All references to Delhi Sultanate and Mughal rulers have been deleted from the S^tandard VII text book. In addition, in all other text books –wherever there are references to Muslim rule—has been deleted. What also stands deleted is the reference to Post-Mumbai (92-93 violence), post-Gujarat violence (2002), the references to Nathuram Godse being a trained pracharak of RSS, the ban on RSS in the aftermath of Gandhi murder (January 30, 1948),  among others. While the Kumbh Mela finds a place, deaths by stampede and other related tragedies like the Delhi station stampede have no place.

All this began during the Covid period when the pretext offered was reducing the burden on the students and followed by ‘rationalization’ which meant deletion of these portions which caused discomfort to the Hindu Nationalist ideology.

For the political purpose of demonisation of Muslims and spreading hate against them, Mughals have been presented as the  major villains in our history. Some earlier kings like Allauddin Khilji have also been on the hammer for the Hindutva narrative. Until now, the demonisation of Muslims was structured around the selective narrative of ‘temple destruction by Muslim kings’, propaganda which has been contested by rational historians. The spread of Islam by Muslims Kings using the sword was another part of this. This version is totally off the mark as conversions to Islam took place a century earlier, due to social interactions with Muslim Arab traders to begin with. In later years, many from the depressed castes embraced Islam to escape the tyranny of the caste system.

The ideology of Hindutva has gone to the extent of presenting this period as a dark period when a ‘Holocaust against Hindus’ took place. No doubt the era of Kingdoms is full of war for political reasons. Kings always wanted to expand their regime and in the process many people were killed. To call it holocaust is totally off the mark. Their (Hindutva) narrative actually takes off from the Communal Historiography introduced by the British to pursue the policy of ‘divide and rule’. In this; all the motives of Kings are related to religion and kings are presented as the symbol of the entire religious community.

Hindu communal historiography has taken this several steps further, by claiming that Muslims and Christians were ‘foreigners’ who have tormented Hindus. Muslim communal historiography presented the other side of the coin where Muslims are portrayed as perpetual rulers and Hindus as subjugated subjects. This presents Muslims as the logical rulers of this land.

The later trajectory of this logic did assist the British to divide our composite land into India and Pakistan. Savarkar articulated that there are two nations in this country, and Jinnah went on to demand a separate country for Muslims, Pakistan. Pakistan fell into the trap of Muslim communalism right from the word go and as far its textbooks are concerned they presented the beginning of Pakistan with Mohammad bin Kasim, only in the eighth century. Today their history books have totally deleted any reference to Hindu rulers. The hate which the Muslim communalism spread against the Hindus peaked with their school texts removing all the references to Hindu Kings and culture.

In a way India; during the last three decades has been walking on the footprints of Pakistan. The mirror image of Pakistan’s trajectory is being copied, down to the last comma. This point was highlighted by Pakistan’s poet Fahmida Riyaz. In the aftermath of Babri demolition she wrote “Arre Tum bhi Ham Jaise Nikale, Ab Tak Kahan Chhupe the bhai’ (Ohh! you have also turned out like us, where were you hiding so far).

Prior to Hindutva ideology coming to total control of Indian education, the RSS shakhas were spreading the communal version of society through multiple mechanisms like its Shakha bauddhis, Ekal Vidyalays, Shishu Mandirs. In due course mainstream media and social media also came to its service.

As such culture is a continuously evolving process. During the period of History under the hammer of Hindutva, serious social changes took place. Apart from the architecture, the food habits, dress and literature, the synthesis in the field of religion, the noble traditions of Bhakti and Sufi tradition developed. It was during this period that Sikhism came and flourished.

Now this political ideology may have to change the track. With Muslim rulers out of the way how will they demonise the Muslims now? Newer techniques may be on the way to substitute Aurangzeb or Babar; as now they will be defunct!

History is very central to the concept of Nationalism. Erich Fromm points out that ‘History is to Nationalism what poppy is to the opium addict’. Since BJP came to power as NDA in 1998, the major thing they did was what is called “saffronization of education”. Here history has been presented the narrative of glorious and brave Hindu Kings versus evil and aggressive Muslim kings. The charge has been that so far History has been written by Left Historians, who focused on Delhi rulers and who were pro Muslim. The point is that text books did present the details of particular dynasties depending on the historical length of their rule.

The history books in the decades of 1980s had a good deal of presentation of Hindu as well as Muslim kings. The narration was not revolving just around religion but the holistic view of communities was presented: trade, culture, literature among others.

Still it is true that ruler, ‘King centric history’ is not what we need to build our future. We need to focus on diverse sections of society, Dalits, women, adivasis and artisans who do not find much place in such narratives.

Related:

2025 NCERT Textbooks: Mughals, Delhi Sultanate out; ‘sacred geography’, Maha Kumbh in

Mughals Won’t Disappear From History Just Because Sangh Wishes so: Irfan Habib

The post Mughals deleted from curriculum: history as political tool appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Kashmiri porters carried the tourists to safe places and opened their houses and masjids for the guests. Kashmir observed a ‘bandh’ and many processions were taken out, raising slogans of ‘Hindu Muslim Unity’, while across the country, Muslims and other groups took out candle marches and offered condolences for the martyrs.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi was due to visit Kashmir during that time but just a few days prior to the visit, he cancelled his trip. At the time of the tragedy, he was in a Gulf country. He cut short his trip and headed back home, and rather than going to Kashmir, went to Bihar to attend a rally, from where he gave a powerful warning to terrorists. The message that terrorists were Muslims and the victims were Hindus was the undercurrent of the whole narrative that was circulated.

Thereafter, there was escalation of tension and hostilities between India and Pakistan, and a ceasefire was declared by US President Donald Trump, while the Modi government has a different interpretation of the ceasefire. Meanwhile, ‘godi media’ had a field day spreading hate with different television channels reporting India winning over different cities of Pakistan while sitting in their plush studios. The TV media fell to unimaginable lows, further smashing the ethics of journalism long abandoned by them.

The worst outcome of all this has been the increase in hate against Muslims. Islamophobia is gripping the country with increasing intensity. In Latur, a Muslim was reportedly labelled a Pakistani and beaten black and blue. Humiliated by this, he allegedly died by suicide. Kashmiri students in a hostel in Uttarakhand were thrown out in the middle of the night and had to stay put in front of the Dehradun airport.

The worst of this was seen when Vijay Shah, a minister in Bharatiya Janata Party’s Madhya Pradesh government, indirectly referred to Colonel Sofiya Qureshi, one of the spokespersons of the Indian Army, as a ‘sister of terrorists’. For the sake of face-saving, he did apologise for this but now the MP High Court has called for an FIR against him.

Mithila Raut, who works with Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, Mumbai, in an article in Dainik Loksatta (Marathi) enumerates the number of hate incidents, as reported in the newspapers. As per her article, there have been many anti-Muslim incidents after the Pahalgam attack. In one such shocking incident in Uttar Pradesh, in Shamli’s Toda village, one Sarafaraz was attacked by one Govind, who is said to have stated that “you have killed our 26; we will kill your 26!” In Punjab’s Dera Bassi in the Universal Group of Institutes, Kashmiri students were allegedly attacked in the hostel.

One Shabbir Dhar, a Kashmiri vendor, living in Uttarakhand’s Mussoorie and selling shawls, was attacked along with his shop assistant as “revenge for Pahalgam”. He, and many other Kashmiri vendors, were threatened not to come back again. In Haryana’s Rohtak, in Kharawar village, Muslim residents were allegedly threatened and asked to leave the village by May 2.

These are some of the incidents that have been culled out from newspapers. How the atmosphere of hate has intensified is very clear from these incidents. The atmosphere in society has been gradually worsening. The Hindu Right-wing has already created an atmosphere against Muslims. Initially, this was created by use of medieval history, where the training in Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) shakhas, the ‘godi media’ and social media created an “enemy image” of Muslims.

The formation of Pakistan gave another major pretext to those practicing communal politics to assert that it had been formed by Muslims. This is a totally distorted version of the account of history, as the formation of Pakistan was a combination of three factors — the British policy of ‘divide and rule’, Muslim communalism and Hindu communalism. The ‘Two Nation Theory’ was first articulated by Hindutva idealogue Vinayak Damodar Savarkar.

After the formation of Pakistan, the propaganda was that Partition took place due to Muslims, and this became an additional reason for spreading hate. As such, it was the formation of two States simultaneously, India and Pakistan. Pakistan was to be in Muslim-majority areas.

The add-on to the anti-Muslim propaganda came from the complex Kashmir issue. The exodus of Kashmiri pandits in 1990 was yet again used against Muslims. Exodus of pandits happened when the V P Singh government supported by BJP was ruling at Centre and the pro-BJP Jagmohan was the Governor of Kashmir. Ignoring all that, the anti-Muslim angle in pandits’ emigration became the central point around which hate against Muslims was unleashed.

So, step by step, more issues have been used to torment Indian Muslims. The voices of amity have been muted and every occasion now is turned into adding to the prevalent hate against Muslims, to vitiate the hate used by RSS-BJP to intensify its agenda of a Hindu nation.

Pahalgam and Diplomacy

The issue of Pahalgam has also brought to fore the change in the nature of Indian diplomacy. As per the Shimla Agreement (1971) between Indira Gandhi and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the India-Pakistan issues were to be sorted out in a bilateral manner, without mediation from any third party. With Trump dominating the scene now, and Modi unable to confront him, the equations seem to be changing. Globally, not many countries came to side with India.

The core point is to solve the Kashmir issue based on former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s Doctrine of ‘Insaniyat, Kashmiryat and Jamhooriyat’ (Humanism, Democracy). We need to live in peace with our neighbours, as Vajpayee again said: “Friends can change, but not neighbours.”

The reflections of ‘Hate Pakistan’, as is the wont of the Hindu Right-wing, supplemented by the loud-mouthed and hate- spewing Indian ‘godi media’, reflects badly on Indian Muslims. It vitiates the possibility of an amicable atmosphere at home.

The intensification of communal problems due to the Pahalgam tragedy needs to be grasped and war- and -hate- mongers have to be negated for peace and prosperity of our country. So far, ‘Pakistani’ was the main abuse for Muslims, ‘Kashmiri’ seems to have been added to the hate list.

The writer is a human rights activist, who taught at IIT Bombay. The views are personal.

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post Pahalgam Tragedy and Rising Spiral of Hatred appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This long analysis by the CJP Hate Watch team examines and analyses this new and disturbing phenomenon.

Also read: Broadcasting Bias: CJP’s fight against hatred in Indian news and CJP’s NBDSA Complaints 2023: A look at the repeated violation of ethics and guidelines by Indian television channels

Through the calculated use of misleading clickbait, visuals, and text, there is a persistent effort to jeopardise the nation’s communal harmony and even directly provoke violence. Channels like Zee News, Times Now Navbharat, Aaj Tak, and News 18 India have come under scrutiny for their reporting practices. Orders passed by the NBDSA in 2022, 2023, 2024 –obtained by CJP–point to this trend.

CJP is dedicated to finding and bringing to light instances of Hate Speech, so that the bigots propagating these venomous ideas can be unmasked and brought to justice. To learn more about our campaign against hate speech, please become a member. To support our initiatives, please donate now!

Now, in what appears to be a careful bid to escape this monitoring –on the basis of guidelines that have evolved to ensure neutrality in portrayal of issues and their analysis/interpretation – channels have shifted tack: several of them are, arguably and disproportionately using images featuring prominent Muslim politicians like Asaduddin Owaisi to visually frame any news related to the Muslim community, regardless of his direct involvement in the same. This visual shorthand, clearly perpetuates a subtle yet insidious stereotype, linking diverse issues to a singular, conservative and aggressive Muslim identity. Whereas our team’s close and analytical look at the entire content in the slow, or the role of the anchor appears ‘neutral’, the trigger lies in the thumbnail, ensuring click-baits.

Another example is the say, the reporting on recent incidents like the recent Murshidabad violence (post the passage of the controversial Waqf Amendment Act of 2025) that raises serious questions about journalistic ethics. The evident overuse of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s image in thumbnails and tickers, often accompanied by trigger-phrases signifying approval, like “Yogi Action” or “Yogi Style Action”– even when the news pertains to events outside his jurisdiction—points to attempts to inject a specific aggressive, bullying narrative. Given Adityanath’s strongman image and association with vituperative Hindu nationalism, this visual framing appears designed to evoke a particular triumphal and negative sentiment and moreover, to cater to a specific viewership.

Further, the alleged use of thumbnails featuring both Yogi Adityanath and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee in reports about the Murshidabad violence, alongside reports of “forced Hindu migration” framed as a consequence of Muslim dominance in Bengal, further fuels concerns. Such visual juxtapositions and narratives, when presented in a misleading or exaggerated manner, risk creating a climate of fear and suspicion between communities. The apparent haste and lack of ethical boundaries in the pursuit of viewership, as evidenced by the language and visuals employed, paint a concerning picture of a section of the Indian news media seemingly abandoning its responsibility to report truthfully and fairly.

The coverage of the Waqf Act debates further exemplifies this trend. The consistent pairing of Owaisi’s image and the repeated use of terms like “Maulana, Maulana” in tickers during these discussions seem to reinforce pre-existing stereotypes and potentially demonise religious leaders within the Muslim community. This pattern suggests a deliberate attempt to frame issues through a communal lens, potentially exacerbating existing societal fault lines.

Selective visual communication and its negative impact

As experts on visual communication say, this is an inherently selective process. The negative effects on individuals and society of such persistent use of selective attention is emotionally skewed: such attentional bias is therefore often associated with negative or threat-related stimuli, which can impel us to focus on ‘threatening information’ over more neutral stimuli (information and news) in our environment that, in turn leads us collectively to ruminate on distressing thoughts Research suggests this may be a contributing factor to emotional disorders. None deny that over the past decade and more, Indian society has been subject to, or become a victim of such perniciously crafted negative selectivity geared cynically to ensure the alienation of, discrimination towards particular, politically targeted sections.

As this simple visual explanation on attentional bias from The Digitak Kab tells us there are four types of selective perception.

The four stages of selective perception include:
Selective Exposure, Selective Attention, Selective Comprehension, and Selective Retention

To ensure neutrality in reportage and communication, requires a committed non-partisan approach. In simple language, being open-minded. In fact, being open-minded and empathetic is known to be one of the best ways to avoid perception bias. Societally, especially in an environ that has traditionally thrived on pluralism and diversity, is to ensure constant exposure to a wide range of people, opinions and cultures. The more such depiction is rich and nuanced, the more successful will visual communication be in challenging stereotypical assumption.

CJP’s HW Team studied and analysed electronic media coverage and depiction in past weeks and here is what we found.

Zee News

Zee News, consistently vying for viewership, frequently exhibited hasty and insensitive reporting, often disregarding factual accuracy and context. The channel has faced reprimands, including fines, from the NBDSA for its communal and misleading broadcasts. Its thumbnails and clickbait tactics often amplified stereotypes and sensationalism.

Fiction over fact: Zee News’ race for ratings

In its coverage of the Waqf Act issue, Zee News employed inflammatory Hindi captions such as “Jiska Dar Tha Wahi Hua! Waqf Kanoon Par Tagda Jhatka, Muslimo Main Jashan” (What was feared has happened! Big blow on Waqf law, celebration among Muslims), “Supreme Court Ka Order! Khud He Phas Gaye Musalman” (Supreme Court’s order! Muslims themselves got trapped), and “Supreme Court Se Faisla, 21 Crore Muslimo Main Bhagdadh! Live” (Decision from Supreme Court, stampede among 21 crore Muslims! Live). These phrases aimed to create a sense of dramatic tension and portray the Muslim community in a negative light, suggesting celebration at a setback or mass panic from Supreme Court hearing. (The matter is still pending before the Supreme Court).

Polarising thumbnails: icons of power vs. the ‘other’

Furthermore, thumbnails often juxtaposed images of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, UP CM Yogi Adityanath, and AIMIM Chief Asaduddin Owaisi with text like “Waqf Bill Par Palte 24 Crore Musalmaan, Pure Desh Hadkamp! ‘3000 Crore Ki Property Jabt” (24 crore Muslims turned against the Waqf Bill, nationwide uproar! ‘3000 crore property seized’) and “Modi Ko Aisi Saja Denge! Maulanao Ne De Dali Dhamki, Lakho Muslimo Ne Ghere 6 Sahar” (They will give such a punishment to Modi! Maulanas have given a threat, lakhs of Muslims have surrounded 6 cities). The objective of these combinations was to link the Waqf Bill to a supposed nationwide upheaval by the Muslim community, framing it as a threat and invoking strong reactions against the minority group. The inclusion of Modi and Yogi Adityanath’s images likely aimed to resonate with a specific viewership that favours their political stance.

The channel further utilised aggressive and communal language in its thumbnails, such as “Ab Aar-Paar Ki Jang” (Now, a decisive battle), “Modi Ko Saja Denge” (They will punish Modi), “Waqf Gang Ko Yogi Ka Tagda Ultimatum” (Yogi’s strong ultimatum to the Waqf gang), and the derogatory “Miyan Ji Ka Naya Khoof Aa Raha” (The new fear of ‘Miyan Ji’ is coming – ‘Miyan Ji’ is a term sometimes used pejoratively for Muslim men). Other examples of sensational and stereotype-reinforcing thumbnails included “15 Minute..Musalmano Ko Court Main Devkinandan Ka Khula Challenge, Ucchal Pade Maulana” (15 minutes…Devkinandan’s open challenge to Muslims in court, Maulanas jumped up), “Danga Zone Main Lakho Musalmaan, Waqf Par Naya Plan” (Millions of Muslims in riot zone, new plan on Waqf), and “Azadi.. Karnataka Gherne Nikal Pade Lakho Musalmaan Aur Fhir..” (Freedom… Millions of Muslims set out to surround Karnataka and then…).

These captions collectively painted the Muslim community as reactive, prone to violence, and potentially threatening, thus perpetuating negative stereotypes for sensationalism and viewership. The channel’s consistent use of such language and imagery demonstrated a pattern of prioritising sensationalism and the endorsement of harmful stereotypes over responsible and factual journalism.

Times Now Navbharat

Times Now Navbharat exhibited a pattern of sensationalism and misleading reporting on sensitive topics. A key tactic involved the frequent and seemingly gratuitous use of Yogi Adityanath’s image in thumbnails, irrespective of the news story’s location or direct relevance to Uttar Pradesh. Given Yogi Adityanath’s substantial social media following, this strategy appeared to be a deliberate attempt to inflate viewership through clickbait.

Clickbait for sensation: the strategic use of Yogi Adityanath’s image

For instance, in its coverage of the Murshidabad violence, the channel employed Hindi captions like “CM Yogi Ne Khayi Kasam, Ek-Ek Hindu Ko Bachana Hai” (CM Yogi has taken an pledge, he has to save every single Hindu) and “Laato ke Bhoot, Baato Se: Murshidabad Hinsa Par Mamta Se Kya Bole Yogi” (Those who understand force, not words: What did Yogi say to Mamata on Murshidabad violence). The objective of using such text alongside Yogi Adityanath’s picture was to inject a Hindu nationalist angle into the narrative, capitalising on his image as a strong, decisive leader within that political leaning. This sensational framing aimed to attract viewers by tapping into existing social media trends where his supporters often invoke phrases like “Yogi Adityanath Style Action” in response to incidents of violence.

Waqf Act coverage: communal framing over legal nuance

Similarly, the channel’s reporting on the Waqf Act debates prominently featured Yogi Adityanath, using captions such as “Baba ‘Bulldozer Decision’ Lenge”, SC Se 555 Ka Intjaar,” (Baba will take a ‘Bulldozer Decision’, waiting for 555 from SC) and “Yogi Ki Table Par Waqf Ki 1.25 Lakh Files” (1.25 lakh Waqf files on Yogi’s table). The objective behind this consistent visual and textual association was to communalise the issue. By exclusively highlighting a Chief Minister known for his pro-Hindutva stance, the channel seemingly sought to frame the Waqf Act discussions along Hindu-Muslim lines, catering to a specific viewership segment and sensationalising the topic for increased clicks, rather than providing an objective analysis of the law.

Even when reporting on the legal challenge to the Waqf Act, the thumbnail read, “Owaisi, Sibbal, Singhvi Ka Chehra Utara, Supreme Court Ne Waqf Kanoon Par Modi Ka Kaam Aasan Kar Diya” (Owaisi, Sibbal, Singhvi’s faces fell, Supreme Court made Modi’s work easier on Waqf law). This caption, paired with the news of the legal challenge, aimed to portray it as a setback for Muslim leaders and lawyers representing them.

Engineered conflict: pitting leaders for spectacle

The channel also utilised thumbnails featuring contrasting figures like Asaduddin Owaisi and T. Raja Singh with captions such as “Waqf Bill Ke Virodh Main Owaisi Ki Hunkar, T. Raja Ne Diya Karara Jawab” (Owaisi’s roar in opposition to the Waqf Bill, T. Raja gave a strong reply). This pitting of opposing figures, along with the insensitive and incomplete phrase attributed to T. Raja Singh, “Tumhara Baap Bhi…” (Even your father…), served to create conflict and sensationalism, drawing viewers in with the promise of a heated exchange and appealing to potentially divisive sentiments. This approach prioritised sensationalism and clickbait over providing viewers with a nuanced understanding of the Waqf Act and the related discussions.

Aaj Tak

Similarly, Aaj Tak also appeared to engage in a comparable pattern of sensationalism, albeit to a seemingly lesser degree. Its thumbnails concerning the Waqf Bill, such as “Waqf Ka Waqt Aa Gaya!” (The time for Waqf has come!) and “Waqf Bill Se Musalmano ki Jameene Chinne Wali Hain?” (Will the Waqf Bill snatch away Muslims’ lands?), while perhaps less overtly inflammatory than some other channels, still employed a degree of sensationalism and potentially misleading framing. The phrase “Waqf Ka Waqt Aa Gaya!” (The time for Waqf has come!) Carries a sense of impending and significant change, potentially creating unease or excitement depending on the viewer’s perspective. The question “Waqf Bill Se Musalmano ki Jameene Chinne Wali Hain?” (Will the Waqf Bill snatch away Muslims’ lands?) Directly plays on potential anxieties within the Muslim community, suggesting a threat to their properties without providing factual context.

Even in the form of a question, such a thumbnail can contribute to the spread of misinformation and the amplification of fear for the sake of attracting clicks and viewership. While not resorting to overtly communal language or imagery to the same extent as some other channels, Aaj Tak’s use of these types of thumbnails still indicates a leaning towards sensationalism when covering sensitive religious and legal issues, potentially contributing to a climate of anxiety and suspicion.

India TV

India TV also mirrored this concerning trend in its reporting, employing provocative and misleading language that endorsed harmful stereotypes. During its coverage of the Murshidabad violence, the channel utilised phrases such as “Murshidabad…10 Hajar Dangai Nikle Jumme Ke Baad?” (Murshidabad…Did 10,000 rioters emerge after Friday?), “Owaisi Ka Ailan-e-Jung, Kitne Muslim Sang?” (Owaisi’s declaration of war, how many Muslims are with him?), “Modi vs Muslim Board”, and “Modi vs Maulana.”

Climax-oriented thumbnails: drama over depth

The objective behind these captions was to immediately frame the violence along religious lines, portraying Muslims as aggressors (“10 Hajar Dangai” – 10,000 rioters) and suggesting a confrontation between the Muslim community (represented by Owaisi and the “Muslim Board”) and the Hindu majority (represented by Modi). This sensational framing disregarded the complexities of the situation and aimed to create division

Furthermore, without official confirmation or statements, India TV aired shows with alarmist and unsubstantiated claims like “Murshidabad Se 10000 Hindu Visthapit, Muslim Sthaapit” (10000 Hindus displaced, Muslims settled in Murshidabad) and “Aaj Bengal ke Hindua Ka Kaleja Fhat Gaya” (Today, the hearts of Hindus in Bengal shattered). These emotionally charged and unverified statements served to create fear and resentment within the Hindu community, painting Muslims as displacing Hindus.

The channel’s use of the phrase “Modi Se Nafrat Sakht, Maulana Ka Waqf Waqf!” (Strong hatred for Modi, Maulana’s Waqf Waqf!) Further exemplified this pattern. By specifically highlighting “Maulana” (Islamic cleric) in opposition to the Waqf Act and linking this opposition to “Nafrat” (hatred) towards Prime Minister Modi, the channel aimed to stereotype religious leaders within the Muslim community as being inherently anti-government and harbouring animosity towards the Hindu leader. This deliberate portrayal contributed to the broader trend of media outlets using religious identity to sensationalise news and fuel divisive narratives for viewership.

News 18 India

News 18 India’s coverage of the Waqf issue employed thumbnails and titles that could be seen as sensational and potentially misleading. Phrases like “Waqf Act Ke Bahane Jute Muslim Kya Hain ‘Asli’ Agenda” (What is the ‘real’ agenda of deceitful Muslims under the guise of the Waqf Act?), “Bhu-Mafia Ya Islam, Waqf Aa Raha Kiske Kaam” (Land mafia or Islam, who is the Waqf benefiting?), “Jumme Ki Namaz, Masjid Adda” (Friday prayers, mosque as a hub), “Pradarshan Se Pahle, Delhi Main Muslimo Ka Jamawada” (Muslim gathering in Delhi before the protest), and “Waqf Ke Khilaaf Delhi Main Muslamano Ka Halla Bol” (Muslims’ outcry in Delhi against the Waqf) – these, coupled with images of figures like Owaisi and Maulana Arshad Madni, risk framing a complex matter through a narrow, potentially biased lens. This approach might inadvertently create a singular narrative that overlooks the broader context and possible repercussions of such hasty and attention-grabbing presentations.

Similarly, their reporting on the Murshidabad violence, with headlines such as “Bajrang Dal Ki Entry, Hil Gaya Pura Bengal” (Bajrang Dal’s entry, entire Bengal shaken) and “Didi..Tere Bengal Main Hinduo Ke Jaan Ki Kimat Kaya?” (Didi…what is the value of Hindu lives in your Bengal?), appears to prioritise sensationalism. Highlighting the Bajrang Dal in what seems like a ‘saviour’ role could amplify communal tones.

While the channel seemingly criticises the TMC government for allegedly failing to protect Hindus, it doesn’t appear to broadly question the government’s responsibility in preventing violence across the entire state. This particular style of reporting could unfortunately prioritise high viewership and TRP ratings by potentially communalising the narrative, possibly at the expense of fostering harmony and communal tolerance through the use of climax-oriented thumbnails and click-bait.

NBDSA and monitoring negativity on air

For the past six years or more, robust citizen’s campaigns have sought accountability from several electronic media channels in their portrayal and coverage. CJP’s HateWatch programme (HateHatao initiative) is arguably the most consistent keeping a hawk’s eye on hate violations on air. Through careful and calibrated analysis we have managed to track, complain and ensure that several of the most offending shows (videos) are pulled off air. These include those from among the very channels that have since now resorted to the use of the provocative and incendiary thumbnail and visual.

Increasingly the complaints made by CJP, to NBDSA, have, in a nuanced way been pointing out how often not the whole but a small portion (few minutes even) of a 50 minute show uses problematic language, positioning this in such a way that the entire coverage or its focus gets coloured and littered with manipulative metaphors collectively amounting to prejudice.

Now, we ask, is this the latest move, by these very same offenders to attract venality in viewer response without actually crossing the bar in either the content itself or the role of the anchor?

Narrative over nuance: missing the broader accountability

However, the examples of sensationalist reporting by certain Indian news channels raise serious concerns about the erosion of journalistic ethics and the potential for these practices to exacerbate communal tensions. The deliberate use of misleading visuals, inflammatory language, and clickbait tactics, often targeting religious minorities and framing sensitive issues through a communal lens, appears to prioritise viewership over responsible reporting. Given the pervasive reach of digital media, how can regulatory bodies and journalistic organisations effectively address this trend of irresponsible sensationalism and ensure that the media upholds its crucial role in fostering an informed and harmonious society, rather than contributing to division and discord?

Related:

From ‘Ab Hoga Khel’ to ‘Kuch Bada Hone Wala Hai’: the trap set by thumbnails

CJP urges for removal of contentious Aaj Tak show on Hemant Soren, sends complaint to channel

CJP alerts YouTube of two channels openly selling illegal firearms

The post How Indian commercial media channels are using the provocative thumbnail to boost viewers and worse, provoke vicarious viewer response appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On Friday night around 8:30 PM, Acharya, accompanied by BJP leaders and supporters, marched to the Jama Masjid from an ‘Akrosh Sabha’ held at Badi Chaupar. The protesters raised slogans such as ‘Jai Shri Ram’ and ‘Pakistan Murdabad,’ and displayed saffron flags and torches. Allegedly, some individuals entered the mosque premises, pasted posters reading ‘Pakistan Murdabad,’ and raised offensive slogans. Eyewitnesses reported that Acharya entered the mosque wearing shoes, a gesture considered highly disrespectful in Islamic tradition.

The protest led to heightened communal tensions, with a large number of people gathering to protest against the MLA’s actions.

According to reports, Congress MLAs Rafiq Khan and Amin Kagzi, along with Police Commissioner Biju George Joseph, arrived at the scene to control the situation. Despite their efforts, the unrest continued to simmer.

जयपुर: BJP विधायक बालमुकुंद आचार्य ने भीड़ के साथ जामा मस्जिद की सीढ़ियों पर आकर लगाए ‘जय श्री राम’ के नारे, मस्जिद कमेटी ने ज़ारी किया वीडियो.#BalmukundAcharya #BJP #Jaipur pic.twitter.com/DkEhO31Ycu

— Journo Mirror (@JournoMirror) April 26, 2025

After controversy, BJP MLA issued apology, urged for stay united against terrorism

In the face of mounting backlash, Acharya issued a video statement on Saturday, April 26, 2025, expressing regret over the incident. He stated, “If anyone’s sentiments were hurt due to the posters or my words, I sincerely apologise. It was never my intention to hurt any community or religion. At this time, unity among all of us is very important.” He emphasised that India functions according to the Constitution, where every citizen has the right to respect their religious sentiments.

भाजपा विधायक बालमुकुंद आचार्य ने मुस्लिम समुदाय से मांगी माफ़ी ,जयपुर की जामा मस्जिद की सीड़ियों पर चढ़कर नारा लगाने का था मामला मुस्लिम समुदाय ने की है विधायक को गिरफ़्तार करने की मांग, FIR भी दर्ज मस्जिद के नायब सदर ने कहा- माहौल ख़राब करने का प्रयास कर रहा है विधायक pic.twitter.com/p9Rbsy1mQb

— Millat Times (@Millat_Times) April 26, 2025

Acharya further appealed for calm, urging people to stay united and support Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s efforts to combat terrorism and respond strongly to Pakistan. However, his apology did little to quell the growing discontent among the Muslim community and political opponents.

Moreover, BJP MLA Balmukund Acharya has also called for an end to the speculation surrounding a proposed bandh in Jaipur. In a message posted from his official X handle, he wrote that, “Many rumours are being spread about a Jaipur bandh tomorrow. I want to make it very clear — there should be no bandh.”

जयपुरवासियों से मेरा निवेदन…

कल जयपुर बंद को लेकर कई अफवाहें फैलाई जा रही हैं। मैं आप सबसे साफ़ शब्दों में कहना चाहता हूँ — कोई बंद न करें।

आपका जो स्नेह और विश्वास मुझे मिला है, वह मेरे लिए गौरव की बात है। लेकिन मैं नहीं चाहता कि आप अपने व्यापार का नुकसान करें।
हमें काम पर… pic.twitter.com/sp6OviQyXr

— Swami Balmukundacharya (Modi Ka Parivar) (@BMacharyaBJP) April 26, 2025

Expressing gratitude for the public’s support, Acharya further added, “The love and trust I have received from you is a matter of great pride for me. However, I do not want you to harm your businesses. We must continue our work, keep the markets open, and remain united.”

FIR filed against MLA for hurting religious sentiments

After the incident, the Jama Masjid Committee lodged a complaint against Acharya, leading to the registration of a First Information Report (FIR) under several sections of the Indian Penal Code. The charges included sections 298 (Injuring or defiling a place of worship), 300, (Disturbing religious assembly), 302 (Uttering words with intent to wound religious feelings) and 351(3) (Criminal intimidation).

BJP MLA Balmukund Acharya booked for protesting outside mosque in Jaipur

Read @ANI Story | https://t.co/zcs4xWlpYa#BalmukundAcharya #Jaipur #Protest pic.twitter.com/vSfwCK9RiY

— ANI Digital (@ani_digital) April 26, 2025

The police investigation was transferred to the CID-Crime Branch, the nodal agency for probing cases involving public representatives. As communal tensions spread across the city, a heavy police force was deployed at the Jama Masjid to maintain law and order. Nearly all shops in the market were closed, and the police conducted a flag march on the main road of Johari Bazaar. Contingents of the Rajasthan Armed Constabulary (RAC) and Special Task Force (STF) were also deployed in sensitive areas of the state capital.

Members of the Muslim community staged a counter-protest near Badi Chaupad

The incident sparked widespread outrage among the Muslim community. After evening prayers, a crowd of restive youths gathered outside the mosque in Johari Bazaar, raising slogans demanding Acharya’s immediate arrest. The police used mild force to disperse the crowd, but the situation remained tense.

In response, members of the Muslim community staged a counter-protest near Badi Chaupad, adjacent to Jaipur’s famous landmark, the Hawa Mahal. They raised slogans and displayed posters of their own. A brief altercation between the two groups followed, leading to the registration of an FIR against Acharya at Manak Chowk police station. The FIR accused him of inciting religious sentiments and disrupting social harmony.

The Indian Express reported that, MLA Rafiq Khan said, “We have no objection to slogans like ‘Pakistan Murdabad’ or ‘Terrorism Murdabad.’ We too oppose terrorism. But the BJP MLA deliberately tried to provoke religious sentiments under the pretext of the protest.”

Muslim leaders hold press meet over Jama Masjid incident

Following the incident, a press conference was held on Saturday (April 26) at the Jama Masjid in Johari Bazaar, Jaipur, prominent Muslim leaders were present at the meet, including MLAs Amin Kagzi and Rafiq Khan, Rajasthan Waqf Board Chairman Khan U Khan Budhawali, and Jamaat-e-Islami Hind’s state president Mohammad Najimuddin.

State president of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, Mohammad Najimuddin, began by condemning the terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Kashmir. However, he also levelled serious allegations against MLA Balmukund Acharya, claiming that Acharya and his supporters raised provocative and objectionable slogans both inside and outside the mosque during Friday prayers—a time considered highly sacred in Islam, as per a report in the Dainik Bhaskar.

Community leaders give administration a two-day ultimatum

Najimuddin revealed that the Police Commissioner had assured them of action. However, he added that the community had issued an ultimatum to the administration—demanding action against Acharya by April 27 or 28. He stated that they would meet the Police Commissioner again on April 29, and if no concrete steps were taken, a mass agitation would be launched.

“What kind of MLA behaves like this?” he asked, alleging that Acharya does nothing but provoke religious sentiments. “A person like him does not deserve to remain an elected representative,” Najimuddin asserted, as reported

No Muslim supports Pakistan, we will always chant ‘Pakistan Murdabad’: Congress MLA Amin Kagzi

According to the Dainik Bhaskar, local Congress MLA Amin Kagzi addressed another emerging narrative—accusations that Muslims objected to the anti-Pakistan slogans. Kagzi firmly dispelled these rumours, stated that, “There is a misconception being spread about the ‘Pakistan Murdabad’ slogans raised outside the mosque. Neither I, nor the Muslim community here, have any sympathy for Pakistan. We will always chant ‘Pakistan Murdabad’ when the situation demands it.”

He went on to accuse Acharya of forcefully entering the mosque, putting up posters, and creating a disruptive atmosphere. Kagzi said Muslim leaders had already met with the Police Commissioner and given the administration a two-day deadline to act on the community’s demands.

 “Pakistan Murdabad Then, Now and Forever”, said MLA Rafiq Khan

Echoing similar sentiments, MLA Rafiq Khan stated that the entire country is grieving the tragedy that unfolded in Pahalgam. Referring to the recent all-party meeting, he said that all parties agreed to support the government in responding to the attack—so why, he asked, was Acharya trying to politicise the issue?

“Pakistan Murdabad was, is, and always will be our slogan,” Khan declared. “Today, we are standing with posters that say ‘Pakistan Murdabad’ right inside the mosque. We are not upset about the posters. What we condemn is the act of entering a mosque during prayer and shouting slogans. That was disrespectful” he said, reported Bhaskar

He alleged that Acharya was deliberately trying to disrupt communal peace in the city, adding that the BJP MLA has repeatedly violated the law, yet no action has been taken against him. Khan warned that the community would take to the streets if no action was taken within the next two days.

What lies ahead: peace or protest?

The situation in Jaipur remains tense. Muslim leaders have so far shown restraint, opting for legal routes and official communication with law enforcement. But the community’s patience seems to be wearing thin. With deadlines issued and the promise of protests looming large, it remains to be seen whether the administration will act against Balmukund Acharya—or risk further communal unrest in Rajasthan’s capital.

Political fallout: BJP leadership distances itself

The controversy drew criticism from within the BJP as well. According to reports, Chief Minister Bhajanlal Sharma and senior party leaders were unhappy with Acharya’s actions, especially given the sensitive environment. State BJP President Madan Rathore reportedly called Acharya to express his disapproval. Following the conversation, Acharya assured the leadership that he would exercise greater caution in the future and avoid similar incidents.

Previous controversies: a pattern of provocative actions

This incident is not the first time Acharya has found himself at the centre of controversy. Earlier, he had campaigned against the consumption of meat, the use of loudspeakers by mosques, and the wearing of hijabs by girls in schools. He also demanded the removal of Bangladeshi and Rohingya refugees from Jaipur. These actions have drawn criticism from various quarters, with opponents accusing him of stoking communal tensions for political gain.

In one notable incident, Acharya was accused of trespassing and inappropriate behaviour at a Shia religious site in Jaipur’s Bada Badanpura area. Community leaders urged swift action, citing threats to communal harmony and complaints about police inaction as troubling factors.

The road ahead: nurturing communal harmony

The events of May 2 have laid bare the fragility of communal relations in Jaipur. Though Acharya’s apology may have been intended to calm tensions, the strain it placed on inter-community trust is hard to ignore. While the courts will eventually determine legal accountability, the deeper task lies in mending the city’s social fabric.

Leaders from both Hindu and Muslim communities have stepped forward, calling for honest dialogue, mutual respect, and a reaffirmation of shared values. They remind us that India’s strength lies in its commitment to unity in diversity, and that upholding constitutional ideals must remain a common purpose.

The protest outside the Jama Masjid—and everything that followed—highlights how easily words and actions can shape, and sometimes shake, the delicate balance of communal life. Political leaders, in particular, must tread carefully, knowing their influence carries real weight in such moments.

As Jaipur looks to move forward, the path must be one of listening, empathy, and rebuilding trust—step by step, neighbour by neighbour.

Related:

Rajasthan: Newly elected BJP MLA from Hawa Mahal constituency, Bal Mukund Acharya launches assault on minority-run meat food stalls

Hindu Extremist Groups Target Meat Shops in Multiple Indian Cities

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However, the arrest failed to pacify public outrage. By Wednesday night (April 30), around 9:30 PM, a group of men gathered near the market area where the accused had an office and began targeting businesses owned by members of the Muslim community. Videos later circulated on social media showed shops being vandalised, staffers slapped, and stones hurled at a nearby mosque. Several shops and eateries were damaged, and incidents of assault were reported. Though police intervened to de-escalate the situation, their response was widely seen as inadequate.

Right-wing outrage targets Muslim businesses in retaliatory fury

Fuelled by the accusation against the elderly Muslim man, Hindu nationalist organisations swiftly mobilised, broadening their focus from the individual to the entire Muslim community in Nainital. These groups, often operating under the banner of protecting Hindu interests, engaged in a campaign of collective punishment. Their actions extended beyond mere condemnation of the alleged crime, manifesting in direct attacks on Muslim-owned businesses and the physical assault of Muslim individuals.

Despite the prompt arrest of the accused and the completion of the minor’s medical examination – steps indicating the legal process was underway – these right-wing outfits continued their aggressive actions. Their demands often included handing over the accused to their custody, bypassing the judicial system entirely, and further inflamed the communal tensions by propagating a narrative of collective guilt and demanding discriminatory actions against the Muslim population of Nainital

Public reaction escalates into mob violence

The violence on Wednesday night appeared to be part of a broader, emotionally charged backlash. Despite assurances from law enforcement that the accused had been arrested and was facing severe charges, a large crowd moved through the central town area, launching coordinated attacks. Most of the affected establishments belonged to Muslims, heightening communal tensions. Shopkeepers and local residents described the scene as chaotic, with shutters broken, staff beaten, and customers fleeing. Among the worst affected was Monish Jalal, a restaurant owner in Gadi Padaw, who condemned the assault on his livelihood, saying, “We want justice for the girl, but what connection do we have with the accused?” reported the Times of India.

Others, like Bimla Devi, a senior resident running a family tea stall since the British era, described the damage to her stall as “complete destruction.” Both expressed dismay at the lack of timely police action and called for justice — both for the victim and for innocent business owners caught in the crossfire, as reported

Against the tide: Hindu woman stands up for Muslim community

In a striking display of moral courage amidst the rising communal frenzy, a Hindu woman emerged as an unexpected beacon of reason. As a rally of Hindu nationalist supporters marched through Nainital, their chants laced with anti-Muslim slogans in response to the alleged sexual assault, she bravely stepped forward to confront them. Her act was a powerful testament to shared humanity, as she challenged the very premise of their collective blame and the injustice of targeting the entire Muslim community for the alleged actions of one individual. Undeterred by the charged atmosphere and the potential for backlash, she directly rebuked the mob for their indiscriminate attacks on innocent Muslim shopkeepers, emphasising their lack of connection to the alleged crime.

Furthermore, she vocally condemned the abusive and derogatory language employed during the rally.

BJP leader threatened Muslim food vendors

In a video that quickly circulated on social media, BJP leader Vipin Pandey openly threatened to Muslim food vendors, insisting that their shop names must explicitly reflect their Muslim identity. Pandey warned that if the vendors failed to comply within a day, they would face physical assault. The remarks have drawn sharp criticism from various quarters, with many calling them inflammatory and divisive.

Civil society groups and political opponents have condemned the threat as a blatant attempt to stoke communal tensions and marginalise minority communities.

Meanwhile, local authorities have yet to take official action, prompting concerns over law enforcement’s response to hate speech and intimidation.

Political and community demands mount

The unrest prompted swift political and administrative responses. A group of residents submitted a memorandum to Kumaon Commissioner Deepak Rawat, making wide-ranging demands. These included a comprehensive verification of all “outsiders,” especially those belonging to the minority community working as tenants, daily wage earners, or small business owners. They also demanded the seizure of the accused’s property as a deterrent, an inquiry into property acquisitions by individuals from the minority community in commercial areas, and the establishment of a monitoring committee to oversee regional activity.

The memorandum also called for prioritising employment opportunities for local youth, and for Nainital to be declared a “sensitive cultural zone,” complete with special policy safeguards to preserve the town’s heritage and demography.

Administrative response: crackdown on encroachments and security measures

District Magistrate Vandana took immediate administrative action by appointing magistrates to sensitive locations, including the market and mosque premises. She instructed the Nainital District Development Authority to resume its anti-encroachment drive and ordered the completion of pending hearings on illegal constructions within 15 days. On Thursday, authorities carried out marking operations at multiple locations in the city, issuing 150 challans — 100 by the Municipal Council and 50 by the Development Authority — for unauthorised structures, encroachments on public infrastructure, and unapproved construction, according to the Indian Express.

Additionally, a notice was served to the accused, stating that his property was illegal and granting him three days to present his case before further legal action. Police presence was bolstered in sensitive zones, especially around religious sites, ahead of Friday prayers. The district also increased surveillance and verification of taxis, rental services, and roadside vendors to ensure tourist safety amid the turmoil.

Strikes, closures, and tourist disruption

According to reports, the violence and growing unrest had immediate consequences for daily life in Nainital. Schools remained shut on Thursday, and traders in the town centre observed a strike, partly enforced by local right-wing organisations. Amandeep Singh, general secretary of the Nainital Vyapar Mandal, said the strike symbolised collective anger at the crime, while also noting that food arrangements were made for stranded tourists. Police checkpoints were established along major roads, and tourists reported a curfew-like atmosphere, with most shops and restaurants closed.

“The tourism business has been severely affected,” said Nainital Hotel Association President Digvijay Singh Bisht, as Indian Express reported.

Local lawyers boycott case, demand inquiry into Nainital’s changing demographics

The case also resonated within the legal community. In a strong display of protest, district court lawyers unanimously decided to withdraw legal representation from the accused. Advocate Daya Joshi stated that the local bar had also requested an investigation into the recent influx of residents in Nainital. “No lawyer from our bar council will represent this man.”

Similarly, as the Indian Express reported that Protesters have demanded strict punishment for the accused, including the confiscation of their property. They also called for thorough verification drives targeting outsiders—particularly tenants and temporary workers from a specific community—and the identification and deportation of any foreign nationals residing illegally.

Muslim organisations submitted a memorandum to DGP

Simultaneously, Muslim organisations reacted strongly to the targeted violence. In a memorandum to DGP Deepam Seth in Dehradun, they condemned both the heinous crime against the minor and the subsequent attacks on innocent community members. “We too want justice for the girl,” said Naeem Qureshi, president of the Muslim Seva Sangathan. “But the collective punishment of unrelated individuals through violence and arson is unacceptable” as reported in the Times of India.

Uttarakhand High Court takes suo moto action

Taking cognizance of the volatile situation, the Uttarakhand High Court initiated suo moto proceedings. During the hearing, government counsel J.S. Virk informed the bench that heightened security measures were in place, including vehicle checks at key entry points into Nainital — Haldwani, Bhavali, and Kaladhungi. The court, comprising Justices Manoj Kumar Tiwari and Vivek Bharti Sharma, directed authorities to maintain strict law and order, prohibit large gatherings, and monitor social media to prevent misinformation and incitement.

As reported, the bench emphasised the importance of sustained patrolling to ensure that similar unrest does not spread or recur in other sensitive regions like Haldwani. It also called on citizens to cooperate with the administration to restore peace and communal harmony.

Related:

Uttarakhand High Court orders security, condemns hate speech over Uttarkashi Mosque

Stop using politics of hate to hide failure to protect women and their rights: Open Letter to Uttarakhand Govt

Religious hate finds a stage at Dehradun Press Club, event on “how to save women from jihadis” organised

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Ram  and  Hanuman  in  Bengali  popular  psyche

To  come  down  to  brass  tacks,  Ram  and  Hanuman  had  always  been  butts  of  ridicule  in  Bengali  popular  sayings.  To  quote  one  –  “Kala  khelo  jato  bandor,  rajya  pelo  Ramchandar”  (Ram  acquired  the  throne  due  to  the  banana-chewing  monkeys) .   The  followers  of  Ram  are  looked  down  upon  as  exploiters  and  humbugs,  as  the  following  saying  indicates:  “ Ram  nam  mukhey,  chhuri  rekhey bukey”  (They  swear  by  the  name  of  Ram,  while  threatening  us  with  a  dagger  at  our  chests).  (Re:  Sushil  Kumar  Dey:  Bangla  Prabad).

In   Bengali  colloquial  slang,  the  name  Ram  is  often  used  in  a  derisive  and  derogatory  sense   –  like  the  term   Ram-chhagal  (a  goat  named  Ram)  to  describe  a  fat  goat.  It  is  also  used  as  a  suffix  in  terms  like  Boka-Ram  (a  foolish  Ram)  to  dismiss  someone  as  an  idiot.   The  trend  of  demystification  of  Ram  in  Bengal  reached  its  height  when  the  Bengali  poet  Madhusudan  Dutta  in  the  mid-nineteenth  century  composed  the  iconoclastic  epic  poem  Meghnad Badh  Kavya,  where  he  paid  homage  to  Ravana’s  son  Meghnad  (known  also  as  Indrajit)  who  more  than  once  defeated  Ram  and  Lakshman  in  the  battlefield  as  described  in  Valmiki’s  Ramayana.  In  his  poem,  Madhusudan  denounced  Lakshman  for  resorting  to  the  devious  mode  of  killing  Meghnad  by  sneaking  into  Nikumbhila,  the  prayer  hall  where  Meghnad  was  engaged  in  praying.  Taking  advantage  of  his  unarmed  state,  Lakshman  murdered  him.  Explaining  his  decision  to  valorize  Meghnad,  Madhusudan  in  a  letter  to  his  friend  Rajnarayan  Basu  wrote:  “I  despise  Ram  and  his  rabble,  but  the  idea  of  Ravana  elevates  and  kindles  my  imagination;  he  was  a  grand  fellow.”  (January  25,  1824).

Despite  this  tradition,   this  year,   a  Bengali  BJP  leader  managed  to  organize  a  Ram  Navami  procession  in  Kolkata  by  recruiting  the  local  unemployed  youth  –  promising  them  jobs  if  they  bring  BJP  to  power.  He  allured  them  by  repeating  Modi’s  slogan  of  `double-engine’,   meaning                 the  engine  in  the  states  can  only  function  if  they  are  aligned  to  the  central  engine  in  Delhi  run  by  the  BJP.

Homogenizing  the  diverse  Hindu  people  under  the  hegemony  of   Ram 

The  centralizing  authoritarian  Modi  government,  which  is  running  into  conflict  with  Opposition  ruled  states,  and  threatening  the  spirit  of  federalism  that  is  embedded  in  our  Constitution,  is  trying  to  justify  its  misdeeds  by  invoking  the  name  of  Ram,  playing  on  the  religious  sentiments  of  the  majority  Hindu  population.  After  attempting  to  impose  Hindi  as  a  national  language  all over  India  and  crush  linguistic  diversities,  the  Modi  government  is  now  trying  to  project  the  Hindu  god  Ram  as  a  national  icon  in  the  name  of  unifying  all  Indians  under  the  umbrella  of  nationalism.  Anyone  refusing  to  worship  Ram  and  join  Ram  Navami  processions  will  be  hauled  up  for  blasphemy.

Yet,  in  the  southern  states,  people  treat  Ram  and  Sita  and  worship  them  in  different  ways  that  are  in  stark  contrast  with  the  practices  followed  in  the  Hindu-Hindi  heartland.  The  Ramayana  that  the  Tamilians  read is  the  version  by  Kampan,   the  12^th  century  author  of  Iramavataram,  which  in  certain  sections  vastly  differ  from  Valmiki’s narrative, and puts  Sita  on  a  higher  pedestal.   Similarly,  Telegu-speaking  women  in  Andhra  Pradesh  and  Telangana  have  invented  a  Ramayana  of  their  own  by  composing  and  singing  songs  that  domesticate  the  travails  of  Sita  in  terms  of  their  own  diurnal  experiences.  In  Kerala,  the  Rama  story  is  visualized  through  puppet  plays,  which  reduce  the  size  of  the  monumental  epic  characters  to  that  of  dolls  to  be  manipulated  by  the  puppeteers  from  behind  the  scenes.  (Re:  Many  Ramayanas.  The  Diversity  of a  Narrative  Tradition in  South  Asia.  Ed. Paula  Richman.  OUP.  New  Delhi.  1992)

Given  these  diverse  interpretations  of  Ramayana, and  the  different  understanding  of  Ram  and  Sita   in  popular  perception,  varying  from  one  region  to  another,  the  Modi  government’s  attempt  to  impose  Ram  as  a  hegemonizing  icon  on  all  Hindus  cannot  work.  Further,  his  determination  to    elevate  Ram  as  a  Hindi-speaking  god  is  alienating  the  Hindus  of  the  southern  states.  Their  chief  ministers  are  protesting  against  the  infliction  of   Hindi  on  their  official  correspondence.

Positioning  Ram  and  Hanuman  against  Muslims,  depicted  as  present  followers  of  Ravana.

The  state-sponsored  elevation  of  Ram  through  ceremonies  like  Ram  Navami  are  aimed  at  unifying  these  diverse  and  often  mutually  conflicting  sections  of  the  Hindu  population.  But  such  ceremonies  are  also  becoming  tools  in  the  hands  of  the  Hindu  fanatical  outfits  like  Vishva  Hindu  Parishad  and  Bajrang Dal  who  deliberately  organize  demonstrations in  front  of  mosques,  shouting  slogans   insulting  the   Muslim worshippers  there.  Shops  run  by  Muslims  are  being  forcibly  closed down  by  the  goons  of  these  outfits  during  Hindu  religious  festivals.  Muslim  pedestrians  are  being  harassed  by  these  goons  who  force  them  to  shout  `Jai  Shri  Ram.’

Defending  the  weaponization  of  Ram  Navami  by  the  Sangh  Parivar,  a  BJP  leader  from  West  Bengal, Dilip  Ghosh  while  recently  addressing  a public  rally  in  the  North  24-Parganas  district  there  proudly  claimed:  “Ten  years  ago,  people  didn’t  know  what  Ram  Navami  processions  were.  Today,  such  processions  are  being  held  in  every  locality  because  Hindus  have  realized  they  need  to  unite.”  He  then  advised  Hindus  to  keep weapons  at  home  for  self- protection.  (Re:  Times  of  India.  April  18,  2025).   By  admitting  that  ten  years  ago  Bengalis  didn’t  know  what  Ram  Navami  processions  were,  he  acknowledges  that  it  is  a  newly  imported  festival  under  the  auspices  of  the  BJP.  Not  satisfied  with  imposing  Ram  Navami  as  a  national  ceremony  on  all  the  diverse  sections  of  our   people,  the  Sangh  Parivar  is  now  demanding  that  privilege  for  Ram’s  army  general,  the  monkey-god  Hanuman.  Hanuman  Jayanti  was  celebrated  on  a  massive  scale  this  year  in  BJP-ruled  states,  where  the  governments  spent  money  from  their  exchequer  to  subsidize  these  celebrations.  It  is  necessary  to  remind  our  people  that  this  money  is  being  diverted  from   the    taxes  that  they  pay  which are  accumulated  in  the  exchequer.  Do  all  the  tax-payers,  coming  from  different  religious  denominations,   want  their  taxes  to  subsidize  the  religious  ceremonies  of  a  single  community,  the  majoritarian  Hindus  ?

Agitation  against  the  Waqf (Amendment)  Act  –  considered  as  Na-pak  by  Muslims

The  enactment  of  the  Waqf  (Amendment)  Act  has  become  the  proverbial  last  straw  on  the  camel’s  back.  The  Muslim  community  could  not  bear  it  any  more  and  they  have  come  out  in  the  legislature  as  well  as  in the  streets  to  voice  their  protest.  The  Act  is  a  controversial  piece  of  legislation.  Some Muslim  organizations  have  expressed  apprehensions  that  it  would  curb  the    Waqf  board’s  power  to  distribute  charity, and  its  control  over  its  properties.   Some  other  Muslim  groups  have  reserved  their  opinions.

The  opposition  to  the  Act  took  a  violent  communal  shape  in  the  Murshidabad  district  of  the  Trinamul-ruled  state  of  West  Bengal.  Islamist  fanatical  groups  (Muslim  counterparts  of  the  Hindu  fanatical  Bajrang  Dal  and  Vishwa  Hindu  Parishad)  attacked  Hindu  homes  and  killed  a  father  and  son  duo.  They  alleged  that  stones  were  thrown  on  their  anti-Waqft  demonstration  by  this  Hindu  family.  A   Muslim  man  has  been  accused  and arrested  in  this  connection.  At  around  the  same  time,  a  Muslim  youth  was  killed  by  police  bullets.  There  are  unconfirmed  reports  that  Islamic  terrorists  from  Bangladesh  have  infiltrated  into  Bengal  after  the  present  Yunus-led  caretaker  government  (which  is  anti-India  and  has  lifted  ban  on  Islamic  fundamentalist  organizations  and  allowed  them  to  cross  over  to  Bengal  to  create  unrest). Yet,  if  we  go  back  to  the  past  in  Bengal,  there  had  always  been  a  general  public  recognition  and  grateful  acknowledgment  by  Hindus  also,  of  Muslim  owners  transferring  their  lands  and  properties  to  the  Waqf  board  for  charitable  purposes.   We  come  across  an  old  Bengali  document  signed  by  one  Habibullah  Bahar       who “Waqf  koriya  Islamer  sebaye  bilaya  diyachhilen”  (donated  his  property  in  the  name  of  Waqf).  (Re:  Byaboharik  Bangla  Abhidhan.  Bangla  Academy.  Dhaka.  1992)

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According to the complaint, Chetan Patel delivered a public speech on April 23, between 7:30 and 8:00 pm at Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Chowk, a prominent location in Alibaug, District Raigad. The speech followed the tragic terrorist attack in Pahalgam on April 22, 2025, in which several innocent Indians lost their lives. Despite the Muslim community in Alibaug publicly condemning the attack, Patel’s speech reportedly vilified the Muslim community as a whole. In his address, Patel allegedly denounced those who advocated for communal harmony, labelling them “so-called secular bugs,” and called upon Hindus to economically boycott Muslims by refusing to conduct business with them or purchase goods from them.

The complaint asserts that Patel’s speech was not an isolated act but part of a larger attempt to foment hatred and enmity between religious communities. A video clip of the speech was recorded and subsequently circulated on social media platforms, including WhatsApp and Facebook, further amplifying its divisive content. Notably, the clip was uploaded by Suhas Ghanekar on the Facebook group “Me Alibagkar,” thereby extending the reach of Patel’s message and allegedly inciting communal disharmony.

SabrangIndia has a copy of the complaint. In light of these actions, the complainants have sought the registration of a case under several provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), specifically Sections 196 (offence promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion), 353 (statements that could incite mutiny, disregard of duty, or public fear, potentially leading to violence), and Section 3(5) (common intention or constructive liability in criminal cases). The complaint emphasises that both Patel and Ghanekar have played active roles in creating an atmosphere of distrust and hostility, thus endangering the social fabric of the region.

This complaint reflects growing concerns over hate speech and its dissemination via both physical and digital platforms, particularly in the aftermath of traumatic national events. The deliberate targeting of a minority religious community despite its public condemnation of violence raises serious questions about the motivations behind such inflammatory rhetoric. It also highlights the role of social media in rapidly spreading hate, thereby posing new challenges for law enforcement agencies tasked with maintaining communal harmony.

Details of the speech made by Chetan Patel

Chetan Patel, the Raigad district president of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), delivered a deeply troubling speech during a gathering in Raigad, Alibaug. In his address, Patel called for the social and economic boycott of Muslims, labelled secular-minded individuals as “worms” who must be crushed, and encouraged the use of violence and public humiliation against those advocating communal harmony. Referring to the situation as a “dharma yudh” (religious war), he invoked dangerous communal imagery, urging Hindus to tighten economic controls and sever ties with minorities. His statements not only vilified an entire community but also encouraged vigilantism and collective punishment, striking at the very foundations of India’s constitutional commitment to secularism and equality.

Transcript of the violent derogatory speech:

“In Alibaug, the town of ‘dead’ Hindus, to see so many of you gathered, I feel happy. Every time, instead of acting, we sit at home and curse some Salim, Maqdoom, or whoever, blaming them. Don’t blame them. Spot and single out the ‘secular worms’ among us, in our society, in your society — get them, crush them.”

“These are the people who have taken on the mantle (the vakalatnama) and constantly say, “All Muslims are not like this,” and so on. Catch hold of them and ask them: who gave you this vakalatnama? If we want this to end, we must first crush these ‘secular worms’ among us. Single them out. Socially boycott them. If they are making these arguments anywhere, slap them, fling cow dung on them. This has to stop. Until this stops, such incidents will continue happening.”

“Most critically, cut off their economic lifeline. This started during the Nagpur riots. Things in Nagpur are hawa tight (they have been taught a lesson). It has started in Nashik too. I know that in Alibaug squeezing them economically is tougher, but we must try and crush them economically.”

“Every rupee you spend on their business will be used against you. No one was asked over there whether you are Agri, Mali, or of any particular caste. They were simply asked to read the kalma, their pants were stripped, and then they were shot dead. They attacked only Hindus. Make them feel ashamed.”

“From tomorrow itself, when you are purchasing anything, at least practice an economic boycott. (Claps from five or six people.) Ask the names of those you are buying from. Until this starts, every month we will be meeting here for a shradhanjali (condolence meeting).”

“If we want to escape this cycle, economic boycott is the way. Every path has its method — not every person needs to brandish a sword. This should not be announced publicly, but it must sometimes be said. All of you assembled here — spread this message to your neighbours.”

“Purchasers too: look at whom you are buying from. If he is giving it for two rupees less, why can’t you? Start this. Tighten their economic strings. Squeeze them. Start now.”

“Cursing PM Modi or any Prime Minister or Home Minister every morning is not enough. This is a dharma yudh (religious war). Understand the 350-year-old history. Stand united, or else we will be chopped like potatoes and onions!”

“Forget brotherhood and harmony. A person who is not a brother to his own cousin sister, how can he be a brother to you?”

“Be ready for war. Economic boycott is the only way.” (Claps; around 15 onlookers present.)

Following the circulation of the video on social media, several concerned citizens raised complaints against Patel, highlighting the incendiary and divisive nature of his remarks. In response to mounting backlash, Patel issued a video apology, attempting to limit the scope of his comments by claiming they were directed solely at those supporting terrorism and foreign forces. He further stated that his intention was to preserve communal harmony in Alibaug. However, his original speech remains deeply problematic: it normalised hate speech, promoted unlawful actions like economic boycotts and violence, and severely undermined efforts to foster peace and unity. Even the subsequent apology fails to meaningfully address the dangerous consequences of the original call to action, which risked legitimising discrimination and communal violence in an already volatile environment.

Transcript of the apology:

“Namaskar. Jai Shri Ram. A video of mine has gone viral on social media. In order to prevent any misuse or misunderstanding, I wish to clarify that my words and opinions were not directed against any patriotic Indian citizen. They were aimed solely at those who, directly or indirectly, support the heinous act that took place in Pahalgam on April 22. My words were against those forces — from Pakistan, Bangladesh, or individuals associated with them — who should not be economically empowered. In my peaceful Alibaug, nothing should happen to disturb political, communal, or inter-religious harmony. It is with this intent that I am issuing this second video statement. If any Indian citizen’s religious sentiments have been hurt by my previous statement, I sincerely apologise. Jai Hind.”

Detailed piece about other such attempts including Alibaug may be read here.

Related:            

Echoes of Hate: Online anti-Muslim hate spreads against Muslim businesses and workers after Pahalgam attack

Pahalgam attack sparks nationwide turmoil, Kashmiri students face a chilling wave of hate across India

SC leads the nation’s legal fraternity as it unites in grief & outrage over Pahalgam terror attack

The post Complaint filed against VHP’s Chetan Jagdish Patel for inflammatory speech in Alibaug appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The effect of this orchestrated online hate campaign is multi-faceted and deeply damaging. Socially, it fosters an environment of fear and distrust, further polarising communities and entrenching existing prejudices. The constant barrage of hateful content online normalises discrimination and can incite real-world violence and ostracisation. This digital propaganda effectively weaponises social media, turning it into a platform for disseminating prejudice and enacting a form of collective punishment due to stereotypes.

In Dombivli, protesters called for economic boycott of Muslim vendors

While a protest was organised in Dombivli city of Thane district ostensibly to condemn the Pahalgam terror attack, disturbing elements within the gathering have surfaced, raising serious concerns about the underlying motivations and potential for communal incitement. A video from the event reveals a man addressing the assembled crowd, and instead of solely focusing on denouncing terrorism, he openly called for the economic boycott of non-Hindus within the area. This inflammatory rhetoric specifically targeted the livelihoods of fruit sellers and local vendors, effectively painting an entire community with the brush of suspicion and demanding their economic marginalisation.

This shift in focus from condemning a specific act of violence to targeting an entire religious demographic for economic strangulation is deeply alarming. It highlights how events intended to express national solidarity and condemnation of terrorism can be hijacked by individuals seeking to propagate divisive agendas and incite discriminatory practices against minority communities, turning grief and anger into tools for economic coercion and social exclusion within the local sphere of Dombivali.

The insidious nature of online hate lies in its ability to spread rapidly and anonymously, leaving a lasting scar on the social fabric and hindering any prospects of reconciliation and understanding.

Nine BJP workers booked for ‘abusing, assaulting’ Muslim hawkers in Dadar

Similarly, Mumbai police have registered a case against nine BJP workers, including Akshata Tendulkar, president of Mahim Assembly, for allegedly abusing and assaulting Muslim hawkers in the Dadar market area, following a complaint filed by hawker Saurabh Mishra. The case is being handled by the Shivaji Park police.

The Indian Express reported that the incident happened on Thursday evening. Tendulkar and his eight associates reached Dadar market area opposite Rangoli store and allegedly asked hawkers if they were Muslims, the complaint read. Mishra added that they assaulted one of the Muslim workers who work under him.

“They asked my worker Sofiyan Shahid Ali his name and then abused and assaulted him. When Ali ran away from the place, they chased him and again assaulted him,” Mishra said

In a separate account, Tendulkar, speaking to a news channel, defended the group’s actions by asserting they were pressing for police intervention against alleged Bangladeshi nationals using forged Indian documents. He claimed that their repeated complaints about illegal immigrants selling produce in the area had been consistently ignored by law enforcement.

“We had requested police to take action against those Bangladeshi nationals who have created fake Indian documents and were selling fruits and vegetables as hawkers. We and local residents were angry over the matter. Local residents were asking us what the BMC and police are doing? On Thursday we had gone on a round to check where all Muslim people works and what (solution) can be done” Tendulkar said, reported the Indian Express.

DCP Zone 5 Ganesh Gawde stated that the Shivaji Park police station has registered a case against the nine accused under sections 189(2), 191(2), 115(2), 351(2), and 352 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, as well as sections 37(1) and 135 of the MP Act. He confirmed that the investigation into the matter is currently underway

BJP’s national spokesperson, Shehzad Poonawalla, offered a similar narrative, using the same platform to urge a different kind of boycott. He took to X, stating, “Dear Hindus Jaat ke naam pe batoge, Toh Dharm ke naam pe katoge Telling you this as an Indian Muslim, Jo tumhe jaati me baante – take a pledge to boycott such people forever #PahalgamTerroristAttack.”

Dear Hindus

Jaat ke naam pe batoge
Toh Dharm ke naam pe katoge

Telling you this as an Indian Muslim

Jo tumhe jaati me baante – take a pledge
to boycott such people forever #PahalgamTerroristAttack

— Shehzad Jai Hind (Modi Ka Parivar) (@Shehzad_Ind) April 23, 2025

Muslim worker removed from temple job by right-wing group

In a disturbing manifestation of the heightened communal tensions, a Muslim youth named Shahid reportedly faced the abrupt termination of his employment at a temple. The sole reason cited for his dismissal was his religious identity, with the tragic incident in Pahalgam being used as a pretext. Shahid’s case starkly illustrates the insidious reach of communal prejudice, where an individual’s established work within a place of worship became irrelevant in the face of generalised suspicion directed towards an entire community.

A user while sharing the video of incident, wrote o X that “Hindus are no longer in a mood to tolerate. After #PahalgamTerrorAttack, an economic boycott has begun, removing them from business and labour roles. Finally, Hindus are uniting”

Hindus are no longer in a mood to tolerate. After #PahalgamTerrorAttack, an economic boycott has begun, removing them from business and labour roles.

Finally Hindus are uniting pic.twitter.com/E6CylqrTlj

— Voice of Hindus (@Warlock_Shubh) April 24, 2025

Indore doctor refused to treat a Muslim patient in response to the Pahalgam attack

The ripple effects of the Pahalgam terror attack tragically extended into the realm of healthcare, as evidenced by a deeply concerning incident in Madhya Pradesh’s Indore. Dr. Neha Arora Verma, a medical professional, reportedly refused to treat a Muslim patient, explicitly citing the terror attack as the reason for her denial. The doctor went so far as to share a screenshot of her message, in which she callously informed the Muslim woman, “I’m sorry, we are no longer taking any patients at our centre.”

This act of blatant discrimination, seemingly motivated by collective punishment and prejudice, highlights the dangerous ways in which fear and communal animosity can permeate even essential services like healthcare.

In #MadhyaPradesh‘s #Indore, a doctor refused to treat a #Muslim patient in response to the #PahalgamTerrorAttack.

Dr. Neha Arora Verma shared a screenshot of her message in which she declined to consult a Muslim woman, stating, “I’m sorry, we are no longer taking any patients… pic.twitter.com/H9i2twYiE7

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) April 28, 2025

While Dr. Verma subsequently deleted the post, the initial message served as a stark and disturbing illustration of how the aftermath of a terror attack can be shamefully exploited to deny fundamental rights based solely on religious identity, further fracturing the social fabric of the community.

Hate banners surface in Punjabi Bagh calling for economic boycott

Shockingly, hate-filled boycott banners have surfaced in Punjabi Bagh, openly targeting an entire community and inciting economic ostracisation. This blatant display of prejudice, in a public space, sends a chilling message, fostering an atmosphere of fear and distrust. The banners represent more than just isolated incidents; they are a symptom of a larger, more insidious problem.

Adding fuel to the already raging online propaganda advocating for the economic boycott of Muslims in the aftermath of the Pahalgam terror attack, a right-wing organisation identifying as Sanatan Hindu Ekta Vichar Manch amplified this divisive rhetoric on X. Their post explicitly called for a sweeping boycott, urging followers to “Boycott everything from which even one rupee goes to terrorists or has the possibility of going,” before listing a wide array of targets including “Films, Tourism, Hotel business, Street vendors, Shops, Building material, Anything at all.”

हर उस चीज का वहिष्कार करो जिसमें से एक रुपए भी आतंकियों को जाता हो या जाने की संभावना हो
चाहे फिल्म हो
पर्यटन हो
होटल व्यवसाय हो
रेहड़ी पटरी हो
दुकान हो
बिल्डिंग मैटर हो
।
कुछ भी हो #BoycottDotandKey #छलनी_हिंदू_आत्मा#PahalgamTerroristAttack pic.twitter.com/i3HlSaGzNG

— सनातन हिंदू एकता विचार मंच (@SanatnEktaMunch) April 24, 2025

Inflammatory Speech by VHP leader in Alibaug

Chetan Patel, the Raigad district president of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), delivered a deeply troubling speech during a gathering in Raigad, Alibaug. In his address, Patel called for the social and economic boycott of Muslims, labelled secular-minded individuals as “worms” who must be crushed, and encouraged the use of violence and public humiliation against those advocating communal harmony. Referring to the situation as a “dharma yudh” (religious war), he invoked dangerous communal imagery, urging Hindus to tighten economic controls and sever ties with minorities. His statements not only vilified an entire community but also encouraged vigilantism and collective punishment, striking at the very foundations of India’s constitutional commitment to secularism and equality.

Following the circulation of the video on social media, several concerned citizens raised complaints against Patel, highlighting the incendiary and divisive nature of his remarks. In response to mounting backlash, Patel issued a video apology, attempting to limit the scope of his comments by claiming they were directed solely at those supporting terrorism and foreign forces. He further stated that his intention was to preserve communal harmony in Alibaug. However, his original speech remains deeply problematic: it normalised hate speech, promoted unlawful actions like economic boycotts and violence, and severely undermined efforts to foster peace and unity. Even the subsequent apology fails to meaningfully address the dangerous consequences of the original call to action, which risked legitimising discrimination and communal violence in an already volatile environment.

Transcript of the violent derogatory speech:

“In Alibaug, the town of ‘dead’ Hindus, to see so many of you gathered, I feel happy. Every time, instead of acting, we sit at home and curse some Salim, Maqdoom, or whoever, blaming them. Don’t blame them. Spot and single out the ‘secular worms’ among us, in our society, in your society — get them, crush them.”

“These are the people who have taken on the mantle (the vakalatnama) and constantly say, “All Muslims are not like this,” and so on. Catch hold of them and ask them: who gave you this vakalatnama? If we want this to end, we must first crush these ‘secular worms’ among us. Single them out. Socially boycott them. If they are making these arguments anywhere, slap them, fling cow dung on them. This has to stop. Until this stops, such incidents will continue happening.”

“Most critically, cut off their economic lifeline. This started during the Nagpur riots. Things in Nagpur are hawa tight (they have been taught a lesson). It has started in Nashik too. I know that in Alibaug squeezing them economically is tougher, but we must try and crush them economically.”

“Every rupee you spend on their business will be used against you. No one was asked over there whether you are Agri, Mali, or of any particular caste. They were simply asked to read the kalma, their pants were stripped, and then they were shot dead. They attacked only Hindus. Make them feel ashamed.”

“From tomorrow itself, when you are purchasing anything, at least practice an economic boycott. (Claps from five or six people.) Ask the names of those you are buying from. Until this starts, every month we will be meeting here for a shradhanjali (condolence meeting).”

“If we want to escape this cycle, economic boycott is the way. Every path has its method — not every person needs to brandish a sword. This should not be announced publicly, but it must sometimes be said. All of you assembled here — spread this message to your neighbours.”

“Purchasers too: look at whom you are buying from. If he is giving it for two rupees less, why can’t you? Start this. Tighten their economic strings. Squeeze them. Start now.”

“Cursing PM Modi or any Prime Minister or Home Minister every morning is not enough. This is a dharma yudh (religious war). Understand the 350-year-old history. Stand united, or else we will be chopped like potatoes and onions!”

“Forget brotherhood and harmony. A person who is not a brother to his own cousin sister, how can he be a brother to you?”

“Be ready for war. Economic boycott is the only way.” (Claps; around 15 onlookers present.)

Transcript of the apology:

“Namaskar. Jai Shri Ram. A video of mine has gone viral on social media. In order to prevent any misuse or misunderstanding, I wish to clarify that my words and opinions were not directed against any patriotic Indian citizen. They were aimed solely at those who, directly or indirectly, support the heinous act that took place in Pahalgam on April 22. My words were against those forces — from Pakistan, Bangladesh, or individuals associated with them — who should not be economically empowered. In my peaceful Alibaug, nothing should happen to disturb political, communal, or inter-religious harmony. It is with this intent that I am issuing this second video statement. If any Indian citizen’s religious sentiments have been hurt by my previous statement, I sincerely apologise. Jai Hind.”

The digital firestorm following the Pahalgam terror attack has tragically ignited real-world flames of discrimination. Online calls for economic boycotts against Muslim businesses, amplified by right-wing groups and reflected in localised protests like the one in Dombivli, have chillingly materialised into tangible acts of prejudice. The assault on Muslim hawkers in Dadar by BJP workers, explicitly targeting their religious identity, and the discriminatory dismissal of a Muslim youth from his temple job, alongside the denial of medical care to a Muslim patient in Indore, paint a grim picture of collective punishment and eroding social trust.

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The post Echoes of Hate: Online anti-Muslim hate spreads against Muslim businesses and workers after Pahalgam attack appeared first on SabrangIndia.

While the Valley remains steeped in grief, the ripple effects of the attack have reached far beyond Jammu and Kashmir, causing a fresh wave of anxiety and hostility towards Kashmiri students studying across India. Reports of targeted harassment and violence have surfaced, prompting urgent responses from community organisations and political leaders alike.

Advisory Issued by the Jammu and Kashmir Students Association (JKSA)

In light of rising tensions and threats following the attack, the Jammu and Kashmir Students Association (JKSA) has issued an urgent advisory to all Kashmiri students pursuing education across various Indian states. The association appealed for restraint, advising students to remain indoors unless absolutely necessary, refrain from engaging in political discussions, and avoid posting sensitive content online.

Nasir Khuehami, National Convenor of JKSA, emphasised the volatile nature of the current environment. “We appeal to all Kashmiri students to maintain calm, avoid political debates or provocative content on social media, and not venture out unnecessarily,” he said through his social media account. The association also provided helpline numbers and has activated a dedicated response team to support students in distress and coordinate with local authorities where needed.

Pahalgam Bloodshed | J&K Students Association Issues Helpline & Advisory for Kashmiri Students

In the wake of the tragic Pahalgam attack that claimed over 28 innocent lives, the J&K Students Association (JKSA) has issued a safety advisory for Kashmiri students across India.

We… pic.twitter.com/Wf5acUieKA

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) April 23, 2025

Ummar Jamal, the National President of JKSA, condemned the terror attack unequivocally, calling it a “cowardly and inhumane act.” As per report of Rising Kashmir, Jamal reiterated that terrorism has no religion or justification and must be countered with unity and resolve. Expressing solidarity with the victims’ families, the association urged students to focus on their safety and academics, warning against being misled by those seeking to exploit the tragedy for political purposes.

Wave of Harassment against Kashmiri Students

In the immediate aftermath of the Pahalgam attack, JKSA reported a disturbing spike in harassment, abuse, and violence targeted at Kashmiri students in several Indian states, including Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, and Punjab.

• Uttarakhand (Dehradun): Around 20 Kashmiri students fled to Jolly Grant Airport after being threatened by members of the Hindu Raksha Dal. The group circulated videos threatening students with violence if they did not leave by a set deadline. Later, it was provided by Khuehami that an FIR has been registered against the members of the Hindu Raksha Dal, and arrests will follow shortly.

Uttrakhand:

I have spoken to the DGP of Uttarakhand, Deepam Seth Ji, regarding the open threats issued by members of the Hindu Raksha Dal to Kashmiri students, including an ultimatum asking them to vacate the state. I’ve been told FIR has been registered and arrests will follow…

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) April 24, 2025

Lalit Sharma of Hindu Raksha Dal has ordered Kashmiri Muslims to leave Uttarakhand by tomorrow. He claims that their ‘teams’ will go on rounds from tomorrow and deal with any Kashmiri Muslim in their own way. This comes a day after the #pahalgamattack pic.twitter.com/F75WrdRV3n

— Amil Bhatnagar (@AmilwithanL) April 23, 2025

• Himachal Pradesh (Arni University, Kathghar and Kangra): Kashmiri students were assaulted in their hostel rooms by individuals who forcibly entered, broke doors, and physically attacked them while hurling communal slurs and branding them as terrorists.

Now Himachal Pradesh.

The situation is turning grim and deeply concerning. We have received frantic distress calls from Kashmiri students from Arni University, Kathghar (Indora), in Kangra, Himachal Pradesh who are being harassed, abused, and physically attacked by right-wing…

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) April 23, 2025

• Punjab (Universal Group of Institutions, Derabassi, Chandigarh): Students were beaten up by a group of unidentified locals who stormed the hostel premises late at night armed with sharp weapons. One student suffered serious injuries; others were left shaken.

7th Incident:

Recieved Distress Calls from Universal Group of Institutions, Derabassi, Chandigarh, where Kashmiri students were brutally attacked inside the hostel premises during the night. Students said that, local individuals and other students forcefully entered the hostel… pic.twitter.com/QDf1iYjMlk

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) April 24, 2025

• Uttar Pradesh (Prayagraj): Reports emerged of students being asked to vacate accommodations by landlords and being forced to leave due to threats from local groups and police inaction.

Received multiple distress calls from Kashmiri students and youth in Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh. Landlords are asking them to vacate immediately, citing security concerns. Some have already left under pressure. This is alarming. Prayagraj is a sensitive region, and there are…

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) April 23, 2025

• Noida (Amity University): As per The New Indian Express, a Kashmiri student was allegedly beaten severely on campus grounds. The matter has been brought to the attention of JKSA, which is in touch with university officials.
• Written threats to institutions (Dehradun): The Hindu Raksha Dal issued letters and warnings to various colleges, demanding the expulsion of Kashmiri Muslim students and threatening consequences if their demands weren’t met.

5th Incident: Now in Dehradun.

Hindu Raksha Dal and other Right Wing Elements has issued written threats to several colleges in Dehradun Uttrakhand, demanding the expulsion of Kashmiri Muslim students and setting a chilling ultimatum of 10 AM tomorrow. Just now, Around 20…

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) April 23, 2025

• Social media threats: Viral videos have surfaced showing fringe groups inciting violence against Kashmiris, with direct calls for assault, eviction, and boycott—contributing to a climate of fear.

Political leaders and civil society react

The severity of the situation has prompted appeals from political leaders and civil society groups. Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah confirmed that the state government is in touch with counterparts in other states to ensure the safety of Kashmiri students. “I’ve requested my counterpart Chief Ministers to take extra care,” he said in a post on X (formerly Twitter).

The J&K government is in touch with the governments of the states where these reports are originating from. I’m also in touch with my counterpart Chief Ministers in these states & have requested they take extra care. https://t.co/oMTx06o08Y

— Omar Abdullah (@OmarAbdullah) April 24, 2025

People’s Democratic Party (PDP) president Mehbooba Mufti also expressed deep concern. In a statement, she said she had spoken with Union Home Minister Amit Shah, offering condolences for the victims of the attack while urging his immediate intervention to protect Kashmiris facing threats in various parts of the country. She condemned the role of extremist elements in inciting hate and stressed the need for the Centre to act decisively.

Spoke with Home Minister @AmitShah ji to extend my deepest condolences & also express solidarity with bereaved families of the Pahalgam terror attack. We stand with the nation in this hour of mourning. Also requested him to intervene in the wake of certain elements openly…

— Mehbooba Mufti (@MehboobaMufti) April 24, 2025

Sajad Lone, President of the People’s Conference, echoed these sentiments, calling on the Union Government to protect the lives and dignity of Kashmiri students. “They are being bullied, beaten, and evicted.” he stated.

There have been many incidents across the country wherein Kashmiri students are being harassed, beaten up, bullied and even asked to vacate their residential premises.
I request the union government to please ensure the safety of Kashmiri students.

— Sajad Lone (@sajadlone) April 24, 2025

A targeted campaign of hate

JKSA convenor Nasir Khuehami strongly criticised the coordinated nature of these incidents. “This is not just about security. It is a calculated, targeted campaign of hate and vilification against students from a specific region and identity,” he said

I have spoken to the office of the Leader of Opposition, @RahulGandhi Ji, regarding the growing incidents of harassment, intimidation, and threat calls targeting Kashmiri students across the country. LoP has expressed deep concern over these disturbing developments and assured…

— Nasir Khuehami (ناصر کہویہامی) (@NasirKhuehami) April 24, 2025

With at least seven major incidents of violence or harassment reported since the Pahalgam massacre, the situation remains deeply alarming. The JKSA continues to monitor developments closely, provide support to those affected, and appeal to national and state authorities for immediate action.

Conclusion: Urging unity, not vengeance

In the face of tragedy, the JKSA as well as the politicians of Jammu and Kashmir have consistently called for calm, compassion, and community support. It has reiterated that violence cannot be met with hate and scapegoating. As the country mourns the victims of the Pahalgam attack, there is an urgent need for national unity—not only against terror, but against the communal rhetoric that threatens to unravel social harmony.

For now, the focus remains on ensuring the safety and well-being of vulnerable students. Helpline numbers are operational, and support networks are being strengthened. But unless state authorities act swiftly and decisively, the consequences of unchecked bigotry could spiral further, exacerbating the very divisions that terrorists seek to exploit.

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In the communal violence in Northeast Delhi in February 2020, a big tyre market was set ablaze by rioters thrice over three consecutive days, leading to the loss of crores of rupees. As many as 224 tyre shops, mostly dealing with old ones, were gutted. They all belonged to Muslims. Hundreds of families were badly affected by this mayhem.

Notwithstanding challenges, the community has made steady progress in different sectors in the last few decades. Not only boys, even girls have entered the fields hitherto considered a male bastion. So, it would be factually incorrect to pronounce that their children are just cycle puncture mechanics.

Occupational shift

In the fast-changing occupational shift it would be wrong to claim that any community, or for that matter even caste, monopolises any particular profession. Today, in this era of rampant unemployment, several upper caste Hindus with degrees from universities are also lining up for jobs related to scavenging, otherwise traditionally fixed for Valmikis, Mehtars or Doms. The “twice-born” would eagerly accept these menial sanitation jobs in municipalities or municipal corporations and would then outsource it to the same scheduled castes. The salary would be shared between the two – the real worker would take half and absentee one the rest. At least, something is better than nothing.

Thus, it would be inappropriate to synonymise cycle tyre-puncture makers with Muslims. Of late, many Hindus are too taking up this work. Technology is also playing its role as new variants of tubeless tyres for vehicles seldom get punctured.

If one accepts that 78 years after the “fictitious” independence of the country on August 15, 1947, many Muslim youths are still engaged in the cycle tyre-puncture work, one may ask as to why 11 years down the “real” independence (May 26, 2014), millions of Musahars (Dalit community) as the very name suggests, are still filling their stomach by catching and eating rats.

What about crores of other Dalits who are still compelled by circumstances to consume the meat of the dead cattle and pigs as food? Who has left them in such dire straits more than a decade after India got its Vishwaguru?

By that logic, should one blame the Hindu religious and charitable endowment boards for their sorry plight? Who should be held responsible for thousands of farmers’ suicide and starvation deaths if not the government?

Social status

Needless to claim, puncture-makers have a relatively better social and economic status than many others in the strongly-entrenched caste hierarchy of India. Several of them have risen to the top position in different arenas. The lowly-paid puncture workers have been making enormous contributions to the transportation industry, which is essential for the economic growth of India.

A cursory analysis of the job market would reveal as to how B. Tech, M. Tech and PhD degree holders are applying for the posts of railway gangmen, chowkidars, miners, peons etc. And they belong to all the communities and castes. Why talk just about waqf boards – hardly any temple, ‘matha’, church, gurdwara or vihara (monastery) is providing jobs to people.

Corruption and illegal encroachment of graveyards, maqbara and masjid land are not only confined to Muslims. Religious bodies of other faiths are too plagued by them.

Yet, some of these religious institutions belonging to all the communities are providing actually education. They are engaged in the health sector, small-scale economic activities, as well as other philanthropic works, but providing employment and creating congenial atmosphere for the growth of trade, commerce and industry lie essentially on the shoulders of the government of the time.

‘Pakoda’ outlets

If a person earns just Rs 200 daily – as asserted by Mr Modi in an interview some years back – by selling pakodas (fritters) outside any television studios in the national capital region (or any other metropolitan city), where the standard of living is very high, it cannot be called employment in an era where double this amount has been fixed as the minimum wage of an unskilled labour. Earning Rs 200 daily, or even Rs 2,000 daily, is not enough as an income for these mega-cities.

Some of us at the top live in our own bubble. We do not take into account money policemen and policewomen, unauthorised agents and local mafia who are enjoying the patronage of ruling party goons, extract from vendors – be it puncture workers, ‘pakoda’ sellers, or those involved in other roadside engagements. One day, another gentleman may wake up to declare that all these illegal activities are actually honorable rozgars.

The need of the hour is not to ridicule or see in poor light those engaged in self-employment as they are at least not puncturing the wheels of development and are not becoming a burden on the society and the government. They are neither committing crimes nor are they taking to streets demanding jobs from the government.

Thus, after ‘pakoda’ selling kiosks, we have in Waqf boards discovered a big source for providing employment. Is it not a fact that until a few years ago, Modi was pooh-poohing the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Act (MGNREGA)?

With unemployment still out of control, the Modi government now sees some merit in it.

Soroor Ahmed is a Patna-based freelance journalist.

First Published on TheWire

The post Amid Waqf Debate, Should Hindu Endowment Boards be Held Responsible for the Sorry Plight of Dalits? appeared first on SabrangIndia.