Penned by the vivacious couple, Admiral Laxminarayan Ramdas (retd) and Lalita Ramdas, a Tamil Brahmin and Telugu non-Brahmin couple who’s years in service always meant working on ground, even with the survivor Sikh widows of 1984 Delhi pogrom, and after Ramdas’ retirement with activism in Bombay post 1992-1993 and then in a village in Konkan where they live still.
On Admiral Ramdas’ passing on March 15, 2024, we find it relevant to reproduce this article we published as cover story in the tabloid issue of our magazine; an article that touches on issues of hate and bigotry that beset us still.
THE FIRE NEXT TIME
Admiral Ramdas & Lalita Ramdas
January 30, 1996
An impassioned plea to the nation for communal sanity, respect for the rule of law and social justice, penned on Martyr’s Day, by the former chief of the naval staff and his wife, ADMIRAL RAMDAS and LALITA RAMDAS
AS THE nation pays its ritualistic homage to the Mahatma today, Martyr’s Day our minds go back to the basic is-sue for which Gandhiji laid down his life — building harmony and goodwill, especially between Hindus and Muslims, the two major communities in this land. The phenomena of political violence that began through that action of a fanatic has continued to haunt us over all these years as religion is used more and more cynically as a political tool to incite communal passions.
Eleven years ago, in November 1984, many of us were jolted out of our comfortable existence when the assassination of yet another Gandhi —Indira —, let loose the most atrocious spate of vengeance and killing of thousands of innocent God fearing Sikhs in the Capital.
We were living between Delhi and Vizag in those days — the Admiral commanding the Eastern Fleet, the wife continuing to work with an NGO in Delhi’s resettlement areas.
On the afternoon of October 31, 1984, we had just ended a staff meeting at Ankur, a small urban NGO, when the first news came about Mrs. Gandhi’s assassination and tension in the city. We had Sikh women among a wide range of other Ankur teachers — some had long distances to travel to get home. I spent hours on the telephone, gathering reports of growing incidents, fires, ugly mob behaviour, from across the city.
Several hours and phone calls later, a few of us made our way to one of the worst affected areas, curfew notwithstanding. It was in this way that I came to be among the many who came to help —shocked out of our wits at the carnage, the senseless killing of husbands, sons, fathers and brothers. We worked under the banner of Nagrik Ekta Manch.
I was assigned to take charge of the Relief Camp at Nanaksar, my daughters and other friends were working at Farsh Bazaar — the two key holding camps where the victims from East Delhi were brought. For nearly two weeks we worked round the clock, recording affidavits and eyewitness accounts from hundreds and hundreds of widows, their daughters and young sons who survived and had fled for their lives.
Night after night, my home at 32, Lodi Estate became like an Operations Control Room, as the two teams met and systematically filled up hundreds of cards with information —name, house number, gali, who came, who did you see, how did your husband die… And there was a clear pattern emerging — of systematic, planned and merciless slaughter, as also of names that came up over and over again — H.K.L Bhagat being one of the leading figures among many other luminaries.
The news of Bhagat’s arrest was followed shortly by the shocking announcement of the winding up of the Srikrishna Commission of Inquiry by the present regime in Maharashtra…We would like to add our voices to all those others and register our serious disapproval and dismay at this undemocratic action
Painful lessons were also learned along the way about the attitudes and increasing communalisation — especially among the well-to-do, the elite. I can still count the many doors slammed in our faces in the posh areas of New Delhi as we went around seeking clothes, food, medicines…
Months later, I was called to testify before the Ranganath Misra Commission. I had worked painstakingly to put together a huge file of sworn testimonies, affidavits, as also a personal report to add to all the others that had been presented to the Commission. But it was a depressing and disheartening experience, to say the least. From 1984 till my husband’s posting out of Delhi in end 1987, I worked in Tilak Vihar, where most of the widows were “rehabilitated”, along with several others.
It appeared that all our efforts to secure justice and to punish the perpetrators were coming to naught. I left Delhi unhappy, disturbed about the situation — imagine the impact on the young children who were growing up in an atmosphere which was certainly not designed to deal with the trauma and the bitterness in-side — and completely disillusioned about our political, bureaucratic and judicial system.
For the wife of a service man to be involved in this kind of work is itself unusual. For her to tread on ground which would clearly be seen as “political” was nothing short of a “hot potato”! For us as a family it was a hard time and called for many tough decisions. Most of those whom we consulted advised us that Mrs. Ramdas should not testify — there was no telling the effect it could have on her husband’s naval career!
The family discussed the issue. This was too serious, a matter of conscience and principle, and we agreed that she should testify and place on record all the devastating evidence gleaned through months of heart-breaking work.
By some in-explicable set of events, and despite all these “unconventional” activities of different family members, the V.P. Singh government saw fit to select Admiral Ramdas to head the Indian Navy as the Chief of Naval Staff. We re-turned to Delhi in 1990.
The years 1984 and 1992 taught us in no uncertain terms that the virus of communal thinking had al-ready taken root among far too many of our own friends and colleagues. There was no question but to combat this in every way and at every opportunity. The phenomena of several retired servicemen joining hands with avowedly rightwing, communal political parties had already begun — a warning signal to all those who believed in India’s secular vision and Constitution.
This period saw more violence, to yet another Gandhi —this time it was Rajiv. It was also during this tenure as Naval Chief that the second lot of major communal horrors occurred. It was the destruction of Babri Masjid this time, with all that went on before and, most horrendously, what hap-pined after.
“This is perhaps not the time or place to speak of the attempts made by me as Service Chief, to push the political system and government to take some action before it was too late. It was clear that the situation was building towards a show-down of some kind. However, it is only too easy for bureaucrats and politicians to ignore advice which is unpalatable, the bogey of Civil vs Military control continues to be a block to any real teamwork or dialogue even at the highest levels.”
And so it was with an inevitability that could almost be predicted, that the mosque came down, more communal frenzy was unleashed, and once again, as in 1984, poor and dispossessed communities of one sect were deliberately incited to perpetrate unspeakable acts of barbarism against the poorest Muslims of Bombay, Surat and elsewhere. Inevitably these led to more destruction, retaliation and deaths.
Once again citizens and NGOs swung into action. Com-missions of Inquiry were established and the due processes of law were begun. Painstakingly, evidence was recorded. Though media moved on to more exciting issues, the Srikrishna Commission seemed to be the one area of continuing hope, where com-mitted and dedicated lawyers and others systematically piled up evidence which might bring the guilty to book.
Time moved on, and so did we. Having done what we could to spread a more secular and progressive culture within the Service, we retired and moved out of Delhi in late 1993. The years 1984 and 1992 taught us in no uncertain terms that the virus of communal thinking had already taken root among far too many of our own friends and colleagues. There was no question but to combat this in every way and at every opportunity.
The phenomena of several retired servicemen joining hands with avowedly right-wing, communal political parties had already begun – a warning signal to all those who believed in India’s secular vision and Constitution.
Today, we are ordinary citizens again, and have been living in this little village in the Konkan, building a roof over our heads and learning about the realities of rural life.
The economics of survival, the struggle for water, fuel, employment, a clean administration (!), dependence on the family as the main social security; propitiating the rain gods, and preserving faith in someone up there – be it Allah or Ram, these continue to be the defining parameters of people where we live, even today.
Science and technology, while having invaded the area all around here — RCF, IPCL, Nippon Denro and many more — has not materially impacted the daily existence of the bulk of the people for the better. The wells in our village, Bhaimala, are already dry, the fish in the rivers and coastal waters are no longer there thanks to the poisonous effluents discharged by every single industry. (And we are speaking of a relatively progressive state like Maharashtra, albeit the back-ward Konkan region).
“This is perhaps not the time or place to speak of the attempts made by me as Service Chief, to push the political system and government to take some action before it was too late. It was clear that the situation was building towards a show-down of some kind:’
Whilst realising that religion, culture and daily living are inextricably inter-woven for the mass of our people, we have also seen that the average villager is basically a simple, god-fearing and fundamentally SECULAR human being. It is only the machinations and sinister agendas and preaching by party organisers which gradually transform good people into developing a warped communal prejudice and bias.
Once again, as we have done throughout our nomadic existence, we began to get to know our new environment and to project through what-ever forums we could, the message of secularism, of integration, in the only way that we have known best – one of personal precept and example.
Gradually people are get-ting to understand that this “odd couple” are actually Tamil (Brahmin) and Telugu (non-Brahmin) by birth; domiciled in Matunga, Maharashtra, where the Admiral’s family moved many decades ago. They have met, interacted with, and accepted our daughters, and our three sons-in-law — a Bihari-Muslim-US/Pakistani; an Andhra rural activist; and a Bihari-Madhya Pradeshi combination.
We have spoken from the platforms of the Shiv Sena, Congress and Shetkari Sangathana, stressing always that the strength of India lies in this very plurality which has also been the bedrock of life in the Navy and in the other Services.
After a long absence — we have been travelling extensively across south east Asia, (including China, for the Beijing Conference), the USA, South Africa we returned a few weeks ago to welcome 1996. Some things don’t change. It was a strong feeling of deja vu to see the usual agonising over the ‘state of the Nation’ in both the print and the electronic media.
With all the depressing disclosures in the Hawala case, the amusement at the re-emergence of a suddenly white-washed Enron, and the usual mud-slinging that heralds an election build-up, the one re-deeming news .item was the announcement of H.K.L Bhagat’s arrest, “illness” and hospitalisation. Yes, we thought, the wheels of justice grind slowly, but they grind surely.
The faces of the widows stood out so clearly in the mind’s eye – their grief, turning to anger, pain and total cynicism in the system of governance and justice. What must be the thoughts in their minds as they are called upon to testify against this man because of whom and many others their lives and futures had been ruined forever?
Most persons advised us that Mrs. Ramdas should not testify — there was no telling the effect it could have on her husband’s naval career! .. but.. This was too serious, a matter of conscience and principle, and we agreed that she should testify and place on record all the devastating, evidence..
But our joy and relief was short-lived. The news of Bhagat’s arrest was followed shortly by the shocking announcement of the winding up of the Srikrishna Commission of Inquiry by the present regime in Maharashtra. There has been widespread condemnation of this from several quarters. We would like to add our voices to all those others and register our serious disapproval and dismay at this undemocratic action -unacceptable in a country and state which claims to respect the rule of law and the constitution.
Inevitably, the voices that are raised seem to be largely the same voices – from the few urban activists, who are seen to be the protestors on all issues! While it is easy to raise a voice of protest and find space in the English language newspapers, it is not so easy to build up a really effective movement against such practices. (We have seen that vitiating the democratic process is not the prerogative of any one political party).
For an effective movement to evolve, there is no substitute for a much more painstaking, long term process whereby the ‘people in my gaon and yours, every basti and colony, can really be concerned and raise their voices. As of now, to the Archana Bais and Bharatis, the Gawdas, the Mhatres and the Patils on our farm and in our gaon, as much as to the women in our Bhaimala village, Mahila Mandal, Ranganath Misra and H.K.L Bhagat, Srikrishna and NHRC (National Human Rights Commissions) are not even familiar names, for-get about their being issues around which to rally support and protest. Until that hap-pens, human rights and due process of law will continue to be stamped upon and violated at will.
More than ever there is a need for a very different process of education – education for citizenship and democracy – which can truly build towards a sustainable grass-roots democracy, and which is the only sure and effective measure that can guard against the march of fascist and dictatorial tendencies which are raising their heads on all sides.
For all the education com-missions and new and alternate education policies, the Literacy Mission and foundations, no political party is actually interested in creating a genuine critical and thinking mass of people in this country. Therefore, we continue to churn out human products who are trapped somewhere between ritual and orthodoxy, and superficial modernity of the worst kind — the variety vacuously dished out by the hundreds of TV Channels.
Many of us are frustrated, searching desperately for alternatives, be they alternate political formations or platforms of some kind. Invariably these efforts seem to surface just before the next election – when it is perhaps already too late. There is need for many more of us at all levels and ages to talk to each other about these issues — not only in the context of an election but on an ongoing basis.
As persons with a defence background and with more and more unthinking comment about military takeover being the only ‘salvation’ doing the rounds, we need to be clear that this is the most dangerous of philosophies to propagate. Yet it is one which finds far too many takers, especially among the educated middle classes.
We urgently need to develop a totally new paradigm and a national level under-standing of the much (mis)used term “National Security” whereby the people in whose name wars are fought, can also understand the issues and have a say. Decisions on serious issues such as the Nuclear Question, Kashmir, Water and much else are being dictated by the minimum of discussion and debate let alone evolving any national position or consensus.
Painful lessons were also learned along the way about the attitudes and in-creasing communalisation — especially among the well-to-do, the elite. I can still count the many doors slammed in our faces in the posh areas of New Delhi as we went around seeking clothes, food, medicines…
Why can’t all parties agree to come together to seriously address these concerns and develop a long term perspective as a large, mature nation can and should. But this too demands the involvement of several sectors from across the board. There are too many issues jostling for priority and we have increasingly lost sight of the basics.
Two years in rural India has taught us many lessons and shown us only too clearly the limits of the gospel of liberalisation. If any-thing, it has brought even greater hardships and precious little advance for those who live cheek by jowl with the biggest industrialists. But an alternative model has not yet emerged. For all the talk about such a model, these have not yet left the drawing boards.
With polls around the corner, perhaps the first step is to work with the electorate and persuade people to turn in what Krishan Kant and others have termed a negative vote, that is, blank papers. Perhaps that could be a first step to-wards collective responsible behaviour towards the people.
Maybe it is the only way to upturn and boot out many of the “bandicoots”, to use a term coined by my colleague, the then Army Chief, for which he had his knuckles severely rapped! It certainly appears that the judiciary is taking steps to do so – increasingly, the Supreme Court appears to be the only source of decision-making and action!
It is also time that many more of us actually got involved with the community – especially the vast neglected numbers who live in the villages across this land in an effort to truly play a watch-dog and monitoring role, so that communities have the confidence and capability to ensure that the monies spent actually go for the development for which it is intended. It is not always necessary to stand for election in order to do something effective on the ground.
Certainly there is a long, long road ahead — and many miles to go before any of us really deserve to sleep. But there are also challenges and opportunities aplenty for the adventurous, there is enough mental and physical stimulus to keep both mind and body healthy and happy.
Listening to all of this, the Mahatma whose martyrdom we observe today would have certainly said with a chuckle: “But I told you so — there is no easy road to Freedom.”
(Admiral L Ramdas (Retd)
PVSM AVSM VrC VSM
Former chief of the Naval
Staff
&
Ms. Lalita Ramdas
Ramu Farm —’Lara’
Alibag — 402201
Raigad Dist
Maharashtra
In July 1995, we had to suspend publication of Communalism Combat, not because the battle for secularism and democracy had already been won but because we ran into financial difficulties.We are extremely grateful to Ms. Shabana Azmi, Mr. Farooque Shaikh, Mr. Javed Siddiqui and Mr. Feroz Khan for giving us a free show of their very popular play, Tumhari Amrita. Thanks to them and our sponsors for the show, we are back on the road. We are equally grateful to many prominent citizens of Bombay and other well-wishers who have helped us raise additional funds through patron subscriptions (Please see the last page).Nor can we forget our advertisers who have reaffirmed their support in helping us spread a simple message: Hate hurts, harmony works.This issue of Combat will convince you, we hope, that the struggle for tolerance is far from over. To live up to that challenge, we continue to depend on your support.—Editors