India’s education system has long been influenced by the nation’s rich linguistic diversity—a strength that, at times, has also posed policy challenges. A recurring debate in Indian education is the three-language formula, a policy element that has now resurfaced with the introduction of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020. Central to the controversy is Tamil Nadu’s opposition to the formula, which the state sees as an imposition of Hindi on non-Hindi speaking regions. The dispute has escalated from a cultural and linguistic issue into a fiscal battle, with the Union government withholding significant educational funds under the Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan. The irony did not go unnoticed when Dharmendra Pradhan the union education minister reiterated this withholding of the funds when he was speaking to reporters at the inauguration of the Kashi Tamil Sangamam in Varanasi. Initially reported at around Rs 573 crore, the withheld sum later ballooned to Rs 2152 crore. Tamil Nadu Finance Minister has announced recently that the state government has allocated funds from its exchequer to compensate for the funds that have been withheld by the Centre.
NEP 2020 and the three-language mandate
The NEP 2020 recommends that students learn three languages. According to the policy, at least two of these languages be indigenous to India, with the third language available for the student’s choice—often English or another language. This structure is meant to promote multilingualism while ensuring that regional languages are given due importance. Importantly, the policy emphasises that states and regions have the authority to decide on the specific languages taught, aiming to mitigate concerns about the compulsory imposition of Hindi.
Despite this intended flexibility, Tamil Nadu remains deeply sceptical. The state interprets the policy as a thinly veiled effort to introduce Hindi into its schools. Further complicating matters is the linkage between the three-language formula and eligibility for central funding schemes Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA). In effect, states are pressured to adopt the formula to secure critical financial support for their education systems. For Tamil Nadu, this conditionality is unacceptable; it feels that the central government is compromising state autonomy by tying funding to policy implementation.
Historical roots of Tamil Nadu’s language policy
Tamil Nadu’s resistance to the three-language formula is not a new phenomenon. The state’s history is marked by a long-standing commitment to preserving Tamil as a central pillar of its cultural and educational identity. The roots of this resistance can be traced back to the early 20th century and have evolved through several pivotal moments:
Early resistance (1930s–1960s)
In 1937, the Madras government, under C. Rajagopalachari, attempted to introduce Hindi as a compulsory subject. This move triggered widespread protests led by the Justice Party and influential Dravidian leaders, including Periyar. The protests were so intense that the policy was revoked in 1940. This early confrontation with Hindi imposition laid the groundwork for Tamil Nadu’s future educational policies.
The Kothari Commission and the 1968 National Policy on Education (NPE)
The Kothari Commission (1964–66) played a pivotal role in shaping India’s education reforms, recommending the adoption of a three-language formula. The 1968 NPE incorporated this formula by prescribing Hindi, English, and a modern Indian language (preferably a southern language in Hindi-speaking states; a regional language in non-Hindi speaking states). However, Tamil Nadu opted out, preferring to maintain a two-language system centred on Tamil and English.
Political consolidation and the two-language policy
Under the leadership of Chief Minister C. N. Annadurai, Tamil Nadu formalised its two-language policy. The state rejected the addition of Hindi, emphasising that Tamil and English sufficiently met the needs of its students. This stance was reinforced during subsequent anti-Hindi agitations, notably in 1965 when a move to replace English with Hindi as the sole official language sparked massive protests. Such historical events have deeply ingrained the belief that language policy should reflect regional identity rather than central imposition.
Understanding the legal context and rationale behind Tamil Nadu’s opposition
While education is now a concurrent subject, it was a state subject before the Emergency. Therefore, there is a degree of autonomy that states once enjoyed. When the Indira Gandhi government, during the Emergency, moved Education from the state list to the concurrent list, the reasoning was to have a uniform education policy for all of India with Union taking the responsibility of framing such uniform policy.
However, prior to this change in the Constitution, the opposition to three language policy was an equal fight—with Centre armed with Article 351 which directs the Union to work for the spread of Hindi while the States being armed with education being in the State List. This balance was tipped in favour of centre when education was moved to Concurrent List via 42nd Constitutional Amendment Act of 1976.
The later governments did not put Education back in the State list—continuing the central control over the coveted education. This meant that the Union gave itself the way to implement its Article 351 directive at the cost of States’ power. This enabled the Union to give directives from a position of legitimate authority. However, NEP is not a binding document, and it never has been. The Concurrent List’s character of giving the Centre made law primacy over a state made law does not arise here since NEP is not an act by the Parliament.
Despite NEP being non-binding, Centre using the 3-language formula to stall the funds naturally does not support the claims of it being bonafide.
TN’s reasoning in opposing the 3-language formula
Tamil Nadu asserts that its education system is already successful, as recognised by the Central Government itself. Given this, the state questions the necessity of the three-language policy when its current two-language model has consistently produced strong educational outcomes.
Moreover, Tamil Nadu highlights the practical difficulties of implementing the NEP’s language requirements. The policy mandates two native languages and one foreign language in addition to English. Since Tamil Nadu already teaches Tamil and English, this leaves space for one more native language. The state argues that this requirement forces it to allocate resources for teaching an additional Indian language, which it sees as unnecessary.
The key concern is infrastructure. If a third language must be introduced, what resources exist to support various native languages? Tamil Nadu lacks the necessary infrastructure for most Indian languages, whereas the Centre has both the directive and the financial resources to promote Hindi. This makes Hindi the most easily implementable option, creating an indirect imposition.
Furthermore, Tamil Nadu sees the linking of Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) funds to compliance with the three-language policy as coercion. If funding is conditioned on language policy today, the state fears that future schemes will also come with similar mandates—potentially requiring Hindi as the second native language, further eroding state autonomy in education.
Tamil Nadu’s Education Minister has publicly accused the Union government of using funding as a bargaining chip—effectively forcing the state into conforming to the three-language policy. This funding dispute is not merely a financial issue; it reflects a broader struggle over the balance of power between the Union and the states in India’s federal system.
Broader implications for federalism and education policy
At its core, the controversy surrounding the three-language formula speaks to larger questions about state autonomy and cooperative federalism in India. Education is a concurrent subject—meaning that both the central and state governments have the authority to shape policy. However, Tamil Nadu’s experience demonstrates that financial dependency on central funds can force states to adopt policies that conflict with their own priorities and cultural values.
Proponents of the three-language formula argue that multilingual education has cognitive benefits, such as improved memory, enhanced attention, and better problem-solving abilities. They also stress that a multilingual approach is essential for preserving India’s vast linguistic heritage. Nonetheless, a one-size-fits-all approach is not appropriate in a country as diverse as India. Instead, there should be a more flexible framework that allows states to design language policies that best suit their local contexts.
Conclusion
The debate over the three-language formula in NEP 2020, and Tamil Nadu’s enduring opposition to it, is emblematic of a broader struggle over cultural identity, state autonomy, and federalism in India. Tamil Nadu’s historical resistance to Hindi imposition is rooted in a deep commitment to preserving its linguistic heritage and tailoring education to its unique social and cultural needs. The state’s successful two-language policy—centring on Tamil and English—has delivered strong educational outcomes without the added burden of a compulsory third language.
The fiscal dispute that has arisen from the central government’s decision to withhold crucial education funds only deepens the divide. By linking funding to compliance with NEP guidelines, the Centre appears to be leveraging its financial resources to enforce a uniform policy across a diverse nation. This tactic not only undermines state autonomy but also raises serious questions about the equitable distribution of resources in India’s federal system.
The ongoing standoff serves as a reminder that the success of India’s education system depends not only on policies like the NEP 2020 but also on a balanced approach that honours the linguistic and cultural plurality of the nation. Moving forward, a collaborative framework that genuinely incorporates state perspectives will be key to ensuring that educational reforms benefit all regions and strengthen the very fabric of India’s diverse society.
(The author is a legal researcher with the organisation)
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