Although “Parakram” means valour, in the era of the Sangh Parivar, it has also come to mean aggression against the weak and defenceless.

Subhas was never a “Parakrami” in the sense that the Sangh interprets. He was a true hero who united the weak and oppressed against the mighty British, risking his life in the struggle.

On this day, the Sanghis claiming to be “heirs” to Netaji’s legacy were the ones who diligently served the British army’s efforts to defeat Subhas during World War II. While Subhas was rallying soldiers worldwide against the British, these Hindutvavadis under Savarkar’s leadership,were brokering the recruitment of Hindus into the British army.

Yet, they now praise Netaji with clear ulterior motives.

Firstly, the Sanghis, who have no legacy of participating in the freedom struggle, are attempting to hijack the legacy of all non-Congress or dissident heros who were leaders of different streams  of the freedom struggle, portraying themselves as the heirs to these streams.

Secondly, they exploit the natural and healthy political and ideological differences that existed within the Congress and between Congress and other streams, and around them, they craft a false narrative to claim that all who disagreed with Gandhi and Nehru were pro-Hindutva nationalists, utilizing this for their current Hindutva nation agenda.

This is the real intention of the Sangh Parivar.

With this malicious intent, they have engaged in propaganda backed and filled with lies and fabrications that Gandhi and Nehru conspired against Subhas Chandra Bose and that the Hindutvavadis like Savarkar stood by him, thereby insulting Subhas to a great extent.

To fulfil their ulterior motives, they obscure the political, ideological, and secular perspectives between themselves and Gandhi-Nehru that Subhas had, as well as publicly expressed disdain towards communalists like the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League.

At the same time, they conceal the disdain Subhas had for communalists like Savarkar, the Hindu Mahasabha, and the Muslim League.

This article primarily attempts to explain Subhas’s views on secularism, Hindu-Muslim unity, and his opinions about people like Savarkar. It relies mainly on Subhas’s own writings in “An Indian Pilgrim” and “Indian Struggle” and on works by his grandson and scholar Sugata Bose in “His Majesty’s Opponent” and the edited volumes “Collected Works Of Subasha Chandra Bose.”

All these books are available online, and interested parties can read them to understand the political-historical misdeeds of the Sangh Parivar.

Subhas Chandra Bose was not only a prominent leader of Congress but also martyred in the effort to oust the ruling British during World War II by forming the Azad Hind Fauj.

History textbooks have recounted to non-Bengali students anything more than this bare fact.

Subhas was above all else, an exceptional proponent of communal harmony and Hindu-Muslim unity. As a top-notch nationalist, he dreamed of building a future India based on socialist ideals. His views on the history of India, the way he formed the Azad Hind Fauj, and his clear disdain for figures like Savarkar are evident in these respects.

The Tiger of Tipu was the flag of the Azad Hind Fauj!

The Sanghis who attempt day and night to demonise the revered Tipu-Haider as fanatic monsters should be ashamed when considering the respect Subhas Chandra Bose and the Azad Hind Fauj held for them. Subhas used the flying tiger symbol of Tipu as a symbol of anti-British struggle on the first flag of the Azad Hind Fauj. While unveiling the flag, Subhas explained to his soldiers that this flying tiger was a symbol of Tipu Sultan’s resistance against the British.

That is not all. On October 21, 1943, the Azad Hind Fauj declared the provisional government of India. While making this proclamation, the Azad Hind Fauj and Netaji acknowledged several real leaders of the country along with Tipu and Haider, expressing their gratitude. Reading this makes it clear that it is impossible to appropriate Subhas for the RSS agenda.

The proclamation of the Provisional Government of Azad Hind begins like this:

“Ever since Bengal first faced defeat at the hands of the British in 1757, the people of India have continuously waged a struggle against British rule for a hundred years. This period is filled with the unmatched courage and selfless sacrifices shown by the people of India. During this period in the history of India, the names of Sirajuddaula of Bengal, Mohan Lal, Hyder Ali, Tipu Sultan, Velu Thampi….and others are inscribed in golden letters…”

Interested parties can read the full text and see pictures of this proclamation at the following web address:[https://www.roots.gov.sg/Collection-Landing/listing/1278996]

Hindu-Muslim Unity: the foundation of the Azad Hind Fauj

The Modi government is intent on imposing Brahminical Hindi as the sole language of the country. In contrast, the official language of Subhas’s Azad Hind Fauj was Urdu-Hindustani, commonly used by the people of North India, and English was used to be understood by the soldiers from South India. The motto of the Fauj was written in Urdu:

“Itmad (Trust), Ittefaq (Unity), and Qurbani (Sacrifice).”

In 1857, during the First War of Indian Independence, the Indian forces under the leadership of the last Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar called for “Delhi Chalo.” In September 1943, Subhas’s Azad Hind Fauj also embarked from Rangoon (now Myanmar) to expel the British from India, remembering the 1857 uprising, and Subhas called for “Delhi Chalo” during this grand departure.

That is not all either. On September 26, 1943, a special prayer meeting was held by the Azad Hind Fauj near the tomb of Bahadur Shah Zafar.

As described by Subhas’s grandson Sugata Bose in his scholarly work, the proportion of Muslim soldiers in the Azad Fauj was slightly higher than others, and many of Subhas’s closest associates were Muslims. In 1943, during a secret submarine adventure journey, the only companion who travelled with him was Abid Hasan from South Hyderabad. Throughout his travels across Europe and Asia, Hasan was Subhas’s close assistant.

The first division commander of the Azad Hind Fauj was Mohammad Zaman Kiani. The first to hoist the Tricolor flag of India in Imphal, Manipur, was Fauj officer Shaukat Malik. On their tragic last journey, Habibur Rahman perished alongside them. However, this uprising failed, and the soldiers of the Fauj were captured by the British, who charged them with sedition and held a trial. The three Azad Hind Fauj soldiers who were symbolically tried at the Red Fort were:

Prem Sehgal, a Hindu, Shah Nawaz Khan, a Muslim, and Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon, a Sikh.  This also symbolically represented the secular patriotism prevailing in Subhas’s Fauj.

(His Majesty’s Opponent, p. 4)

Netaji’s rejection of the Hindu-Muslim division in Indian history

The Hindutvavadis depict the history of India as having been engulfed in 1200 years of aggression to suit their communal polarisation agenda. Thus, they portray the entire era under Muslim rule before the British and the Muslim rulers before them as a period during which Hindus suffered under Muslim aggressors.

However, Subhas rejected this communal view of Indian history as propagated by the British, aimed at dividing India along Hindu-Muslim lines. He also noted:

“History will bear me out when I say that it is a misnomer to talk of Muslim rule when describing the political order in India prior to the advent of the British. Whether we talk of the Moghul Emperors at Delhi, or of the Muslim Kings of Bengal, we shall find that in either case the administration was run by Hindus and Muslims together, many of the prominent Cabinet Ministers and Generals being Hindus. Further, the consolidation of the Moghul Empire in India was effected with the help of Hindu commanders-in-chief. The Commander-in-chief of Nawab Sirajudowla, whom the British fought at Plassey in 1757 and defeated, was a Hindu, and the rebellion of 1857 against the British, in which Hindus and Moslems were found side by side, was fought under the flag of a Muslim, Bahadur Shah.” (An Indian Pilgrim, p. 15)

Subhas’s outrage against communal organisations like Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League

During the period of the freedom struggle, Subhas held deep contempt for the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League, which were working for the British and causing divisions among the people. When he was elected president of Congress in 1938, he emphasized this issue, saying:

“We often hear talks of a Hindu Raj. This serves no purpose. Can these communal organizations solve the problems faced by India’s working class? Do these organisations have any solution to the issues of unemployment and poverty?” he questioned vehemently.

He also banned members of the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League from holding Congress memberships. The reason? Because:

“Jinnah’s idea is to obtain his dream of Pakistan with the help of the British, not to fight jointly with Congress for India’s liberation.”

“On the other hand, Savarkar’s only goal is to collaborate with the British and get military training for Hindus by joining the  British army. After meeting both, I have concluded that nothing can be expected from them for India’s independence.” (The Indian Struggle, p. 344)

Thus, even if one reads Subhas Chandra Bose’s own writings and the scholarly works about him, it becomes clear how malicious the portrayal of Subhas by these fascist Sanghis is.

Beyond the servitude to British colonialism, corporate capitalism, and communal hatred, these fascists have no history of building or fighting for the country. Now, they are hijacking leaders who had differences with Gandhi and Nehru and were non-Congress, and portraying them in a way that insults these leaders, this country, and its history.

A staunchly secular, anti-communal, and socialist nationalist like Subhas Chandra Bose can never be appropriated by the RSS. Nor should he be allowed to be.

The only way to do this is to expose their false narrative through an exposition of real history, which itself must become a movement, right?

(The writer is a political commentator based in Bengaluru)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia. 

Related:

Debunking “Popular Myths” through a study of Bose

Second killing of Bhagat Singh & Subhash Chandra Bose by the Hindutva Gang

India’s Post Truth Era in ICHR’s Book on Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose

PM Modi to attend Subhas Chandra Bose’s 125th birth anniversary celebrations in Kolkata

The post Can RSS co-opt Subhas Chandra Bose, a staunch secular-socialist and a fond admirer of Tipu Sultan? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to the monitoring by the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS), India witnessed 59 communal riots in 2024, a significant rise compared to 32 riots in 2023, reflecting an 84% increase. These 59 incidents of communal riots resulted in 13 deaths—10 Muslims and 3 Hindus. The western region of India, particularly Maharashtra, emerged as the epicenter of these conflicts, with the state of Maharashtra accounting for 12 of the 59 riots. The CSSS’s monitoring is based on reports from prominent newspapers- the Mumbai editions of The Times of India, The Hindu, Indian Express, Sahafat (Urdu), and Inquilab (Urdu).

Most communal riots were triggered during religious festivals or processions. These included four riots during the Pran Pratishthan ceremony at Ram Mandir in Ayodhya in January, seven during Saraswati Puja idol immersions, four during Ganesh festivals, and two during Bakri Eid. This data highlights how religious celebrations are increasingly being used to fuel communal tensions and political mobilization.

In addition to the communal riots reported in the above newspapers, 13 mob lynching incidents were reported in 2024, resulting in 11 deaths—one Hindu, one Christian, and nine Muslims. While this marks a decline from the 21 incidents of mob lynching recorded in 2023, the continued occurrence of such attacks remains a serious concern. This report provides a detailed analysis of both communal riots and mob lynching in 2024, the physical manifestation of communal violence in the country.

 Methodology:

Centre for Study of Society and Secularism bases its findings on the reports on communal riots that appear in Mumbai edition of five leading newspapers –The Hindu, The Times of India, The Indian Express, Shahafat and The Inquilab. These newspapers are thoroughly studied for the reportage of communal violence. Communal riots that are either not reported or are reported in other editions of these newspapers are not included in this monitoring.

The Ministry of Home Affairs and National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) maintains comprehensive records of communal riots in India but has stopped publishing its data regularly. Due to their wider sweep and better access to the criminal justice system, the numbers recorded by these institutions are invariably several folds higher than the number of communal riots reported in the newspapers monitored by the CSSS.

1. Physical violence

This part of the report looks at physical violence stemming from communal attitudes. Other two parts will look at structural and symbolic violence based on communal attitudes. Physical form of communal violence encompasses communal riots, mob lynching and hate crimes. Physical violence, includes actions that cause death, inflicts physical injuries, and/ or targets and damages properties, including homes, shops and commercial establishments, vehicles, and other movable and/or immovable properties.

Salient Features of Communal Violence in 2024:

Increase in the number of Riots:

As compared to the year 2023, according to the monitoring of CSSS, the number of communal riots in as reported in the abovementioned five newspapers in 2024 has increased by 84%. While the above-mentioned five newspapers reported 32 communal riots in the year 2023, the same newspapers reported 59[2] communal riots in the year 2024. Maharashtra (12) followed by Uttar Pradesh (7) and Bihar (7). These communal riots claimed 13 lives – 3 Hindus and 10 Muslims. This increase in the number of communal riots belies the narrative of the state that India is free from communal riots as there are no communal tensions and the state has maintained communal harmony.

The spike in the number of communal riots in India in the year 2024 can partly be attributed to the general elections that were held in April/ May, 2024. Similarly, important states witnessed assembly elections including Maharashtra, Haryana and Jharkhand. Hate speeches with communal overtures were used to polarize communities on religious basis. Part of the spike in the number of communal riots can be attributed to the ecosystem of impunity that is promoted by the state. This point will be elaborated further below in the report.

Theatre of Violence:

As in the year 2023, in 2024, Maharashtra witnessed maximum number of riots – 12.  Bihar and Uttar Pradesh followed with seven each. Maharashtra constituted for almost 20% of the total number of communal riots in 2024 as per the reports in the five newspapers. Maharashtra electorally and politically is a significant state where both the NDA and INDIA Alliance was trying to wrest control from the NDA. Interestingly, amidst intense factionalism in Maharashtra and hotly contested electoral contest, Maharashtra underwent acute communal churning – communal riots, hate speeches, and mob lynching. The last five years especially in Maharashtra have been particularly strenuous for its social fabric. It is noteworthy that until a decade back, the communal riots took place mostly in urban areas. However, in the last few years as in 2024, communal riots have spread to rural areas- villages and towns.

The region wise distribution of riots is also telling about the nature of communal riots in India and its motivation. Traditionally, the cow belt comprising of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Bihar, witnessed higher number of communal riots along with the state of Maharashtra. Traditionally, the southern states of India have reported far lesser number of communal riots. The same is the case with the state of West Bengal. However, in the last few years, especially since 2022, there is a spike in communal riots in western region of India- Maharashtra, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh. Thus, in the last few, the theatre of violence though continues in the cow belt- Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh, it has expanded to newer regions especially that of Maharashtra, West Bengal and Haryana. In 2024, the western zone of India comprising of Maharashtra (12), Gujarat (5) Madhya Pradesh (5) and Rajasthan (3), according to the reports in the above newspapers, accounted for 25 communal riots, constituting almost 42 percent of the total communal riots in 2025.

Northern region comprising of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, and Haryana have reported 13 communal riots – comprising 22 percent of total communal riots. Similarly, eastern region comprising of Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal and Odisha North India have witnessed 13 riots constituting 22 percent of total communal riots 2024. The Southern zone, comprising Karnataka and Telangana reported seven communal riots constituting 12 percent of total communal riots. The North Eastern region though reported only one riot in Tripura, it is important to note that the conflict in Manipur, which is largely ethnic having communal overtures, is ongoing.  CSSS has elaborated on Manipur violence in a separate report[3].

Ruling Regimes:

Out of the 59 communal riots in the year 2024, 49 communal riots took place in states where the BJP is ruling either on its own, or in coalition with other parties. The coalition partners include Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde faction) and National Congress Party (Ajit Pawar faction) in Maharashtra and Janata Dal in Bihar. Seven out of 59 communal riots took place in the states ruled by Indian National Congress while three communal riots took place in West Bengal where the Trinamool Congress is in power. This data also can be explained by pointing out that BJP ruled states have taken little action to deter communal violence and religious polarization. The state authorities in these states have used bulldozers as a form of “collective punishment” against Muslims. The non BJP ruled states have desisted from such actions and deterred communal riots to some extent.

Nature of State and changes in trends:

In 2024, communal riots exhibited a familiar pattern observed in previous years. These riots were mostly low-scale and under the radar, typically lasting only a few hours, with fewer casualties, and confined to smaller areas. However, these communal riots have led to polarization and deepened communal consciousness. The reported number of fatalities remained relatively low. A significant characteristic of the communal riots in 2024 was the lesser planning compared to previous years.

This planning ranged from identifying properties of individuals from “other” communities, employing specific trigger to start the communal riots and arranging combustibles like gas cylinders, stockpiling weapons, mobilizing mobs to inflict maximum damage on the communities attacked. This was the characteristic of the institutionalized riot system (IRS) that was prominent in the major riots in the past. In the recent years, this planning is limited as there is a pervading atmosphere of communal consciousness causing tensions, making it easier for a communal riot to take place. The smallest reason makes it easier to trigger communal riot as will be evident from the communal riots listed below. It’s become common that even in case of the most mundane arguments between persons from two different religious groups, the incident is given a communal turn. The most common trigger observed is that of organizing aggressive rallies and derogatory sloganeering in public spaces during religious festivals as will be discussed in details.

Historically, communal riots often involved groups from two religious communities clashing, with both sides inflicting and suffering losses. These included acts of arson, assaults, and even heinous crimes such as rape. However, in recent years, the nature of larger riots has shifted. Instead of clashes between two communities, many significant riots now involve state actions disproportionately targeting the Muslim community. These actions include using bulldozers to demolish properties owned by Muslims, causing significant economic damage. Additionally, the state has slapped cases and implicated the members of the Muslim community, even in instances where they are victims of violence during communal riots.

The disproportionate and seemingly one-sided state action have led to social discord, communal consciousness, and polarization. This atmosphere of communal tension has been steadily intensifying over recent years. For instance, the Pew Research Center, a respected research institution, categorized India in 2022 as “very high” on its Social Hostilities Index (SHI), with a score of 9.3. Social hostilities index (SHI) factors in levels of religion-relate harassment, mob violence, terrorism, militant activity, and conflicts over religious conversions or the use of religious symbols and attire. PEW Research also pegged India high at 6.4 out of 10 on Government Restriction Index (GRI). The GRI measures laws, policies, and actions that regulate or limit religious beliefs and practices. These include policies banning particular beliefs or practices, the unequal granting of benefits to certain religious groups, and bureaucratic rules requiring religious groups to register to access benefits (The Hindu, 2025).

Similarly, in 2020, India’s SHI score of 9.4 out of a possible 10 was worse than that of neighbouring Pakistan and Afghanistan. These trends underscore a consistent decline in India’s performance on this index, reflecting a troubling pattern of rising communal hostility.

Area Hegemony/ Assertion of Hindu Rashtra:

The communal riots in 2024 are marked by a bold assertion of Hindu right-wing power in public spaces, characterized by deliberate processions passing through Muslim-majority neighborhoods with loud music or provocative slogans. This trend is a continuation of developments from recent years. Numerous right-wing Hindu groups are emerging at the grassroots level, and in their efforts to gain popularity and influence, they often organize processions or protests in front of mosques or other Muslim places of worship, as well as in Muslim neighborhoods, aiming to provoke or humiliate the community. The aim is not just to establish hegemony in Muslim inhabited areas but also public spaces where Hindus reside. The outcome of such rallies is also the gaining of considerable clout of the Hindu organizations and its members in Muslim and Hindu neighbourhoods.

Historically, India has had a rich cultural heritage where Hindus and Muslims celebrated each other’s festivals and respected one another’s religious spaces. There was a mutual understanding regarding the routes of processions, ensuring that potential misunderstandings or clashes were avoided. Consultations at local levels are held to decide routes. For example, it was common for Hindus to participate in Urs processions, while Muslims would set up stalls to welcome Ram Navami processions and offer refreshments to devotees. These events were expressions of faith, with local residents participating, rather than political statements.

However, in the current political climate, these processions have shifted from being expressions of faith to displays of political hegemony. These processions are fueled by political mobilization. They are increasingly driven by agendas of asserting Hindu supremacy in Muslim-majority areas, with the aim of showing that these neighborhoods can be breached at will by right-wing groups. This assertion of dominance has become a key factor in the communal riots of 2024.

Implicating of Muslims in Criminal cases:

Recent communal riots point to an emerging three trends that result in marginalization of the Muslims. The first trend, already discussed, is the domination or hegemony in public spaces by Hindu right-wing groups. The second trend is the implicating of Muslims in serious criminal cases, and the third trend one involves meting out collective punishment to Muslims through the demolition of their properties and places of worship.

The first aspect, area domination, involves provoking and humiliating the Muslim community by Hindu right-wing groups. When even the slightest retaliation from the Muslim community occurs, it is often used as a pretext to disproportionately arrest Muslims or impose severe charges on them. This has become a disturbing norm: even when Hindu right-wing groups march aggressively into Muslim-majority areas and vandalize property, a large number of Muslims are still named in FIRs. These individuals are frequently charged with serious offenses, and investigations are handed over to agencies like the NIA, likening these cases to terror-related cases. It is ironic that even in places where Muslims are named in large numbers in the complaints, the injured or dead are also Muslims and they also suffer the most damage to property.

Muslims accused in such cases face long legal battles, making them vulnerable not only to imprisonment but also to extra-judicial killings as witnessed in Bahraich. Most of these accused come from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, with many being the sole breadwinners for their families. They often cannot afford to fight lengthy legal cases, leaving them in a state of ongoing hardship and fear.

Bulldozers and demolitions used as “collective punishment” against the Muslims:

Apart from the threats of demolitions to mosques and contestations related to places of worship that have been one of the reasons for communal riots, the Muslim community is dispossessed and face disproportionately higher losses in communal riots owing to the “collective punishment” meted out by the state in the form of demolitions of their homes and shops. In the year 2024, out of 59 incidents of communal riots, in four incidents, the state resorted to demolish the properties belonging to Muslims. The authorities alleged that the properties were illegal. However, as is the case from previous years, no due process was followed including serving of adequate notice or opportunity of hearing before the demolitions. The demolitions took place immediately after the communal riots, making its timing suspicious. It is noteworthy that all these demolitions took place in BJP ruled states.

In Mumbai, Maharashtra, the state demolished fifteen properties belonging to the Muslims in Haidary chowk in Mira Road after communal riots took place in January (details given below). In the state of Uttar Pradesh known for arbitrary demolitions, in Bareilly, the state demolished 11 houses of Muslims after communal riots took place during Muharram procession on 18^th July (details given below).

In a shocking incident yet giving insights into how demolitions are used brazenly by states, in the state of Rajasthan in Udaipur, demolished the house of a 15 years old Muslim boy who allegedly stabbed his Hindu schoolmate to death on 16^th August (Mateen & Meena, 2024). In Surat, demolitions took place in Sayedpur after communal riots took place over allegations of stone pelting on Ganesh pandal during Ganesh festival.

Triggers for Communal Riots:

Religious Processions and Public Celebrations of festivals:

In 2024, religious processions and public celebrations of festivals were the triggers for the majority of communal riots, accounting for 26 out of 59 incidents. This amounts to almost half the incidents of communal riots. These included four riots during the Pran Pratishthan ceremony at the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya in January, four during Ganesh Chaturthi, seven in Bihar during Saraswati idol immersions, two each on Ram Navami and Bakri Eid, and one each on Muharram, Urs, Durga idol immersion, Eid Milad-un-Nabi, Karthik Puja and a local Hindu procession. These 26 incidents do not account for numerous disruptions to Christmas celebrations or attacks on Christians across India.

These riots resulted in the loss of three lives, all of whom were Hindus. A notable pattern in these incidents was the systematic targeting of Muslims, often orchestrated by right-wing Hindu groups, with the state also playing a partisan role and taking one-sided action against Muslims.

Contested placed of Worship:

The year 2024 witnessed six communal riots over the issue of contested places of worship, mainly the state and right-wing fringe groups alleging that mosques and dargahs were illegal or that they were built on Hindu place of worship. This narrative kept the communal pot churning and tensions high in different places. The total number of lives claimed by these communal riots was ten (nine of Muslims and one Hindu) and nearly all arrested were Muslims. It is notable that most of these conflicts have been festering in the two states of Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh.

Desecration of Places of Worship:

Five communal riots took place due to desecration of places of worship. One took place over a severed head of a calf found in a temple in Ratlam, Madhya Pradesh. Second one took place over a piece of tail of a cow in a temple in Bhilwara in Rajasthan. Third communal riot was in Jirania in Tripura when an idol of goddess Kali was defaced. In Karnataka’s benguluru, a mosque in Katipalla near Surthka was pelted with stones. In Hyderabad, a man allegedly tried to damage an idol of the local deity in Muthyalamma area temple.

Other Triggers:

The other triggers for communal riots also reflect the communal discourses prevalent in our society. One narrative often cited by the state is that of ‘infiltration of Bangladeshi immigrants’. These riots took place in Ghaziabad and different places in Maharashtra. These riots were a result of aggressive rallies organized by Hindu right-wing organizations to ‘protest’ the violence against Hindus in Bangladesh.

Other triggers included the accusations of ‘love jihad’ and other trivial personal disputes between individuals from different communities which were given a communal twist.

Mob Lynching

According to the monitoring of CSSS based on the above-mentioned five newspapers, India witnessed thirteen (13) incidents of mob lynching in the year 2024. These 13 incidents of mob lynching resulted in 11 deaths: one Hindu, one Christian, and nine Muslims. While this represents a decline from 21 incidents of mob lynching recorded in the year 2023, the persistence of these attacks remains a concern. The decline in the number of incidents of mob lynching may be attributed to the guidelines of the Supreme Court in favour of strict action by the state in cases of mob lynching. The constant rebuking by the judiciary especially when Hindus were victimized in mob violence compelled state to take action in incidents of mob lynching. However, the mob lynching in the case of cow vigilantism continues.

Seven of these incidents of lynching were linked to cow vigilantism or accusations of cow slaughter. Other cases of lynching were on the accusations of interfaith relationships and assaults targeting Muslims for their religious identity. Geographically, Maharashtra accounted for three lynching along with Uttar Pradesh, while Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Haryana, and each reported two incidents, and Karnataka recorded one.

It is noteworthy that as in the case of communal riots, Maharashtra accounts for maximum number of mob lynching incidents. Uttar Pradesh too accounts for three incidents of mob lynching.

The thirteen cases of the incidents of mob lynching, classified according to the accusations or triggers, are listed below.

Seven out of thirteen, that is over 50 percent or over half of the cases, can be attributed to the pretext of cow slaughter. Chand Miyan (23) and Guddu Khan (35) from Uttar Pradesh were lynched by cow vigilantes near temple town Arang, in Chhattisgarh while transporting buffaloes on 7^th June, 2024. Saddam Qureshi, the third victim, survived with critical injuries. According to the account of the survivor, 14-15 people chased them in a car and attacked them, beat two of them to death and threw their bodies from the bridge onto the riverbed. The survivor reported that he jumped off the bridge to save his life. Reportedly, the body of one of those killed shows multiple fractures, with one foot split apart, indicating the extent of the torture inflicted on the victims. The police filed a FIR (Times of India, 2024).

In another incident that took place in Charkhi Dadri, Haryana, Sabir, on 27^th August, a migrant and scrap dealer from West Bengal was lynched and died in the attack. Asiruddin from Assam was also beaten up by the accused but survived. The police arrested five people and two juveniles in conflict with law were detained on charges of being involved with the attack. The accused suspected that both the victims had consumed beef. The accused lured the victims to a local bus stand claiming that they had some scrap to dispose. At the bus stand, the group of accused attacked them and beat them.  When passers-by intervened, they took the two to some other location on their motorcycles. Sabir was later found dead near a canal in Bhandwa village. Asiruddin was found dumped at another location (The Hindu, 2024).

In another incident reported from Haryana, Aryan Mishra (19) on 23^rd August, had gone for a drive with his friends — brothers Harshit and Sagar (alias Shanky) Gulati — and two others in their Renault Duster. A group of cow vigilante saw the speeding vehicle of Aryan and assumed that they were cow smugglers in the speeding car. A 30-km chase from Faridabad Sector 21 to Palwal’s Baghola ensued. The accused then opened fire, killing Aryan. Five men, including the leader of an outfit called ‘Live for Nation’, Anil Kaushik, were arrested (Raj, 2024).

One Haji Ashraf Munyar (72) who was onboard Dhule-CSMT Express on – was attacked by a group of men who accused him of carrying beef in his tiffin. The incident came to light after the incident was captured on video which went viral. On August 28, 2024, Mr. Munyar boarded a train from Chalisgaon in Jalgaon district to visit his daughter who lives in Kalyan. Mr. Munyar was travelling alone in a general compartment where over a dozen men began to harass him. According to the newspaper report, the goons in the video are seen slapping, hitting and kicking him on his face, eyes and head constantly, asking him to show what was he carrying in his bag. Munyar in the video as reported is seen begging with folded hands to the assaulters requesting them to spare him. The assaulters were heard responding, “We will call Bajrang Dal to chop your body. We will rape your mothers and sisters.” The police filed an FIR but it didn’t include section 307- attempt to murder. The family of the victim demanded that this charge should be added to the FIR (Sah, 2024).

In another incident from Maharashtra, 28-year-old Mohammad Hazek, a footwear trader, was attacked by cow vigilantes in Beed district. The incident occurred on the night of 5th September at around 12:15am. Hazek was at a paan shop, speaking with his fiancée on the phone, when he witnessed a speeding vehicle hitting a stray cow before driving away. Hazek attempted to take a photo of the vehicle but was unsuccessful. However, he managed to photograph the injured cow and shared the image with his fiancée. A few minutes later, as Hazek was walking back home, he was ambushed by a group of men armed with sticks and rods. The group accused him of being a cow transporter and began attacking him. Out of the eight men named in the FIR, the police have identified and arrested four individuals: Mandar Deshpande, a 30-year-old resident of Karanja Road, and three others—Omkar Lande (23), Anil Ghodke (26), and Rohit Lolge (20).(Akhef, 2024).

Mishrikhan Baloch, 40 years old, was lynched by five people in Aagthala village of Banaskantha district in Gujarat on 23^rd May, 2024. The cause of the lynching was the ongoing conflict between the victim and the five accused and he was last attacked in July 2023 for ferrying buffaloes. On the fateful day, Baloch was on his way to the animal market in Deesa with two buffaloes when the pickup van was chased and ambushed by the accused. The accused were identified as Akherajsinh Vaghela, Nikulsinh, Jagatsinh from VatamJoona village, Pravinsinh from Chibhda, and Hamir Thakor from Deodar, all located in Deodar taluka of Banaskantha. The assailants struck Mishrikhan with iron rods, pipes, machetes and the handle of a jack, inflicting severe injuries. The accused were booked for murder, wrongful restraint, rioting, rioting with deadly weapons, issuing death threats, and criminal conspiracy under the Indian Penal Code (Times of India, 2024).

In Majhola area in Moradabad of Uttar Pradesh, 37 years old Shahedeen Qureshi was beaten to death on 30^th December, 2024, by cow vigilantes who were part of Rashtriya Bajrang Dal. The functionaries of the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal reportedly claimed that they came to know that Qureshi had slaughtered a cow and caught him red handed and handed him over to the police. The police have filed two FIRs- one against unidentified persons for the murder of Qureshi and the other FIR is related to cow slaughter (Singh K. , Times of India, 2024)

Accusations of interfaith romance or relationships, derogatorily termed as ‘love jihad’ has been used to foment communal tensions and target innocent people. In a not very surprising incident, a 19 years old Muslim student of Savitribai Phule Pune University was attacked by five persons who accused the student of “love jihad”. According to the police, the attack took place on 8^th April when the male student was accompanying two female students on the campus. They started questioning the student and asked him to show his Aadhaar card. Upon seeing the student’s Muslim man, the assailants attacked him. The police have registered FIR against unidentified persons (New Indian Express, 2024).

Other pretext for mob lynching included accusation of theft. In Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, Mohammad Farid, 35 was lynched to death. Farid, his brother Zaki and their aides were accused by a woman, wife of textile trader Mukesh Chand Mittal, of dacoity in Mittal’s house. She claimed that Farid threatened her at gunpoint, snatched her gold chain, and took INR 2.5 lakh cash and jewellery from her. A group of men caught Farid when he was running out of the house and beat him to death with sticks. Zaki, Farid’s brother claims that Farid was targeted for his religious identity. Case is filed against Farid, Zaki and five others under IPC sections 395 (dacoity) and 354 (assault or criminal force to woman). The FIR has mention unidentified persons in connection to lynching (Lavania, 2024).

People from vulnerable social groups were targeted under the most trivial pretext, exposing the pervading atmosphere of impunity and lawlessness. In the Jalalabad area of Shamli district, Uttar Pradesh, Mohammad Firoz, 31 years old was beaten to death on 5^th July, after he was accused of entering a house “in an intoxicated state”. The men of the house brutally thrashed Firoz and handed him over to the police. Firoz later died at his home. Afzal, Firoz’ brother reported that Firoz was promoting his business over the loudspeaker when he got into an altercation with the other party and was thrashed. A case was registered against Mohalla Ganga Aryanagar in Jalalabad – Pinki Kumar, Pankaj Kumar and Rajendra Kumar and their associates under section 105 (culpable homicide) of BNS. The accused were not arrested for the lack of evidence (Sharma, 2024).

Pavan Kumar, Rahul and Binayak were assaulted in Chikkabettahalli in Benguluru, Karnataka on 18^th April, 2024. They were allegedly assaulted by accused Farman and Sameer for raising ‘Jai Shri Ram’ slogans on Ram Navami. Reportedly, a case was registered under IPC sections 295A, 298, 143, 147, 504, 324, 326, 506 and 149 (Times of India, 2024)

Salman Vohra (23), who went to watch a cricket tournament match in Chikhodra, Gujarat on 22 June, was mercilessly beaten to death by a group of men. According to the reports, the mob had been heckling Muslim players with Hindutva slogans like “Jai Shri Ram” as the Muslim players performed well in the tournament. Reportedly, the locals claimed that tensions had begun even before the match because Muslim players were excelling in the tournament, which did not sit well with some locals associated with right-wing groups. The incident started with a parking dispute. A group of men allegedly arrived on motorcycles and got into a fight with Salman, telling him to move his bike from the stand. They started mercilessly beating Salman. Members of the crowd even cheered the attackers. Two other Muslim men were injured; one received around 17 stitches, and the other around 7 stitches. Salman had marks on his right hand, cuts below his eyes, and his ear was brutally damaged—almost bitten off by the attackers. A knife wound damaged his kidney, which was the most severe injury. He was also beaten on his lower waist and neck, causing significant bleeding. The family filed an FIR on 23 June at the Anand Rural police station. It includes sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) such as: 143 (Punishment for unlawful assembly), 147 (Punishment for rioting), 148 (Being armed with a deadly weapon), 302 (Murder), and 324 (Voluntarily causing hurt by dangerous weapon) among others, including The Gujarat Police Act. Seven accused have been arrested in the matter, and the court has given seven days remand for all these accused (Maktoob Media, 2024).

Bindu Sodhi (22) was lynched by her own uncle and others in the village of Toylanka in Chhattisgarh, on 24^th June, 2024. She and her family had adopted Christianity. Sodhi’s uncle and other villagers were not allowing Sodhi to plough her own fields if she didn’t give up Christianity. Sodhi’s mother, brother and younger sister managed to escape the attackers (Carvalho, 2024).

List of Communal Riots in 2024

1. In Shajapur in Madhya Pradesh, on 9th January, some Muslims in Magaria locality allegedly pelted stones on a procession where youth associated with Hindu organizations distributed yellow rice for the consecration ceremony of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya. According to the complainant, Mohit Rathore, some Muslim men near a mosque on the Naag-Naagin Road stopped the procession taken out ahead of the Ram Temple consecration since it was a Muslim inhabited area and the youth in the procession were raising slogans (Aafaq, The Scroll, 2024). One person was seriously injured during the riot. The police filed a case under provisions of the Indian Penal Code pertaining to rioting, promoting communal enmity, and hurting religious sentiments. The first information report has been filed against 24 named persons and 15-20 others. All the named persons are Muslims.

2. In another incident in Maharashtra, communal riot took place in Garib Nawaz Nagar of Nagpur on 21st January. The incident took place during a celebration of the `Pran Pratishtha’ ceremony in Ayodhya. According to the police, an altercation broke out between groups from two communities on 22nd January during a program organized to celebrate the consecration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Both groups pelted stones and around 10 to 12 persons sustained injuries (Bose, 2024)

3. In Mira Road locality of Mumbai, Maharashtra, Muslims allegedly vandalized four cars and 10 motorbikes which had flags with the words ‘Jai Shree Ram’ on them. The incident took place on 21st January at Naya Nagar of Mira road. After this episode of violence, members of some Hindu groups retaliated next day by damaging stationary autorickshaws in the area of the Muslims and pelting stones. Interestingly, though the attacks were made from both sides, Mira Bhayander Municipal Corporation used bulldozers on 23rd January afternoon to demolish about 15 structures in the Muslim-dominated Haidary Chowk area in Mira Road. Nine persons were injured in the incident (Indian Express, 2024).

4. In Bhoj village of Vadodara district in Gujarat, on 22nd January, stones were allegedly pelted on a Shobhayatra that was undertaken to celebrate the consecration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Reportedly, the situation was already tense in the village before this yatra and thus a meeting was held with members from both the communities to ensure peace. However, stone pelting took place when the procession reached a particular street. Thirteen of the 16 accused booked for attempt to murder were arrested (Indian Express, 2024). Similar incident was reported from Kheralu town of Mehsana district in Gujarat in the same month (The Hindu, 2024)

5. Two days after the Pran Prathisthan at Ram temple in Ayodhya, communal riots erupted in Howrah, West Bengal. On 24th January, members of the Muslim community had organized a procession of Urs to celebrate the birth anniversary of Hazrat Ali, son-in-law of Prophet Mohammad at Belilious road in Central Howrah. However, clashes took place when some Hindus raised the slogans of ‘Jai Shri Ram’. Some Hindu groups alleged that the Muslims pelted stones and tore their religious posters. Over 20 persons were injured. Police imposed section 144 to prevent further violence (Financial Express, 2024).

6. The most significant communal riot which claimed six lives was that of Haldwani in Uttarakhand on 8th February, 2024. The violence erupted over an anti-encroachment drive in Haldwani’s Banphoolpura area to demolish what Nainital District Administration claimed was an ‘unauthorised’ madrassa and a prayer site. The violence that ensued claimed six lives- five Muslims and one Hindu. Fourteen were critically injured. The police imposed a curfew in the area and also issued shoot at sight orders in response (Mishra I. , 2024)

7. On February 9th, communal riots erupted in Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh, when stones were thrown at the followers of Tauqeer Raza, a prominent cleric and leader of the Bareilly-based political party, Ittehad-e-Millat Council. The incident occurred as Raza’s followers were returning from a demonstration he had organized to protest the permission granted for prayers in one of the cellars of the Gyanvapi mosque. During the protest, pamphlets were distributed by the followers, and they also shared posts on social media. In response, the police filed an FIR against unidentified individuals under sections 153A (promoting enmity between different groups) and 295A (deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings) of the Indian Penal Code. Additionally, two FIRs were registered for rioting, one filed by members of each community involved (Singh K. , Times of India, 2024).

8. Seven communal riots were reported from the state of Bihar related to the Saraswati idol immersion on 9th February. Communal riots were reported from Bhagalpur where stone were pelted took place at a procession en route to immerse the Goddess Saraswati idol in the Lodipur area. Gunshots were also fired during the clashes in which about 15 people who were part of the procession were injured (Kumar, 2024).

9. In Saharasa, Bihar, a clash between two groups in Nariyar Lataha Tola locality left four people injured on 9^th The trigger was the immersion of Goddess Saraswati idol (Kumar, 2024).

10. In Sheikhpura, Bihar, six people were injured in a similar clash on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

11. In Sitamarhi, Bihar, violence erupted in the Kanhauli police station area on 9^th February, 2024 leaving half a dozen people injured. Gunshots were also fired (Kumar, 2024).

12. In Darbhanga, Bihar, a clash broke out between members of Hindu and Muslim communities in Bahera market during the immersion of Goodess Saraswati idol on 9^th February, 2024. Reportedly, police have lodged separate first information reports with Bahera, Bishanpur, Hayaghat and Bhalpatti police stations against 170 named accused and 400 unidentified people (Kumar, 2024).

13. In Bahuara village of Siwan district, six people were injured in stone pelting during a riot on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

14. More than 10 people were injured in a clash in Jamui district of Bihar over the immersion of Goddess Saraswati idol on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

15. In Vadodara, Gujarat, on 22^nd February, 2024, stone pelting took place between two groups in Navapura are. Communal tensions were fanned when allegedly a derogatory post about Lord Ram was posted on instagram from ID named Sahid Patel. When some Hindus went to the Navapura police station to file the FIR and demand action against the accused, a mob of 150 of Muslims reportedly gathered. Clashes took place between two groups. The police resorted to lathi charge. Sahid Patel, the accused was arrested along with 11 others who were booked for rioting. A total of 22 have been booked for rioting (Times of India, 2024).

16. In an incident that took place in Pahuna village of Chittorgarh in Rajasthan, on 19th March, a Hindu religious procession was underway. When the procession reached a mosque, prayers were taking place. The dispute began because of the noise of the drums that accompanied the procession while the prayers were underway in the mosque. Following an altercation, the two sides hurled stones at each other, leading to injuries. Police arrested 18 people for stone pelting. The police reported that one Shyam Lal Chhipa died of a heart attack during the scuffle (The Hindu, 2024)

17. Communal riot took place on 28^th March in Shirsoli in Jalgaon in Maharashtra when stones were allegedly pelted on persons who participated in the procession to celebrate the birth anniversary of Shivaji. Upon reaching a mosque in the evening, stones were pelted on the procession where six people got injured. Police detained six persons (Chavan, 2024).

18. Two communal riots took place on the occasion of Ram Navami- one in Murshidabad in West Bengal and other in Palamu in Jharkhand. In Murshidabad, stones were pelted on the Ram Navami procession in Rejinagar area on 17th April. A blast was reported from the Shaktipur area near the procession injuring one woman (Times of India, 2024)

19. In Palamu district of Jharkhand, clashes were reported between groups of Hindu and Muslim residents on 17th April. The Muslims of the village of Kajru had opposed the passing of the Ram Navami procession through the mosque. The Muslims argued that Ram Navami wasn’t celebrated in this manner in the past. However, two groups reportedly attacked each other and around five two-wheelers were damaged in the clash. The police arrested ten accused, five from each group (Deccan Herald, 2024)

20. The shrine which had the graves of Imamshah Bawa and his family members in Pirana, Gujarat was flattened by Hindu trustees of the shrine on 7th May, 2024. The Shrine was hailed as a symbol of Hindu- Muslims amity in the region. The destruction of the shrine led to clashes between members of both religious communities where stones were pelted and four persons were reported injured. The police arrested 37 persons booked under sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) pertaining to attempt to murder, rioting, and damage to public property among others (Ghosh, 2024)

21. On 29^th May, 2024, groups of students from two communities clashed at the Guru Nanak Dev Degree College at Mailur on the outskirts of Bidar city, Karnataka. The scuffle broke out during a practice session in the college against the backdrop of a youth festival that was organized by the college. When the students were practicing for a play, two of the actors raised the slogan ‘Jai Sri Ram’ which was part of the play. This was objected by the students of another community and two of them allegedly attacked the students who had raised the slogan. Meanwhile, the students of both the communities started quarrelling on the campus, which led to manhandling and fisticuffs between them. The police controlled the tensions and the festival was cancelled (Badseshi, 2024).
22. On 14th June 2024, the severed head of a calf was discovered at the Jagannath Mahadev temple in Jaora, Ratlam district, Madhya Pradesh. This led to communal tension and blockages of roads by groups protesting against this mischief. The protestors also clashed with the police. The police used tear gas to disperse the crowds and arrested four Muslims and charged them under the National Security Act. The accused were paraded in the town and portions of houses of two of the accused- Salman Mewat and Shakir Qureshi were demolished by the state claiming they were illegally constructed (Mohan, 2024)

23. One communal riot took place in Telangana on the occasion on Bakri Eid on 16th June. The incident took place in Medak district where the Mirajul Uloom Madrasa’s management had purchased cattle for sacrifice for Bakri Eid. Soon after they brought in the cattle, a mob gathered around the madrasa and started protesting against the sacrifice. Clashes took place in three different locations in Medak. The police arrested BJP Medak district president Gaddam Srinivas, BJP Medak town president M. Nayam Prasad, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha President, and seven others in connection with the violence in Medak. There were allegations that thousands of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and Hindu Vahini members attacked the madrasa and severely injured the members of the management (The Scroll, 2024).

24. In another incident on Bakri Eid, communal riots took place in Balasore town of Odisha when a group of people protested in Bhujakhia Pir area over presence of animal sacrifice blood on the road on 17th June. It is alleged that the group of Muslims pelted stones on the protestors and houses and also torched vehicles. These clashes turned violent (Times of India, 2024).

25. Similarly, in Maharashtra, demolitions of around 70 Muslim properties took place in Vishalgad Fort near Kolhapur on 14^th These demolitions came on the heels of the communal riots that took place near the Vishalgad fort when Hindu right-wing organizations alleged that the Muslim community was encroaching on the land near the Vishalgad fort and organized a protest against the same. The mob during these “protests” attacked Muslim properties and a dargah and adjacent mosque in the nearby Gajapur village. Despite these attacks on Muslim owned properties, the state ordered and carried out demolitions the very next day under lashing rains (Doshi & Mutha, 2024). The Courts had to intervene to halt the demolitions.

26. In Bareilly’s Gausganj area, the Muharram procession came under attack while passing a temple on 18^th It reportedly led to confrontation and stone pelting from both the sides. The videos of this violence circulated widely and clashes took place again next day, resulting in injuries to many people. One Tej Ram (23) died in the violence. Ironically, the administration in Bareilly demolished eleven houses of Muslims alleging that they were illegal. 35 accused- all Muslims were arrested and sent to jail (Singh, 2024).

27. In Bareilly, UP, on 2^nd August, a mob attacked and torched the house of Mohammad Saddam who eloped with a Hindu girl from his neighbourhood on 29^th The couple was traced and brought to a police station. The girl was handed over to her father while Saddam was detained for questioning as his house was set on fire. An FIR was registered against the perpetrators — 21 identified and 30 unknown — under the BNS section of rioting, and another FIR was registered against Saddam for abduction on the complaint of the woman’s father (Singh & Ansari, Times of India, 2024).

28. In Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, on 10^th August, 2024, Bhupendra Tomar alias Pinki Choudhary, leader of Hindu right wing organization, along with his associates, attacked several Muslim families living at a JJ cluster in the Madhuban Bapudham area. He accused them of being illegal Bangladeshi migrants, a claim that was investigated into by the police and rejected. He justified his actions citing the ill treatment of Hindus in Bangladesh. The FIR was registered against Tomar and his men under BNS sections 191(2) (rioting), 354 (sexual harassment), 115(2) (voluntarily causing hurt), 117(4) (group of five or more persons acting in concert commits murder on the grounds of race, caste or community), 299 (deliberate and malicious acts, intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs) and 324(5) (damage to property). He was arrested (Times of India, 2024)

29. Similarly, in the state of Maharashtra, the Sakal Hindu Samaj organized bandh and protests in the towns of Nashik,

30. Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar,

31. Jalgaon and

32. Ahmednagar on 16th August to protest against the violence suffered by Hindus in Bangladesh. These places witnessed vandalism and violent clashes between the protestors and other groups which opposed these protests. The protestors and leaders including Mahant Ramgiri Maharaj, a prominent Hindu religious leader raised derogatory slogans and made derogatory statements about Islam in these rallies (Indian Express, 2024)

33. In Udaipur, Rajasthan, state authorities demolished the house of a 15 years old Muslim boy who allegedly stabbed his Hindu schoolmate to death on 16th August. The Hindu right-wing organized protests in the city and raised anti-Muslim slogans and torched vehicles. The accused boy was rightly arrested. However, the state authorities went ahead to demolish the house the family was living in and owned by his uncle. The authorities claimed that the house was illegally built on forest land and that they had served notice one day before demolition (Mateen & Meena, BBC, 2024)

34. On 24^th August, twelve people, including a pregnant woman, were injured in a communal clash in Uttar Pradesh’s Meerut district. Qureshi (28), who was in an inebriated state, got into an altercation with Wahid Ahmed (30) of the same village over an issue while returning home. While both were fighting, a local doctor, Sitaram, 62, tried to intervene. The doctor’s intervention irritated both Qureshi and Ahmed, who then allegedly jointly attacked Sitaram. It soon flared into a communal clash as Hindus and Muslims allegedly threw bricks at each other and attacked with sharp weapons, resulting in injuries to around a dozen people. The police filed an FIR and arrested one person (Indian Express, 2024).

35. In Bhilwara, Rajasthan, a chopped tail of a cow was found in the premises of a temple in Bhavani Nagar on 26th August. Thousands gathered outside the temple to protest and demand police action. Some protestor pelted stones and vandalized shops (The Hindu, 2024).

36. Communal riot broke out in Jirania in Tripura when an idol of goddess Kali was defaced on 26th August. Clashes took place between groups of Hindus and Muslims. Miscreants burnt down at least 12 homes and looted at least three shops in addition to vandalising a place of worship. Fifteen displaced families were provided shelter in a government school. At least two persons were injured (Syed, 2024)

37. Properties of Muslims were vandalized and attacked by a mob of two thousand on 4^th September in Jainoor situated in Asifabad district of Telangana state. The violence was triggered by allegations that a Muslim man had sexually assaulted a tribal woman in the district. According to reports, a video circulated on social media which showed the mob freely setting shops of Muslims on fire and pelting stones on a mosque. The violence occurred during a bandh called in protest against the sexual assault incident. The Muslim accused of sexual assault has been booked under the SC/ST Act for attempted rape, attempted murder, and murder (Maktoob Media, 2024).

38. The festival of Ganesh Chathurthi and immersion witnessed four communal riots. In Ratlam of Madhya Pradesh, on 7th September, 2024, in Mochipura, stones were pelted on Ganesh idol which was taken for installation. Subsequently, nearly 500 persons gheraoed the Station Road police station demanding action against an unidentified person who threw a stone at the Ganesh procession in Mochipura area. One police van was damaged in the stone pelting. Heavy security was deployed and case registered by the police against unknown person (Malpani, The Hindu, 2024)

39. In another incident related to Ganesh festival, in Sayedpura of Surat in Gujarat, some people allegedly pelted stones at the Ganesh pandal on 8th September, 2024. Reportedly, all six people who were involved in stone pelting along with 27 others who encouraged the incident, were arrested by the police. According to the police, 1000 police personnel were deployed in the area to maintain law and order after tensions escalated following the stone pelting incident. Lathi charge, and tear gas was also used to disperse the protesters. Shortly after the riots, “anti-encroachment” drive was undertaken by the administration and demolished properties in the Muslim dominated Sayedpura (Times of India, 2024).

40. In Gokulnagar of Bharuch, Gujarat, communal clashes took place between two groups on 10^th September, 2024 over installation of religious flags in the area. Members of one community started putting up religious flags in anticipation of Eid-e-Milad. There was an altercation over this issue which led to stone pelting, injuring two. The police has filed an FIR against 20 persons and detained 17 for the violence (Times of India, 2024)

41. Karnataka too witnessed communal riot related to Ganesh Chaturthi. On 11th September, there was alleged stone pelting during the Ganesha immersion procession in Nagamangala town of Mandya district, which escalated into clashes. According to Mandya district administration, 20 shops and eight vehicles were torched by the mob. Violence broke out when the Ganesha procession stopped near a mosque and youths raised slogans. The opposing group also raised slogans leading to an altercation. 52 persons were arrested and prohibitory ordered were imposed in the town by the administration. 600 police personnel were deployed (The Hindu, 2024)

42. On 15^th September, six persons pelted stones on a mosque in Katipalla near Surthkal in Manguluru, Karnataka. The miscreants came on two motorcycles and threw stones on the Mosque, which was lit up for Eid. All six accused were arrested by the police (Indian Express, 2024).

43. In Bhiwandi of Thane district in Maharashtra, on 17th September, 2024 marking the immersion of Lord Ganesh day, communal tensions heightened when rumours spread that stones were pelted on Lord Ganesh procession. This led to an altercation between two groups. Police resorted to lathi charge to disperse the crowd. Some suspects were reportedly detained for questioning by the police (Indian Express, 2024)

44. On Eid Milad-un-Nabi on 16th September, 2024, communal riot was reported from Mandsaur in Madhya Pradesh. Hindu outfits alleged that stones were thrown at a temple from the Eid procession when it was passing the temple. They also alleged that an assistant of the Priest got injured in the stone pelting (Malpani, The Hindu, 2024).

45. Communal riots took place in Bhadrak district of Odisha on 27^th September over a social media post. The members of the Muslim community clashed with the police when they were denied permission for a protest march in response to social media comments about the Prophet, leading to stone-pelting by the agitated crowd. According to reports, government vehicles were vandalized and officers on law and order duty received injuries in the stone pelting (The Hindu, 2024).

46. A communal clash took place between two groups at the Dehradun railway station in Uttarakhand on 26^th October, when two groups confronted each other over an inter-faith couple. A Muslim girl and her partner were found arguing on the railway station while her father had filed a missing report. The Railway Protection Force (RPF) intervened when they saw the couple arguing and took them to the RPF police station for safety. Rumors of a communal incident began to circulate, leading to the formation of two groups at the railway station, one led by Vikas Verma and the other by Asif Qureshi, ‘president of the Dehradun city unit of Azad Samaj Party.’ Both groups engaged in heated arguments, and the situation escalated as they began pelting stones at each other. Eight two-wheeler vehicles along with police vehicle were damaged. A case was registered against 14 identified accused, including Vikas Verma and Asif Qureshi and around 100 unidentified with 50 each from both the sides, under sections 191(2) (rioting), 221(obstructing a public servant from discharging his duties), 223 (disobedience of order passed by public servant) and 324(4) (damaging property) of the BNS and Section 7 of the criminal law (amendment) Act (Das, Times of India, 2024).

47. In the state of Maharashtra, which witnessed a significant spike in communal riots in the recent years, trivial incidents including altercation over parking of vehicle in Akola district between a Muslim and Hindu and a small collision between a rickshaw and motorcycle in Hariharpeth in Akola led to communal riot on 8^th October, 2024. This indicates towards how sensitive and volatile the social atmosphere in Maharashtra has cascaded into against the backdrop of the hate speeches and political mobilization by the Sakal Hindu Samaj in the last three years in the state (Lokmat Times, 2024).

48. In Bahraich of Uttar Pradesh, one youth, Ram Gopal Mishra lost his life when he succumbed to his gunshot injuries received during a Durga idol immersion procession on 13^th October, 2024. He was shot at in the Maharajganj area of the district. The violence erupted over the playing of music during the procession. The clashes that ensued led to torching of homes, a motorbike showroom, Lucknow Seva Hospital and a medical store. Reportedly, the Public Works Department (PWD) served notices to 23 establishments — 20 of them belonging to Muslims — to vacate property after the communal riots. The police arrested over 89 persons related to the violence. At least 11 FIRs had been registered in connection with Mishra’s killing and over 1000 booked. Days later, two of the accused in the Mishra case were killed in encounter by UP police (The Hindu, 2024).

49. A Muslim ban was attacked and beaten up by a mob outside a temple of a local deity in Muthyalamma area in Secunderabad on 14^th He allegedly barged into the temple in the early hours of the day and damaged the idol. He was caught by the devotees who dragged him out of the temple and beat him up before handing him over to the police. The police has filed an FIR in the case against the accused man (Times of India, 2024).

50. Communal riots erupted in Chamoli district of Uttarakhand when individuals from two communities had a spate over parking space on 15^th October, 2024. According to reports, the incident took place around 9.30 am, when a Hindu local was parking his scooter in front of a Muslim shop owner. An altercation started when the shop owner reportedly asked the man not to park the vehicle there. Soon others gathered and beat up the Hindu man. The man went to the police and was sent for a medical check-up. However, members of some Hindu outfits gathered and took out a procession in protest. The mob created a ruckus, vandalised some shops, and damaged signboards. The ruckus went on till around 2 pm. Following the altercation, a large crowed from the two communities gathered at the Gauchar outpost.The police registered a case against the accused, Rizwan, Salman, Asif and 70-80 unidentified individuals, under sections 115(2), 191(2), and 352 of the BNS (Mishra, 2024).

51. In Dehradun, the shops of Muslims were attacked and vandalized and four police officers were injured when the members of ‘Sanyukta Sanatan Dharm Rakshak Sangh Uttarakhand’- an umbrella body of Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and other right-wing Hindu organizations were stopped from marching to Jama Masjid to demolish the same on 24th October, 2024. More than 200 people have been booked in connection with a stone-pelting. The right-wing organizations claimed that the mosque is illegal much against the declaration made by the district administration recently that the mosque was legally registered in 1969. In September, the organizations had organized a protest to demand that the Muslim families living nearby the Mosque be expulsed from their homes. These events had contributed to escalated tensions in the area (Das, Times of India, 2024).

52. The houses and properties of Muslims were attacked in Kadakol village of Haveri district in Karnataka on 30^th October, 2024 after there were rumours that the houses of the Hindu residents around a shrine will be taken over by Wafq board. Reportedly, miscreants allegedly threw stones and ransacked houses, besides destroying a parked motorcycle in the village. Five people were injured. The authorities assured the families that their houses are not being taken over. Twenty two persons were detained for questioning by the police (Kattimani, 2024).

53. On 16^th November, communal riots broke out in Beldanga town in West Bengal’s Murshidabad district. Tensions erupted following reports of an allegedly objectionable message written on a neon signboard at a Kartik Puja pandal in Beldanga. There was stone pelting, and shops and vehicles were attacked. Some people sustained injuries in the vandalism and arson. 17 persons were arrested (Singh S. S., 2024).

54. In Madhya Pradesh, communal riot broke out in Mauganj district on November 19, 2024, when BJP MLA Pradeep Patel reached land near the Devra Mahadevan temple which he alleged was encroached upon. An altercation ensued between BJP volunteers and Muslim residents of the area, leading to stone pelting which injured three people. The police teams upon reaching the spot reportedly took away Patel to Rewa and claimed to have acted against accused persons and bring normalcy (Times of India, 2024)

55. Another significant communal riot took place in Sambhal in Uttar Pradesh when a survey team surveyed the Shahi Jama Masjid after claims were made by Hindu groups that a temple once stood on the very same site. Groups clashed with each other- one opposing the survey on 24^th November, 2024. The violence that ensued claimed four lives- all Muslims who were shot at. 20 police personnel were injured along with others. Groups of people clashed with each other and police near the Shahi Jama Masjid in Kot West and indulged in arson according to the police (Rehman, 2024).

56. A minor dispute between two individuals in Mehkar town of Buldhana district, Maharashtra escalated into a violent clash between two communities on 24^th November, 2024. The situation led to arson and stone-pelting. Violence erupted in the Marimata Chowk area of Mehkar when a quarrel broke out between two youths dining at a hotel on Janefal Road. The argument spiraled into a full-fledged riot, with mobs from both sides resorting to stone-pelting. During the clash, an Omni van, two motorcycles, and an auto rickshaw were set on fire. The police have filed cases against more than 50 individuals from both communities and arrested 23 suspects based on a FIR and counter FIR (Sable, 2024).

57. In Dehradun, Uttarakhand, members of Sanatan Sanskriti, a right-wing Hindu group demolished a mazaar situated within the campus of an influential reputed residential school in November. The miscreants livestreamed the demolition. The group also claimed they took permission from government officials to raze the structure, a claim denied by the administration. The group claimed that the mazaar was a new structure and stands in violation of the chief minister’s orders prohibiting religious structures in public institutions. However, according to locals the mazaar was very old. The school authorities clarified that during the civil work, the Mazaar was damaged and thus they were repairing the same (Tyagi, 2024).

58. On 1^st December, 2024, communal riot flared in Maharashtra’s Buldhana district after a procession celebrating Tipu Sultan triggered violent clashes between two groups. The dispute, which began over fireworks, quickly escalated into widespread violence, with stone-pelting and the setting of vehicles and shops on fire. According to reports, the clashes began following a disagreement related to fireworks during the procession. The situation spiraled out of control, resulting in significant property damage and injuries. Police used tear gas and lathi charges to disperse the unruly crowds. 18 individuals were arrested, and an FIR was filed against 70-80 unidentified people (Latestly, 2024).

59. On 25^th December, communal riot broke out in Rohtak, Haryana, when the members of Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal stormed into the venue of a Christmas celebration and disrupted it. The miscreants alleged that religious conversion were taking place at the celebration. The miscreants climbed on the stage and recited ‘Hanuman Chalisa’ and demanded that Christmas celebrations take place only in the confines of churches (Times of India, 2024)

[1][1] Irfan Engineer, Neha Dabhade and Mithila Raut

[2] One communal riot was reported outside of the Mumbai edition of the five mentioned newspapers used for collecting data. The communal riot took place in Howrah, West Bengal on 13^th October over a picture made during a drawing competition during a Durga Puja celebration. FIR was filed and arrests were made in the case (Indian Express 14^th October 2024).

[3] https://csss-isla.com/secular-perspective/peace-eluded-manipur-in-the-year-2024/

Bibliography

Aafaq, Z. (2024, January 9). The Scroll. Retrieved from The Scroll: https://scroll.in/latest/1061847/madhya-pradesh-prohibitory-orders-imposed-in-shajapur-after-mob-attacks-ram-temple-procession

Aafaq, Z. (2024, January 9). The Scroll. Retrieved from The Scroll: https://scroll.in/latest/1061847/madhya-pradesh-prohibitory-orders-imposed-in-shajapur-after-mob-attacks-ram-temple-procession

Akhef, M. (2024, September 5). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/aurangabad/beed-trader-assaulted-on-suspicion-of-being-cow-transporter-8-booked/articleshow/113103189.cms

Badseshi, R. (2024, May 30). The New Indian Express. Retrieved from The New Indian Express: https://www.newindianexpress.com/states/karnataka/2024/May/30/two-groups-in-bidar-college-come-to-blows-over-religious-slogan-in-a-play

Basheer, A. (2024, June 16). India Today. Retrieved from India Today: https://www.indiatoday.in/india/telangana/story/telangana-medak-communal-violence-madarsa-bakrid-cattle-sacrifice-rss-hindu-vahini-aimim-2553795-2024-06-16

Bose, S. (2024, January 26). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/nagpur/cop-suspended-3-under-lens-over-clash-at-garib-nawaz-ngr/articleshow/107159150.cms

Carvalho, N. (2024, July 6). Crux. Retrieved from Crux: https://cruxnow.com/church-in-asia/2024/07/christian-woman-brutally-murdered-in-india

Chavan, V. (2024, March 29). Times Now Marathi. Retrieved from Times Now Marathi: https://marathi.timesnownews.com/maharashtra/jalgaon-crime-stone-pelting-in-jalgaon-during-shiv-jayanti-procession-6-people-injured-article-108864859

Das, K. (2024, October 25). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/4-cops-hurt-as-violence-erupts-at-anti-mosque-rally-in-uttarkashi-shops-owned-by-muslims-ransacked/articleshow/114565624.cms

Das, K. (2024, September 27). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/clash-erupts-at-dehradun-railway-station-over-interfaith-couple-from-up-over-100-booked/articleshow/113730323.cms

Das, K. (2024, October 24). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/dehradun/violence-erupts-at-anti-mosque-rally-in-uttarkashi-4-police-injured-shops-ransacked/articleshow/114555296.cms

Deccan Herald. (2024, April 19). Retrieved from Deccan Herald: https://www.deccanherald.com/india/jharkhand/ten-held-for-clash-on-ram-navami-in-jharkhands-palamu-district-2986146

Doshi, G. N., & Mutha, S. (2024, August 30). The Hindu. Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/maharashtra/the-battle-for-home-at-vishalgad-fort/article68498544.ece

Financial Express. (2024, January 26). Retrieved from Financial Express: https://www.financialexpress.com/india-news/west-bengal-communal-clash-in-howrah-leads-to-dozens-injuries-section-144-imposed/3375794/

Financial Express. (2024, January 26). Retrieved from Financial Express: https://www.financialexpress.com/india-news/west-bengal-communal-clash-in-howrah-leads-to-dozens-injuries-section-144-imposed/3375794/

Ghosh, S. (2024, May 10). Indian Express. Retrieved from Indian Express: https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/ahmedabad/clash-after-graves-of-sufi-saint-kin-razed-in-ahmedabad-37-held-9319256/

Ghoshal, S. (2024, September 9). Livemint. Retrieved from Livemint: https://www.livemint.com/news/india/ganesh-chaturthi-2024-33-arrested-for-stone-pelting-in-surat-lathicharge-tear-gas-1000-police-ganpati-gujarat-11725853043106.html

Indian Express. (2024, January 25). Retrieved from Indian Express: https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/ahmedabad/13-held-after-clashes-in-vadodara-during-procession-to-mark-ayodhya-consecration-9126418/

Indian Express. (2024, January 25). Retrieved from Indian Express: https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/mira-road-demolition-illegal-structure-haidary-chowk-9124168/

Indian Express. (2024, August 17). Retrieved from Indian Express: https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/day-after-clashes-in-nashik-6-fir-filed-20-arrested-9519624/

Indian Express. (2024, August 25). Retrieved from Indian Express: https://indianexpress.com/article/india/12-injured-in-communal-clash-at-ups-meerut-1-arrested-9531879/

Indian Express. (2024, September 16). Retrieved from Indian Express: https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/bangalore/tension-karnataka-towns-stone-pelting-place-worship-9570916/

Indian Express. (2024, January 25). Retrieved from Indian Express: https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/mira-road-demolition-illegal-structure-haidary-chowk-9124168/

Indian Express. (2024, August 17). Retrieved from Indian Express: https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/maharashtra-clashes-during-bandh-called-over-bangla-attacks-9518498/

Indian Express. (2024, September 19). Retrieved from Indian Express: https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/communal-tension-bhiwandi-ganpati-visarjan-procession-lodged-9574938/

Karlikar, N. (2024, September 18). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/mumbai/violence-erupts-during-ganesha-visarjan-in-bhiwandi-police-lathi-charge-after-stone-pelting/articleshow/113467330.cms

Kattimani, B. (2024, November 1). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/fear-of-waqf-taking-over-houses-sets-off-violence-in-karnataka-village/articleshow/114829130.cms

Kumar, A. (2024, February 17). Hindustan Times . Retrieved from Hindustan Times: https://www.hindustantimes.com/cities/patna-news/over-40-injured-in-communal-clashes-over-saraswati-idol-immersion-across-bihar-cops-101708181026514.html

Latestly. (2024, December 1). Retrieved from Socially: https://www.latestly.com/socially/india/news/maharashtra-tipu-sultan-procession-triggers-violent-clashes-in-buldhana-vehicles-set-on-fire-18-arrested-watch-video-6458439.html

Lavania, D. (2024, June 30). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/agra/lynched-to-death-charged-with-dacoity-10-days-later/articleshow/111370409.cms

Lokmat Times. (2024, October 9). Retrieved from Lokmat Times: https://www.lokmattimes.com/maharashtra/akola-violence-fresh-clash-erupts-in-harihar-peth-area-injuries-reported-a507/

Maktoob Media. (2024, September 4). Retrieved from Maktoob Media: https://maktoobmedia.com/india/telangana-sexual-assault-case-leads-to-targeted-attack-on-muslims-properties-in-asifabad/

Maktoob Media. (2024, June 28). Retrieved from Maktoob Media: https://maktoobmedia.com/india/6th-lynching-after-4-june-muslim-man-beaten-to-death-during-cricket-match-in-gujarat-mob-unhappy-with-muslim-players-performance/

Malpani, M. (2024, September 16). The Hindu. Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/madhya-pradesh/mps-mandsaur-on-the-boil-after-stones-pelted-at-temple-during-eid-procession/article68649153.ece

Malpani, M. (2024, September 14). The Hindu. Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/madhya-pradesh/ratlam-ganpati-procession-violence-magisterial-probe-ordered-into-alleged-stone-pelting-police-action/article68643040.ece

Malpani, M. (2024, 16 September). The Hindu. Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/madhya-pradesh/mps-mandsaur-on-the-boil-after-stones-pelted-at-temple-during-eid-procession/article68649153.ece

Mateen, Z., & Meena, M. S. (2024, September 7). BBC. Retrieved from BBC: https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cj35pxkp0eeo

Mateen, Z., & Meena, M. S. (2024, September 7). BBC. Retrieved from BBC: https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cj35pxkp0eeo

Mishra, A. (2024, October 17). Indian Express. Retrieved from Indian Express: https://indianexpress.com/article/india/uttarakhand-communal-violence-parking-row-police-alert-9623147/

Mishra, I. (2024, February 10). The Hindu. Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/five-dead-14-critically-injured-in-uttarakhand-haldwani-protest-against-demolition-of-madrasa-masjid-curfew-imposed-shoot-on-sight-orders-issued/article67829947.ece

Mohan, A. J. (2024, September 9). Indian Express. Retrieved from Indian Express: https://indianexpress.com/article/india/communal-tension-ratlam-mp-stone-pelting-ganesh-procession-9557485/

New Indian Express. (2024, April 9). Retrieved from New Indian Express: https://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2024/Apr/09/love-jihad-pune-university-student-beaten-up-cops-varsity-launch-probe

Raj, A. (2024, September 4). The Hindu. Retrieved from The Hindu: https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/delhi/you-dont-chase-unknown-person-for-30-km-without-doing-it-earlier-says-brother-of-teen-shot-dead-by-cow-vigilantes-9548977/

Rehman, A. (2024, November 25). Indian Express. Retrieved from Indian Express: https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/explained-law/sambhal-plea-shahi-jama-masjid-chandausi-9687602/

Roytalukdar, R. (2024, August 27). Deccan Herald. Retrieved from Deccan Herald: https://www.deccanherald.com/india/rajasthan/cows-chopped-tail-found-outside-temple-communal-tensions-flare-up-in-rajasthans-bhilwara-3165168

Sable, D. (2024, November 26). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/nagpur/curfew-imposed-in-mehkar-after-violent-clash-between-communities/articleshow/115670885.cms

Sah, P. (2024, August 31). The Hindu. Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/maharashtra/elderly-man-slapped-abused-on-train-over-suspicion-of-carrying-beef-in-maharashtra/article68590137.ece

Sharma, S. (2024, July 7). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/meerut/man-thrashed-to-death-2nd-case-in-3-weeks-in-western-up/articleshow/111548011.cms

Singh, K. (2024, July 23). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bareilly/in-bareilly-homes-of-11-accused-razed-hours-after-muharram-violence-death/articleshow/111943523.cms

Singh, K. (2024, February 11). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bareilly/protest-in-bareilly-rowdies-booked-call-for-action-against-cleric/articleshow/107589959.cms

Singh, K. (2024, December 31). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bareilly/up-man-lynched-on-suspicionof-cow-slaughter-by-vigilantes/articleshow/116836036.cms

Singh, K., & Ansari, A. (2024, August 4). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bareilly/up-villagers-torch-mans-house-over-interfaith-love/articleshow/112253598.cms

Singh, S. S. (2024, November 17). The Hindu. Retrieved from The Hindu: https://scroll.in/latest/1072495/communal-violence-breaks-out-in-west-tripura-after-hindu-idol-allegedly-defaced

Syed, S. A. (2024, August 27). The Hindu. Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/tripura/communal-tension-in-west-tripura-as-houses-burnt-and-looted-troops-deployed/article68569447.ece

The Deccan Herald. (2024, April 19). Retrieved from The Deccan Herald: https://www.deccanherald.com/india/jharkhand/ten-held-for-clash-on-ram-navami-in-jharkhands-palamu-district-2986146

The Hindu. (2024, January 23). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/stones-thrown-at-shobha-yatra-to-celebrate-ayodhya-event-in-vadodara-one-hurt/article67767711.ece

The Hindu. (2024, March 21). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/communal-violence-in-rajasthan-village-leaves-1-dead-12-injured/article67972512.ece

The Hindu. (2024, September 8). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/madhya-pradesh/stone-pelting-at-ganesh-procession-in-mps-ratlam-security-stepped-up/article68618352.ece

The Hindu. (2024, September 12). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/karnataka/52-held-following-clashes-during-ganesha-procession-at-nagamangala/article68634906.ece

The Hindu. (2024, October 20). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/uttar-pradesh/bahraich-communal-violence-demolition-notices-strike-fear-in-shopkeepers-many-vacate/article68775025.ece

The Hindu. (2024, August 30). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/haryana/haryana-cow-vigilantes-kill-migrant-scrap-dealer-on-suspicions-that-he-ate-beef/article68586248.ece

The Hindu. (2024, September 28). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/odisha/odisha-imposes-internet-shutdown-in-bhadrak-over-communal-tension/article68693346.ece

The Hindu. (2024, January 23). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/stones-thrown-at-shobha-yatra-to-celebrate-ayodhya-event-in-vadodara-one-hurt/article67767711.ece

The Hindu. (2024, March 21). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/communal-violence-in-rajasthan-village-leaves-1-dead-12-injured/article67972512.ece

The Hindu. (2024, August 26). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/rajasthan/shops-shut-communal-tension-in-rajasthans-bhilwara/article68569206.ece#:~:text=Shopkeepers%20downed%20shutters%20Monday%20after,prevent%20violence%20from%20flaring%20up.

The Hindu. (2024, September 12). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/karnataka/40-held-in-connection-with-group-clashes-during-ganesha-immersion-procession-at-nagamangala-in-karnataka/article68632873.ece#:~:text=Sources%20said%20there%20was%20stone,shops%20were%20set%20on%20fire&text=

The Hindu. (2025, January 3). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/data/india-among-25-nations-with-high-religious-restrictions-data/article69053493.ece

The Print. (2024, January 23). Retrieved from The Print: https://theprint.in/india/tension-in-nagpur-locality-after-violent-altercation-between-two-groups/1936312/

The Scroll. (2024, August 27). Retrieved from The Scroll: https://scroll.in/latest/1072495/communal-violence-breaks-out-in-west-tripura-after-hindu-idol-allegedly-defaced

The Scroll. (2024, 17 June). Retrieved from The Scroll: https://scroll.in/latest/1069371/telangana-three-bjp-leaders-among-ten-arrested-for-communal-violence-in-medak

Times of India. (2024, April 17). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/blast-injures-one-during-ram-navami-procession-in-west-bengal/articleshow/109382084.cms

Times of India. (2024, November 20). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bhopal/tensions-rise-in-mauganj-community-clashes-over-land-encroachment-near-temple/articleshow/115462372.cms

Times of India. (2024, June 18). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/odisha-curfew-what-led-to-communal-violence-in-balasore/articleshow/111078677.cms

Times of India. (2024, June 16). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/indore/two-more-arrested-for-desecrating-temple-in-jaora/articleshow/111029522.cms

Times of India. (2024, June 8). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/raipur/chhattisgarh-vigilantes-lynch-2-truckers-carrying-buffaloes/articleshowprint/110806233.cms

Times of India. (2024, May 24). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/ahmedabad/man-lynched-for-ferrying-buffaloes-in-banaskantha/articleshow/110377331.cms

Times of India. (2024, February 24). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/vadodara/communal-riot-in-vadodara-instagram-comment-triggers-violence-three-injured/articleshow/107956239.cms

Times of India. (2024, September 11). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/surat/over-17-detained-2-injured-after-communal-clash-breaks-out-in-gujarats-bharuch/articleshow/113251233.cms

Times of India. (2024, October 15). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/idol-vandalised-at-secunderabad-temple-intruder-beaten-up/articleshow/114228850.cms

Times of India. (2024, April 19). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bengaluru/3-assaulted-in-bengaluru-over-jai-shri-ram-slogan-4-held/articleshow/109412698.cms

Times of India. (2024, April 17). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/blast-injures-one-during-ram-navami-procession-in-west-bengal/articleshow/109382084.cms

Times of India. (2024, June 18). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/odisha-curfew-what-led-to-communal-violence-in-balasore/articleshow/111078677.cms

Times of India. (2024, August 11). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/ghaziabad/man-arrested-for-leading-attack-on-minority-families-in-ghaziabad-slum/articleshow/112434714.cms

Times of India. (2024, September 9). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/anti-encroachment-drive-in-surat-area-that-witnessed-stone-pelting-at-ganesh-pandal/articleshow/113197280.cms

Times of India. (2024, December 26). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chandigarh/vhp-bajrang-dal-protest-at-christmans-event-in-haryana-recite-hanuman-chalisa/articleshow/116671034.cms

Times of India. (2024, November 20). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bhopal/tensions-rise-in-mauganj-community-clashes-over-land-encroachment-near-temple/articleshow/115462372.cms

Tyagi, T. (2024, November 15). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/mob-razes-mazaar-at-elite-school-at-doon-in-dehradun/articleshow/115313725.cms

The post Hegemony and Demolitions: The Tale of Communal Riots in India in 2024 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Constructions such as 250 residences, one dargah, and nine mazars have been demolished. As per the Dwarka Superintendent of Police Nitesh Pandey, the structures were majorly “religious” or “commercial”, as reported by the Indian Express. More than seven islands of the Dwarka district have been freed from the illegal encroachments as part of the ongoing demolition drive in Dwarka. 

The Home Minister of Gujarat, Harsh Sanghvi shared a post on X, announcing the success of the demolition drive. He also shared aerial footage sharing the post demolition status of the cleared lands on the 7 islands that are 100% free from encroachments. He appreciated the coordinated efforts of the administration and the law enforcement authorities in the demolition drive by stating that “The historic bulldozer operation in Devbhumi Dwarka has yielded significant results.”

Targeting of minorities under pretext of removing illegal encroachments

While the demolition drive has proceeded peacefully, there have been concerns that have been raised that the Muslim minority of the region have been targeted unfairly and that the removal of encroachments has not followed the due procedure of law. The Gujarat Minority Coordination Committee wrote a letter to the chief minister Bhupendra Patel, requesting him to stop the “discrimination against the community.” The letter signed by Mujahid Nafees, convener of the Minority Coordination Committee also stated that “there should be no discrimination between Hindus and Muslims in the clearing of encroachments.”

The above allegations have been denied by the Superintendent of Police of Jamnagar, Premsukh Delu, stating that the Pirotan island is very sensitive due to its location. He claimed that “From a national security perspective, this island is critical due to its proximity to the international waters. Production facilities of Reliance Industries, Gujarat State Fertilisers and Chemicals Limited and Nayara Energy are located in Jamnagar, besides air force and navy base stations.” He further added that “There are concerns of narcotics landing here from international waters,” as reported by India Today.

Flouting of Supreme Court guidelines regarding issuance of notice before demolition

Local authorities have emphasized that proper and timely notices were issued before the demolition of the unauthorized constructions was carried out. They have claimed that legal action was only initiated after the expiration of the deadlines. 

While the authorities have claimed that the demolition drive has been conducted as per rules and regulations, the locals have contended that the first notice was issued to them on January 3, and the second notice was issued on January 7 for furnishing documents of their properties. Public hearings were conducted on January 8 and 9, and the demolitions began on January 10. They have argued that the given time is very little for people inhabiting these properties for furnishing their documents and presenting their case. 

It must be noted that, in 2022, the Supreme Court laid down guidelines with regards to demolition of structures, whereby the Court mandated that no demolition must be carried out without a service of notice, and within time provided by the local municipal laws or a period of 15 days from the date of the service of the said notice. A bench headed by Justices BR Gavai and KV Vishwanathan also said that “If the executive takes the role of a judge and orders demolition of a house without following the process of law, it is violative of the rule of law. The state cannot take arbitrary action against the accused or convict without following the due process of law.”

It can be seen here the local authorities have demolished the encroachments without providing proper notice and time for the people to present their case and challenge the demolition or to manage their affairs before the demolition is to take place.

Displaced locals left in distress

While the authorities have claimed that proper notices were issued, multiple locals have stated that they received little to no warning before the demolition took place. People were seen in distress as their homes were being destroyed while they desperately attempted to salvage their belongings.

Multiple critics have also claimed that the real motive behind the demolition drive in Dwarka, Gujarat seems like an attempt to clear out the Muslim community under the garb of environment protection. While the Government has made claims to provide compensation for the displaced families, many locals feel uncertain about their future, as reported by Kashmir Media Service News.

The Social Democratic Party of India has also commended the demolition drive and stated that “no need to say that Muslim places of worship and Muslim monuments are inevitably the target.”  

Demolition drive in Dwarka: Part of a larger scale demolitions across Gujarat

In a series of similar actions that started in October, 2022, the demolition drive in Dwarka, Gujarat is the latest. Illegal residences, 9 mosques and shrines in the coastal areas surrounding the Gir Somnath temple in late 2020. In Junagarh, a dargah and a temple encroaching on the government land were demolished in March, 2024. Similar drives followed in Kutch and Porbandar to allegedly free coastal areas of illegal structures and allow the police to regulate unauthorized movement in the region for national security and recent increase in the narcotics trade.

The increase in the frequency of such demolition drives and their supposedly accidental target towards the minority Muslim population raises serious concerns regarding the true intention behind such drives and if they really are for protecting national security and national interests. While the authorities have claimed that the removal of encroachments in Dwarka has been via due process of law, the locals seem to not have been given proper opportunity to present their case and there has been no action on behalf of the Government to rehabilitate or compensate the displaced families and people. These arbitrary actions seriously violate the human rights of the people.

Related:

Supreme Court rebukes “Bulldozer Justice,” plans to issue nationwide guidelines to prevent arbitrary demolitions

Spewing hate, slurring Muslims: an unchecked decade-long diatribe by Bharatiya Janata Party?

Supreme Court to hear urgent pleas against state-sanctioned bulldozer demolitions in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan

The post Dwarka: Clearance of encroachments leaves locals hopeless and in anguish appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The incidents documented here range, from communal targeting and inflammatory speeches to acts of inhuman violence and systemic discrimination, took place in the month of January till now. Public platforms and political events have been weaponised to spread hateful ideologies, with prominent leaders openly calling for boycotts, violence, and exclusion of minority communities. Vulnerable groups, particularly Muslims, Dalits, and tribals, have borne the brunt of this assault, facing economic sabotage, public humiliation, and even physical attacks.

This alarming trend is not just an affront to individual victims but a grave threat to Maharashtra’s legacy of cultural diversity and harmony. The state, once celebrated for its progressive movements and commitment to social justice, now finds itself mired in a toxic environment where fear, division, and hate dominate public discourse. These incidents expose the failure of the government to uphold the rule of law and protect its citizens, raising urgent questions about accountability and justice.

What follows is a detailed account of some of the most glaring incidents of hate and discrimination in Maharashtra in the month of January 2025. These accounts are not isolated events but part of a larger, systemic assault on the principles of secularism, equality, and human dignity. They demand immediate action and an unwavering commitment to restoring the ideals enshrined in India’s Constitution.

Detailed reports of hate incidents

• Targeting of Muslim-owned businesses in Yavatmal

On January 14, two Muslim-owned restaurants in Wani, Yavatmal, were forcibly shut down by members of the Bajrang Dal. The group accused the establishments of serving beef, leading to the police seizing the meat without providing any evidence or conducting a fair investigation. This incident underscores a worrying pattern of weaponising religious sentiment to economically and socially marginalise Muslims. Such acts not only deprive individuals of their livelihoods but also perpetuate a climate of fear and exclusion, eroding the rights of minority communities.

• Brutal assault on a tribal elderly woman in Amravati

In one of the most horrifying incidents, a 77-year-old tribal woman in Retyakheda village, Amravati, was subjected to medieval-style violence on December 30, 2024. While the incident occurred on December 30, it surfaced on January 5, 2025 after a police complaint was lodged by the victim’s son and daughter-in-law.

As per a report of Siasat, accused of practising black magic, the tribal woman was tied up, beaten with sticks, branded with hot iron rods, and forced to inhale chilli smoke. The assailants, led by the village head, further degraded her by making her consume urine and dog excreta and parading her through the village adorned with a garland of slippers. Despite the gravity of the attack, authorities have yet to invoke the Anti-Superstition Act, raising serious questions about the systemic apathy towards tribal and marginalised communities.

The victim’s family has since approached higher authorities, including the Maharashtra State Women’s Commission and the Inspector General of Police, seeking justice. While the district collector assured them of further investigations, such delays and the initial reluctance to file appropriate charges reflect a larger failure to deter such barbaric acts.

#Horrific An elderly tribal woman was tied with a rope, beaten and forced to eat dog excreta, burnt with a hot iron rod, incident took place in Amravati, Maharashtra. pic.twitter.com/GRd8bWe8sv

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) January 19, 2025

• Anti-Muslim rhetoric at Kurla event

At the “Samrast Yatra” event in Kurla, Mumbai, organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal, a Jain monk disseminated hate speech rife with anti-Muslim propaganda. He falsely attributed statements to Dr B.R. Ambedkar, claiming the Dalit leader had called for the expulsion of Muslims from India. Such deliberate distortions of history weaponise revered figures to justify communal hatred.

The monk’s speech also demonised Bangladeshi Muslims, referring to them as “lungiwallas” and inciting Hindus to take violent action against them. This open propagation of hate speech at a public event, without any fear of legal consequences, underscores the emboldenment of extremist voices under the current political climate.

• Minister Nitesh Rane’s hate-filled speech

Maharashtra cabinet minister Nitesh Rane has become a recurring figure in the spread of communal hatred. At the Hindu Jagran Sabha in Sangli on January 10, Rane openly called for the economic boycott of Muslims, accusing them of using their businesses to fund fabricated plots like “love jihad” and “land jihad.” He further stoked paranoia by claiming that Muslims aim to turn India into an Islamic nation by 2047.

As per multiple media reports, Rane also coined the communal slur “every vote against Mulla” as a divisive rallying cry. His speech, laced with inflammatory rhetoric and veiled threats, exemplifies how elected representatives are misusing their positions to deepen communal fissures, rather than promoting harmony and inclusivity.

• Sadhvi Ritambhara’s provocative speech in Dadar

At an event organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s Matrishakti and Durga Vahini in Dadar on January 5, Sadhvi Ritambhara delivered a speech designed to incite violence. She vilified historical Muslim figures as well as women, proclaiming that “women who give birth to people like Aurangzeb and Taimur can’t be our ideal women.” Such statements not only demonise entire communities but also perpetuate divisive stereotypes.

Ritambhara amplified the baseless conspiracy theory of ‘love jihad,’ urging Indian women to “poke out the eyes of love jihadis.” The event concluded with participants taking an oath against this fabricated menace, further cementing hatred against a specific group.

• Casteist slur by Shiv Sena MLA Sanjay Gaikwad

At a public gathering in Buldhana, Shiv Sena MLA Sanjay Gaikwad demeaned voters by accusing them of selling their votes for paltry amounts of money, alcohol, and meat. He shockingly stated, “Even a prostitute is better than that,” displaying an utter lack of respect for both voters, women and marginalised groups. Such derogatory remarks from a public representative not only degrade the dignity of citizens but also highlight the normalisation of casteist and classist language in political discourse.

While addressing a public gathering in #Maharashtra‘s #Buldhana, #ShivSena (#EknathShinde faction) MLA #SanjayGaikwad says, “The voters here were sold for 2-5 thousand rupees, alcohol, and meat. Even a prostitute is better than that” pic.twitter.com/MXKRf6bhy0

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) January 7, 2025

A dire need for accountability and action

These incidents are not isolated but part of a broader, systematic pattern aimed at normalising hatred, targeting minorities, and eroding India’s pluralistic ethos. What is particularly troubling is the state’s apparent complicity, whether through direct endorsement, tacit approval, or sheer apathy. Police inaction, delayed investigations, and the absence of legal consequences embolden perpetrators and send a dangerous signal that hate crimes and divisive rhetoric will go unchecked.

The rise in hate incidents also points to a calculated strategy to divert attention from pressing socio-economic issues by deepening communal and caste divides. Elected representatives and influential figures who engage in hate speech must be held accountable under the law? Furthermore, civil society must amplify its efforts to counter such narratives, and judicial interventions must be swift and decisive in upholding justice.

The escalation of hate incidents in Maharashtra underlines the urgent need for introspection and systemic reform. The state government must decisively act to restore public trust by cracking down on hate speech and violence, irrespective of the political or social standing of the perpetrators. Anything less would not only betray the ideals of justice, equality, and secularism but also embolden those seeking to dismantle the fabric of Indian democracy.

Related:

Massive all-party march in Parbhani demands justice for Dalit youth’s custodial death

CJP calls for electoral action against BJP leader’s hate speech at Rohini Chetna event

From fact-checking to chaos: How meta’s new moderation model risks eroding trust and democracy

Unity Beyond Religion: Stories of shared humanity and mutual respect

The post Maharashtra’s Descent into Hate: Six incidents reported in January 2025 highlight Maharashtra’s rising communal and caste-based violence appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Background of the Speech

The event took place on January 5, 2025, in Rohini, a region of Delhi that is home to a diverse population. Nazia Elahi Khan, a leader affiliated with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), addressed a gathering organized by the Hindu nationalist group “Chetna.” The speech quickly turned controversial as Khan launched into a tirade filled with derogatory statements targeting the Muslim community. What began as a political address soon devolved into a vicious and divisive rhetoric that sought to dehumanize Muslims and propagate harmful stereotypes.

CJP’s Complaint to the CEO, Delhi

In its complaint, CJP sought the immediate attention of the Chief Electoral Officer, Delhi, citing multiple violations of the MCC, which prohibits speeches or activities that incite communal violence, disrupt public peace, or foster distrust between communities. The CJP detailed the content of Khan’s speech, emphasizing how it:

• Incited communal hatred by making sweeping, baseless generalizations about Muslims, painting them as inherently violent and criminal.
• Violated the ethical and moral guidelines of the Model Code of Conduct, particularly its call for leaders to avoid using religion, caste, or community-based appeals to influence voters.
• Violated Sections 123(2), 123(3), and 123(3A) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, which prohibits the use of religious or communal appeal to garner votes and ensures that political discourse remains centred on governance and policy issues.

CJP argued that Khan’s speech, especially during the critical period leading up to the Delhi Assembly elections, had the potential to destabilize the social fabric, incite communal violence, and polarize voters along religious lines.

Key violations highlighted by CJP in its complaint:

The CJP’s complaint meticulously pointed out the specific sections of the speech that violated both the MCC and the Representation of the People Act, 1951.

Stereotyping Muslims as violent and criminal

Khan’s speech included inflammatory statements targeting Muslims as a group. She falsely stated that Muslims were inherently violent, associating them with rape, terrorism, and “love jihad.” One of the most disturbing sections of the speech, transcribed as follows, demonstrates this:

“Tell them (Muslims) to get education, they will not! Tell them to become human, they will not! Tell them to study, they will not study! Tell them to do something, they will not do it! But if you tell them to rape, they will do it immediately. Tell them to do love jihad, they will do it immediately. Tell them to throw bombs, bullets, and ammunition! They will throw it immediately. Tell them to create terror, they will do it immediately.” She said

This statement not only perpetuates damaging stereotypes but also accuses an entire community of violent tendencies based on their religion. Such claims are deeply misleading, devoid of any factual basis, and incite animosity among communities. This is a clear violation of the MCC, which mandates that political leaders refrain from using inflammatory speech that could disturb public peace or harmony, CJP stated in its complaint

Derogatory remarks about Islamic practices

BJP leader Khan during her speech said, that “Tell them (Muslims) to get education, they will not! Tell them to become human, they will not! Tell them to study, they will not study! Tell them to do something, they will not do it! But if you tell them to rape, they will do it immediately. Tell them to do love jihad, they will do it immediately. Tell them to throw bombs, bullets and ammunition!

Here, the speaker engages in harmful stereotyping by accusing Muslims of being inherently violent and prone to terrorism. By falsely associating the Muslim community with rape, “love jihad,” and terrorism, the speech spreads misinformation and incites fear and hatred.

“They will throw it immediately. Tell them to create terror, they will do it immediately. What is it after all? What is there in this community? What is the secret of that heavenly book, that Al-Quran, which is a community that has been troubling people of all religions in the world” she said.

CJP said that this speech is deeply problematic and derogatory, especially during the period of the Delhi Assembly Elections 2025. The speaker makes sweeping and false generalizations about the Muslim community, portraying them as inherently violent, criminal, and prone to terrorism. By linking Muslims to heinous acts such as rape, “love jihad,” and terrorism, the speaker promotes harmful stereotypes that incite fear and hostility. These divisive and baseless accusations are not only factually incorrect but also inflammatory, creating an atmosphere of mistrust and hostility between communities.

“During a pre-election period, such statements are highly dangerous as they have the potential to polarize voters based on religion, undermining the principles of free and fair elections. Elections should focus on issues of governance, policy, and development, not on spreading hate and division. The speech directly violates the Model Code of Conduct, which calls for peaceful and respectful discourse, and jeopardizes the social harmony needed for democratic participation. By targeting an entire community with such derogatory remarks, the speaker seeks to manipulate voter sentiment through fear, rather than fostering an informed, inclusive, and fair election process” CJP stated in its complaint

The divisive “Us vs. Them” narrative

Khan went further to attack Muslim religious and cultural identity, attempting to create a sharp divide between Muslims and Hindus. She asserted:

“I know that the way people of Sanatan Dharma read Ramayana, Mahabharata, Shrimad Bhagwad Gita, there is peace inside them, there is humanity inside them, there is a yearning for forgiveness inside them. But you will have to ask for the address of the lane you don’t want to go to, you will have to explain to your daughters that no Abdul is good.”

Here, Khan made a derogatory and sweeping generalization about Muslims, labelling them as inherently dangerous to society. This remark not only sought to disparage Muslims but also propagated a culture of fear and mistrust among Hindus, encouraging religious polarization.

The video can be accessed through this link:

CJP mentioned in its complaint that Khan’s speech shifts the focus of the elections from governance and development to divisive identity politics. Her rhetoric promotes communal anxieties, leading voters to make decisions based on religious biases rather than critical issues like economic growth or healthcare. This practice deepens communal divides and erodes trust in democratic institutions, potentially inciting social unrest in a diverse city like Delhi.

Violation of MCC and People’s Act

Further, Khan’s speech violates multiple provisions of the MCC, which mandates a peaceful and fair electoral process. Her inflammatory language, which appeals to religious sentiments and incites communal tensions, breaches MCC guidelines related to general conduct and election campaigning. These actions distort the democratic process and jeopardize public peace and harmony. Under the Representation of People Act, 1951, Khan’s speech constitutes a violation of Sections 123(2), 123(3) and 123(3A), as it involves undue influence and appeals based on religion. Additionally, her remarks breach provisions under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), promoting enmity and causing fear or alarm among communities, leading to potential legal action, CJP stated in its complaint

CJP urged the CEO to take immediate action against Khan, including issuing a public censure, prohibiting her future campaigning in Delhi, and investigating the BJP for promoting divisive rhetoric. Monitoring of political speeches should also be increased to ensure compliance with the MCC and uphold the integrity of the electoral process.

CJP’s complaint dated January 20, 2025 can be read here:

However, on January 10, 2025, CJP also filed a complaint against BJP councillor Ravinder Singh Negi (Vinod Nagar – 198) for delivering an anti-Muslim, communal speech during an election campaign event in Patparganj Assembly Constituency on January 6, 2025. The speech, aimed at securing votes, incited communal tensions and violated the Model Code of Conduct. CJP called for immediate action, stressing the detrimental effect such rhetoric could have on Delhi’s communal harmony, particularly in the context of the upcoming 2025 Delhi Assembly elections.

Related

CJP seeks action against BJP Councillor for anti-Muslim & communal election campaign

CJP files 3 MCC violation complaints with CEO Maharashtra against Suresh Chavhanke for hate speech

CJP files 5 hate speech complaints before CEO Maharashtra as violated MCC

The post CJP calls for electoral action against BJP leader’s hate speech at Rohini Chetna event appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Rising tide of cow vigilante violence

A wave of violent attacks and harassment against Muslims has unfolded across various Indian states. Cow vigilantes, under the banner of cow protection, have increasingly taken the law into their own hands, targeting Muslims accused of smuggling or slaughtering cows. These self-declared protectors of cattle have escalated their campaigns, often resorting to physical violence, harassment, and public humiliation to enforce their agenda. The perpetrators, including prominent groups like the Gau Raksha Dal and other cow-protection outfits of right-wing organizations, operate with little regard for legal processes. The victims, often Muslim individuals involved in transporting cattle or related products, face unwarranted assault and threats. These vigilantes, operating without any legal authority, frequently use firearms and engage in reckless pursuits, putting lives at risk. Their unchecked violence has become a growing concern, with reports of accidents and injuries resulting from their dangerous actions. 

Timeline of assaults and harassment from December 2024, to January, 2025: –

States

Madhya Pradesh

Location – Bhopal

Date: January 8, 2025

On January 8, 2025, cow vigilantes, accompanied by the police, apprehended a truck that was transporting cattle. The driver was immediately accused of being involved in cow smuggling, a common allegation that has led to numerous such incidents across the country. Despite no proper verification or legal process, the vigilantes physically assaulted the driver.

Haryana

Date: January 7, 2025

In a disturbing incident, members of the Gau Raksha Dal in Haryana used firearms to intercept a truck suspected of transporting cattle. They accused the drivers of smuggling cows and proceeded to seize the vehicle.

Location – Rohtak

Date: December 25

Two Muslim drivers transporting bulls in a pickup truck were accosted and harassed by cow vigilantes. The men were wrongfully accused of smuggling cattle for illegal slaughter, despite providing no evidence to support these claims. The drivers were subjected to verbal abuse, physical threats, and intimidation.

Location – Tauru, Nuh,

Date: December 18

In a similar incident, cow vigilantes in Tauru, Nuh, harassed a Muslim truck driver transporting cattle, accusing him of cow smuggling. The driver faced severe harassment and was forced to endure hostile questioning, which was rooted in religious bias rather than any evidence of illegal activity.

Location – KMP Expressway

Date: December 20

On December 20, another truck carrying cattle was stopped by cow vigilantes on the KMP Expressway. The driver was physically assaulted and accused of smuggling cows for illegal slaughter.

Assam

Location – Rangia

Date: January 9, 2025

In Rangia, Assam, members of the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal physically harassed two Muslim drivers, accusing them of smuggling cow meat. Despite presenting the necessary documentation and repeatedly stating that the meat was buffalo, the vigilantes refused to listen and continued their assault.

Chhattisgarh

Location – Raipur

Date: January 8, 2025

A raid led by Bajrang Dal members, supported by the police, took place in Raipur, Chhattisgarh, where slaughtered cattle were discovered in a house. The butchers were harassed, publicly humiliated, and forced to chant slogans demanding the execution of those involved in cow slaughter. The police also paraded the accused through the streets, forcing them to chant that killing cows is a sin.

Location – Kumhari, Durg

Date: December 28, 2025

In Durg, Chhattisgarh, on December 28, cow vigilantes assaulted truck drivers transporting cowhide. The drivers were wrongfully accused of smuggling cows, and the vigilantes used physical intimidation to enforce their accusations.

In #Chhattisgarh‘s #Durg, cow vigilantes on Dec 28, assaulted the drivers of a truck transporting cowhide, alleging them to be cow smugglers. pic.twitter.com/LtQSGAhTPF

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) January 3, 2025

Maharashtra

Location – Chopda, Nandurbar

Date: December 6

On December 6, a dangerous situation unfolded in Nandurbar when cow vigilantes from the Pranin Foundation recklessly pursued three vehicles transporting cattle. The chase caused one vehicle to topple, while the vigilantes seized the other two vehicles and all the cattle

Location – Ahilyanagar

Date: November 30

In a similar incident, cow vigilantes intercepted trucks transporting cattle on November 30 in Ahilyanagar. They alleged that the cattle were being taken to illegal slaughterhouses, despite no legal confirmation of such claims. These vigilante groups are increasingly stopping vehicles and seizing cattle, often without evidence or legal authority to do so.

Location – Mirajgaon, Karjat, Ahmednagar

Date: November 8

A car chase by cow vigilantes on November 8 led to a car crash in Mirajgaon, Karjat, and Ahmednagar. Cow vigilantes cause a car crash by recklessly chasing it, followed by a team photo with local police reportedly assisting in the operation

Location – Mhasane, Parner Taluka, Ahmednagar

Date: October 20, 2024

In Ahmednagar, a group of vigilantes apprehended two Muslim cattle traders transporting cattle. The men were stripped, severely beaten, and then handed over to the police. The traders’ vehicle was vandalized, and the 52 cattle they were transporting were seized and sent to a local cow shelter. This brutal assault highlights the dangers faced by minority communities, particularly those involved in cattle trade, as they are often subjected to violence without evidence of wrongdoing.

Uttar Pradesh

Location – Mathura

Date: November 26

Members of the Gau Raksha Dal, led by Sonu Hindu Palwal, seized a truck transporting cattle and assaulted the driver, accusing him of smuggling cows for illegal slaughter. They also alleged that someone fired a gun at them from another car, but managed to escape

Location – Ghaziabad

Date: November 22, 2024

Members of cow-vigilante group Mahadev Seva Sangh assaulted the drivers of a truck transporting cattle on allegations of smuggling cows

Location – Chhutmalpur, Saharanpur

Date: November 19, 2024

Members of Gau Raksha Dal surround a Muslim woman and harass her after finding her with meat, which they claim is an illegally slaughtered cow

Punjab

Location – Rajpura, Patiala

Date: November 25, 2024

Members of the Gau Raksha Dal, led by their national president Satish Kumar, harassed three men, accusing them of being cow thieves

Karnataka

Location – Dakshin Kannada

Date: November 8, 2024

Cow vigilante Puneet Kerehalli urges people to boycott Muslim businessmen and halal-certified products, and instead buy products marked with the Swastik symbol and from Hindu-owned businesses

Jammu & Kashmir

Location – Ramban

Date: October 21, 2024

Cow vigilantes assaulted a group of men for allegedly transporting cattle

Gujrat

Location – Agol Village, Mahesana

Three Muslim youth were brutally beaten by cow vigilantes while passing through Valavadi village with their cattle in Gujarat’s Mahesana.

Sahil, a resident of Agol village was along with his two friends when they were caught and assaulted

Three #Muslim youth were brutally beaten by cow vigilantes while passing through #Valavadi village with their cattle in #Gujarat‘s #Mahesana.

Sahil, a resident of #Agol village was along with his two friends when they were caught and assualted. pic.twitter.com/CxGnfb6Www

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) October 24, 2024

Police complicity and the mockery of justice

In a deeply troubling development, law enforcement agencies have often been complicit in these violent incidents. In several cases, police have either supported the vigilante groups or turned a blind eye, allowing them to act with impunity. For instance, in Chhattisgarh, Bajrang Dal members, backed by the police, raided a house for slaughtered cattle, humiliating the accused. Similarly, in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, police were present when cow vigilantes assaulted a truck driver accused of smuggling cattle. These incidents signal a disturbing trend where the state machinery fails to uphold the law, reinforcing the power of vigilantes.

Weaponising cow protection

The rise of cow vigilante violence reflects a broader ideological and political agenda that weaponises the issue of cow protection. What began as a means to protect cattle has now become a tool to target religious minorities, particularly Muslims, based on their involvement in the cattle trade. These attacks, which often occur with little to no legal repercussions, highlight the growing communal tensions in India. The increasing involvement of police in protecting or supporting these groups exacerbates the situation, further entrenching the sense of fear and insecurity among vulnerable communities.

Violence spreads from rural to urban areas

This trend is not confined to rural areas but has spread to urban centres, where vigilantes increasingly accuse individuals of smuggling cattle or engaging in illegal slaughter. In many cases, there is no credible evidence to support these claims. Instead, the accusations seem rooted in religious bias and have led to widespread intimidation and violence. As a result, Muslim communities, particularly those involved in the cattle trade, are being subjected to escalating threats and physical harm.

A map showing the cow vigilantism across India may be viewed here.

Related:

November 2024 Surge in Cow Vigilantism: Rising Violence and Legal Apathy in North India

Sambhal’s darkest hour: 5 dead, scores injured in Mosque survey violence as UP police face allegations of excessive force

Uttarakhand High Court orders security, condemns hate speech over Uttarkashi Mosque

The post Rampant cow vigilantism unleashes violence on Muslim truck drivers across the country appeared first on SabrangIndia.

“I live in a madaiya (basic hut). What can I lure people with? If I had Rs 30,000 to spare, wouldn’t I use it to change my own life first, before distributing it to others?” asked Shankar wryly.

Shankar lives in a tiny one-room shack in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh. To make more living space, he has erected a tin-roof shed in the adjoining area. The shed does not have proper walls; plastic sheets and bedsheets form a makeshift enclosure. The floor of a part of the shed also serves as a kitchen.

In 2021, 60-year-old Shankar was booked under The Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021 on the charge of converting poor Hindus in a locality in Azamgarh to Christianity by offering them money and promising to free them from the grip of ‘evil spirits’.

In addition to that, he faced the allegation of hurting religious sentiments by insulting Hindu goddesses and deities. The action against him was taken on the complaint of a right-wing activist linked to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party.

After a three-year-long legal battle, a court in Azamgarh in September 2024 acquitted him of the charge of unlawful conversion. The court found the charge to be dubious and said that the investigation by the police was riddled with illegalities and contradictions.

The judge, however, held Shankar guilty of hurting religious sentiments. Shankar was out on bail after having spent six months in prison when the 19-page verdict was delivered.

Considering his age and rural social background, the court decided against sending him back to prison and ordered his release on probation for a year.

Shankar’s conviction under Indian Penal Code Sections 298 (deliberately hurting someone’s religious feelings) and 504 (intentional insults that provoke others to break public peace) tainted his legal record in the autumn of his life but in the larger scheme of things, he stood vindicated. The main accusation of unlawful conversion was proven to be false.

“Truth prevailed. Talking about someone (Jesus Christ) does not amount to conversion. And the allegation of talking ill of Hindu deities was also baseless. All lies,” said Shankar.

Changing allegations

The criminal case against him was lodged on August 31, 2021, nine months after the Yogi Adityanath-led Bharatiya Janata Party government in Uttar Pradesh armed itself with a stringent new law that made religious conversion a non-bailable offence inviting up to 10 years in prison if found to be effected for marriage or through misrepresentation, force, undue influence, coercion, allurement or other allegedly fraudulent means. The vagueness of the offence under the law blurred the lines between what could be deemed as lawful conversion and what was considered illegal. These features opened doors for vigilante groups as well as the police to harass people.

Last year, the government amended the law to make it even more oppressive by increasing the maximum punishment from 10 years to life imprisonment, further empowering vigilante groups by allowing “any person” to file a complaint, and making the process of securing bail even more difficult.

Ever since the law came into force late in 2020, it has become routine for right-wing activists linked to the ruling saffron ideology to lodge FIRs against Muslims as well as “lower”-caste Hindus perceived to be practicing Christian traditions or deviating from traditional Hinduism. Most of these cases are based on general allegations and flimsy evidence, as part of a concerted strategy to harass individuals and groups from the minority and marginalised communities.

Shankar’s was a typical case.

The FIR against him was lodged on the complaint of one Jittu Sonkar, a fruit seller and right-wing activist from Azamgarh associated with several arms of the Sangh parivar. Sonkar, a Dalit like Shankar, alleged that an unidentified person had been visiting his locality Sarai Mandraj for three months and was promising people that he would “remove the obstacles of ghosts and spirits” from their lives. The man, whom Sonkar later identified as Shankar, was allegedly also active in a Dalit basti in the neighbouring locality of Kartalpur where he was “converting” people to Christianity by enrapturing them with his “illusions” and through other allurements.

Sonkar alleged that on August 31, 2021 – a Tuesday – at around 10 am, he found Shankar distributing Bibles and other Christian religious books to people in his locality. Shankar was also using “obscene” language to insult Hindu deities and goddesses, alleged Sonkar. When the locals objected to his language, Sonkar further alleged in his complaint, Shankar offered each of them an “allurement” of Rs 500 and mentioned that if they accepted Christianity, “Prabhu Ishu” (Jesus) would rid them of all their “suffering and penury”.

Later, while testifying in a trial court, Sonkar made a new allegation that Shankar had offered him Rs 30,000 to convert to Christianity. He claimed that Shankar used to convert people at the house of a local resident, Nirmala Devi. Sonkar said Shankar and Nirmal Devi called him to the house so that they could exorcise him. When he reached the house, the duo was already engaged in prayers and were converting several women to Christianity, he alleged. They offered him Rs 30,000 to accept Christianity but when he objected and rejected their money, they abused him with casteist slurs related to his Khatik background, Sonkar alleged. Khatik is Dalit sub-caste in Uttar Pradesh.

A life built on faith

Shankar has a different memory of the day. But to accurately grasp the circumstances behind the allegations against him, it is important to take into account his background. Shankar belongs to the Chamar Dalit community Over the last two decades, especially after his marriage, he had started committing himself to Jesus Christ, although he did not formally change his religion. He was exposed to the faith and the message of Jesus after coming in touch with two pastors.

When he was not pushing bricks, sand, stones or cement on trolleys at construction sites, he was engaged in ‘seva’ (selfless acts in the cause of faith) and prayer services for Jesus. Superstition and belief in unscientific methods of cure for ailments and distress are an inextricable element of this system of faith-based healing.

Many believers have over the years started their own prayer centres dedicated to Jesus in the region and even hold large events. But some, like Shankar, who lack the resources, prefer to provide home services and convene smaller sessions.  People, whether aggrieved by ailments, financial distress or ‘evil’ spirits, would invite Shankar to conduct such prayers and healing sessions in the privacy of their homes. A part of his work involved travelling from Varanasi to Azamgarh, a more than two-hour journey he often made on a motorcycle.

On August 31, 2021, Shankar said he had gone to Nirmala Devi’s house in Azamgarh to conduct a prayer for a 15-year-old girl who had been “troubled by evil forces” for the last four years. Word has spread how Shankar had earlier ‘cured’ a woman who was ‘possessed by evil spirits’ and Nirmala Devi looked towards him for relief.  Shankar claimed that many families had stopped going to the events and satsangs of other Hindu spiritual gurus, and instead turned to Kaleeshias or Christian prayer centres, after they came in touch with him. This had annoyed the Hindutva elements in the region, he said.  “We only go there to pray. Parmeshwar (supreme being) does the rest,” said Shankar, when I asked him to explain how he rid people of their afflictions.

Shankar carried a small donation box to such events. Since he usually visited poor households, the donations were nominal. On the day of the incident, Shankar was at Nirmala Devi’s residence when two strangers appeared there unannounced and walked in. Meanwhile, their associates waited outside. “One of those men started turning the pages of a Bible and said that he wanted to join the prayers. The second person started shooting a video of us. They left after a couple of minutes but soon returned with a larger group of people from a Hindu organisation and accused me of conversion,” Shankar said.

Shankar usually did his prayer services on Tuesdays. And on days when he was not available, his son Ujjwal, who works in a photo design store, would fill in. “My father was targeted. People like Jittu Sonkar would come to his meetings and carefully observe things. These people would often taunt us and say, ‘If you are a Hindu, why do you believe in Christ? If you want to worship Christ, adopt a Christian name and give up reservation,’” said Ujjwal. He believes that Hindutva elements mostly harass people from Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe communities with such laws. “It’s mostly the lower caste people who are attracted towards Christianity,” said Ujjwal.

An unconvincing story

The Adityanath government-backed prosecution team produced four witnesses against Shankar: Sonkar himself; a locally-renowned dermatologist and office-bearer of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Parijat Barnwal; Sonkar’s friend Rajan Chaubey; and the investigating officer of the case, sub-inspector Shivkumar Kushwaha.

The police claimed to have recovered 12 religious texts, including a book of Bhojpuri devotional songs about Christ, copies of the Bible and some other documents, and a single Rs 100 note from Shankar.

During the trial, Shankar pointed out that the only two public witnesses in the case were Sonkar’s friends. One of them, Rajan Chaubey, was the person who actually drafted the FIR which was dictated to him by Sonkar. The trial judge took note of this and ruled the FIR to be “suspicious” as he found several contradictions in its content.

Shankar also produced his government-authorised Hindu Scheduled Caste certificate in court to prove that he had not converted to any other religion and was therefore not authorised to carry out conversions to Christianity.

The government lawyer argued that religious conversion was not just “against religious freedom and rights” but was also a “threat to the nation’s security”. “If conversion is not stopped, that day is not far when the majority community will become a minority,” said district government counsel Priyadarshi Piyush Tripathi, repeating the controversial statement made by Allahabad high court judge Justice Rohit Ranjan Agarwal in July last year while rejecting bail for a person who faced allegations similar to those against Shankar. The Supreme Court later barred the usage or citation of Justice Agarwal’s controversial words.

Azamgarh sessions judge Sanjeev Shukla found the prosecution’s story and the police investigation to be faulty and full of contradictions.

“The prosecution story is replete with inconsistencies, errors and contradictions. It does not stand the test of credibility and therefore appears doubtful,” he said in his order.

The judge underlined the contradictions in the monetary inducements allegedly offered by Shankar. While in the FIR, Sonkar said Shankar offered people Rs 500 each, in his court testimony he said he had received a personal offer of Rs 30,000. There was no clear or documentary evidence of any monetary allurement, noted Judge Shukla.

Sonkar also contradicted the version of the police investigation officer when it came to the alleged recovery of religious material. While Sonkar told the court that no money or item was recovered from Shankar at the time of his arrest at 11 am on August 31, 2021 the investigating officer sub-inspector Kushwaha in his inventory of arrest and recovery produced in court showed Shankar to be taken under arrest a day later, on September 1, with 12 religious books in his possession. Even though the officer claimed that Shankar was arrested from a public place (Kartalpur trijunction), he failed to produce a single independent witness of the event, only presenting two of his subordinates, constables Sandeep Singh and Pawan Kumar, as witnesses.

Judge Shukla noted that the police did not act as per the rules, making the prosecution story “dubious”. The judge also found the recovery and arrest memo, which had no signatures, to be suspicious as the investigation officer was himself a witness in the case. There were no independent witnesses.

While convicting Shankar for hurting religious sentiments, the court relied on the testimonies of Sonkar and Barnwal, the Azamgarh doctor.

Fear of the police and vigilante groups has impacted Shankar’s spiritual and religious life. It practically put a hold on his prayer meetings and ‘seva’ sessions, and he mostly stays home now.

But the ordeal has failed to diminish his conviction about faith. “It is the Collector’s job to issue conversion certificates to people. Having faith and becoming a Christian are two different things. We are vishwasi (believers), not Isai (Christians),” he said.

*Name changed to protect the victim’s anonymity.

Courtesy: The Wire

The post How the False Conversion Case Against This Dalit Labourer Fell Apart appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A striking feature of the year’s events is the prevalence of moral policing, predominantly by Hindu vigilantes, accounting for 10 incidents, with three others involving unidentified groups. Religious conversion allegations also sparked tensions, though such incidents were limited to one case involving Hindu fundamentalists. The contentious issue of cattle vigilantism saw two reported cases, both allegedly carried out by Hindu vigilante groups.

Hate speech and hate crimes, both online and offline, emerged as a significant concern, with 27 incidents being reported. These included inflammatory remarks by Hindu fundamentalists in 15 cases, and 10 instances of hate speech proliferating via social media platforms. While Muslim fundamentalists were linked to two online hate incidents, the overwhelming majority of such activity was attributed to Hindu fundamentalist groups.

Attacks on places of worship were relatively rare in the coastal district of Karnataka but nonetheless symbolic of the communal fault lines, with one reported incident allegedly involving Hindu fundamentalists. Additionally, four other communal clashes or acts of violence were noted, including three attributed to Hindu fundamentalists and one to Muslim fundamentalists, with an unidentified group implicated in another.

These statistics offer a window into the persistent communal tensions in Karnataka’s coastal districts, underscoring the urgent need for proactive measures to foster harmony and curb the growing influence of vigilante groups. This report seeks to chronicle these incidents, not only to document the events of 2024 but also to highlight the socio-political conditions enabling such divisive activities. Through this report and this analysis, the aim is to contribute to ongoing efforts towards promoting peace and unity in this troubled region.

A comparison of the statistics of the current year with the previous year may be viewed here:

Incidents of moral policing

The report highlights a series of incidents in coastal Karnataka where moral policing and vigilantism were directed primarily against interfaith relationships. In Dharmasthala, an interfaith couple was harassed by locals and taken to the police station, though they were ultimately found to have committed no offence. Similarly, in Mangalore’s Kadri Park, three teenagers attacked a nursing student and his friend, recording and harassing them before being apprehended by the police.

In Puttur, a minor girl attending a local event was reportedly harassed by a youth of another faith, sparking a protest outside the police station by Hindutva activists demanding the youth be handed over. Meanwhile, at Panambur Beach in Mangalore, a woman meeting a friend was accosted by members of a Hindutva group who scolded the duo and filmed the incident.

Other incidents include the assault of a man and his mother in Kadaba for assisting a distressed woman, the repeated framing of consensual interfaith relationships as “love jihad,” and the targeting of couples travelling together, often leading to police involvement after interference by vigilante groups. These incidents underscore the region’s heightened communal tensions and the frequent intrusion of vigilante groups into personal matters.

Meanwhile, the right-wing Hindutva group Sri Ram Sena launched a controversial helpline to address so-called “love jihad” cases, aimed at interfaith relationships, particularly those involving Muslim men and Hindu women. The group claims that Hindu women are lured into relationships by Muslim men who allegedly aim to convert them. This initiative reflects a growing concern among certain segments of society about interfaith unions, and it has already stirred discussions regarding the involvement of law enforcement and whether such actions contribute to rising communal tensions.

In Sullia on January 12, 2024, a young man named Jostin Babu was beaten by a group of youths at a local temple fair after being seen talking to senior girl students from his college. This incident led to a complaint being filed at the Sullia police station. In a separate incident in Puttur on August 20, 2024, a minor girl was stabbed by a youth after she rejected his romantic advances. The assailant, with a history of conflicts, allegedly attacked her with a sharp object, leading to communal tensions as both individuals belonged to different communities. The girl was treated in hospital, and an investigation was launched under the POCSO Act.

Further investigation into the Puttur incident later revealed that the story may have been fabricated. CCTV footage contradicted the girl’s account, leading the police to question the authenticity of the claim. Some students also questioned the involvement of the accused boy, with certain groups offering support to his family, claiming the incident was being framed to stir communal unrest. A student organisation from the same college even demanded the suspension of the girl involved for making a false accusation.

These incidents highlight a complex intersection of personal conflicts, communal sensitivities, and societal divisions. Each case underscores the escalating tensions that are often fuelled by accusations and allegations involving different communities, further polarising the social fabric of India.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

1. Targeting of interfaith relationships: A clear pattern emerges of vigilantism directed against interfaith couples, particularly when one partner is a Muslim. Many of these incidents involve accusations of “love jihad,” with consensual relationships often being misconstrued as coercive or predatory. Such relationships are consistently framed as a threat to communal harmony, leading to harassment, public humiliation, and police involvement.
2. Role of Hindutva organisations: Many incidents are driven or escalated by the involvement of Hindutva groups such as the Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad. These organisations frequently gather crowds, stage protests, and exert pressure on law enforcement agencies to act against individuals from minority communities. Their presence and actions often serve to heighten communal tensions.
3. Public and police complicity: There is evidence of public participation in these incidents, where bystanders either inform vigilante groups or directly intervene to question or detain interfaith couples. Police involvement often follows, with authorities typically taking the couples into custody, questioning them, and sometimes returning women to their families. This reflects an implicit validation of the moral policing actions.
4. Violation of individual privacy and rights: The incidents regularly involve breaches of privacy, with photos and videos of couples being taken and shared without consent. Individuals are subjected to public scrutiny and moral judgment, often in violation of their rights as consenting adults. Women, in particular, face heightened surveillance and are frequently returned to their families, disregarding their autonomy.
5. Escalation into communal narratives: What begins as a personal or interpersonal conflict often escalates into communal narratives. Small disputes or interactions are leveraged by vigilante groups to propagate divisive rhetoric, further polarising communities. The term “love jihad” is repeatedly used to stoke fear and mistrust, even in cases where no evidence supports the claim.
6. Police action under pressure: Law enforcement appears to act under pressure from vigilante groups in several cases, treating consensual adult relationships as criminal matters. The swift involvement of the police, often in response to demands from Hindutva groups, reflects the growing influence of these organisations in dictating public and legal responses.

Incidents of religious conversions

In Puttur, seven families from Panja and Pallodi in Kadaba taluk, who had converted to Christianity over 20 years ago, were reconverted to Hinduism in a ceremony organised by the Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). These families, primarily from Scheduled Castes, had converted to Christianity with promises of better living conditions, but over time, they remained in poverty as the church stopped providing support. The VHP and Bajrang Dal worked with them for two years, encouraging them to revert to Hinduism by offering material support and religious education. The reconversion ceremony, held at the Sri Panchalingeshwara Temple, involved traditional Hindu rituals and included clothes, groceries, and household items for the families.

This incident highlights how extremist Hindu groups use both religious and material incentives to coerce vulnerable individuals into changing their religious identity, often framing it as a return to their “ancestral” faith. This raises concerns about religious coercion, as such movements exploit socio-economic struggles to further their ideological goals, undermining personal freedom and religious choice.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

Several patterns emerge from these incidents involving religious vigilantes and the use of religion for coercive purposes:

1. Exploitation of vulnerable communities: Many of the victims in these incidents, including those in both the Hindu vigilante and unidentified segments, belong to marginalised or economically disadvantaged communities. The reconversion ceremonies, for example, targeted Scheduled Caste individuals who had initially converted to Christianity due to promises of material support. This highlights a troubling trend where extremists exploit socio-economic vulnerabilities to gain religious or political allegiance.
2. Religious polarisation: The incidents often involve a clear division between religious communities, which is exacerbated by the actions of vigilante groups. Whether it’s the spread of false accusations in Puttur or the targeting of interfaith relationships under the guise of ‘love jihad’, these incidents feed into the narrative of a growing religious divide. The aggressive defence of religious identities seems to be used to further polarise communities, leading to communal tensions.
3. Use of religion as a political tool: Both the reconversion incident and the ‘love jihad’ helpline reflect the increasing use of religious identity as a political tool. The reconversion was framed as a return to the “ancestral” faith, positioning Hinduism as the authentic faith, and indirectly promoting a narrative that portrays conversions to other religions as unnatural or coercive. Similarly, the ‘love jihad’ helpline seeks to control and manipulate interfaith relationships by framing them as religious violations, thereby politicising personal choices.
4. Coercive religious practices: The reconversion ceremony and vigilante actions such as the harassment of interfaith couples reveal how extremist groups use religious rituals and social pressure to force individuals into conformity. The promise of material benefits, such as housing and financial support, alongside the pressure to convert, showcases the coercive nature of these practices.
5. Media and social media amplification: Many of these incidents have been magnified by social media, where misinformation or unverified claims spread quickly. In the case of the stabbing incident in Puttur, for instance, the communal angle was immediately highlighted by social media users, leading to public outcry and protests. The viral spread of images and accusations often exacerbates communal tensions and fuels public sentiment.
6. State inaction or complicity: Another pattern is the state’s apparent inaction or indirect support of such vigilante activities. While some incidents, such as the stabbing in Puttur, prompt police investigation, the involvement of right-wing groups like the Sri Ram Sena in orchestrating campaigns like the ‘love jihad’ helpline is indicative of the potential complicity of the state in religiously motivated activities. This highlights the need for stronger legal frameworks to curb the influence of extremist groups in shaping societal norms.

Incidents of cattle vigilantism

The cattle vigilantism incidents in coastal Karnataka illustrate an increasing trend of religiously motivated actions by groups such as Bajrang Dal, who take it upon themselves to enforce laws regarding cattle transport. On February 25, 2024, in Sullia, Bajrang Dal activists intercepted a vehicle they suspected was involved in the illegal transport of cattle. They informed the local police, who arrested the driver, Bibin Paulose, and seized the cattle. This was one of the first of a series of such incidents throughout the year.

In Puttur on March 25, 2024, a similar event unfolded when Bajrang Dal activists received information about cattle being transported late at night. They attempted to stop a Swift car, but the driver lost control and crashed into a ditch. The activists managed to alert the police, who took control of the vehicle and the cattle, though the driver managed to escape. This action was part of a wider network of vigilantism, where community members work with local authorities to apprehend suspected violators.

On April 10, 2024, Bajrang Dal’s involvement was again evident when activists tipped off the police about cattle being transported to an illegal slaughterhouse in Mulky. The police managed to intercept the vehicle, arrest the driver, Jaya, and seize two cows, though the prime accused, Ashraf, escaped. This raised concerns about the increasing role of religiously motivated groups in law enforcement.

The most violent incident occurred on May 22, 2024 in Mudubidri, where a group of vigilantes attacked three men who were transporting cattle from Kallamundkur. The attackers, believed to be part of Bajrang Dal, not only assaulted the victims but also caused significant damage to their vehicle, even stabbing one of the men, Muhammed Zian, in the back. The police, after receiving the complaint, filed charges against the attackers and the victims, further highlighting the complex dynamics of these incidents.

On October 16, 2024, in Puttur, Bajrang Dal activists followed an auto-rickshaw carrying a calf and reported it to the police. The calf was rescued, and the authorities arrested the driver and two women involved in the incident. These incidents often blur the line between legal and extrajudicial actions, as vigilantes act outside the law to enforce their interpretations of cow protection.

Furthermore, such vigilantism is not limited to Muslims alone. For example, on June 27, 2024 in Vittal, Bajrang Dal activists intercepted a vehicle carrying a bull and handed over the driver and cattle to the police. Even non-Muslim individuals were caught up in the system, with Hindu activists implicated in cattle transport cases, such as the seizure of cows in Belthangady on October 4, 2024, where two BJP activists were arrested alongside two Muslims. In another case from October 19, 2024 in Belthangady, authorities discovered cattle being transported without the necessary permits, and the individuals involved had attempted to disguise their identities with slogans like “Tatvamasi” and “Jai Sri Ram.”

These incidents demonstrate an increasing pattern of violence, intimidation, and religiously charged actions by vigilante groups, suggesting that the protection of cows has become intertwined with communal agendas, often undermining the rule of law and creating tensions between communities.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

Several patterns emerge from the series of cattle vigilantism incidents in coastal Karnataka:

1. Religious motivation and community vigilantism: The majority of these incidents involve groups like Bajrang Dal, which is strongly associated with Hindutva ideology. The activists often justify their actions as a form of religious protectionism, particularly regarding cow slaughter. While the law prohibits the illegal slaughter of cattle, these groups have taken on a quasi-policing role, acting outside the formal legal framework.
2. Escalating violence: Many of the incidents involve increasing levels of violence. While early incidents such as the one in Sullia (February 2024) involved non-violent interventions, later incidents became more aggressive, culminating in attacks on individuals. For example, the assault in Mudubidri on 22nd May 2024 resulted in a stabbing, underscoring the dangerous escalation of these confrontations. Vigilantes are no longer just reporting suspected violations but are actively engaging in violence, which raises concerns about law and order in these regions.
3. Involvement of local authorities: Police are often involved, but the level of coordination between vigilantes and local authorities varies. In some cases, like in Puttur (March 2024) and Mulky (April 2024), the police responded quickly, arresting suspects and seizing cattle. However, in other cases, vigilante groups seem to operate with tacit approval or assistance from local police, which raises questions about the effectiveness of law enforcement and the role of communal politics in policing.
4. Targeting of specific communities: Although non-Muslims are also involved in some cases, such as the incident in Vittal (June 2024), the majority of the incidents disproportionately target Muslims, both in terms of the suspects and the accusations of illegal cattle transport. This points to a pattern of communal polarisation, where Muslims are seen as the primary violators of these laws in the eyes of the vigilant groups.
5. Increasing vigilante acts across the region: The number of incidents appears to be rising, suggesting a coordinated campaign by religious groups to assert control over cattle transport and slaughter. As more reports surface, it is evident that these vigilante groups are operating with growing regularity and confidence, emboldened by the support or inaction of local authorities and the state government.
6. Use of religion to justify illegal actions: In several cases, vigilante groups have invoked religious slogans, such as “Jai Sri Ram,” as part of their actions, often to mask their identity or to assert the religious nature of their activities. This points to a deliberate attempt to politicise cow protection and use it as a vehicle for wider religious and communal agendas.
7. Legal grey areas and extrajudicial actions: The actions of these groups often fall into legal grey areas. While they claim to be enforcing the law, they do so without legal authority, leading to questions about the rule of law in these situations. The vigilantism and resultant violence often complicate the investigation and prosecution of actual legal violations, as both perpetrators and victims are subjected to multiple charges, further muddying the legal landscape.
8. Impact on minority communities: These incidents contribute to an atmosphere of fear and intimidation, particularly for Muslim communities, who are frequently accused of violating cattle transport laws. The frequent attacks and assaults on Muslims involved in these incidents exacerbate religious tensions, perpetuating a cycle of mistrust and hostility between different community groups.

Incidents of hate speech/crime

The incidents of hate speech and communal tension in Mangalore highlight a concerning trend of escalating religious intolerance and political exploitation of such issues. On February 12, 2024, Mangalore City North MLA Y. Bharat Shetty made a statement urging parents to avoid sending their children to Christian missionary schools, citing alleged anti-Hindu sentiments, such as derogatory remarks made by a teacher at St. Gerosa School. This sparked widespread controversy, with Shetty’s comments further inflaming communal tensions, leading to protests outside the school by right-wing activists. The protests, led by Shetty, fellow MLA D. Vedavyasa Kamath, and other right-wing leaders, promoted religious intolerance and vilified the Christian community, accusing them of plotting against Hindu sentiments. The police filed a case against these leaders for inciting communal hatred, demonstrating a clear attempt to manipulate religious grievances for political gains.

Another incident, on March 10, 2024, saw Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) leader Sharan Pumpwell urging the National Investigation Agency (NIA) to raid madrassas and mosques for clues related to a Bengaluru café blast, based purely on the religion of the suspect, without any concrete evidence. This call for indiscriminate raids reflects a dangerous pattern of associating criminality with religion and exacerbating communal fear and hatred. Pumpwell’s rhetoric feeds into a larger narrative of demonising Muslim institutions and communities, often without due cause or regard for the rule of law.

Furthermore, the May 2024 incident involving a group of Muslims offering Friday prayers on a public road in Kankanady became another flashpoint for communal rhetoric. Right-wing groups, including the VHP, condemned the act and threatened counter-actions such as Hanuman Chalisa recitations on the same public roads. These groups framed the act as a deliberate attempt to provoke Hindu sentiments, despite the fact that the group offering prayers claimed no such intent. The police, however, initiated legal action against the group, while the VHP leader Pumpwell was accused of threatening social harmony and creating fear within the community by promoting vigilante actions. The mosque committee later assured that such incidents would not occur again, emphasising the need to respect public space and prevent future controversies.

In June 2024, communal tensions erupted in Mangalore when BJP MLA Harish Poonja falsely accused mosques of hiding weapons, sparking protests from Muslim leaders. This incident highlighted the growing political use of inflammatory rhetoric to stoke religious discord.

In July, a social media post by Dr. Upadhya, inciting violence against Muslims, went viral, illustrating how hate speech on digital platforms can spread quickly and fuel division. Similarly, in August, the Sullia police investigated an incident where individuals threatened students at a mosque over their attire, reflecting how even personal choices are increasingly politicised in a climate of rising intolerance.

Later in August, a gang-rape case became politically charged when BJP leaders tried to frame it within the “Love Jihad” narrative, further polarising the issue. This incident underscored the risks of politicising crimes, which distracts from justice and fuels communal division.

In September, inflammatory incidents continued, including the arrest of Satish Devadiga for promoting hatred through a derogatory banner, and a letter from a religious organisation demanding Muslims stop distributing food during a Hindu festival. These events demonstrated the persistent role of symbolism and rhetoric in inflaming communal tensions.

In October, Arun Ullal’s video urging Hindus to avoid Muslim-run schools sparked backlash, showing the extent to which hate speech had permeated educational institutions. Similarly, in November, incidents like derogatory messages at a bus stop and calls for Hindu-only vendors at temple events demonstrated the continued use of public spaces for spreading religious division.

These events reflect a growing trend of communal polarisation in Mangalore, where politicians, social media, and local activists increasingly exploit religious sentiments to fuel conflict. These incidents depict a pattern where political and religious leaders manipulate real or fabricated grievances to stoke communal tensions. The rhetoric used by individuals like Shetty, Kamath, and Pumpwell is often inflammatory, framing religious practices and educational institutions as battlegrounds for ideological warfare. The subsequent protests and legal actions against the Muslim community further escalate these divisions, creating an environment where peaceful coexistence is undermined by political calculations. The role of law enforcement is also concerning, as it often appears reactive or complicit, failing to address the communal rhetoric and violence perpetuated by such figures. The overall narrative is one of increasing intolerance, with politicians and right-wing groups using hate speech as a tool to consolidate power and deepen religious divides.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

Several key patterns emerge from the series of incidents in Mangalore, pointing to a larger trend of communal polarisation and political exploitation. These patterns not only highlight the rising religious intolerance but also underscore the role of politics, social media, and public spaces in amplifying hate and division.

1. Political exploitation of religious sentiments: A clear pattern of politicians using religious issues for political gains emerges throughout the incidents. Figures like Y. Bharat Shetty and Sharan Pumpwell frame religious issues as central to political discourse, amplifying grievances in ways that stoke communal tensions. Shetty’s comments on Christian missionary schools and Pumpwell’s calls for raids on Muslim institutions reflect how political figures exploit religious issues to consolidate their base, creating fear and division within society. This tactic often results in increased polarisation, where the political agenda supersedes the need for social harmony.
2. Demonisation of religious minorities: Another recurring pattern is the consistent demonisation of Muslim institutions and communities. Incidents such as Pumpwell’s call for NIA raids based on the religion of a suspect, Harish Poonja’s false accusations about mosques hiding weapons, and the framing of personal choices (like attire and religious practices) as threats, feed into a narrative that associates criminality and divisiveness with Muslims. This leads to a climate of suspicion and fear where the Muslim community is increasingly viewed with hostility, regardless of the facts. The framing of incidents such as the “Love Jihad” case as part of a larger conspiracy is another example of how religious minorities are vilified.
3. Weaponisation of social media and public spaces: social media and public spaces are increasingly being used as tools for spreading hate and amplifying divisive narratives. Dr. Upadhya’s viral post and the inflammatory videos, such as Arun Ullal’s call to avoid Muslim-run schools, show how quickly hate speech can spread, influencing public opinion and escalating communal tensions. Similarly, public spaces, like the Kankanady road incident or the derogatory banner in September, are increasingly becoming sites of ideological battles, where symbols and actions are used to provoke and exacerbate divisions.
4. Incitement to violence and vigilantism: Several incidents demonstrate a pattern of incitement to violence and calls for vigilante actions. The threats made against students at a mosque in Sullia, the Hanuman Chalisa recitation counter-threat, and the public demonstrations and protests often escalate into direct confrontations. This not only creates a volatile atmosphere but also encourages vigilantism, where groups take justice into their own hands, bypassing legal processes and further contributing to the erosion of law and order.
5. Selective law enforcement and impunity: A troubling pattern in these incidents is the reactive or selective nature of law enforcement. While there are occasional legal actions taken, such as the police case against political leaders like Shetty for inciting communal hatred or investigations into hate speech, there is a perception that enforcement is uneven. Many incidents involving right-wing leaders or activists, particularly those stirring religious hatred, often go unpunished or are handled leniently, fostering a sense of impunity. This selective enforcement undermines trust in the rule of law and fuels the perception of bias.
6. Polarisation of educational and social spaces: Education and social practices increasingly become sites of ideological conflict, with religious identity becoming a point of contention. Arun Ullal’s video against Muslim-run schools and the arrest of Satish Devadiga for promoting hatred through symbols are examples of how educational institutions and social gatherings are politicised, turning them into battlegrounds for ideological warfare. These incidents reflect a growing trend of divisiveness in public life, where even seemingly mundane spaces are appropriated for religious and political purposes.

Incidents of hate speech on social media

The incidents in Mangaluru and surrounding areas between February and December 2024 illustrate a growing trend of communal tensions exacerbated by social media. These incidents reveal how both individuals and groups exploit online platforms to spread provocative and often false content, which stokes religious and political divides.

In February, BJP MLA Harish Poonja stirred controversy by suggesting that taxes paid by Hindus should only benefit Hindus, an inflammatory statement that sparked public backlash and accusations of anti-Constitutional rhetoric. This was followed by a complaint in which a former Mangaluru Corporator accused unknown individuals of spreading fake news about a teacher at St. Gerosa School, further contributing to the growing religious discord. Meanwhile, a pattern of misrepresentation and religious malignment continued into April when false claims about a temple official’s religious identity were circulated online, aiming to stir communal sentiment. These acts of misinformation often exploit people’s beliefs and can quickly escalate tensions, as seen in the case involving a provocative video shared by BJP workers outside a mosque in Bantwal in June.

Social media platforms, such as WhatsApp, Facebook, and Instagram, played a crucial role in spreading such content. A viral video showing BJP workers celebrating an election victory with provocative slogans in front of a mosque in Bantwal raised significant concerns, particularly as it highlighted inconsistent law enforcement responses, which further polarised communities. Similarly, derogatory posts about religious figures and symbols, such as those in September, led to multiple police cases and arrests, underscoring the divisive potential of online hate speech.

The role of inflammatory voice messages and posts did not remain confined to one community. In June, a Muslim man was accused of posting communally provocative content, leading to a police investigation, mirroring the actions of those spreading hate from the other side. Additionally, in September, the contentious issue of a planned Eid procession led to further clashes, as social media posts from both sides’ escalated tensions. This exchange of provocative content highlights how social media platforms have become battlefields for ideological warfare, often spilling over into real-life conflicts.

The Hindu Janajagruti Vedike (HJV) in September also lodged a complaint about the defamation of Hindu gods on a Facebook page, once again demonstrating how online platforms are manipulated to spread vulgar and defamatory material. These incidents underline the vulnerability of social media to being used as a tool for incitement and the dangers of unchecked, inflammatory online discourse in fuelling communal divides.

Overall, the incidents reflect the growing role of social media in communal polarisation, with both religious communities increasingly using these platforms to spread misinformation, provoke reactions, and undermine social harmony. The inconsistency in law enforcement, particularly in dealing with inflammatory content, further exacerbates the situation, leading to a cycle of retaliation and escalating tensions across communities.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

The incidents in Mangalore and surrounding areas reveal several patterns related to communal tensions and the role of social media in exacerbating these divisions:

1. Exploitation of religious sentiments: A key pattern is the deliberate manipulation of religious sentiments by political and community leaders for personal or political gain. Statements by public figures, such as BJP MLA Harish Poonja’s call to restrict tax benefits to Hindus and inflammatory rhetoric surrounding school incidents, are often designed to create divisions and fuel animosity between communities.
2. Social media as a catalyst: Social media platforms like WhatsApp, Facebook, and Instagram have become central to spreading hate speech, misinformation, and provocative content. From fake voice messages about teachers to derogatory posts about religious figures and institutions, these platforms amplify the reach of harmful narratives, making it easier to ignite communal tensions on a large scale. The speed and anonymity provided by social media make it a particularly potent tool for incitement.
3. Religious polarisation and counter-accusations: A recurring theme is the polarisation of communities, with both Hindus and Muslims being accused of provoking one another through inflammatory posts and messages. For example, complaints about provocative content circulated by both Hindu and Muslim individuals highlight how both sides are contributing to the deepening religious divide. The back-and-forth nature of these accusations intensifies the conflict and creates a cycle of hostility.
4. Law enforcement inconsistencies: There is a noticeable inconsistency in how law enforcement responds to incidents based on the religious affiliation of the parties involved. The police often seem to take action only when the incident involves certain communities, or when it garners significant public attention, leading to accusations of bias. For instance, the lack of action against BJP workers celebrating an election victory in front of a mosque sparked public debate about unequal policing.
5. Provocative actions and public symbolism: Public spaces, including roads and mosques, have become arenas for ideological battles, with symbolic acts like offering prayers on the streets or chanting religious slogans outside religious buildings used to provoke reactions. These actions, often framed as threats or deliberate provocations, escalate tensions and fuel conflict between religious groups.
6. The role of fake news and misrepresentation: The spread of fake news is a critical factor in inflaming tensions. Instances where fake voice messages or false claims are made about religious figures or communities demonstrate how misinformation can be weaponised to damage inter-community relations. This often involves the spread of exaggerated or fabricated allegations that target religious or community identities, further deepening mistrust.

Incidents of desecration of religious places

On September 15, 2024, a stone-pelting incident targeted the Majidulla Hudajumma Mosque in Katipalla, Mangalore, during the Eid Milad celebrations. Six individuals, identified as Bharat Shetty, Chennappa Shivananad Chalavadi, Nitin Hadap, Sujit Shetty, Anappa, and Preetham Shetty, were arrested in connection with the attack, which is believed to have been orchestrated to inflame communal tensions. The attackers arrived on two bikes and threw stones at the mosque, damaging its glass windows, which was seen as an attempt to provoke violence between Hindu and Muslim communities in the area.

The police, under the guidance of senior officials including the police commissioner and deputy commissioners, swiftly formed a special team to investigate the case. The suspects were arrested within hours, highlighting the police’s prompt response in apprehending those responsible. However, the fact that some of the arrested individuals had numerous prior criminal cases raises concerns about the lack of deterrence for repeat offenders and the systemic issues that allow such individuals to continue committing violent acts.

This attack follows a disturbing trend of using religious sites and symbols to incite violence, a tactic that has been increasingly weaponised in Mangalore’s political and social landscape. The fact that the arrested individuals were largely from local areas further points to the deepening communal divide within the community, where local residents may be mobilised to engage in violent acts under the influence of right-wing groups. This raises questions about the role of local political forces in fostering an environment where attacks on places of worship are not just tolerated but may be tacitly encouraged for political gain.

Despite the arrests, the broader context of rising communal tensions in Mangalore, marked by earlier incidents of hate speech and protests, suggests that these actions are part of a larger, coordinated effort to stoke division.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

Several concerning patterns emerge from the stone-pelting incident at the Majidulla Hudajumma Mosque, as well as the broader communal tensions in Mangalore. These include:

1. Targeting religious spaces: Attacks on religious places, particularly mosques, appear to be a growing method of inciting communal violence. The mosque attack in Katipalla is part of a wider trend of using religious sites as symbols of contention, which serves to inflame tensions between religious communities. The destruction of religious symbols is often used as a tool to provoke responses, creating cycles of violence.
2. Repeat offenders in communal violence: The arrested individuals in this case had multiple prior criminal records, which underscores a troubling pattern where repeat offenders are involved in communal violence. The presence of individuals with established criminal backgrounds reflects the failure of local law enforcement to prevent these individuals from continuing to contribute to escalating tensions. This raises questions about how effectively the law deals with offenders, particularly those with a history of communal violence.
3. Political mobilisation of religious sentiments: The involvement of local figures with affiliations to right-wing groups or political parties, as seen in the case of Bharat Shetty and his associates, illustrates the instrumentalisation of religion for political gain. Inflammatory actions, such as the stone-pelting incident, are often linked to larger political strategies that seek to consolidate power by exacerbating religious divides. This pattern highlights the danger of politicians exploiting religious sentiments to further their own agendas, irrespective of the damage it causes to social harmony.
4. Media and social media amplification: The rise of social media as a platform for spreading communal rhetoric and mobilising people for violent actions is evident in Mangalore. The use of social media to spread hateful narratives or to glorify violent actions contributes to the amplification of communal discord. This is not just limited to traditional media but includes more covert digital spaces that serve as echo chambers for extremist views.
5. Uneven law enforcement: While there was a swift police response in this instance, there is a broader concern about the inconsistency in how law enforcement handles communal incidents. This can be seen in the reaction to similar incidents where legal action may be slow or even absent, depending on the religious or political affiliations of the individuals involved. The arrest and punishment of offenders in some cases, versus leniency or a lack of action in others, shows a concerning pattern of selective enforcement.
6. Escalation of religious intolerance: The attack on the mosque follows a series of incidents, including hate speech, political rhetoric, and symbolic actions (like protests), that reflect an increasing normalisation of religious intolerance. These incidents suggest that the region is witnessing a shift towards more overt communalism, where religious identities are increasingly used to divide communities and foster hostility.

Other communal incidents

The incidents detailed in the report reflect a deeply troubling escalation of communal tensions, particularly in Mangalore and surrounding areas, where religious groups, both Hindutva and Muslim fundamentalists, appear to be engaging in provocative actions that exacerbate existing divides. In the case of the teacher’s suspension in Mangalore, a series of protests erupted after allegations were made that she had insulted Hinduism, Lord Ram, and Prime Minister Modi during a class on “Work is Worship.” The situation was further inflamed by the active involvement of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and other right-wing groups, who demanded punitive action against the teacher. This incident, where a teacher with years of experience was suspended following a complaint by a parent and the subsequent protests, exposes a disturbing pattern of right-wing organisations pressuring educational institutions to conform to their ideological standards. This pressure to silence dissent not only stifles academic freedom but also undermines the broader principles of secularism and freedom of expression enshrined in the Constitution. Political leaders such as MLAs further fuelled the controversy, adding political weight to the protests, which escalated tensions. The actions of these groups, demanding swift action in the name of protecting religious sentiments, reflect an increasing intolerance for any form of critique, even in academic spaces, and raise significant concerns about the erosion of intellectual freedom and pluralism in society.

On the other hand, the incidents allegedly involving Muslim fundamentalists demonstrate a reactive form of communal violence that perpetuates cycles of aggression. In one instance, following the celebration of Prime Minister Modi’s swearing-in ceremony by BJP workers, provocative slogans were allegedly shouted near a mosque in Boliyar. These inflammatory slogans, including “you people belong to Pakistan,” stoked animosity and provoked a violent response from a group of Muslim youths, who followed the BJP workers and, in an altercation, stabbed two individuals. While the stabbing was condemned as an act of violence, the incident itself is indicative of the underlying communal tensions that have been festering for years. The violent reaction was likely fuelled by the provocative nature of the slogans, which targeted Muslims directly, creating a volatile situation that ultimately resulted in physical confrontation. This incident underscores a broader pattern where religious communities retaliate against perceived insults or provocations, further deepening the divide between the groups. The police response to these incidents, though swift in some cases, seems more reactive than preventative. The deployment of police forces and the formation of peace committees after the violence suggests an attempt to manage the fallout, but the failure to prevent these incidents from escalating in the first place raises questions about the effectiveness of law enforcement in addressing the root causes of communal strife.

Another concerning pattern emerges from the involvement of political figures in many of these incidents. In both the teacher suspension and the Boliyar stabbing case, local MLAs and political activists from both sides of the communal divide seem to have played a role in escalating the situation, either by leading protests or making statements that inflame the public sentiment. The active participation of these political figures suggests that communal violence is being increasingly politicised, with both sides leveraging religious issues for electoral gains. This politicisation of communal conflicts only exacerbates existing divisions and makes it more difficult to de-escalate tensions, as religious issues become intertwined with political agendas. Furthermore, the selective nature of law enforcement in many of these incidents is troubling. While the police appear to act swiftly when right-wing groups are involved, there is often a delay or lack of action when incidents involve Muslim groups, further fueling perceptions of bias and uneven justice. The police’s failure to prevent the inflammatory actions of both Hindu and Muslim groups, including the provocative slogans and public demonstrations, points to a systemic failure in maintaining law and order and fostering communal harmony.

Moreover, the widespread use of social media in these incidents plays a critical role in amplifying communal tensions. In the Mangalore teacher case, a voice message alleging derogatory remarks against Hinduism went viral, and in the case of the BJP workers, social media posts highlighting provocative slogans added fuel to the fire. These viral messages often spread misinformation, creating echo chambers where religious groups are further polarised. The role of social media in the rapid dissemination of potentially harmful content highlights the need for more effective regulation and monitoring to prevent its misuse for communal ends.

Overall, these incidents exemplify a dangerous trend where both Hindutva and Muslim fundamentalist groups are using inflammatory rhetoric and actions to provoke and retaliate against each other, often with the involvement of political figures who exacerbate the situation. This cycle of provocation and retaliation not only perpetuates violence but also erodes trust in the rule of law, as the police are seen as either unable or unwilling to effectively prevent communal flare-ups. Furthermore, the growing politicisation of communal violence, selective law enforcement, and the unchecked spread of hate speech on social media are contributing to a volatile and divisive atmosphere. These patterns of communal violence, driven by ideological and political motivations, pose a significant threat to social harmony, national unity, and the secular fabric of Indian society.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

A clear pattern emerges from these incidents, highlighting the cyclical nature of communal violence in India, where both Hindutva and Muslim fundamentalist groups engage in provocative actions that deepen societal divides. Key elements of this pattern include:

1. Provocative actions and retaliation: Incidents often begin with provocative actions or inflammatory rhetoric. In the Mangalore teacher case, a statement perceived as offensive to Hindu sentiments led to widespread protests and demands for punitive action. Similarly, the Boliyar stabbing incident was sparked by provocative slogans targeting Muslims, which were followed by violent retaliation from Muslim youths. These provocations often trigger a cycle of retaliation, with each side responding to perceived insults or affronts to their religious identity. This cycle perpetuates violence and escalates tensions, reinforcing communal divisions.
2. Involvement of political leaders: Political figures from both sides of the communal divide play an active role in escalating these incidents, either by leading protests, making incendiary statements, or aligning with religious groups to gain political leverage. The teacher suspension case saw the involvement of local MLAs from the right-wing, while political figures from both communities often take sides in the aftermath of violence. This politicisation of communal conflicts fuels polarisation and makes it harder to de-escalate tensions.
3. Selective law enforcement: A key feature of these incidents is the perceived bias in law enforcement. While police forces may act swiftly when right-wing groups are involved, delays or lack of action occur when incidents involve Muslim groups. This selective enforcement contributes to the perception of uneven justice, which further exacerbates communal tensions and erodes trust in the authorities.
4. Role of social media in amplifying divides: social media plays a central role in spreading provocative content and misinformation. Viral messages, videos, and posts often escalate minor incidents into larger communal flashpoints. In the case of the Mangalore teacher, a viral voice message was enough to spark protests, while the Boliyar incident was amplified by social media posts highlighting provocative slogans. The rapid spread of such content creates echo chambers that reinforce communal identities and fuel hatred.
5. Failure to address root causes: The pattern reveals a systemic failure to address the root causes of communal tensions. While police and political leaders may act after violence erupts, there is little focus on preventative measures or addressing the underlying issues driving communal animosity. Educational institutions, law enforcement, and political leaders seem to focus on damage control rather than on fostering understanding and promoting peaceful coexistence.
6. Escalation through ritualised violence: Violence becomes a repetitive and ritualised response to perceived slights, with each side acting in a manner that mirrors or retaliates against the other. This creates a dangerous feedback loop where the focus shifts from addressing the core issues of intolerance to outdoing each other in acts of violence.

Report for 2022 can be accessed here.

The complete report may be read below:

A comparative table may be viewed here:

Related:

Is Mandya becoming the new right wing capital of Karnataka?

Development project threatens the livelihood of port village in Karnataka

Karnataka: Hindutva groups call for economic boycott of Muslim vendors at Siddheshwar Temple

Hindu Janagaruti Samiti (HJS) & Karnataka links

The post Shadows on Karnataka’s Coast: Report provides the communal flashpoints that defined the region in 2024 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

They go on to quote Ambedkar that Swami Shraddhanand was the “the greatest and most sincere champion of the Untouchables”. They ignore the fact that that same Swami was involved in Shuddhi, ‘Conversion of Muslims to Hinduism’. This is what annoyed the Muslim clerics.

On this Shuddhi, Ambedkar responded, “If the Hindu society desires to survive, it must think not of adding to its numbers but increasing its solidarity and that means the abolition of caste. The abolition of castes is the real sangathan of the Hindus, and when sangathan is achieved by abolishing castes, shuddhi will be unnecessary.” This was parallel and opposite to Tanzim by Tablighi Jamaat, which was trying to convert Hindus into Islam. Though Shraddhanand later became part of the Indian National Congress, he was also part of Hindu Sangthan, a part of the revitalised Hindu Mahasabha committed to establishing a Hindu Nation.

New constructs are now being floated that Ambedkar and Savarkar are two sides of the same coin. True that Savarkar started the Patit Pavan temple that allows entry of Dalits into temples. As per Babasaheb, this will create a separate temple where only Dalits will visit. “An editorial in the April 12, 1929 issue of “Bahishkrit Bharat” states that Ambedkar had opposed the construction of the Patit Pawan temple from the very beginning. He believed that these temples would later be called temples for the untouchables.” However, Ambedkar did appreciate Savarkar’s efforts. Though he felt they were irrelevant.

These are some points that are being raised by Hindutva ideologues. They go hyper while describing Ambedkar’s relations with Congress. Some of them argue that after the death of Gandhi and Patel, Nehru became authoritarian and ignored the Opposition. BJP leader and Union Home Minister Amit Shah said that Ambedkar resigned from the Nehru cabinet due to “differences” with Nehru on the issue of Article 370, foreign policy and on the condition of SC/STs (Scheduled Castes/Tribes).

The crux of the issue is that the major reason for Ambedkar resigning from the cabinet was his disappointment with the shabby treatment given to the Hindu Code Bill. A huge opposition and meetings against the Bill were organised by RSS. Their volunteers demonstrated in front of Parliament. The peak of this was the massive protest in Ramlila Maidan on December 11, 1949, in which effigies of Ambedkar and Nehru were burnt.

Opposing the Hindu Code Bill, The Organiser (mouthpiece of the RSS), December 7, 1949, wrote: “We oppose the Hindu Code Bill. We oppose it because it is a derogatory measure based on alien and immoral principles. It is not a Hindu Code Bill. It is anything but Hindu.” The result of this aggressive campaign by RSS on the Hindu Code Bill was that it had to be delayed and diluted. This was the painful moment for Babasaheb, that led him to resign.

The question of Manusmriti, the Chaturvarnya, was a crucial part of the differences between Ambedkar and Savarkar to BJP. While on December 25, 1927, Babasaheb burnt the Manusmriti, the second sarsanghchalak of RSS, M.S. Golwalkar went on to write eulogies on Manusmriti.

Savarakar also detailed his support to Chaturvarnya and praised Manusmiriti: “Manusmriti is that scripture which is most worshipable after Vedas for our Hindu Nation and which from ancient times has become the basis of our culture-customs, thought and practice. This book for centuries has codified the spiritual and divine march of our nation. Even today the rules which are followed by crores of Hindus in their lives and practice are based on Manusmriti. Today Manusmriti is Hindu Law. That is fundamental.” And “The worst [thing] about the new Constitution of Bharat is that there is nothing Bharatiya about it… [T]here is no trace of ancient Bharatiya constitutional laws, institutions, nomenclature and phraseology in it”.

The central point of difference that Ambedkar had with the Hindutva ideology is being pushed under the carpet. On October 13, 1935, Ambedkar spoke in a meeting in Yeola near Nasik, dropping a ‘bombshell’ when he said, “I will not die as a person who calls himself a Hindu!” As per him, this religion has no place for liberty, compassion and equality. In the revised edition of his book, Thoughts on Pakistan, he opposed the formation of Islamic Pakistan as that may pave the way for Hindu Raj or Rashtra and that will be a “big calamity” for its people.

As he declared this, there were many pressures on him to embrace Sikhism or Islam. Dr. Moonje from Hindu Mahasabha struck a pact with Ambedkar that if he avoided conversion to Islam, Hindu Mahasabha would not oppose his move. Babasaheb’s own deeper studies led him to choose Buddhism.

Today, the BJP is trying to project that they have “honoured” Babasaheb by erecting his statues, raising an International Museum in his memory and other symbolic things. These are identity-related issues, while the crux of Babasaheb’s values remains undermined. When the Mandal Commission (on reservations) was implemented, the BJP resorted to kamandal (Hindutva) politics. As veteran BJP leader L K Advani was arrested during his Rath Yatra (as a part of kamandal politics), BJP, which was part of the parties supporting V P Singh’s government, withdrew its support and the government fell.

Congress, along with Hindu Mahasabha, opposed Ambedkar in Lok Sabha elections. Yet, it was Congress again that ensured that he was made a Rajya Sabha member. He was made a member of the Interim Government and also Chairman of the drafting committee of the Indian Constitution.

BJP’s anxiety to prove that Ambedkar was part of Hindutva politics is, therefore, a pure concoction to derive legitimacy from the memory of a person who stood totally against their very ideology of a Hindu Nation.

What an irony, that those who stood/stand for a Hindu Nation are today trying to project Ambedkar, who was opposed to Hindu Rashtra and wanted to have democratic, secular republic, as a part of their ideological parivar!

The writer is a human rights activist, who taught at IIT Bombay. The views are personal.

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post Does Babasaheb’s Ideology Match With Hindu Nationalist Politics? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

CJP stated in its complaint that, the scheduled event, which is scheduled to take place at 4 PM tomorrow i.e. January 5, has raised deep concerns due to the high likelihood of provocative and incendiary speeches that could ignite communal tensions. While the speakers have not been disclosed, the track record of the organizing group strongly indicates that divisive and inflammatory rhetoric will be at the centre of the gathering. These types of events have historically led to an escalation of violence, stoking fear and insecurity within the community.

In line with the orders of the Hon’ble Supreme Court and Bombay High Court, which mandate preventive actions against hate speech and violence, CJP is calling on the Pune authorities to act swiftly. CJP mentioned in its complaint that such gatherings violate the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution and contravene Indian criminal law, particularly by inciting communal violence.

CJP has also pointed to a recent precedent in which the Mahim Police in Mumbai denied permission for a similar rally by the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti. This decision was made in the interest of preserving communal harmony, and CJP urges the Pune authorities to take a similar stance. Immediate preventive measures are crucial to prevent any untoward incidents that may arise from this dangerous event.

HJS’s role in spreading communal hatred and extremism

CJP in its complaint mentioned that, “HJS runs a campaign advocating for the passing of anti-Love Jihad laws in across the country. Extremist Right-wing Hindu groups have been using the term “love-Jihad” loosely now, wielded by an aggressive majoritarianism, woven into a dominant caste Hindu narrative of religious extremism, Islamophobia, and communal hatred. It has also been provided on their website that HJS has been conducting regular workshops to make Hindus “aware” of the consequences of autonomous and free choice marriages, derogatively and provocatively termed ‘Love Jihad.’ This Right-wing extremist organisation has also organized various events in the past advocating for the boycott of Halal and the economic boycott of Muslims in India. Other than this, their websites have also provided a communal colour to issues such as religious conversions and cow slaughter.”

“It is pertinent to note, that in the current environment of oppression and otherisation of the Muslim community, such religious issues when portrayed in a prejudicial or hysterical way, without any rational basis to that questioning, with an intention to pitch views of only one segment/community amounts to stigmatizing of an already marginalized section” as CJP’s mentioned in its complaint.

CJP highlights Supreme Court directives to prevent hate speech

As part of the complaint, CJP also highlighted a series of key directives issued by the Hon’ble Supreme Court, emphasizing its repeated rulings aimed at preventing social disharmony, hate crimes, and communal violence. These included landmark judgments such as Mohd. Haroon & Ors. v. Union of India [(2014) 5 SCC 252], Firoz Iqbal Khan v. Union of India [W.P (Civ.) No. 956 of 2020], Tehseen Poonawalla v. UOI & Ors. [(2018) 9 SCC 501], and Amish Devgan v. Union of India [2021 1 SCC 1]. The CJP also stressed the interim orders in Shaheen Abdullah v. Union of India [Writ Petition (Civil) No. 940 of 2022], where the Apex Court reaffirmed the police’s statutory duties to take immediate action under Section 151 of the CrPC if hate speech is anticipated. Moreover, the Court mandated video documentation of events where hate speech may occur, reinforcing the need for preventive action.

In light of these directives, the citizen’s delegation urged police officials to invoke Sections 130 (Police to prevent cognizable offences), 131 (Information of design to commit cognizable offences), and 132 (Arrest to prevent cognizable offences) of the BNSS, alongside any other relevant provisions of law. They emphasized that keeping the public informed about developments in such cases would greatly help rebuild faith in the rule of law and strengthen the police-citizen relationship.

Additionally, the complaint presented a comprehensive Handbook titled “Towards a Hate-Free Nation,” which offers clear guidelines and the latest jurisprudence from the Supreme Court and Bombay High Court on combating targeted violence. The booklet outlines essential preventive measures for the police and district administration, ensuring they are equipped to handle events that may involve hate-inciting speeches. CJP firmly believes that combating hate is a collective responsibility that rests on both the concerned citizenry and the authorities.

CJP’s complaint dated January 4, 2025 mey be read here:

Related

CJP seeks preventive action against Hindu Janjagruti Samiti’s Hyderabad event

CJP urges preventive measures against “Third Maharashtra Mandir Nyas Parishad” to uphold peace and harmony in Shirdi

Mahim Police refuse permission to HJS August rally, reassure CJP delegation

The post CJP urges Pune authorities to prevent potentially hate fuelled event of right-wing appeared first on SabrangIndia.