is trying to blame “outsiders” and minorities for crimes against women. This is against our Constitution and a betrayal of the women of Uttarakhand and the country.

“We therefore request you to immediately direct the government to establish rule of law, and take strict action against perpetrators of crimes against women and hate crimes, irrespective of the religion, caste or political affiliation of the culprit.”

Signatories:

Organisations:

1. All India Feminist Alliance
2. Meera Sanghamitra, NAPM
3. National Council of Women Leaders
4. Afqaar India Foundation
5. Revolutionary Youth Association (RYA)
6. Feminists in Resistance
7. Bebak Collective
8. Swavalamban Samaj Vikas Sanstha
9. Sambhaavnaa Institute
10. Vann Gujjar Tribal Yuva Sangathan
11. Indian Community Activists Network (ICAN)
12. Janashakthi
13. Ram Kumar, Dynamic Action Group
14. Forum Against Oppression of Women
15. Van panchayat Sangarsh Morcha
16. Chandan Saroj, AISF
17. Rajesh Kanoje, Adivasi Mukti Sangathan
18. MNREGA Mazdoor Union
19. Dalit Adhikar Abhiyan, Chhattisgarh
20. Ambika Yadav, Jharkhand Kisan Parishad
21. Vertika Mani, Secretary PUCL
22. People’s Campaign for Sociology-Economic Equity
23. Swaraj India
24. LaMakaan
25. Chetna Andolan
26. Paigam Network
27. ALIFA, Aurangabad
28. Ramjeewan, SYM
29. ALIFA Aurangabad
30. Kailash Ram, Khet Majdur Kisan Sangram Samiti
31. People’s Alliance
32. Nanga Baiga Jan Shakti Sangathan
33. Jai Adivasi Yuva Sangathan (JAYS)
34. Utkal Sarvodaya Mandal
35. Shramik Mukti Dal
36. Pratinidhi Sanstha
37. Samita Snehi, Loktantrik Rastriya
38. Sanjha Sanskritik Manch
39. Mahendra, Mirzapur Forum
40. Kosar Jahan, Sagathin Kisan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur

41.Bhundhelkhand Dalit Adhikar Manch

42. Awadh Youth Collective
43. UP Land Forum
44. Delhi Forum, New Delhi
45. Uttarakhand Mahila manch
46. Himal Prakriti
47. Samadrusti MEDIA
48. All India Yuva Bharat
49. Bihar Ambedkar Vidyarthi Manch (BASF)
50. National Youth Equity Forum (NYEF)
51. Vijay Kumar, Loktantrik Manch (MP)
52. Himdhara Collective

Individuals:

1. Advocate Taniya Laskar, Assam
2. Rupa Mehta, Gujarat
3. Maimoona AM, New Delhi
4. Paromita Dutta, West Bengal
5. Shahista Khan, Rajasthan
6. Elina Horo, Jharkhand
7. Ranjana Padhi, Orissa
8. Amrita Howlader, West Bengal
9. Nazma Iqbal, Uttrakhand
10. Arvind Murti, UP
11. Shadab, UP
12. Shabana Diler, Maharashtra
13. Poushali Basak, West Bengal
14. Nisha Biswas, West Bengal
15. Hameedullah Shaik, Andhra Pradesh
16. Kausar Ansari, Maharashtra
17. Saddik Hussain Barlaskar, Assam
18. Hasina, Maharashtra
19. Maivish, Maharashtra
20. Shaista, Maharashtra
21. Gulshad, Maharashtra
22. Biraj, Maharashtra
23. Pooja, Maharashtra
24. Heman, Gujarat
25. Maanasee Hatkar, Haryana
26. Shivam Kumar, UP
27. Atul, Uttrakhand
28. Arshad Ali, UP
29. Sitara, Rajasthan
30. Rajesh Ramakrishnan, Tamil Nadu
31. Arundhati Dhuru, UP
32. Neetisha Xalxo, Jharkhand
33. Mohit Chatterjee, West Bengal
34. Prakash Louis, Bihar
35. Rupali Jadhav, Maharashtra
36. Roop Rekha Verma, UP
37. Hamza, Maharashtra
38. Sujatha Guthoskar, Maharashtra
39. Anand Mazgaonkar, Gujarat
40. Susan John, Kerala
41. Ranjana Kanhere, Maharashtra
42. Retd. Professor, JNU
43. Father Tony, Jharkhand
44. Malti Deshmukh, Maharashtra
45. Lokesh Malti Prakash, Madhya Pradesh
46. Ashish Ranjan, Bihar
47. Qamar, New Delhi
48. Shanda, Uttrakhand
49. Vinay, Uttrakhand
50. Mahender Mishra, UP
51. Satyalaxmi Rao, Bengaluru
52. Navsharan Singh, New Delhi
53. Tajammul, UP
54. Richa Singh, UP
55. Vidyun S, New Delhi
56. Kanupriya, Chandigarh
57. Kamaxi Bhate, Maharashtra
58. Prerna, Maharashtra
59. Shweta, New Delhi
60. Lal Prakash Raahi, UP
61. Dashrath Jadhav, Maharashtra
62. Abu Taher Sheikh, Assam
63. Sarfaraz, Bihar
64. Individual, New Delhi
65. Sujit Ghosh, New Delhi
66. Archana Lakra, Jharkhand
67. Sarojini Devi, Punjab
68. DK Bodake, Maharashtra
69. Abhishek Anand, Bihar
70. Dr. Qudsia Anjum, UP
71. Lukman Ali, UP
72. Lal Singh Gamit, Gujarat
73. Sunita, Rajasthan
74. Prithvi R Sharma
75. Individual, Rajasthan
76. Dr. Lata Pujari, Maharashtra
77. Upendra Shankar, Rajasthan
78. Ashutosh, Himachal Pradesh
79. Chanda Nimbkar, Maharashtra
80. Dattatray D Kenjale, Maharashtra
81. Individual, Maharashtra
82. Pramod Majumdar, Maharashtra
83. Rajan Kumbhar Artist, Maharashtra
84. Vandana Palsane, Maharashtra
85. Salokha, Maharashtra
86. Individual, MP
87. Tarique Shafique, UP
88. Anwesh Bhattacharya, West Bengal
89. Gurmeet, UP
90. Gufran, UP
91. Sister Maya, Rajasthan
92. Maruti Bansode, Maharashtra
93. Tanu Rastogi, Uttarakhand
94. Samiksha Ratnapal Lote, Maharashtra
95. Individual, West Bengal
96. Sudarshana Chakraborty, West Bengal
97. JK, Maharashtra
98. Raja bhaiya, UP
99. Harsh bhakuni, Uttrakhand
100. Sho/Sohini, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan

The post Stop using politics of hate to hide failure to protect women and their rights: Open Letter to Uttarakhand Govt appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Essentially, the prime case of petitioner was that in the subject Ibadat Khana, even Shia Muslim women are entitled to perform Majlis, Jashans and other religious prayers which is a fundamental right guaranteed to them under the Constitution of India. Through the present judgment, the said right has been asserted and cemented by the Court for the women belonging to the Akbhari Sect of Shia Muslims.

Background of the case:

A long-running disagreement about women’s access to the Ibadat Khana gave rise to the case.  The petitioner-society had previously submitted multiple representations to the Telangana State Waqf Board in October 2023, seeking permission for Shia Muslim women to conduct religious activities. However, receiving no response, they approached the High Court for relief.

It is essential to note that on December 11, 2023, the court initially heard arguments and passed an interim order directing the respondents to permit women of the Akbhari Sect to conduct religious activities in the Ibadat Khana. During the arguments, Asma Fatima, a woman belonging to the Shia Imamia Ithna Ashari Akhbari Sect of the Shia Community and the Secretary to the Society, had contended before the Court that the property for the Ibadat Khana had been donated to the Waqf Board way back in the year 1953, and ever since has been used to conduct Majlis, Jashans and other religious activities by the members of the Shia Muslim Sect, both women and men. This order was challenged by the third respondent/mutawalli of the Ibadat Khana, who filed an application to vacate it along with a counter-affidavit.

Arguments presented before the High Court:

By the petitioner- Senior Advocate P. Venugopal, representing the petitioner, had raised the argument that denying access to women of the Akbhari Sect to perform activities violated their fundamental rights under Articles 14 and 25(1) of the Constitution, guaranteeing equality and freedom of religion. They also cited a 2007 proceeding by the Waqf Board that allowed Shia Muslim women to conduct Majlis in the Ibadat Khana. The petitioner also brought to the notice of the Court that Shia Muslim women belonging to the Usooli Sect were being permitted to perform their religious rights within the payer hall and the discrimination was directed only towards the women of the Akhbari Sect.

According to petitioner, so far as God is concerned, men and women are the same; women can go to Ibadat Khana and offer prayers like men. There is no prohibition either by any custom, usage or even practice.

It was contended that despite making multiple representations before the Police and even the Waqf Board, both had turned a blind eye towards the plight of the women. Hence with no other remedy left, the women approached the Court.

By the respondent- The Waqf Board’s Standing Counsel Abu Akram contended that religious sentiments and conventions should be respected. The main argument of the petitioners was based on the convention and the decision of the religious elders which have to be followed and respected by the individuals / societies who practice Islam and they cannot claim / agitate as a matter of right. In addition to this, the respondent had also raised the issue of maintainability of the Writ Petition. Furthermore, the respondent had submitted that in view of the interim order, the members of petitioner Society are creating nuisance in the vicinity of Ibadath Khana disturbing the prayers offering by other members which is nothing but degrading the sanctity of waqf institution.

Judgment of the Court:

In its judgment, the High Court bench highlighted that when the respondents were asked to point to any specific religious text prohibiting women’s entry into prayer halls, they were unable to do the same.  In reaching the conclusion in the said case, Justice Nagesh Bheemapaka had relied on several key considerations. He cited the Supreme Court’s landmark Sabarimala Temple case, which upheld women’s right to enter places of worship. The judge noted that the Holy Quran does not prohibit women from entering prayer halls, except during a specific period. Furthermore, the bench also highlighted that the Waqf Board had previously permitted Shia Muslim women to enter prayer halls, making the exclusion of the Akbhari Sect discriminatory.

“Further, this Court observed that nowhere, in the Holy Book, the Almighty prohibited women from entering into prayer halls to offer their prayers. Chapter 2 Albakarah 222-223 makes it evident that except during a particular period which was given as ‘rest period’ for women by the Nature itself, there is no bar against women to offer prayers. This Court therefore, relying on the proceedings dated 15.06.2007, opined that when the Waqf Board permitted Shia Muslim women to enter into prayer halls, it is not known why they have been prohibiting Akhbari Sect of the same community to enter into Ibadat Khan. This itself manifests clear discrimination on the part of the respondents.” (Para 5)

The bench underlined that everyone has the freedom of conscience and the unalienable right to profess, practice, and spread religion without hindrance, as guaranteed by Article 25(1) of the Constitution. based on the same, the Court observed that any prohibition imposed on the Muslim women to perform religious activities will be a violation of both Article 14 (Right to Equality) and Article 25 (1) of the Constitution.

“The Hon’ble Supreme Court in the judgment referred to supra, in clear and categorical terms, held that the Constitution by way of Article 25(1) confers on every individual in society without distinction of any kind whatsoever, freedom of conscience, freedom to profess, practice and propagate religion. This Court therefore, was of the opinion that action of the respondents amounts to violation of fundamental rights guaranteed to petitioner under Articles 14 and 25(1) of the Constitution and thus, directed the respondents to forthwith permit the women members of Akhbari Sect of Shia Muslim for conducting Majlis, Jashans and other religious prayers in the Ibadat Khana situated in the subject premises.” (Para 5)

The judge affirmed that the court has the authority under Article 226 to get involved in cases involving infringement of fundamental rights, even while acknowledging the pending case on the same issue before the Tribunal.

“Though learned counsel for the 3rd respondent raised the contention that the matter is pending before the Tribunal, this Court is not inclined to accept the same, for, under Article 226 of the Constitution of India, it is well-established, this Court, though alternative remedy is available, can come to the rescue of a party, who complains violation of his / her fundamental rights. In this case, admittedly, Akhbari sect of Shia Muslim are not allowed to perform Majlis, Jashans and other religious prayers, whereas Vusooli Sect of the same community are allowed which, according to this Court, is a clear discrimination.” (Para 10)

Furthermore, the court considered the Waqf Board’s statement that the Ibadat Khana belongs to the entire Shia community, including both Akbhari and Vusooli sects and Shia women. This admission strengthened the petitioner’s case for equal access to the prayer hall. Based on the above-mentioned reasonings and observations, the Telangana High Court allowed the writ petition, upholding its interim order of December 11, 2023.

The complete order can be read as follows:

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The post Telangana High Court affirms right of Akbhari Shia Women to conduct religious activities in Hyderabad’s Ibadat Khana appeared first on SabrangIndia.