In May 2022, the Delhi High Court delivered a split verdict in RIT Foundation v. Union of India, challenging the constitutionality of the marital rape exception (MRE) under India’s Penal Code.[1] The case centred on Section 375 (Exception 2) and Section 376B of the IPC, which exempt non-consensual spousal intercourse from rape prosecution, except in cases of separation. Petitioners, including the RIT Foundation and AIDWA, had argued the MRE violated constitutional rights to dignity, autonomy, and equality (Articles 14, 15, 19, 21), framing it as a relic of patriarchal norms that treat wives as husbands’ property. Justice Rajiv Shakdher struck down the MRE, emphasising its discriminatory impact on married women. Conversely, Justice C. Hari Shankar upheld the provisions, citing legislative intent to preserve marital sanctity and familial stability. This article focuses on Justice Shakdher’s reasoning, which critiqued the MRE’s arbitrary distinction between married and unmarried women and its failure to align with evolving constitutional values. Justice Hari Shankar’s views have been analysed in a separate article here.
I. Brief history of rape law
Justice Rajiv Shakdher begins his judgment with a historical overview of rape law, emphasising the evolution of the concept of marital rape. He notes that the origins of the Marital Rape Exception (MRE) can be traced back to the doctrine of coverture, which held that a married woman’s legal rights were subsumed by her husband’s. This historical context is crucial for understanding the archaic nature of the MRE, which Justice Shakdher describes as being rooted in a time when women were treated as mere property of their husbands.
II. Separation of powers and judicial restraint
Justice Shakdher addresses the argument that the judiciary should not interfere with legislative decisions, particularly in matters of criminal law. The counsel for one of the intervenors—Men’s Welfare Trust— had argued that if the court were to exercise the powers under Article 226, and strike down MRE, it would have carried out a legislative act thus blurring the Doctrine of Separation of Powers.
Justice Shakdher first establishes via rich case law that in India, the separation of powers is not as rigid as it is in other jurisdictions. Having established it as such, he essentially states that the doctrine does not preclude the judiciary from examining the constitutionality of laws to legislate but to ensure that laws are in compliance with the Constitution (Para 123).
His reasoning behind the court’s power to address the constitutionality of the MRE—against the argument that the Court cannot legislate—is simple and to the point. He states that Article 13 empowers courts to declare void any laws that contravene Part III (Fundamental Rights). Therefore, according to Justice Shakdher, the court’s power includes, as in this case, the authority to deem a law or provision unconstitutional. He states as follows: “The submission that the issues involved concern a policy decision which, in turn, requires wide ranging consultations with members of the public and domain experts misses, if I may say so, the wood for the trees inasmuch as it fails to accept that what the court has before it is a legal issue i.e., whether or not the impugned provisions (which includes MRE) violate a married woman’s fundamental rights conferred under the Constitution.” (Para 125)
Justice Shakdher rejects the notion that judicial restraint should prevent the court from examining the constitutionality of the MRE. To let it be handled by legislature which actually has the means to conduct consultations with a diverse set of stakeholders, it is not an economic/policy issue. According to him, it is a legal issue with alleged violations of fundamental rights and “Side-stepping such issues would be akin to the court seeking “an alibi” for refusing to decide a legal controversy, which it is obliged in law to decide.” (Para 127)
III. Ambit of section 375 of the IPC-Article 14 Test
Justice Shakdher analyses Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), which defines rape. He emphasises that rape’s unlawfulness hinges on whether sexual acts were consensual. Section 375’s Clauses (a)-(d) ignore marital status. They apply to all forced sexual acts, except when the offender is a husband. Similarly, married women cannot file criminal charges against their husbands under these clauses. (Para 135.2)
Justice Shakdher identifies consent as central to Section 375. He then examines the Marital Rape Exception (MRE), which treats married and unmarried individuals differently. He concludes MRE violates Article 14 of the Constitution. Why? He applies the Article 14 test: a law’s “intelligible differentia” (clear distinction) must rationally connect to its object. MRE’s marital distinction, he argues, has no rational nexus to Section 375’s goal of criminalizing non-consensual acts. (Para 137.1)
Instead of treating MRE and Section 375 as separate, the judgement treats MRE against Section 375’s core objective. He finds MRE fails this test, as it exempts husbands from liability without justification.
Justice Shakdher’s reasoning behind striking down the Marital Rape Exception (MRE) is compelling not just for its legal soundness but also for the sheer weight of real-life examples he brings forth. His judgement does not merely counter Justice Hari Shankar’s argument that marriage creates a sexual expectation—it systematically dismantles the sexual expectation argument by highlighting multiple instances where a married woman is denied agency over her body, even in situations where fundamental rights to dignity and health should prevail.
One of the most striking aspects of his judgment is his reference to instances where a married woman’s lack of consent is disregarded: when her husband has a communicable disease, when she is unwell, or when the husband is involved in gang rape with co-accused. These examples puncture holes in the argument that marriage inherently implies perpetual consent. As he illustrates:
- Forced sex outside marriage is recognised as “real rape,” yet the same act within marriage is deemed something else.
- A chaste woman or a young girl is more likely to be considered a victim, but a married woman is not.
- A prior sexual relationship is regarded as a reasonable defense on the assumption of consent, yet a married woman’s consent is not even put to test.
- A sex worker has the legal right to refuse sex, but a married woman does not.
- In cases of gang rape where the husband is involved, the co-accused faces the full force of the law, while the husband is exempt merely due to his marital status.
- A married woman has no legal protection even when her husband has a communicable disease or when she herself is unwell. (Para 137.1)
However, Justice Shakdher’s judgement does not stop with disproving the idea of absolute and perpetual sexual expectation in marriage. It goes a step further, challenging the very notion that the State has a legitimate interest in protecting a marriage that functions as a site of tyranny. His judgment is uncompromising in its stance that when husbands are raping their wives, the law cannot seek to preserve such a structure. In his words:
“When marriage is tyranny, the State cannot have a plausible legitimate interest in saving it.” (Para 137.1)
This statement alone renders MRE indefensible under Article 14. The classification between married and unmarried women is not just arbitrary but actively unjust. He applies the test of reasonableness from Slattery v. Naylor (1888) and Kruse v. Johnson (1898), concluding that MRE is manifestly unjust and oppressive. He states:
“If one were to apply the aforesaid test the only conclusion that can be drawn is that the classification between married and unmarried couples in the context of forced sex is not just unequal in its operation but is also manifestly unjust. MRE, in my opinion, is also oppressive as it can find no justification in the minds of reasonable men, for lawmakers could never have intended to make such a law.” (Para 138)
Justice Shakdher critiques the over-reliance on the test of classification, arguing that courts must go beyond rigid categorisation and examine how a law actually operates on the ground. The real effect and impact on those subjected to it must take precedence over remote or indirect consequences, his judgement states, relying on Anuj Garg & Ors. v. Hotel Association of India & Ors.[2] The Doctrine of Classification must ultimately serve the core principle of equality, not override it. (Para 140)
Applying this to MRE, he highlights its immediate and glaring impact: an unmarried rape survivor can seek protection under various IPC and CrPC provisions, but a married woman is denied the same safeguards. She cannot benefit from identity protection (Section 228A IPC), medical examination provisions (Sections 53A, 164A CrPC), gender-sensitive trial procedures (Sections 26, 154, 161, 309 CrPC), in-camera trials (Section 327 CrPC), or mandatory medical aid (Section 357C CrPC).
He states as follows while declaring the MRE to be violative of Article 14 of the Constitution:
“The fact that the law does not operate even-handedly for women who are similarly circumstanced i.e. subjected to forced sex is writ large and no amount of legal callisthenics will sustain MRE. Therefore, in my view, MRE is bad in law as it violates Article 14 of the Constitution.” (Para 141.1)
IV. On other arguments
Justice Shakdher dismantles the argument that MRE is justified because other IPC provisions are also relationship-based. He clarifies that while some laws exempt spouses from prosecution (e.g., Sections 136, 212, 216, 216A IPC), these apply only to harboring offenders, not committing offenses against a spouse. MRE, however, shields the husband precisely because he is the perpetrator, making the comparison fundamentally flawed.
He also rejects the claim that married women have alternative legal remedies under IPC and other statutes. Section 498A (cruelty), Section 304B (dowry death), and Section 306 (abetment of suicide) do not address rape—they deal with specific forms of abuse. Even the Domestic Violence Act (D.V. Act), while recognizing sexual abuse, does not criminalize marital rape. Instead, it provides civil remedies like protection orders and financial relief but denies the survivor the ability to prosecute her rapist husband under Section 376(1) IPC.
The result? The judgement points out to a glaring legal loophole where a wife can report every other crime committed by her husband except rape. This exposes the hollowness of the claim that existing laws protect married women against sexual violence.
V. MRE violates Article 21 of the Constitution
Justice Shakdher asserts that the MRE violates Article 21 of the Constitution, which guarantees the right to life and personal liberty. He argues that the MRE undermines a woman’s right to bodily integrity and autonomy by immunizing husbands from prosecution for non-consensual sexual acts within marriage.
Justice Shakdher states, “The right to withdraw consent at any given point in time forms the core of the woman’s right to life and liberty which encompasses her right to protect her physical and mental being. Non-consensual sex destroys this core by violating what is dear to her, which is, her dignity, bodily integrity, autonomy and agency and the choice to procreate or even not to procreate. While marital rape leaves physical scars, it inflicts much deeper scars on the psyche of the victim which remain with her years after the offence has occurred.” (Para 163)
Therefore, denying a married woman the right to legally recognize rape by her husband strikes at the core of her right to life and liberty under Article 21.
VI. MRE Violates Articles 15 and 19(1)(a) of the Constitution
Justice Shakdher also examines the MRE’s impact on Articles 15 and 19(1)(a) of the Constitution, which guarantee protection from discrimination and the right to freedom of expression, respectively. He argues that the MRE perpetuates gender discrimination by treating married women differently from unmarried women.
Justice Shakdher states, “The guarantee of freedom of expression includes a woman’s right to assert her sexual agency and autonomy. The fact that this right is also secured by Article 21 (which is available to non-citizens as well) lends strength to the right conferred on a married woman to express herself and not be subjected to non-consensual sexual intercourse by her husband.” (Para 166.1)
VII. Presumption of constitutionality of pre-constitutional statutes
The judgment addresses the presumption of constitutionality concerning pre-constitutional laws like the IPC, asserting that such laws are not immune from constitutional scrutiny. While Article 372 saves pre-constitutional laws, it does not shield them from being tested against fundamental rights under Articles 14, 15, 19(1) (a) and 21.
The judgment acknowledges the argument from Navtej Singh Johar vs Union of India and Joseph Shine that pre-constitutional statutes do not enjoy an inherent presumption of constitutionality.[3]
Further, the judgement emphasizes the evolving nature of constitutional interpretation. Relying on Anuj Garg, it holds that laws, even if constitutional at inception, can become unconstitutional due to societal changes. Thus, outdated legal provisions must be reassessed to align with contemporary constitutional values. (Para 172.1)
VIII. Foreign decisions, international covenants, and Indian parliamentary reports
The judgment pushes back against objections to relying on foreign decisions and international covenants, pointing out that legal systems worldwide have already moved past the idea that marriage grants immunity from rape. Cases like CR v. UK (ECHR) and People v. Liberta (New York Court of Appeals) make it clear that the marital rape exemption has no place in modern law. Courts in Nepal and the Philippines have also ruled that forced sex in marriage is still rape, reinforcing that consent does not become irrelevant after marriage.
It recognises the importance of international conventions like CEDAW and the Beijing Declaration emphasize gender equality and protection against sexual violence, making it clear that MRE goes against India’s global commitments. Courts in India have previously used international law to interpret domestic statutes, and the judgment follows that precedent.
As for parliamentary reports, multiple committees—including the Justice Verma Committee—have called for scrapping MRE. The fact that the legislature hasn’t acted doesn’t mean courts can’t step in. Navtej Singh Johar made it clear that legislative inaction is a “neutral fact” and doesn’t block judicial review. The judgement recognises this and follows the same principle.
IX. On miscellaneous issues
Conjugal expectations and marital rights
The judgment critiques the notion of “conjugal expectation,” clarifying that while legitimate during a harmonious marriage, it cannot equate to an unfettered right to non-consensual sex. It references Section 9 of the Hindu Marriage Act (HMA) and Order XXI Rule 32 of the Civil Procedure Code (CPC), noting that even restitution decrees for conjugal rights cannot mandate consummation. The law must respect marital consent, not impose obligations. (Para 146)
Marriage as an institution vs. individual rights
The judgment rejects the argument that excluding marital rape from Section 375 IPC protects the institution of marriage. It emphasizes that marriage is a union of individuals rooted in mutuality, respect, and autonomy. When these principles are violated, the institution collapses. The state’s role is limited to recognizing/dissolving marriages via laws like the HMA, Domestic Violence Act (D.V. Act), and IPC provisions (Sections 375–376B), not shielding perpetrators of sexual violence (Para 148.3).
Labeling marital rape as “rape”
The judgment argues that sexual assault by a husband falling under Section 375 must be labeled as rape to reflect societal disapproval. It critiques societal stigma against victims, not perpetrators, and dismisses the distinction between marital rape and other IPC offenses (e.g., hurt under Sections 319–323, cruelty under Section 498A). Labeling is critical for legal accountability. (Para 149)
False cases and empirical evidence
The judgment refutes fears of false cases, citing National Family Health Survey (NFHS-4) 2015–16 data showing 99% of sexual assaults go unreported. It dismisses the argument as exaggerated, noting courts handle false complaints under IPC provisions like Section 498A (Para 151). The state’s interest in protecting women from abuse outweighs unfounded concerns about misuse.
Here too, we can see the contrast in Justice Rajiv Shakdher’s judgement and Justice Hari Shankar’s judgement in terms of reliance on data. As mentioned in our analysis of Justice Harishankar’s judgement, his analysis lacks empirical data or backing of scholarly work when he asserts that rape by a stranger and non-consensual sexual activity by a husband are not equal in the terms of the psychological trauma they inflict on the woman.
Invasion of the private sphere
The judgment rejects claims that prosecuting marital rape invades private marital space. It distinguishes rape from other marital crimes (e.g., cruelty, hurt) by emphasizing constitutional rights. Citing Joseph Shine vs Union of India (2018), it holds that privacy cannot shield rights violations, and marital intimacy is not exempt from constitutional scrutiny (Para 152).[4] The judgment dismisses arguments about evidentiary difficulties, equating marital rape to other private-space crimes.
Conclusion
Justice Rajiv Shakdher’s judgment in RIT Foundation is a masterclass in constitutional adjudication, dismantling the marital rape exception (MRE) not merely as a legal anomaly but as a moral affront to India’s republican ethos. By anchoring his analysis in the lived realities of women—where marriage becomes a license for tyranny—he transcends abstract doctrinal debates to expose the MRE’s core flaw: its reduction of women to chattel, stripped of autonomy, dignity, and bodily integrity.
Justice Shakdher’s reasoning is a rebuke to judicial timidity. He rejects the facile argument that courts must defer to legislative “policy choices,” reminding us that the judiciary’s duty is to safeguard fundamental rights, not shield regressive laws from scrutiny. His invocation of Article 13—declaring unconstitutional any law that violates Part III—is a clarion call for courts to actively engage with societal evolution, rather than entombing themselves in the formalism of “separation of powers.”
The judgment’s brilliance lies in its refusal to treat marriage as a sacred cow. It dissects the MRE’s “conjugal expectations” myth, revealing it as a fig leaf for systemic misogyny. By contrasting the legal protections afforded to unmarried rape survivors with the abject denial of justice for married women, it lays bare the MRE’s arbitrary cruelty.
Yet, Justice Shakdher’s verdict is more than a legal victory; it is a philosophical manifesto. His assertion that “when marriage is tyranny, the State cannot have a legitimate interest in saving it” challenges the very premise of a legal regime that prioritizes familial “stability” over individual rights. This is not merely about criminalizing marital rape—it is about redefining marriage itself as a partnership of equals, not a hierarchy of domination.
In contrast, Justice Hari Shankar’s deference to legislative inaction and his elevation of marriage as an institution above constitutional rights represent a jurisprudential throwback, clinging to a vision of the law as a tool for social control rather than liberation. The split verdict, therefore, is not merely a clash of legal opinions but a microcosm of India’s broader struggle between tradition and transformation.
Justice Shakdher’s judgment is a testament to the Constitution’s living spirit—a reminder that rights are not mere parchment promises but living guarantees that demand constant vigilance. By striking down the MRE, he does not merely correct a legal wrong; he reaffirms the judiciary’s role as the Constitution’s moral compass, ensuring a future where no woman’s body is subjected to patriarchal entitlement. In doing so, he invites us to reimagine justice not as a compromise between competing interests, but as an uncompromising commitment to human dignity.
(The author is part of the legal research team of the organisation)
[1] 2022 SCC OnLine Del 1404
[2] (2008) 3 SCC 1
[3] (2018) 10 SCC 1
[4] (2019) 3 SCC 39
Related:
A Licence to Violate: Chhattisgarh HC’s ruling on marital rape exposes a legal travesty’