Where is justice lost…what happened in these five years? Many innocents are still behind bars and many accused are still roaming free. One of them has even become an MLA and minister on a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) ticket.

Five years ago, between February 23 and February 26, 2020, a conspiracy was hatched to light a communal fire in Delhi. The north-eastern part of the capital city was made the target of this attack.

About 53 people lost their lives in this communal violence. Hundreds were injured. There was huge loss of life and property in the violence that lasted for four days. Many houses and shops were burnt to ashes.

In common parlance, we call this a ‘riot’, but if the right words are used, it was an attack. A revenge against the Shaheen Bagh movement against the Citizenship Amendment Act or CAA. Statistics testify this.

Delhi Police figures say that among those killed, 40 were Muslims and 13 were Hindus.

Unfortunately, the government and the mainstream media largely reported one-sided stories and blamed the Muslim community for this violence. This is what is being propagated even today.

As per the Special Cell and Crime Branch of Delhi Police, there was a “deep conspiracy” behind the Delhi riots, the “foundation of which was laid” during the anti-CAA and NRC protests in 2019.

This conspiracy has been mentioned in case number 59/2020. Delhi Police considers former JNU student leader, Umar Khalid, as the “mastermind” of the Delhi violence.

Special Public Prosecutor Amit Prasad has argued that the violence was part of a conspiracy to create trouble during the visit of then US President Donald Trump to India.

The violence started in Jaffrabad in North East Delhi, where women were staging a sit-in protest against the CAA on the Seelampur-Jaffrabad-Maujpur Road.

At that time, the freshly minted BJP leader, Kapil Mishra (who had switched over from the Aam Aadmi Party), called upon Delhi Police to clear the streets, and threatening to do so himself with the help of his supporters. It is after this that the violence broke out.

Recall that despite all their efforts, BJP had badly lost in the Assembly elections held in February 2020.  Many analysts say that the stunning defeat had flustered BJP. (This year that defeat has been avenged. After 27 years, BJP has once again come to power in Delhi with full majority.)

The backdrop of the communal violence had already been created, but ultimately it is innocent people who became its victims.

In 2022, four former judges and a former Home Secretary had released a fact-finding report on the reality of the Delhi violence. The report had raised serious questions on the investigation by Delhi Police. Also, strong comments were made on the role of Union Home Ministry, Delhi government and the media.

The fact-finding report also found that speeches made by BJP leaders like Kapil Mishra had also played a role in instigating people, which led to the violence.

Social activist Harsh Mander had even filed a petition in Delhi’s Patiala Court saying that an FIR should be registered against Kapil Mishra. This petition is still pending in the court.

Notably, in July 2020, Delhi Police had told the Delhi High Court that no evidence had been found against Kapil Mishra and other BJP leaders’ speeches having instigated the violence.

The same Kapil Mishra has now become an MLA and minister by contesting the recent Delhi Assembly elections from Karawal Nagar on a BJP ticket. But there is no discussion in the media about his role in the 2020 communal violence.

According to various media reports, the police have registered a total of 758 FIRs related to the violence.

Some reports published in 2024 said a total of 2,619 people had been arrested, out of which 2,094 people are out on bail.

The court has so far found only 47 people guilty and has acquitted 183 people. Cases against 75 people have been dismissed due to lack of sufficient evidence.

Delhi Police has so far arrested at least 24 people, of which 10 have been released on bail in the case of Head Constable Ratan Lal, who was killed in the line of duty during the Delhi violence.

Also, the 11 accused arrested in the murder case of Ankit Sharma, who worked in the Intelligence Bureau, are still in jail. Sharma’s body was found in a drain in Chand Bagh on February 26, 2020.

Notably, the fact-finding report has put its finger on  another accused in the Delhi violence —  Delhi Police. Questions have been raised on the role of Delhi Police in allowing these riots to happen and for inaction and delay in stopping the violence. Besides, Delhi Police have also been accused on brutalities.

Hearing in a case related to the Delhi riots in September 2024, a court had acquitted 10 accused persons, raising questions on the ‘theory’ of Delhi Police. All the accused belonged to the Muslim community. They were accused of attacking a house and a shop in Gokulpuri police station area of ​​North East Delhi.

Additional Sessions Judge Pulastya Pramchala of Delhi’s Karkardooma Court had said that “suspicions over the allegations against the accused are not beyond doubt.”

During these four-five years, there were many such occasions during the hearing in the court, when the court made harsh remarks on the Delhi Police and described the level of their investigation as poor.

In August, 2023, while hearing the arrest of three people in the case of rioting in FIR No. 71/20 case of Dayalpur Police Station, Karkaduma Court had commented that the incidents had not been properly and completely investigated. It noted that the charge sheet in the case had been filed with prejudice in a bid to hide the mistakes made in the beginning.

Because of this kind of investigation and attitude of the police, many youth are still languishing in jail.

In November 2024, the Supreme Court refused to grant bail to Delhi riots accused Gulfisha Fatima, but asked the Delhi High Court to hear her bail petition soon. Senior advocate Kapil Sibal, appearing for Gulfisha, had said that she had been in jail for four years, and her bail petition had been pending in the High Court for a long time.

Earlier, on October 25, 2024, the Supreme Court had given a similar order in the case of another riot accused, Sharjeel Imam.

However, in March 2022 itself, councillor Ishrat Jahan, an accused in the violence, got bail. She was arrested by the Special Cell of Delhi Police under UAPA (Unlawful Activities Prevention Act).

The bail petition was filed in the court on behalf of former Congress councilor Ishrat Jahan, which said that the police did not have a single evidence against her.

Earlier, in June 2021, Delhi High Court had granted bail to Pinjra Tod activists Devangana Kalita, Natasha Narwal and Jamia student Asif Iqbal Tanha, who were arrested under UAPA Sections on charges of rioting.

At that time the High Court had said that giving inciting speeches or blocking roads is not unusual when there is widespread opposition to the actions of the government and Parliament. Even if we assume that the alleged inflammatory speeches, ‘chakka jam’, inciting women to protest and other acts, even if these violate the limits of the right to peaceful protest given in the Constitution, the act cannot be termed as a terrorist act, its conspiracy or its preparation.

Alas, Umar Khalid did not get bail or such comments.

Delhi Police’s Special Cell and Crime Branch consider Khalid to be the ‘mastermind’ of the Delhi violence. He has been in jail since September 2020. He has been charged with terrorism, rioting and criminal conspiracy under UAPA. The trial in this case has not started yet.

Umar Khalid’s bail plea has been rejected twice by two different courts, and hearings on his case have been adjourned umpteen times.

Khalid’s bail plea remained pending in the Supreme Court from May 2023 to January 2024, but the debate on it could not be started even once. After this, he withdrew his bail application from the Supreme Court and went back to the trial court.

On February 20, 2025, Khalid’s bail plea was heard in the Delhi High Court. During the hearing, his lawyer told the HC that merely being a member of a WhatsApp group was not evidence of involvement in any crime.

His lawyer Trideep Pais told the court that Khalid had been in custody as an undertrial for a long time. He said that the delay in the trial was also a reason due to which Khalid should get bail. The senior advocate argued that on the basis of equality with the four accused in this case who have been granted bail, Khalid should also be granted bail.

The bench headed by Justice Naveen Chawla has now ordered the next hearing on Khalid’s bail plea on March 4.

So, if we look at how justice has progressed in these five years, it can be said that while one set of accused —  Umar Khalid or Gulfisha or Sharjeel Imam — has not got bail yet, And one of the accused (although Delhi Police does not consider him an accused) Kapil Mishra has become an MLA and the Law and Justice Minister in the Delhi government. Along with this, he has got charge of Development, Art and Culture Department, Language Department, Tourism Department, Labour Department and Employment Department.

The session of the new Delhi Assembly has started. It would be fitting if a report on the progress of investigation in Delhi riots is tabled so that the country knows what the police under Home Minister Amit Shah did for justice in these five years.

(Translated from the original article published on Newsclick’s Hindi website)

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post 5 Years of Delhi Riots: Some Punished, Some Rewarded! appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Main Points:

Hizb ut-Tahrir was founded in 1953 in Jerusalem by Sheikh Taqiuddin al-Nabhani, a scholar of Islamic jurisprudence and former member of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood

Hizb ut-Tahrir’s ideology is rooted in a strict interpretation of Islamic governance. It rejects nationalism, democracy, and secularism, advocating instead for the revival of a unified Caliphate under Islamic law.

Hizb ut-Tahrir remains one of the most enigmatic and controversial Islamist movements in the modern era. With a highly disciplined structure and a clear ideological vision, it has survived despite decades of repression.

Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT), an international pan-Islamic political organization, has long been controversial and debated. Established in 1953, its stated objective is the re-establishment of the Islamic Caliphate, which it sees as the only legitimate governing system for Muslims worldwide. While the group insists on non-violent means to achieve its goals, many governments have outlawed it due to its radical political ideology.

This article explores the origins, ideological framework, leadership perspectives, and legacy of Hizb ut-Tahrir, relying extensively on quotes from its leaders and publications.

Origins and Early History

Hizb ut-Tahrir was founded in 1953 in Jerusalem by Sheikh Taqiuddin al-Nabhani, a scholar of Islamic jurisprudence and former member of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. Nabhani, disillusioned with what he saw as the secularization of the Arab world and the failure of existing Islamist movements, sought to create a political party that would focus on re-establishing the Caliphate as a comprehensive solution for Muslim governance.

Al-Nabhani emphasized that HT’s methodology was unique compared to other Islamic movements:

“We do not engage in practical politics in the sense of seeking power through participation in existing regimes. Our work is solely intellectual and political, aimed at changing the minds of the Ummah (Muslim community).”

From its inception, HT focused on recruiting members through intensive ideological training rather than mass activism. The party quickly spread to Jordan, Syria, and other parts of the Middle East, but it faced immediate repression from regional governments, many of which saw its calls for an Islamic state as a direct threat to their authority.

Ideological Framework

Hizb ut-Tahrir’s ideology is rooted in a strict interpretation of Islamic governance. It rejects nationalism, democracy, and secularism, advocating instead for the revival of a unified Caliphate under Islamic law.

The Role of the Caliphate

The Caliphate, according to HT, is the only legitimate system for Muslims because it is divinely mandated. The party argues that all Muslim-majority countries today suffer from “man-made” laws rather than divine rule, leading to corruption, oppression, and weakness.

As Abdul Qadeem Zallum, a later leader of HT, wrote:

“The Ummah has been living in darkness since the destruction of the Caliphate in 1924. Only by re-establishing it will Muslims regain their dignity and rightful leadership in the world.”

HT envisions a Caliphate that stretches across all Muslim lands, ruled by a single leader (Caliph) implementing Islamic law (Sharia) in all aspects of life—governance, economy, and society.

Rejection of Democracy

Hizb ut-Tahrir firmly rejects democracy, arguing that it is a Western-imposed system incompatible with Islam. In HT’s view, sovereignty belongs to Allah alone, not to the people.

Al-Nabhani argued in his writings:

“Democracy places legislation in the hands of humans, whereas in Islam, legislation comes only from Allah.”

HT considers electoral politics under secular governments to be illegitimate and sees participation in them as a betrayal of Islamic principles.

Opposition to Nationalism and the Nation-State

One of HT’s most distinctive ideological positions is its absolute rejection of nationalism. It views national borders in the Muslim world as artificial divisions imposed by colonial powers to weaken Islamic unity.

Zallum, elaborating on this point, stated:

“The so-called Arab world, the so-called Muslim world—these are colonial constructs. Our loyalty is to Islam, not to nations.”

This anti-nationalist stance has often put HT at odds with various governments that see national identity as crucial to their stability.

Methodology: Non-Violent but Radical

Despite its radical rhetoric, Hizb ut-Tahrir claims to follow a non-violent methodology. The group insists that it seeks to bring about the Caliphate through intellectual and political work, rather than armed struggle.

One of HT’s spokespersons stated:

“We reject terrorism and violence. Our method is one of ideological struggle, exposing the corruption of existing regimes and preparing the Ummah for Islamic rule.”

However, critics argue that HT’s rhetoric can inspire extremist violence by portraying secular governments as illegitimate and Western influence as a form of colonialism.

Hizb ut-Tahrir’s Global Expansion

Since its founding, Hizb ut-Tahrir has spread far beyond the Middle East. Today, it operates in over 40 countries, with strongholds in Central Asia, South Asia, and Europe.

Presence in the Middle East

HT’s attempts to gain traction in the Arab world have been met with repression. Many Middle Eastern governments, particularly in Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia, have outlawed the group and imprisoned its members.

Despite this, HT continues to have underground networks in many Arab countries, particularly in Syria, where it has attempted to influence Islamist factions.

Strength in Central Asia

HT has a significant presence in Central Asia, particularly in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan. The governments of these countries view HT as a major security threat, accusing it of attempting to radicalize the population and undermine state authority.

The Uzbek government has been particularly aggressive in cracking down on HT, imprisoning thousands of its suspected members.

Growth in South Asia

HT has made notable inroads in Pakistan and Bangladesh, where it has targeted the military and educated elites for recruitment. It has repeatedly called for a military coup in Pakistan to establish an Islamic state.

A prominent HT leader in Pakistan stated:

“The Muslim armies must remove the traitorous rulers and establish the Caliphate, for they hold the power to do so.”

This open call for military intervention has led to multiple government crackdowns on HT activities.

European Presence

HT has also gained a following in Western countries, particularly in the UK, where it has a visible presence in Muslim communities. While it is banned in Germany and Russia, it continues to operate legally in some Western countries under the banner of free speech.

HT’s European branches focus heavily on intellectual debates, organizing lectures and conferences that critique Western democracy and foreign policy.

Legacy and Controversy

Impact on Islamist Movements

Hizb ut-Tahrir has played a significant role in shaping Islamist discourse. While it has never succeeded in establishing a Caliphate, its emphasis on the unity of the Muslim world has influenced many contemporary Islamist movements.

Some jihadist groups, including al-Qaeda and ISIS, have been indirectly influenced by HT’s vision of the Caliphate. However, HT officially rejects these groups’ use of violence, creating a paradox where it shares a similar ideological goal but differs in methodology.

Government Crackdowns and Bans

Many governments view Hizb ut-Tahrir as a threat to stability and have banned it. Countries that have outlawed HT include: Egypt, Pakistan, Russia, Germany, China (particularly in Xinjiang, where HT is accused of inciting separatism)

Despite bans, HT continues to operate clandestinely in many of these regions.

Internal Challenges

HT has faced internal struggles, including leadership disputes and strategic debates over whether to engage with existing political structures or continue its purist approach.

Additionally, the rise of violent extremist groups has made it difficult for HT to maintain its image as a non-violent organization. Many view its ideology as a stepping stone to radicalization.

Hizb ut-Tahrir remains one of the most enigmatic and controversial Islamist movements in the modern era. With a highly disciplined structure and a clear ideological vision, it has managed to survive despite decades of repression.

While it has not achieved its goal of restoring the Caliphate, HT’s impact on Islamic political thought is undeniable. Whether it will ever translate its ideology into tangible political power remains to be seen, but its presence in global Islamist discourse is unlikely to fade anytime soon.

A Detailed Refutation of Hizb ut-Tahrir’s Ideology: Voices from Moderate Islam

Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) presents itself as an intellectual and political movement dedicated to restoring the Islamic Caliphate. While it claims non-violence, its ideological underpinnings—rejection of democracy, nationalism, and participation in existing political systems—have made it a source of concern for governments and moderate Muslim scholars alike.

Throughout Islamic history, numerous respected scholars and leaders have espoused views that directly contradict HT’s core beliefs. This article presents a comprehensive refutation of HT’s ideology using insights from classical Islamic scholars, modern Muslim intellectuals, and contemporary political figures who argue for a more balanced and pragmatic understanding of Islam.

1. The Misuse of the Caliphate: A Historical and Theological Perspective

HT’s Claim:

Hizb ut-Tahrir asserts that the abolition of the Ottoman Caliphate in 1924 marked the beginning of the Muslim world’s decline. It claims that re-establishing a centralized Caliphate is a divine obligation and the only solution to the problems faced by Muslims today.

“The Ummah has been living in darkness since the destruction of the Caliphate in 1924. Only by re-establishing it will Muslims regain their dignity and rightful leadership in the world.” – Abdul Qadeem Zallum, former HT leader

Refutation: The Caliphate is Not a Religious Pillar

Islamic scholars throughout history have debated the nature and necessity of the Caliphate. While governance in Islam is important, it is not one of the five pillars of Islam (Shahada, Salah, Zakat, Sawm, Hajj), nor is it a core tenet of faith.

1.1 Classical Scholars on the Caliphate

The famous Islamic jurist Imam Al-Ghazali (1058–1111) argued that the unity of Muslims is more about faith and moral values than a political structure:

“The welfare of the people is not dependent on the existence of one ruler or a single Caliphate, but rather on the just administration of affairs, ensuring security, and upholding the principles of Islam.” – Al-Ghazali, Ihya Ulum al-Din

Similarly, Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406), the great historian and sociologist, observed that political leadership in Islam evolved naturally over time and that power should be based on the needs of society rather than rigid historical models:

“The Caliphate as envisioned in early Islam was suitable for that time. Governance is shaped by economic and social conditions, and no single model can be deemed mandatory for all ages.” – Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddimah

1.2 Contemporary Scholars on the Caliphate

Renowned modern Islamic scholar Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi (1926–2022) refuted the idea that a single political entity is necessary for the Muslim world:

“Nowhere in the Qur’an or authentic Sunnah is there a command that Muslims must have only one ruler. Unity in faith and cooperation in good deeds are required, but political unity under one state is neither a necessity nor a divine obligation.” – Yusuf al-Qaradawi

Even within early Islamic history, the concept of the Caliphate evolved and was never universally agreed upon. The Rightly Guided Caliphs (632–661) ruled differently from the later Umayyad and Abbasid Caliphs, demonstrating that governance structures changed according to circumstances.

The insistence on reviving the Caliphate as an obligation ignores both historical realities and Islamic jurisprudence. Justice, security, and good governance—rather than a single political entity—are the true Islamic ideals.

2. Rejection of Democracy and Elections: A False Dichotomy

HT’s Claim:

Hizb ut-Tahrir rejects democracy, arguing that only divine law (Sharia) should govern Muslims and that elections under secular systems are illegitimate.

“Democracy places legislation in the hands of humans, whereas in Islam, legislation comes only from Allah.” – Taqiuddin al-Nabhani, HT founder

Refutation: Islam Encourages Shura (Consultation) and Public Participation

HT’s opposition to democracy stems from a rigid and literalist interpretation of governance. However, Islam itself encourages Shura (consultation), accountability, and public participation, all of which align with democratic principles.

2.1 Qur’anic and Hadith Evidence for Consultation

The Qur’an explicitly commands consultation in governance:

“And those who have responded to [the need for] their ruler with consultation among themselves, and who spend from what We have provided them.” – (Qur’an 42:38)

The Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) practiced consultation in state matters. He sought advice from his companions before major decisions, even when he had divine guidance. If democracy is about accountability and consultation, how can it be un-Islamic?

2.2 Statements from Muslim Scholars Supporting Democratic Principles

Muhammad Abduh (1849–1905), an Egyptian reformer, argued that democracy was in line with Islamic principles of justice and consultation:

“The essence of democracy—justice, accountability, and consultation—is what Islam calls for. The problem is not democracy itself but those who misuse power under any system.”

Similarly, Maulana Wahiduddin Khan (1925–2021), an Indian Islamic scholar, defended democracy by emphasizing that Islam is against dictatorship:

“A government chosen by the people and accountable to them is closer to Islamic values than authoritarian rule. Tyranny is haram, whether in the name of religion or secularism.”

HT’s rejection of democracy is based on a false understanding of Islamic governance. The Qur’an and Sunnah encourage consultation, participation, and accountability, all of which align with democratic principles.

3. Nationalism and the Muslim Identity: A Misplaced Opposition

HT’s Claim:

HT rejects nationalism, claiming that it is a colonial construct that divides the Muslim Ummah.

“The so-called Muslim world—these are colonial constructs. Our loyalty is to Islam, not to nations.” – HT statement

Refutation: Islam Recognizes Diversity and Local Identity

HT’s rejection of nationalism contradicts Islamic teachings that acknowledge diversity and local identities as part of God’s creation.

3.1 Qur’anic and Prophetic Recognition of National Identity

The Qur’an states:

“O mankind, We have created you from a male and a female and made you peoples and tribes so that you may know one another.” – (Qur’an 49:13)

This verse clearly recognizes that different identities exist, and they are not inherently un-Islamic. The Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) himself acknowledged tribal affiliations but condemned racism and oppression.

3.2 Scholars on Nationalism and Islam

Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938), a philosopher and poet of South Asia, argued that Islam could accommodate nationalism within a broader spiritual framework:

“Love for one’s country does not negate love for Islam. A Muslim can be a patriot without abandoning his religious identity.”

Similarly, Prince Hassan of Jordan, a modern Islamic scholar, stated:

“Islamic unity is a spiritual bond, but political unity is not always practical. A just ruler, whether in a Muslim-majority or non-Muslim state, is preferable to an unjust Caliph.”

HT’s rigid opposition to nationalism ignores Islamic teachings that recognize diversity and local governance. Unity in faith does not require the dissolution of nation-states.

Final Thoughts: The Way Forward

Hizb ut-Tahrir’s ideology is rooted in a selective and rigid interpretation of Islamic history, ignoring centuries of jurisprudential development and political realities. Scholars from classical to modern times have consistently advocated for justice, consultation, and adaptability, rather than an uncompromising, monolithic state.

The real challenge for the Muslim world is not the re-establishment of a Caliphate but the promotion of justice, education, and good governance. As the Qur’an states:

“Indeed, Allah commands justice, good conduct, and giving to relatives and forbids immorality, bad conduct, and oppression.” – (Qur’an 16:90)

A better future for Muslims lies in progress, knowledge, and ethical leadership, not in romanticizing a political model that no longer fits the modern world.

Grace Mubashir is a PhD scholar at Islamic Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia and a freelance journalist based at Delhi

Article was first published on New Age Islam

The post Hizb ut-Tahrir: Radical thoughts influencing global mainstream politics – Part 1 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to Jamui police, the violence unfolded at around 4.30 pm when a group of approximately 30 people, led by members of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and Hindu Swabhimaan Sangathan, were returning from a Hanuman temple in a procession. Despite a contingent of six police personnel escorting the gathering, tensions escalated when the participants allegedly began shouting slogans near a local mosque. Soon after, alleged stone-pelting ensued, triggering a full-blown clash between groups from the Hindu and Muslim communities.

Several vehicles, including motorcycles and cars, were damaged in the melee. Among those injured were individuals identified as Nitish Kumar Sao, Khusbu Pandey, Pintu Kumar, Madhavlal Kashyap, and Suraj Barnwal. In response, the district administration imposed strict measures to contain further violence.

State response and internet suspension

Given the seemingly volatile nature of the situation, the Bihar government imposed a 48-hour internet suspension in Jamui district as a preventive measure. District Magistrate Abhilasha Sharma justified the decision, citing concerns that social media platforms could be used to spread inflammatory content, incite violence, and further disrupt communal harmony. The restriction, enforced under Section 5 of the Indian Telegraph Act, 1885, limits access to popular platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, YouTube, and Telegram.

Munger range Deputy Inspector General (DIG) Rakesh Kumar defended the internet ban, stating, “Various social media platforms and so-called news portals have been spreading rumours, exacerbating the tension. We took this decision to prevent further disturbances.” The state’s approach highlights an ongoing trend of digital blackouts being used as a tool for crisis management, though it raises concerns about suppression of information and freedom of speech.

Police action and political undertones

In the aftermath of the violence, law enforcement agencies registered two separate First Information Reports (FIRs) under sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) related to rioting, inciting violence, and destruction of public property. One FIR, based on a complaint from local residents, named 41 individuals, eight of whom have been arrested. The second FIR was lodged against unidentified persons.

Superintendent of Police (SP) Madan Kumar Anand assured that additional security forces had been deployed in the affected areas, with senior officers closely monitoring the situation. However, the broader political climate in Bihar adds another layer to the incident. With the state assembly elections scheduled for October, communal clashes such as this have the potential to be politicised.

It is notable that the groups leading the religious procession – ABVP and Hindu Swabhimaan Sangathan – are affiliated with right-wing organisations. The decision to chant slogans near a mosque, as reported by the district magistrate, suggests deliberate provocation, which aligns with broader patterns of polarisation observed in election years. Such incidents often serve as flashpoints for communal rhetoric, aiding political forces seeking to consolidate voter bases along religious lines.

The larger implications of rising communal tensions

Bihar has witnessed an increase in communal incidents in recent years, with religious processions frequently turning into sites of confrontation. The Jamui incident fits within a larger trend of heightened sectarian tensions across India, where public religious expressions, often involving processions and chanting, are strategically used to provoke responses from opposing communities.

Moreover, the state’s decision to suspend internet services, which the authorities might deem the same to be effective in curbing immediate escalation, raises concerns about the government’s approach to crisis management. Such measures, instead of addressing the root causes of communal discord, serve as a temporary fix while leaving underlying grievances unaddressed. This trend of using blanket digital blackouts also raises important questions about democratic rights, access to information, and state overreach.

As Bihar moves closer to its crucial state elections, incidents like these will likely be used by different political factions to push communal narratives. The role of law enforcement in ensuring neutrality and preventing further violence will be a key test for the administration in the coming months. If not handled carefully, the Jamui clash could become yet another episode in the deepening communal fault lines in India’s political and social fabric.

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The post Communal Tensions Erupt in Bihar’s Jamui: Alleged stone-pelting during religious procession leads to violence appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Baddi and Miskin, who are currently facing trial for their involvement in these targeted assassinations, later paid visits to the Siddharoodha Matha and Moorusavira Matha, reinforcing their alignment with right-wing religious factions. In a further sign of institutional complicity, banners hailing them as “Hindu tigers” were put up in parts of Hubballi, including near the Tulaja Bhavani temple, before temple authorities belatedly removed them.

A video of the celebration and felicitation may be viewed here:

This grotesque celebration of accused murderers is not an isolated incident. It reflects a broader and deeply troubling pattern within Hindutva extremist circles—one in which individuals who have committed or are accused of committing heinous crimes, including murder, rape, and lynching, are glorified as warriors of their cause rather than held accountable for their actions.

From killers to heroes

The public honouring of Baddi and Miskin comes just months after a similarly shocking episode in October 2024, when two other key accused in the Gauri Lankesh murder—Parashuram Waghmore and Manohar Yadave—were greeted as heroes upon their release from prison. After being granted bail by a Bengaluru sessions court on October 9, 2024, the two men were received in their hometown of Vijayapura with garlands, celebratory chants, and processions organised by the far-right group Sri Rama Sene.

At the centre of this spectacle was Umesh Vandal, a Sri Rama Sene leader who presided over the event as Waghmore and Yadave were draped in saffron shawls and welcomed like returning soldiers. The accused killers, far from showing remorse, went on to publicly pay homage to a statue of Shivaji, a move designed to project themselves as Hindutva warriors fighting a righteous battle. Videos of the event circulated widely on social media, triggering outrage among civil society groups, but drawing no meaningful condemnation from the political establishment.

Adding to the alarming trend, another accused in the Gauri Lankesh murder case, Shrikant Pangarkar, was inducted into the Shiv Sena faction led by Maharashtra Chief Minister Eknath Shinde on October 19, 2024. Pangarkar, a former Maharashtra corporator, had been arrested in 2018 for his role in the assassination conspiracy but was granted bail by the Karnataka High Court in September 2024. The Shiv Sena’s decision to welcome him into its ranks ahead of the Maharashtra assembly elections sparked public outrage, forcing CM Shinde to hurriedly declare the appointment “null and void”—a mere face-saving exercise rather than a principled stand against extremism.

The public felicitations of both the accused in the Bilkis Bano case and the Gauri Lankesh murder case reveal a disturbing pattern of glorifying individuals involved in heinous crimes, particularly those targeting women. In the Bilkis Bano case, the eleven convicts who were responsible for the gang rape and mass murder during the 2002 Gujarat riots were released early and celebrated by right-wing groups, sending a chilling message of impunity for sexual violence against women. Similarly, the accused in the brutal murder of journalist Gauri Lankesh, a prominent woman who fearlessly challenged the forces of Hindutva, were honoured in a manner that undermines the seriousness of the crime. Both cases highlight how violence against women—whether in the form of sexual assault or political assassination—has been co-opted by extremist factions to advance their divisive agendas, while the state’s failure to hold the perpetrators accountable sends a dangerous message about the erosion of justice and respect for women in India. The glorification of such criminals not only trivialises the suffering of the victims but also emboldens future acts of gender-based violence and political murder.

The Gauri Lankesh case: A murder that exposed a network of hate

The killing of journalist Gauri Lankesh in 2017 was not an isolated act of violence. It was part of a calculated campaign against dissenters, rationalists, and progressive voices who dared to challenge Hindutva supremacy. Lankesh, a fearless journalist, was gunned down outside her home in Bengaluru on September 5, 2017, a brutal assassination that sent shockwaves across India.

The Karnataka Police’s Special Investigation Team (SIT) eventually arrested 17 individuals, all linked to the extremist outfit Sanatan Sanstha, revealing a vast network of Hindutva militants operating across multiple states. The investigation found that Waghmore was the shooter, with Miskin as the getaway driver. Their case, like that of many others charged with politically motivated killings, has been dragged out in court, leading to bail for several accused on procedural grounds.

The SIT uncovered further links between the Gauri Lankesh murder and other high-profile assassinations of rationalists, including MM Kalburgi, Govind Pansare, and Narendra Dabholkar. These killings form part of an ideological crusade in which Hindutva extremists systematically target voices that oppose their radical vision of Hindu nationalism.

While legal proceedings remain ongoing, the celebration of the accused makes it clear that for their supporters, these men are not criminals—they are ideological foot soldiers in a war against secularism and rational thought.

A systemic pattern: Hindutva’s hero worship of convicted criminals

The glorification of murder accused in Karnataka is not an aberration—it is part of a well-documented pattern of Hindutva forces celebrating individuals involved in communal violence, sexual violence, and hate crimes.

• 2022: Bilkis Bano Case (Gujarat) – Eleven convicts in the gang-rape and mass murder case were released early and garlanded in Godhra by RSS member Arvind Sisodia, signalling approval of anti-Muslim violence.
• 2020: Bulandshahr Mob Violence (Uttar Pradesh) – Shikhar Agarwal, accused in the mob killing of police officer Subodh Kumar Singh, was honoured by BJP’s Bulandshahr president Anil Sisodia, reinforcing political protection for rioters.
• 2019: Bulandshahr Lynching Case (Uttar Pradesh) – Seven accused in Inspector Singh’s lynching received a hero’s welcome from Bajrang Dal, VHP, and right-wing groups, legitimising vigilantism.
• 2018: Gujarat Pogrom Planner Honoured (Gujarat) – Keka Shastry, a VHP leader who admitted to planning the 2002 Gujarat carnage, was felicitated and praised by BJP leaders, showcasing open endorsement of communal violence.
• 2018: Ajmer Dargah Blast Convict Welcomed (Gujarat) – Bhavesh Patel, convicted in the 2007 Ajmer Dargah blast, was given a grand celebration by BJP and VHP, normalising Hindutva-led terrorism.
• 2018: Minister Felicitates Lynching Convicts (Jharkhand) – Union Minister Jayant Sinha garlanded eight men convicted of lynching coal trader Alimuddin Ansari, highlighting state complicity in mob violence.
• 2018: Kathua Rape Case Protests (Jammu) – BJP leaders and Hindu Ekta Manch members organised rallies in support of men accused of the gang rape and murder of an eight-year-old girl, exposing the communalisation of sexual violence.
• 2013: Muzaffarnagar Riots Accused Honoured (Uttar Pradesh) – BJP’s ‘Human Rights Cell’ felicitated Sangeet Som and Suresh Rana, accused of inciting communal riots that killed over 60 people and displaced thousands.
• 2018: Giriraj Singh Backs Riot-Accused (Bihar) – Union Minister Giriraj Singh visited Bajrang Dal and VHP members jailed for communal riots, portraying them as victims of political persecution.
• 2014: Hindutva Bravery Award for Murder Accused (Maharashtra) – Hindutva groups planned to honour Dhananjay Desai, Hindu Rashtra Sena leader accused of murdering Pune techie Mohsin Sheikh, reinforcing the veneration of violent extremists.

From political patronage to social media glorification, the infrastructure of Hindutva extremism ensures that those who commit violence against minorities, journalists, and rationalists are not just shielded but celebrated. The repeated public honouring of individuals accused or convicted of such crimes is not merely a law-and-order issue; it is a fundamental challenge to the fabric of Indian democracy.

The danger of normalising hate

The message sent by these acts of public glorification is clear: in today’s India, those who commit violence in the name of Hindutva are not just protected—they are exalted. By treating rapists, lynchers, and murderers as heroes, both convicted and accused, the Hindutva ecosystem is ensuring that such crimes will not only continue but will be carried out with even greater impunity.

The failure of the state to curb these displays of hate is a tacit endorsement of the growing culture of extremist violence. With each celebration of hate criminals, Hindutva forces are further emboldened, deepening the assault on secularism, diversity, and democracy itself. The question now is not just about whether justice will be served in individual cases—it is about whether India can still call itself a nation governed by the rule of law, or whether it has fully embraced mob rule in the name of Hindutva.

Related:

Bilkis Bano Case: Supreme Court strikes down remission for gang rape and murder convicts, citing flagrant violation of rule of law

Bilkis Bano gang rape convict shares stage with BJP MP, MLA: Gujarat

Remembering Gauri Lankesh, Renewing A Pledge

The post Honour for killers of Gauri Lankesh and MM Kalburgi in Karnataka, public felicitation and terms like “Hindu tigers” for accused Amit Baddi and Ganesh Miskin appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This paper argues that the Quran, the primary source of Islamic teachings, does not support the harsh and punitive blasphemy laws enacted in many Muslim nations. Instead, the Quran emphasizes patience, forgiveness, and leaving judgment to God. By taking a leaf out of the Quran’s book, this paper advocates for the abandonment of such laws in favour of a more Quranically aligned approach to addressing blasphemy.

Blasphemy Laws in Muslim-Majority Countries

As of recent data, numerous Muslim-majority countries have enacted blasphemy laws, though their enforcement and severity vary widely. Countries with blasphemy laws include Afghanistan, Algeria, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Brunei, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Malaysia, Maldives, Mauritania, Morocco, Nigeria (in some northern states with Sharia law), Oman, Pakistan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, Turkey (though recently debated and modified), United Arab Emirates, and Yemen.

Pakistan has some of the strictest blasphemy laws, with penalties including the death penalty for insulting Islam or the Prophet Muhammad. Saudi Arabia and Iran enforce harsh penalties for blasphemy under Sharia law. In countries like Indonesia and Malaysia, blasphemy laws are selectively applied, often targeting religious minorities. This patchwork of enforcement creates a legal minefield where individuals can be caught in a web of ambiguity and oppression. In Turkey, blasphemy laws were technically abolished in 1924, but restrictions on insulting religious values remain under other legal provisions. In Nigeria, blasphemy laws are primarily enforced in northern states where Sharia law is implemented.

Blasphemy laws in these countries are often rooted in Islamic jurisprudence and are used to protect religious sentiments, particularly those related to Islam. However, these laws are frequently criticized for being used to suppress freedom of expression, target religious minorities, or settle personal vendettas. Rather than upholding the sanctity of faith, such laws often become a double-edged sword, cutting deeper into the fabric of justice and fairness.

Hadiths Cited in Support of Blasphemy Laws:

Several hadiths are often cited to justify harsh punishments for blasphemy. Below are some examples:

“Whoever insults the Messenger of God, he should be killed.” (Al-Bukhari, Vol. 9, Book 83, Hadith 37; Muslim, Book 16, Hadith 4157)

“If anyone abuses God, the Exalted, or abuses the Messenger of God, or abuses the Ka’bah, or abuses the sacred months, the punishment for him is to be killed, unless he repents.” (Abu Dawud, Book 40, Hadith 4595; Ibn Majah, Book 20, Hadith 2636)

A blind man killed his slave-mother for repeatedly insulting the Prophet. When the matter was brought to the Prophet, he said, “If he had come to me, I would have given him a more severe punishment than that.” (Abu Dawud, Book 40, Hadith 4593; Ibn Majah, Book 20, Hadith 2634)

Reformed scholars question the authenticity or reliability of certain hadiths used to justify blasphemy laws. They argue that not all hadiths are of equal strength, and some may have been fabricated or misinterpreted over time. They use the science of hadith criticism (Ilm al-Rijal) to evaluate the chains of narration (isnad) and the content (matn) of hadiths. In essence, they are separating the wheat from the chaff, ensuring that only the most authentic sources inform legal and theological discourse.

Quranic Perspective on Blasphemy

The Quran does not explicitly prescribe a specific worldly punishment for blasphemy. Instead, it emphasizes patience, forgiveness, and leaving judgment to God. Several Quranic verses provide guidance on how to respond to blasphemy, emphasizing the importance of restraint, respect, and wisdom.

In the face of offensive discourse, the Quran advises believers to exercise patience and avoid conflict. As stated in Quran 6:68, “When you see those who engage in [offensive] discourse concerning Our verses, then turn away from them until they enter into another conversation. And if Satan should cause you to forget, then do not remain after the reminder with the wrongdoing people.” This verse suggests that engaging with blasphemers is like adding fuel to the fire; instead, one should walk away and let the storm pass.

The Quran also emphasizes the importance of leaving judgment to God. In Quran 42:40, it is stated, “The recompense for an evil is an evil like thereof; but whoever forgives and makes reconciliation, his reward is with God. Indeed, He does not like wrongdoers.” This verse encourages believers to take the high road, leaving vengeance in God’s hands.

Furthermore, the Quran prohibits insulting others’ beliefs, emphasizing that respect is a two-way street. As stated in Quran 6:108, “Do not insult those they invoke other than God, lest they insult God in enmity without knowledge.” This verse underscores the importance of treating others with dignity and respect, even if they hold different beliefs.

While the Quran does highlight the gravity of blasphemy, it emphasizes divine punishment rather than human retribution. In Quran 9:61-62, it is stated, “Among them are those who abuse the Prophet and say, ‘He is an ear.’ … Those who abuse the Messenger of God—for them is a painful punishment.” This verse reinforces the idea that ultimate justice rests with God, not humans.

Finally, the Quran provides guidance on how to engage with others in a respectful and wise manner. In Quran 16:125, it is stated, “Invite to the way of your Lord with wisdom and good instruction, and argue with them in a way that is best.” This verse advocates a diplomatic approach, proving that honey catches more flies than vinegar. By embracing these Quranic principles, believers can promote a culture of respect, tolerance, and wisdom.

Responsible Freedom of Expression in Islam

The Quran emphasizes the importance of responsible freedom of expression, outlining etiquette for its exercise. Believers are encouraged to engage in respectful discussions, arguing “in the best way” (29:46) and “most courteous way” (16:125). The Quran warns against making unfounded assumptions, speaking ill of others, or spreading rumours without verification (49:12). It also stresses the need to verify information before sharing it, to avoid harming others (49:6).

The Quran highlights the value of thoughtful, evidence-based opinions expressed courteously, likening them to a fruitful tree (14:24-25). Conversely, it condemns abusive language, including slander, libel, and insults, warning believers not to revile others or use offensive language (6:108, 49:11). Ultimately, the Quran establishes both legal and moral boundaries for freedom of expression, promoting responsible communication and respect for others.

However, the Quran’s moral guidelines for expression are primarily directed at believers, with no equivalent expectations placed on non-believers. This raises questions about blasphemy, a concept historically intertwined with apostasy, heresy, and rejection of God and revelation in Islamic tradition.

As Mohammad Hashim Kamali’s book ‘Freedom of Expression in Islam’ demonstrates, juristic debates on these issues are complex and often opaque (Kamali, p.218–21). Historically, public opinions were categorized into three types: praiseworthy, blame-worthy, or doubtful. Praiseworthy opinions praised the Quran and Prophet Muhammad, while blame-worthy opinions were deemed blasphemous, seditious, or heretical.

Some Muslims understand Islam as a coercive system that dictates piety by force and eradicates impiety, apostasy, or blasphemy. However, this approach is not compatible with modern liberal standards. In fact, the Quran offers a more nuanced response to blasphemy, one that prioritizes responsible expression and respect for others.

In contrast, some Islamic countries continue to impose harsh punishments for blasphemy, including death. This approach is at odds with modern human rights standards and the principles of responsible freedom of expression outlined in the Quran.

As Kamali notes, the punishment for blasphemy in Islamic law is based on certain narratives in the Hadith literature that are open to interpretation (Kamali, p. 249). These narratives can be understood in their historical context, rather than as a basis for modern laws and punishments.

In conclusion, responsible freedom of expression is a fundamental principle of Islam, one that emphasizes respect, courtesy, and thoughtful communication. While some Islamic countries continue to impose harsh punishments for blasphemy, the Quran offers a more nuanced approach that prioritizes responsible expression and respect for others.

As noted by Ziauddin Sardar, a renowned British scholar, writer, and cultural critic, the debate surrounding blasphemy laws and Islam is succinctly captured in his insightful commentary, which highlights the complexities and nuances of this critical issue:

 “Classical juristic opinion is at odds, as it frequently seems to be, with the spirit and teachings of the Quran. I find the whole idea of blasphemy irrelevant to Islam. Either you are free to believe and not believe or you are not. If there is no compulsion in religion then all opinions can be expressed feely, including those which cause offence to religious people. The believers will show respect and use respectful language toward God and His Prophet simply because they are believers. Non-believers, by definition, take a rejectionist attitude to both. We should not be too surprised if non-believers resort to the use of what the believers would regard as unbecoming language towards sacred religious notions. The Quran expects this; and this is how the real world behaves.” God, ‘the Self-Sufficient One’, in His Majesty, is hardly going to be bothered if a few insults are hurled at him. He can certainly look after himself: ‘the Most Excellent Names belong to God: use them to call on Him, and keep away from those who abuse them—they will be requited for what they do’ (7:180). In other words, punishment or reward for those who abuse God lies with God; we have nothing to do with it and are required simply to stay away from such matters. As for the Prophet himself, he was constantly abused and blasphemed, in everyday words as well as poetry, during the period of his prophethood, particularly his time in Mecca. He took no action against those who ridiculed him. If the Prophet himself did not penalise those who uttered profanities against him, who are we to act on his behalf? Of course, we, the believers, have the right to be offended. But we have no right to silence our critics. To do so would be to act against the clear injunctions of the Quran and the example set by the Prophet. In matters of blasphemy, unfair criticism or expression of serious differences, the Quran expects the believers to show moral restraint, and not to be unnecessarily oversensitive. When the differences become truly irreconcilable, the Quran asks the believers to live and let live: Say ‘O unbelievers! I do not worship what you worship; nor do you worship what I worship; nor will I ever worship what you worship; nor will you ever worship what I worship. You have your religion and I have mine.’ (109:1–6)” (Sardar, p.339-340).

Blasphemy: A Call for Reform and Justice

The Quranic emphasis on patience and forgiveness is unmistakable. In the face of insults or mockery, believers are encouraged to respond with restraint, avoiding conflict whenever possible. As the Quran teaches, justice must be served on a silver platter of mercy, not an iron fist of punishment.

Notably, the Quran does not prescribe specific worldly punishments for blasphemy. Instead, it emphasizes divine retribution in the afterlife, leaving humans to focus on forgiveness and compassion. This approach is in stark contrast to the harsh punishments often meted out in the name of blasphemy laws.

These laws often violate fundamental human rights, silencing dissent and stifling growth and progress. Silencing dissent is akin to caging the wind – it is a futile endeavour that ultimately undermines the very fabric of society.

Furthermore, blasphemy laws are frequently misused, twisted to serve personal grudges rather than uphold justice. A law that can be manipulated in such a way is no law at all.

Ultimately, the Quran promotes a culture of mutual respect and tolerance. Muslims are prohibited from insulting the beliefs of others (Quran 6:108), recognizing that respect is a bridge built from both sides. By embracing this ethos, we can create a more harmonious and inclusive society, where freedom of expression is cherished and human rights are protected.

Reconciling Faith and Freedom in the Muslim World

The Quranic approach to blasphemy offers a profound lesson in patience, forgiveness, and humility. By leaving judgment to God, Muslims can focus on promoting a culture of tolerance, mutual respect, and compassion. This approach not only aligns with the Quranic spirit but also protects human rights and dignity.

As Muslim nations navigate the complexities of blasphemy laws, they have an opportunity to turn over a new leaf. By embracing the Quranic values of mercy, forgiveness, and coexistence, they can create a more just and harmonious society. As the metaphor goes, true faith is like a candle—it should illuminate the path, not consume everything in its path. By choosing the path of tolerance and understanding, Muslims can create a brighter future for all.

Bibliography

Kamali, Mohammad Hashim, Freedom of Expression in Islam, Kuala Lumpur: Berita Publishing, 1994

Sardar, Ziauddin, Reading the Quran: The Contemporary Relevance of the Sacred Text of Islam, New York, Oxford University Press, 2011

—

V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is an independent Indian scholar specializing in Islamic humanism. With a deep commitment to advancing Quranic hermeneutics that prioritize human well-being, peace, and progress, his work aims to foster a just society, encourage critical thinking, and promote inclusive discourse and peaceful coexistence. He is dedicated to creating pathways for meaningful social change and intellectual growth through his scholarship. He can be reached at vamashrof@gmail.com)

Courtesy: New Age Islam

The post Why Muslim Nations Should Abandon Blasphemy Laws appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The news item highlights that a 501-page document, prepared by a 25-member committee of scholars, draws inspiration from the Ramayana, the rules and teachings of Krishna, Manusmriti and Chanakya’s Arthashastra. The so-called ‘Constitution’ based on the Hindutva ideology, is expected to be unveiled at the Mahakumbh on Sunday February 2, when the Hindus celebrate ‘Basant Panchami’. Whether it will actually take place is anyone’s guess; the painful fact however, is that no one from the ruling regime, who swear by the Constitution of the country, has had the courage to say that very thought of propagating such an idea should be regarded as anti-national!

The committee which has put together this Constitution is known as the ‘Hindu Rashtra Samvidhan Nirmal Samiti’ and apparently consists of so-called scholars of the ‘Sanatan Dharma.’ Swami Anand Swaroop Maharaj, patron of the committee, told reporters at the Mahakumbh, that their target was to make India a Hindu nation by 2035. (their original plan was to make India a Hindutva- nation in 2025 – the centenary year of the RSS- but their plans failed miserably when they did not get the required numbers in the last Parliamentary elections- to make any undemocratic Constitutional changes).

The key provisions in the proposed ‘Constitution’ include:

• Mandatory Military Education: Every citizen of the Hindu Rashtra will be required to undergo military education.
• Harsher Punishment for Theft: The constitution proposes stricter punishment for theft and other crimes. (apparently there is no word on ‘corruption’ – which is the forte of the ruling regime)
• Tax Exemption for Agriculture: The tax system will be revamped, with agriculture being completely tax-free.
• Unicameral Legislature: The Hindu Dharma Parliament will be a unicameral legislature, with members known as Dharmik Sansads.
• Minimum Voting Age: The minimum voting age has been fixed at 16 years, with only those belonging to Sanatan Dharma allowed to contest elections.
• The Rashtradhyaksh, the chief of the country, would be chosen by three-fourths of the elected members of the legislature

Swaroop reiterated, “Human values are in the nucleus of our Constitution, which has been prepared by 14 scholars from north and 11 from south India. Our Constitution is not against other religions but those who are found involved in anti-national activities will face harsher punishment than what is awarded to them currently…. Over 300 amendments have been made in the Indian Constitution in the last seven decades but our scriptures are the same for the last several thousand centuries. There are 127 Christian, 57 Muslim and 15 Buddhist countries. Even the Jews have Israel. But the Hindus, whose population is over 175 crores across the world, have no Hindu nation.”

The writing has been on the wall since a long time now: the attacks on the Christians in 1998-99, in different parts of India and particularly in the Dangs District and other areas of South Gujarat became International headlines. The Gujarat Carnage in 2002 when more than 2000 Muslims were murdered, many more brutalised and even raped and thousands of others having to leave forever a place they once called their home –was perhaps the blackest chapter in post –independent India.

Over the years, and particularly since 2014, when the BJP seized the reins of power once again – every effort is being made to denigrate and demonise the minorities of India and especially the Muslims, the Christians and the Sikhs; they have also been derogatively referred to as ‘terrorists’, ‘converters’ and ‘khalistanis’, respectively.  There is a systematic move to paint the minorities as ‘anti-national’! Personnel and properties of the minority communities are regularly targeted.

The Judiciary –and in particular, the Supreme Court – has been one bastion of hope for the minorities, given its fundamental role and responsibility in protecting the letter and the spirit of the Constitution. Unfortunately, in the recent past, the Judiciary at various levels seem to have abdicated this non-negotiable duty – of impartiality, objectivity and of not siding with any particular faith and/or ideology. There are facts and other indicators to substantiate this!

Justice Shekhar Kumar Yadav, a sitting judge of the Allahabad High Court is a classic example!

On 8 December, he addressed the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) legal cell, in Allahabad High Court on ‘Uniform Civil Code–A Constitutional Imperative’. He argued in favour of a Uniform Civil Code and demanded for changes in the Muslim personal laws. His speech smacked of blatant ‘majoritarianism’ saying that India should function according to the wishes of the “majority,” meaning Hindus! Justice Yadav assured the VHP gathering that as the Ram Mandir was constructed in Ayodhya after years of “sacrifices by our ancestors,” the Uniform Civil Code would also become a reality soon. “Did you imagine seeing the Ram Mandir with your own eyes? But you did see it. Many of our ancestors made sacrifices for it, in the hope of seeing Ram Lalla freed and witnessing the construction of a grand temple. They couldn’t see it but did their part and now we are witnessing it.”. Likewise, he said that the country would get a UCC. “That day is not very far,” he emphatically declared. On 17 December, he was summoned by the Chief Justice of India to appear before the Collegium regarding his remarks. A month later, he writes to the Chief Justice, saying he stands by his remarks which, he maintained, did not violate any principle of judicial conduct.

The remarks of Justice Yadav are just the tip of the iceberg. There was the case of a Christian Pastor who had died, being denied the right to burial in his native village in Chhattisgarh by the village panchayat. After knocking at all doors in his State, his son had to seek justice from the Supreme Court. On 27 January, the two-member bench of the Supreme Court delivered a split verdict in the case. It directed that the body of the pastor be buried at a Christian graveyard 20 km away and asked the State administration to provide all support. Since the body was already in the morgue for almost three weeks, the judgement did not feel it appropriate to refer the matter to a larger bench.

Justice BV Nagarathna, however, strongly upheld the secular character of the Constitution. In her path-breaking judgment she asserted that, “It is said that death is a great leveller and we need to remind ourselves of this. This death has led to divisiveness among villagers on the right to burial. The appellant says there is discrimination and prejudice,” She noted that the High Court accepted a suggestion that displaced the practices being followed in the village. “The death of the person has given (way) to disharmony since it was not solved by the village panchayat. Panchayat has been taking sides which led to the case in high court and Supreme Court.” She pointed to the police affidavit that says a Christian convert cannot be allowed burial on the village grounds. “This is unfortunate and violates Articles 21 and 14 and furthers discrimination on the grounds of religion. The State cannot deny equality before the law. How could ASP Bastar give such an affidavit and what was the authority? it betrays the sublime principle of secularism.” Sadly, however, the other Justice thought otherwise and the Christian Pastor had to be buried far away from his village.

On January 27, Uttarakhand introduced and began implementing the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) which most legal and Constitutional experts find highly discriminatory. It is clearly aimed at targeting sections of the minorities- particularly Muslims and Christians. The law, among other things, does not challenge patriarchal provisions in Hindu civil law, for instance, on the guardianship of a minor boy or unmarried girl going to the father, and only after him, to the mother. Strangely enough the law will not be applicable to Scheduled Tribes, with the CM saying, “We have kept our scheduled tribes mentioned under Article 342 of the Constitution out of this code so that those rights can be protected!” So the question being asked is how ‘Uniform’ is this code?

There is plenty else happening all over the country with regard to the rights of minorities and to the cause of secularism. The tribal Christians in Manipur have been suffering since May 2023. In UP, a Christian Pastor and his wife have been convicted under the State’s draconian anti- Conversion law whilst several others are languishing in jail. In every one of them – there is absolutely no evidence of any wrongdoing, just that they were conducting prayer meetings or having a Bible in their house. The anti- conversion laws in several states ruled by the BJP, not only violate Article 25 enshrined in the Constitution is but also a blatant attempt to discriminate against the minorities. ‘Ghar wapasi’ which is also a conversion exercise, does not come into the ambit of this law. Amit Shah in his election campaign in Maharashtra promised that such a law would be introduced in that State too!

The list is endless indeed! Mobs stormed the gates and the grounds the Jesuit –run Andhra Loyola College in Vijayawada, demanding that they are entitled to use the private premises as per their whims and fancies.  The High Court of Gujarat recently upheld the decision of the Gujarat State for a centralised process for recruiting teachers and principals in religious and linguistic minority educational institutions.  The UP Chief Minister on Republic Day publicly asserted that ‘Sanathan Dharma’ is the religion of the country! Then there is the Waqf (Amendment) Bill 2024 which is supposed to be tabled in Parliament during this current budget session; A united opposition, however, has slammed the government on the passage of the draft report on the Waqf Amendment Bill saying they had no say, and all their amendments were defeated, and that only the amendments presented by the ruling party were taken up and considered. With frightening regularity one reads about how minorities are targeted for what they eat and wear, see and read!

Intellectual and social activist Professor Apoorvanand writes an incisive and hard-hitting article in ‘The Wire’ ( January 29, 2025).  The article entitled, ‘The Loneliness of Being Christian in India’, is replete with incontrovertible facts. He emphatically states, “but as human beings, we must ask: what kind of country is it where only Christians have to worry about attacks on Christians, and the rest of society remains deaf to their concerns? The prime minister of India issues statements about violence against Christians outside India, but in India, Christians are being attacked and arrested for having and distributing Bibles, and churches are being targeted. During Christmas season, he visits churches and meets religious leaders, but lets the blood of Christians flow. Are only Hindus allowed to preach their religion in India? 

What Prof. Apoorvanand states with angst, is an undeniable fact! There is a method in their madness, there is no doubt about it! The rot, we all know, starts at the top! At stake is the secular character of our nation and the future of democracy in our country- which is being destroyed systematically! We must wake up now and act with other like-minded women and men!

February 1, 2025 

(The author is a human rights, reconciliation and peace activist/writer. Contact: cedricprakash@gmail.com)

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The post Destroying Secularism: Hindu Rashtra Constitution unveiled at the Kumbh? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The GSRTC conducted an investigation following complaints that several highway hotels, which had Hindu names, were actually run by Muslim proprietors. The licenses were then cancelled, citing reasons such as “misrepresentation” and “unhygienic conditions.” These establishments, located in key districts like Vadodara, Rajkot, Ahmedabad, and Bharuch, were integral stops for GSRTC buses, ensuring a steady flow of customers.

Hotels such as “Hotel Shivshakti” and “Hotel Tulsi” were specifically targeted because their names suggested Hindu ownership, a tactic allegedly used to attract a broader Hindu clientele. Critics, however, argue that the cancellations go beyond mere regulatory enforcement, aiming to marginalize Muslim businesses under the guise of addressing “public misconceptions.”

BIG NEWS Gujarat BJP Govt cancels Bus halt license of 27 Muslim-owned hotels that were using Hindu names.

For example, All the owners and managers of Hotel Shivshakti on are Muslims.

Hotel Tulsi, located on the Surat-Ahmedabad route, is also owned by Muslims.

Permit of… pic.twitter.com/vrsOXV3ez2

— Times Algebra (@TimesAlgebraIND) January 24, 2025

Community backlash

The move has been perceived as part of a growing trend of policies aimed at alienating the Muslim community. Business owners argue that these measures undermine their rights to operate freely in a competitive market, with many pointing out the larger implications of such targeted actions. Muhammad Aslam, a hotel owner from Vadodara, stated, “This action isn’t just about our businesses; it’s an attack on our dignity and identity as Muslims.”

Local leaders and associations have also criticized the government’s approach, calling it a deliberate effort to widen communal divides. Zafar Alam, a community leader, expressed concerns about the divisive implications, emphasizing that such policies erode trust and harmony between communities.

Broader implications

The economic impact of this decision is substantial. By severing these businesses from GSRTC’s bus network, the government has significantly reduced their customer base. Hotel owners are now left grappling with potential financial ruin, particularly in a political climate already challenging for minority communities.

Moreover, the psychological toll on the Muslim community is palpable. Zahida Khan, a resident of Godhra, expressed the emotional strain of such actions: “It’s painful to see our community targeted like this. It’s as if we need to hide our identities to survive.”

A pattern of discrimination?

This incident is not an isolated case. Observers note parallels with similar actions in other states, such as Uttar Pradesh, where Muslim businesses were compelled to publicly display their religious identity. Critics argue that these measures reinforce harmful stereotypes and aim to exclude Muslims from public life under the pretense of regulation.

For instance, during the Kanwar Yatra in Uttar Pradesh, the state government issued directives requiring eateries along the route to display their owners’ names, sparking widespread backlash. Critics labeled the order “communal and divisive,” arguing that it targeted Muslim and Scheduled Caste businesses under the pretext of law and order. Senior advocate Abhishek Manu Singhvi called the directive “exclusion by identity,” highlighting its economic and social ramifications. The Supreme Court later paused the implementation of this order, questioning its statutory backing and purpose. Observers noted that this directive forced business owners to reveal their identities, exacerbating existing societal divides and reinforcing systemic biases.

Adding to the growing Islamophobic narrative, certain social media posts further amplify divisive rhetoric. For example, a post by a user named Mr. Sinha on X (formerly Twitter) perpetuates stereotypes and spreads harmful misinformation about Muslims, contributing to the broader atmosphere of hostility. Such posts play a significant role in normalizing discriminatory policies and attitudes

What did you notice?? pic.twitter.com/a9Cxxkpzsd

— Mr Sinha (@MrSinha_) January 24, 2025

It is pertinent to highlight that such actions run contrary to the principles enshrined in Article 15(1) of the Constitution of India, which unequivocally states: “The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them.”

The cancellation of licenses for Muslim-owned hotels in Gujarat reflects a concerning trend of discriminatory policies that undermine democratic principles of equality and fairness. By targeting businesses based on their owners’ religious identity, such actions deepen social divides and erode the pluralistic fabric of society. As the affected entrepreneurs face mounting challenges, the incident raises urgent questions about the future of minority rights and economic inclusion in India.

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– A VHP leader addressing a gathering in Delhi.

“..Consume less food, purchase a cheaper mobile phone, anything, only promise to have five tridents in a home”.

– Another VHP leader addressing a meeting in Delhi.

Provocative speeches and distribution of what is being peddled as ‘legally permissible weapons’ , very much in the heart of the national capital ; detailed plans to hold similar events all over the city, on the eve of elections – all this has not stirred the deep slumber in which the law and order machinery found itself in.

Thanks to the inaction, now the campaign to arm a section of radical Hindus has reportedly spread to the womenfolk as well. Plans are afoot to distribute 20,000 daggers to women from the majority community under what is being billed as ‘Shastra Deeksha Samaroh’. In fact, media was agog with footage of daggers being distributed to Hindu women in the second week of January itself.

No doubt, it would be height of innocence to presume that the silence of the officers/ personnel entrusted with maintaining law and order in the city – which is directly under the purview of the Ministry of Home – is inadvertent.

These events are rather difficult to believe in a city still recovering from the ‘riots’ five year ago which saw deaths of innocents from both the communities and damage to their properties, with role of a section of the police itself coming under the scanner.

It is not difficult to imagine the serious impact such radical mobilisation of the majority community can have – with at least 50,000 Hindu men, the actual numbers could be far more, holding fresh tridents/trishuls and 20,000 women possessing daggers – on the social fabric of the city. With Republic Day celebrations approaching followed by elections to the Assembly, with three major players in the wings, it is anybody’s guess that mischievous elements can engage in their dirty tricks, or even a single event/ non-event can bring the peace and harmony in the national capital under cloud.

What needs to borne in mind is that distribution of what are being portrayed as ‘legally permissible weapons’ (the term itself is an oxymoron) – focusing on the majority community – under religious garb have tremendous political overtones and such programmes held in the national capital are no exception.

It remains to be seen how such ‘weapons distribution’ does not come under censure of the Arms Act, 1959. Section 2(1) (c) of the Act defines “arms” as:

Articles of any description designed or adapted as weapons for offences, or defence, and includes firearms, sharp edged and other deadly weapons, and parts of and machinery for manufacturing arms, but does not include articles designed solely for domestic or agricultural uses such as a lathi, or an ordinary walking stick and weapons incapable of being used otherwise than as toys or of being converted into serviceable weapons.

The programme in Paharganj in Delhi in December 2024, where the regular right-wing rhetoric was very much on display, was not an isolated programme. It was an integral part of a ‘series of far-right gatherings in December 2024’ which had exposed a ‘disturbing pattern of communal mobilisation which was spread across Punjab, Delhi and Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan according to the Citizens for Justice & Peace (CJP).

What one observes that even dates of programmes in Delhi, Punjab and Himachal Pradesh coincided with each other (15 December). According to close observers, all these events, “[w]hich involve distributing tridents and administering oaths to “protect Hindu identity,” have become platforms for promoting exclusionary ideologies and inciting communal hatred”, CJP said. All these gathering where vilifying minorities, glorifying ‘baseless conspiracies like ‘love jihad’ and ‘land jihad,’ ‘ calls for calling for economic boycotts’, and glorifying vigilantism is freely on display thus ‘deepen social divisions but also normalize the idea of violence under the guise of cultural or religious defence’, the CJP added.

For example look at this report of a Trishul Deeksha event held in Nurmaha (Punjab), organised by VHP and Bajrang Dal, where ‘[a] far-right leader made several inflammatory remarks, invoking controversial issues tied to communal tensions.’ He declared: “Now that Ram Mandir is built, Kashi and Mathura remain!”—a direct reference to the ongoing demands by right-wing groups to reclaim the Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi and the Shahi Idgah mosque in Mathura. Such rhetoric stokes communal sentiments by framing these mosques as illegitimate structures atop Hindu temples.

Any close observer of the communal situation in the country can vouch that the idea of holding ‘Trishul Deeksha Samaroh’ by Hindutva Supremacists formations is not a recent one and has a more than two decade old history, where conscious attempts were made to vitiate communal atmosphere. In fact, while armed communal mobilisation of the wider populace has always remained on the agenda of these supremacists organisations, such attempts gathered further strength through this campaign. The programme of Trishul Deekshas was taken up as a broader campaign since 1998 which gained in pace and stridency since the Gujarat massacre in 2002. Formally such programmes were termed as symbolic religious exercise supposedly to awaken the people but its intent was clear.

Reports of resistance to such mischievous attempts were also not uncommon. According to a report:

Perhaps in this grim situation it would be soothing to remember that a decade ago public protests led by organisations like PUCL, MKSS and others had pressurised the then Gehlot government to not only bring the VHP led Trishul Deeksha programme under the purview of the Arms Act but also prosecute leaders like Togadia who had been making communal hate speeches in the Trishul distribution ceremonies.

With the ascent of these Supremacists forces in the national polity, of late such programmes are again gaining momentum.

Look at this complaint filed by CJP with Nagpur police against two trishul distribution events, organised by Bajrang Dal & VHP. It provided details of these ‘two Trishul Diksha events held on May 2 and May 9’ respectively by ‘extremist outfits owing allegiance to Hindutva’ where, in addition to distribution of tridents amongst men, hate speeches are delivered exhorting Hindus to take up arms.’ Under these programmes demands for ‘India as a Hindu nation were also raised’, and the speakers ‘indulged in peddling various conspiracy theories to generate hate towards Muslims.’ The petition also talked about how “Bajrang Dal (BD) and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) have been organising such trishul distribution events regularly in the state of Rajasthan, and have been creating disharmony, furthering their communal agenda’.

Within less than three months CJP filed another petition with National Commission of Minorities against ‘arms training camps, weapon distribution events in Assam and Rajasthan’ held on July 30, 2023 and August 1, 2023, flagging “IPC violations, Arms Act breaches, and concerns for public safety and inter-community relations’ in these programmes

According to the complaint, the ‘arms training camp was organised by the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal in Darrang District of the state of Assam’, where ‘around 350 Hindu youths received training in handling firearms, martial arts, survival skills, and quick thinking. The intention of this camp was allegedly to fight against “love jihad” and create a divide among people from different communities, religions, and linguistic affiliations.’ The Rajasthan story was bit different. Here ‘fringe extremist organization of Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal’ allegedly distributed sharp-edged tridents among hundreds of Hindu men in Jaitaran, Pali, Rajasthan. Participants took an oath to uphold a “Hindu Rashtra,” pledging allegiance to militant Hindu ideologies.

Within less than a month Sabrang published a detailed article unmasking ‘the Ideological Shift in Rajasthan’s Communal Landscape’ with a special focus on trident distribution and collective pledges taken at these programmes and explained how it “[r]eflects a troubling trend of religious polarisation, challenging India’s secular fabric and communal harmony. The aggressive mobilisation and hate that inevitably accompanies such gatherings sets the stage of stigmatisation and targeting of minorities in the area.’

According to it, such events which hold deep symbolism within the context of Hindutva, signify not only ‘Commitment to Hindutva Ideology’, but also it is openly proclaimed ‘their allegiance to an ideology that seeks to establish India as a Hindu-only nation’, which ‘goes against the principles of secularism enshrined in the Indian Constitution, that guarantees equal rights and freedoms to all religious communities.’ It further explained how the pledge to protect Hindu Dharam – repeated umpteen times in such gatherings underlines their belief that such elements are under threat from other religious communities and how it ‘fosters an “us versus them” mentality which further leads to ‘social tensions and conflicts.’

Coming back to Delhi, one does not know whether the custodians of law and order in Delhi – who directly work under the central Ministry of Home Affairs, led by none other than Mr Amit Shah, would review their approach and try to rein in these fanatic elements.

An added complexity is the manner in which AAP has never been forthcoming about the politics of polarisation practised by the BJP which is being termed as its own Hindutva Lite politics by analysts.

AAP’s decade old history bears witness to its own game of pandering to the false anxieties of the majority community to try to win them over its own side. A glimpse of its myopic approach vis a vis this issue can be gleaned from its direction to schools to stop admission of ”illegal Bangladeshis’ which contradicts its own policy.

Any neutral observer can see that the task of preserving the secular character of the polity and society becomes extremely difficult and challenging in such times.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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Although “Parakram” means valour, in the era of the Sangh Parivar, it has also come to mean aggression against the weak and defenceless.

Subhas was never a “Parakrami” in the sense that the Sangh interprets. He was a true hero who united the weak and oppressed against the mighty British, risking his life in the struggle.

On this day, the Sanghis claiming to be “heirs” to Netaji’s legacy were the ones who diligently served the British army’s efforts to defeat Subhas during World War II. While Subhas was rallying soldiers worldwide against the British, these Hindutvavadis under Savarkar’s leadership,were brokering the recruitment of Hindus into the British army.

Yet, they now praise Netaji with clear ulterior motives.

Firstly, the Sanghis, who have no legacy of participating in the freedom struggle, are attempting to hijack the legacy of all non-Congress or dissident heros who were leaders of different streams  of the freedom struggle, portraying themselves as the heirs to these streams.

Secondly, they exploit the natural and healthy political and ideological differences that existed within the Congress and between Congress and other streams, and around them, they craft a false narrative to claim that all who disagreed with Gandhi and Nehru were pro-Hindutva nationalists, utilizing this for their current Hindutva nation agenda.

This is the real intention of the Sangh Parivar.

With this malicious intent, they have engaged in propaganda backed and filled with lies and fabrications that Gandhi and Nehru conspired against Subhas Chandra Bose and that the Hindutvavadis like Savarkar stood by him, thereby insulting Subhas to a great extent.

To fulfil their ulterior motives, they obscure the political, ideological, and secular perspectives between themselves and Gandhi-Nehru that Subhas had, as well as publicly expressed disdain towards communalists like the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League.

At the same time, they conceal the disdain Subhas had for communalists like Savarkar, the Hindu Mahasabha, and the Muslim League.

This article primarily attempts to explain Subhas’s views on secularism, Hindu-Muslim unity, and his opinions about people like Savarkar. It relies mainly on Subhas’s own writings in “An Indian Pilgrim” and “Indian Struggle” and on works by his grandson and scholar Sugata Bose in “His Majesty’s Opponent” and the edited volumes “Collected Works Of Subasha Chandra Bose.”

All these books are available online, and interested parties can read them to understand the political-historical misdeeds of the Sangh Parivar.

Subhas Chandra Bose was not only a prominent leader of Congress but also martyred in the effort to oust the ruling British during World War II by forming the Azad Hind Fauj.

History textbooks have recounted to non-Bengali students anything more than this bare fact.

Subhas was above all else, an exceptional proponent of communal harmony and Hindu-Muslim unity. As a top-notch nationalist, he dreamed of building a future India based on socialist ideals. His views on the history of India, the way he formed the Azad Hind Fauj, and his clear disdain for figures like Savarkar are evident in these respects.

The Tiger of Tipu was the flag of the Azad Hind Fauj!

The Sanghis who attempt day and night to demonise the revered Tipu-Haider as fanatic monsters should be ashamed when considering the respect Subhas Chandra Bose and the Azad Hind Fauj held for them. Subhas used the flying tiger symbol of Tipu as a symbol of anti-British struggle on the first flag of the Azad Hind Fauj. While unveiling the flag, Subhas explained to his soldiers that this flying tiger was a symbol of Tipu Sultan’s resistance against the British.

That is not all. On October 21, 1943, the Azad Hind Fauj declared the provisional government of India. While making this proclamation, the Azad Hind Fauj and Netaji acknowledged several real leaders of the country along with Tipu and Haider, expressing their gratitude. Reading this makes it clear that it is impossible to appropriate Subhas for the RSS agenda.

The proclamation of the Provisional Government of Azad Hind begins like this:

“Ever since Bengal first faced defeat at the hands of the British in 1757, the people of India have continuously waged a struggle against British rule for a hundred years. This period is filled with the unmatched courage and selfless sacrifices shown by the people of India. During this period in the history of India, the names of Sirajuddaula of Bengal, Mohan Lal, Hyder Ali, Tipu Sultan, Velu Thampi….and others are inscribed in golden letters…”

Interested parties can read the full text and see pictures of this proclamation at the following web address:[https://www.roots.gov.sg/Collection-Landing/listing/1278996]

Hindu-Muslim Unity: the foundation of the Azad Hind Fauj

The Modi government is intent on imposing Brahminical Hindi as the sole language of the country. In contrast, the official language of Subhas’s Azad Hind Fauj was Urdu-Hindustani, commonly used by the people of North India, and English was used to be understood by the soldiers from South India. The motto of the Fauj was written in Urdu:

“Itmad (Trust), Ittefaq (Unity), and Qurbani (Sacrifice).”

In 1857, during the First War of Indian Independence, the Indian forces under the leadership of the last Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar called for “Delhi Chalo.” In September 1943, Subhas’s Azad Hind Fauj also embarked from Rangoon (now Myanmar) to expel the British from India, remembering the 1857 uprising, and Subhas called for “Delhi Chalo” during this grand departure.

That is not all either. On September 26, 1943, a special prayer meeting was held by the Azad Hind Fauj near the tomb of Bahadur Shah Zafar.

As described by Subhas’s grandson Sugata Bose in his scholarly work, the proportion of Muslim soldiers in the Azad Fauj was slightly higher than others, and many of Subhas’s closest associates were Muslims. In 1943, during a secret submarine adventure journey, the only companion who travelled with him was Abid Hasan from South Hyderabad. Throughout his travels across Europe and Asia, Hasan was Subhas’s close assistant.

The first division commander of the Azad Hind Fauj was Mohammad Zaman Kiani. The first to hoist the Tricolor flag of India in Imphal, Manipur, was Fauj officer Shaukat Malik. On their tragic last journey, Habibur Rahman perished alongside them. However, this uprising failed, and the soldiers of the Fauj were captured by the British, who charged them with sedition and held a trial. The three Azad Hind Fauj soldiers who were symbolically tried at the Red Fort were:

Prem Sehgal, a Hindu, Shah Nawaz Khan, a Muslim, and Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon, a Sikh.  This also symbolically represented the secular patriotism prevailing in Subhas’s Fauj.

(His Majesty’s Opponent, p. 4)

Netaji’s rejection of the Hindu-Muslim division in Indian history

The Hindutvavadis depict the history of India as having been engulfed in 1200 years of aggression to suit their communal polarisation agenda. Thus, they portray the entire era under Muslim rule before the British and the Muslim rulers before them as a period during which Hindus suffered under Muslim aggressors.

However, Subhas rejected this communal view of Indian history as propagated by the British, aimed at dividing India along Hindu-Muslim lines. He also noted:

“History will bear me out when I say that it is a misnomer to talk of Muslim rule when describing the political order in India prior to the advent of the British. Whether we talk of the Moghul Emperors at Delhi, or of the Muslim Kings of Bengal, we shall find that in either case the administration was run by Hindus and Muslims together, many of the prominent Cabinet Ministers and Generals being Hindus. Further, the consolidation of the Moghul Empire in India was effected with the help of Hindu commanders-in-chief. The Commander-in-chief of Nawab Sirajudowla, whom the British fought at Plassey in 1757 and defeated, was a Hindu, and the rebellion of 1857 against the British, in which Hindus and Moslems were found side by side, was fought under the flag of a Muslim, Bahadur Shah.” (An Indian Pilgrim, p. 15)

Subhas’s outrage against communal organisations like Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League

During the period of the freedom struggle, Subhas held deep contempt for the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League, which were working for the British and causing divisions among the people. When he was elected president of Congress in 1938, he emphasized this issue, saying:

“We often hear talks of a Hindu Raj. This serves no purpose. Can these communal organizations solve the problems faced by India’s working class? Do these organisations have any solution to the issues of unemployment and poverty?” he questioned vehemently.

He also banned members of the Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League from holding Congress memberships. The reason? Because:

“Jinnah’s idea is to obtain his dream of Pakistan with the help of the British, not to fight jointly with Congress for India’s liberation.”

“On the other hand, Savarkar’s only goal is to collaborate with the British and get military training for Hindus by joining the  British army. After meeting both, I have concluded that nothing can be expected from them for India’s independence.” (The Indian Struggle, p. 344)

Thus, even if one reads Subhas Chandra Bose’s own writings and the scholarly works about him, it becomes clear how malicious the portrayal of Subhas by these fascist Sanghis is.

Beyond the servitude to British colonialism, corporate capitalism, and communal hatred, these fascists have no history of building or fighting for the country. Now, they are hijacking leaders who had differences with Gandhi and Nehru and were non-Congress, and portraying them in a way that insults these leaders, this country, and its history.

A staunchly secular, anti-communal, and socialist nationalist like Subhas Chandra Bose can never be appropriated by the RSS. Nor should he be allowed to be.

The only way to do this is to expose their false narrative through an exposition of real history, which itself must become a movement, right?

(The writer is a political commentator based in Bengaluru)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia. 

Related:

Debunking “Popular Myths” through a study of Bose

Second killing of Bhagat Singh & Subhash Chandra Bose by the Hindutva Gang

India’s Post Truth Era in ICHR’s Book on Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose

PM Modi to attend Subhas Chandra Bose’s 125th birth anniversary celebrations in Kolkata

The post Can RSS co-opt Subhas Chandra Bose, a staunch secular-socialist and a fond admirer of Tipu Sultan? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to the monitoring by the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS), India witnessed 59 communal riots in 2024, a significant rise compared to 32 riots in 2023, reflecting an 84% increase. These 59 incidents of communal riots resulted in 13 deaths—10 Muslims and 3 Hindus. The western region of India, particularly Maharashtra, emerged as the epicenter of these conflicts, with the state of Maharashtra accounting for 12 of the 59 riots. The CSSS’s monitoring is based on reports from prominent newspapers- the Mumbai editions of The Times of India, The Hindu, Indian Express, Sahafat (Urdu), and Inquilab (Urdu).

Most communal riots were triggered during religious festivals or processions. These included four riots during the Pran Pratishthan ceremony at Ram Mandir in Ayodhya in January, seven during Saraswati Puja idol immersions, four during Ganesh festivals, and two during Bakri Eid. This data highlights how religious celebrations are increasingly being used to fuel communal tensions and political mobilization.

In addition to the communal riots reported in the above newspapers, 13 mob lynching incidents were reported in 2024, resulting in 11 deaths—one Hindu, one Christian, and nine Muslims. While this marks a decline from the 21 incidents of mob lynching recorded in 2023, the continued occurrence of such attacks remains a serious concern. This report provides a detailed analysis of both communal riots and mob lynching in 2024, the physical manifestation of communal violence in the country.

 Methodology:

Centre for Study of Society and Secularism bases its findings on the reports on communal riots that appear in Mumbai edition of five leading newspapers –The Hindu, The Times of India, The Indian Express, Shahafat and The Inquilab. These newspapers are thoroughly studied for the reportage of communal violence. Communal riots that are either not reported or are reported in other editions of these newspapers are not included in this monitoring.

The Ministry of Home Affairs and National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) maintains comprehensive records of communal riots in India but has stopped publishing its data regularly. Due to their wider sweep and better access to the criminal justice system, the numbers recorded by these institutions are invariably several folds higher than the number of communal riots reported in the newspapers monitored by the CSSS.

1. Physical violence

This part of the report looks at physical violence stemming from communal attitudes. Other two parts will look at structural and symbolic violence based on communal attitudes. Physical form of communal violence encompasses communal riots, mob lynching and hate crimes. Physical violence, includes actions that cause death, inflicts physical injuries, and/ or targets and damages properties, including homes, shops and commercial establishments, vehicles, and other movable and/or immovable properties.

Salient Features of Communal Violence in 2024:

Increase in the number of Riots:

As compared to the year 2023, according to the monitoring of CSSS, the number of communal riots in as reported in the abovementioned five newspapers in 2024 has increased by 84%. While the above-mentioned five newspapers reported 32 communal riots in the year 2023, the same newspapers reported 59[2] communal riots in the year 2024. Maharashtra (12) followed by Uttar Pradesh (7) and Bihar (7). These communal riots claimed 13 lives – 3 Hindus and 10 Muslims. This increase in the number of communal riots belies the narrative of the state that India is free from communal riots as there are no communal tensions and the state has maintained communal harmony.

The spike in the number of communal riots in India in the year 2024 can partly be attributed to the general elections that were held in April/ May, 2024. Similarly, important states witnessed assembly elections including Maharashtra, Haryana and Jharkhand. Hate speeches with communal overtures were used to polarize communities on religious basis. Part of the spike in the number of communal riots can be attributed to the ecosystem of impunity that is promoted by the state. This point will be elaborated further below in the report.

Theatre of Violence:

As in the year 2023, in 2024, Maharashtra witnessed maximum number of riots – 12.  Bihar and Uttar Pradesh followed with seven each. Maharashtra constituted for almost 20% of the total number of communal riots in 2024 as per the reports in the five newspapers. Maharashtra electorally and politically is a significant state where both the NDA and INDIA Alliance was trying to wrest control from the NDA. Interestingly, amidst intense factionalism in Maharashtra and hotly contested electoral contest, Maharashtra underwent acute communal churning – communal riots, hate speeches, and mob lynching. The last five years especially in Maharashtra have been particularly strenuous for its social fabric. It is noteworthy that until a decade back, the communal riots took place mostly in urban areas. However, in the last few years as in 2024, communal riots have spread to rural areas- villages and towns.

The region wise distribution of riots is also telling about the nature of communal riots in India and its motivation. Traditionally, the cow belt comprising of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Bihar, witnessed higher number of communal riots along with the state of Maharashtra. Traditionally, the southern states of India have reported far lesser number of communal riots. The same is the case with the state of West Bengal. However, in the last few years, especially since 2022, there is a spike in communal riots in western region of India- Maharashtra, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh. Thus, in the last few, the theatre of violence though continues in the cow belt- Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh, it has expanded to newer regions especially that of Maharashtra, West Bengal and Haryana. In 2024, the western zone of India comprising of Maharashtra (12), Gujarat (5) Madhya Pradesh (5) and Rajasthan (3), according to the reports in the above newspapers, accounted for 25 communal riots, constituting almost 42 percent of the total communal riots in 2025.

Northern region comprising of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, and Haryana have reported 13 communal riots – comprising 22 percent of total communal riots. Similarly, eastern region comprising of Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal and Odisha North India have witnessed 13 riots constituting 22 percent of total communal riots 2024. The Southern zone, comprising Karnataka and Telangana reported seven communal riots constituting 12 percent of total communal riots. The North Eastern region though reported only one riot in Tripura, it is important to note that the conflict in Manipur, which is largely ethnic having communal overtures, is ongoing.  CSSS has elaborated on Manipur violence in a separate report[3].

Ruling Regimes:

Out of the 59 communal riots in the year 2024, 49 communal riots took place in states where the BJP is ruling either on its own, or in coalition with other parties. The coalition partners include Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde faction) and National Congress Party (Ajit Pawar faction) in Maharashtra and Janata Dal in Bihar. Seven out of 59 communal riots took place in the states ruled by Indian National Congress while three communal riots took place in West Bengal where the Trinamool Congress is in power. This data also can be explained by pointing out that BJP ruled states have taken little action to deter communal violence and religious polarization. The state authorities in these states have used bulldozers as a form of “collective punishment” against Muslims. The non BJP ruled states have desisted from such actions and deterred communal riots to some extent.

Nature of State and changes in trends:

In 2024, communal riots exhibited a familiar pattern observed in previous years. These riots were mostly low-scale and under the radar, typically lasting only a few hours, with fewer casualties, and confined to smaller areas. However, these communal riots have led to polarization and deepened communal consciousness. The reported number of fatalities remained relatively low. A significant characteristic of the communal riots in 2024 was the lesser planning compared to previous years.

This planning ranged from identifying properties of individuals from “other” communities, employing specific trigger to start the communal riots and arranging combustibles like gas cylinders, stockpiling weapons, mobilizing mobs to inflict maximum damage on the communities attacked. This was the characteristic of the institutionalized riot system (IRS) that was prominent in the major riots in the past. In the recent years, this planning is limited as there is a pervading atmosphere of communal consciousness causing tensions, making it easier for a communal riot to take place. The smallest reason makes it easier to trigger communal riot as will be evident from the communal riots listed below. It’s become common that even in case of the most mundane arguments between persons from two different religious groups, the incident is given a communal turn. The most common trigger observed is that of organizing aggressive rallies and derogatory sloganeering in public spaces during religious festivals as will be discussed in details.

Historically, communal riots often involved groups from two religious communities clashing, with both sides inflicting and suffering losses. These included acts of arson, assaults, and even heinous crimes such as rape. However, in recent years, the nature of larger riots has shifted. Instead of clashes between two communities, many significant riots now involve state actions disproportionately targeting the Muslim community. These actions include using bulldozers to demolish properties owned by Muslims, causing significant economic damage. Additionally, the state has slapped cases and implicated the members of the Muslim community, even in instances where they are victims of violence during communal riots.

The disproportionate and seemingly one-sided state action have led to social discord, communal consciousness, and polarization. This atmosphere of communal tension has been steadily intensifying over recent years. For instance, the Pew Research Center, a respected research institution, categorized India in 2022 as “very high” on its Social Hostilities Index (SHI), with a score of 9.3. Social hostilities index (SHI) factors in levels of religion-relate harassment, mob violence, terrorism, militant activity, and conflicts over religious conversions or the use of religious symbols and attire. PEW Research also pegged India high at 6.4 out of 10 on Government Restriction Index (GRI). The GRI measures laws, policies, and actions that regulate or limit religious beliefs and practices. These include policies banning particular beliefs or practices, the unequal granting of benefits to certain religious groups, and bureaucratic rules requiring religious groups to register to access benefits (The Hindu, 2025).

Similarly, in 2020, India’s SHI score of 9.4 out of a possible 10 was worse than that of neighbouring Pakistan and Afghanistan. These trends underscore a consistent decline in India’s performance on this index, reflecting a troubling pattern of rising communal hostility.

Area Hegemony/ Assertion of Hindu Rashtra:

The communal riots in 2024 are marked by a bold assertion of Hindu right-wing power in public spaces, characterized by deliberate processions passing through Muslim-majority neighborhoods with loud music or provocative slogans. This trend is a continuation of developments from recent years. Numerous right-wing Hindu groups are emerging at the grassroots level, and in their efforts to gain popularity and influence, they often organize processions or protests in front of mosques or other Muslim places of worship, as well as in Muslim neighborhoods, aiming to provoke or humiliate the community. The aim is not just to establish hegemony in Muslim inhabited areas but also public spaces where Hindus reside. The outcome of such rallies is also the gaining of considerable clout of the Hindu organizations and its members in Muslim and Hindu neighbourhoods.

Historically, India has had a rich cultural heritage where Hindus and Muslims celebrated each other’s festivals and respected one another’s religious spaces. There was a mutual understanding regarding the routes of processions, ensuring that potential misunderstandings or clashes were avoided. Consultations at local levels are held to decide routes. For example, it was common for Hindus to participate in Urs processions, while Muslims would set up stalls to welcome Ram Navami processions and offer refreshments to devotees. These events were expressions of faith, with local residents participating, rather than political statements.

However, in the current political climate, these processions have shifted from being expressions of faith to displays of political hegemony. These processions are fueled by political mobilization. They are increasingly driven by agendas of asserting Hindu supremacy in Muslim-majority areas, with the aim of showing that these neighborhoods can be breached at will by right-wing groups. This assertion of dominance has become a key factor in the communal riots of 2024.

Implicating of Muslims in Criminal cases:

Recent communal riots point to an emerging three trends that result in marginalization of the Muslims. The first trend, already discussed, is the domination or hegemony in public spaces by Hindu right-wing groups. The second trend is the implicating of Muslims in serious criminal cases, and the third trend one involves meting out collective punishment to Muslims through the demolition of their properties and places of worship.

The first aspect, area domination, involves provoking and humiliating the Muslim community by Hindu right-wing groups. When even the slightest retaliation from the Muslim community occurs, it is often used as a pretext to disproportionately arrest Muslims or impose severe charges on them. This has become a disturbing norm: even when Hindu right-wing groups march aggressively into Muslim-majority areas and vandalize property, a large number of Muslims are still named in FIRs. These individuals are frequently charged with serious offenses, and investigations are handed over to agencies like the NIA, likening these cases to terror-related cases. It is ironic that even in places where Muslims are named in large numbers in the complaints, the injured or dead are also Muslims and they also suffer the most damage to property.

Muslims accused in such cases face long legal battles, making them vulnerable not only to imprisonment but also to extra-judicial killings as witnessed in Bahraich. Most of these accused come from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, with many being the sole breadwinners for their families. They often cannot afford to fight lengthy legal cases, leaving them in a state of ongoing hardship and fear.

Bulldozers and demolitions used as “collective punishment” against the Muslims:

Apart from the threats of demolitions to mosques and contestations related to places of worship that have been one of the reasons for communal riots, the Muslim community is dispossessed and face disproportionately higher losses in communal riots owing to the “collective punishment” meted out by the state in the form of demolitions of their homes and shops. In the year 2024, out of 59 incidents of communal riots, in four incidents, the state resorted to demolish the properties belonging to Muslims. The authorities alleged that the properties were illegal. However, as is the case from previous years, no due process was followed including serving of adequate notice or opportunity of hearing before the demolitions. The demolitions took place immediately after the communal riots, making its timing suspicious. It is noteworthy that all these demolitions took place in BJP ruled states.

In Mumbai, Maharashtra, the state demolished fifteen properties belonging to the Muslims in Haidary chowk in Mira Road after communal riots took place in January (details given below). In the state of Uttar Pradesh known for arbitrary demolitions, in Bareilly, the state demolished 11 houses of Muslims after communal riots took place during Muharram procession on 18^th July (details given below).

In a shocking incident yet giving insights into how demolitions are used brazenly by states, in the state of Rajasthan in Udaipur, demolished the house of a 15 years old Muslim boy who allegedly stabbed his Hindu schoolmate to death on 16^th August (Mateen & Meena, 2024). In Surat, demolitions took place in Sayedpur after communal riots took place over allegations of stone pelting on Ganesh pandal during Ganesh festival.

Triggers for Communal Riots:

Religious Processions and Public Celebrations of festivals:

In 2024, religious processions and public celebrations of festivals were the triggers for the majority of communal riots, accounting for 26 out of 59 incidents. This amounts to almost half the incidents of communal riots. These included four riots during the Pran Pratishthan ceremony at the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya in January, four during Ganesh Chaturthi, seven in Bihar during Saraswati idol immersions, two each on Ram Navami and Bakri Eid, and one each on Muharram, Urs, Durga idol immersion, Eid Milad-un-Nabi, Karthik Puja and a local Hindu procession. These 26 incidents do not account for numerous disruptions to Christmas celebrations or attacks on Christians across India.

These riots resulted in the loss of three lives, all of whom were Hindus. A notable pattern in these incidents was the systematic targeting of Muslims, often orchestrated by right-wing Hindu groups, with the state also playing a partisan role and taking one-sided action against Muslims.

Contested placed of Worship:

The year 2024 witnessed six communal riots over the issue of contested places of worship, mainly the state and right-wing fringe groups alleging that mosques and dargahs were illegal or that they were built on Hindu place of worship. This narrative kept the communal pot churning and tensions high in different places. The total number of lives claimed by these communal riots was ten (nine of Muslims and one Hindu) and nearly all arrested were Muslims. It is notable that most of these conflicts have been festering in the two states of Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh.

Desecration of Places of Worship:

Five communal riots took place due to desecration of places of worship. One took place over a severed head of a calf found in a temple in Ratlam, Madhya Pradesh. Second one took place over a piece of tail of a cow in a temple in Bhilwara in Rajasthan. Third communal riot was in Jirania in Tripura when an idol of goddess Kali was defaced. In Karnataka’s benguluru, a mosque in Katipalla near Surthka was pelted with stones. In Hyderabad, a man allegedly tried to damage an idol of the local deity in Muthyalamma area temple.

Other Triggers:

The other triggers for communal riots also reflect the communal discourses prevalent in our society. One narrative often cited by the state is that of ‘infiltration of Bangladeshi immigrants’. These riots took place in Ghaziabad and different places in Maharashtra. These riots were a result of aggressive rallies organized by Hindu right-wing organizations to ‘protest’ the violence against Hindus in Bangladesh.

Other triggers included the accusations of ‘love jihad’ and other trivial personal disputes between individuals from different communities which were given a communal twist.

Mob Lynching

According to the monitoring of CSSS based on the above-mentioned five newspapers, India witnessed thirteen (13) incidents of mob lynching in the year 2024. These 13 incidents of mob lynching resulted in 11 deaths: one Hindu, one Christian, and nine Muslims. While this represents a decline from 21 incidents of mob lynching recorded in the year 2023, the persistence of these attacks remains a concern. The decline in the number of incidents of mob lynching may be attributed to the guidelines of the Supreme Court in favour of strict action by the state in cases of mob lynching. The constant rebuking by the judiciary especially when Hindus were victimized in mob violence compelled state to take action in incidents of mob lynching. However, the mob lynching in the case of cow vigilantism continues.

Seven of these incidents of lynching were linked to cow vigilantism or accusations of cow slaughter. Other cases of lynching were on the accusations of interfaith relationships and assaults targeting Muslims for their religious identity. Geographically, Maharashtra accounted for three lynching along with Uttar Pradesh, while Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Haryana, and each reported two incidents, and Karnataka recorded one.

It is noteworthy that as in the case of communal riots, Maharashtra accounts for maximum number of mob lynching incidents. Uttar Pradesh too accounts for three incidents of mob lynching.

The thirteen cases of the incidents of mob lynching, classified according to the accusations or triggers, are listed below.

Seven out of thirteen, that is over 50 percent or over half of the cases, can be attributed to the pretext of cow slaughter. Chand Miyan (23) and Guddu Khan (35) from Uttar Pradesh were lynched by cow vigilantes near temple town Arang, in Chhattisgarh while transporting buffaloes on 7^th June, 2024. Saddam Qureshi, the third victim, survived with critical injuries. According to the account of the survivor, 14-15 people chased them in a car and attacked them, beat two of them to death and threw their bodies from the bridge onto the riverbed. The survivor reported that he jumped off the bridge to save his life. Reportedly, the body of one of those killed shows multiple fractures, with one foot split apart, indicating the extent of the torture inflicted on the victims. The police filed a FIR (Times of India, 2024).

In another incident that took place in Charkhi Dadri, Haryana, Sabir, on 27^th August, a migrant and scrap dealer from West Bengal was lynched and died in the attack. Asiruddin from Assam was also beaten up by the accused but survived. The police arrested five people and two juveniles in conflict with law were detained on charges of being involved with the attack. The accused suspected that both the victims had consumed beef. The accused lured the victims to a local bus stand claiming that they had some scrap to dispose. At the bus stand, the group of accused attacked them and beat them.  When passers-by intervened, they took the two to some other location on their motorcycles. Sabir was later found dead near a canal in Bhandwa village. Asiruddin was found dumped at another location (The Hindu, 2024).

In another incident reported from Haryana, Aryan Mishra (19) on 23^rd August, had gone for a drive with his friends — brothers Harshit and Sagar (alias Shanky) Gulati — and two others in their Renault Duster. A group of cow vigilante saw the speeding vehicle of Aryan and assumed that they were cow smugglers in the speeding car. A 30-km chase from Faridabad Sector 21 to Palwal’s Baghola ensued. The accused then opened fire, killing Aryan. Five men, including the leader of an outfit called ‘Live for Nation’, Anil Kaushik, were arrested (Raj, 2024).

One Haji Ashraf Munyar (72) who was onboard Dhule-CSMT Express on – was attacked by a group of men who accused him of carrying beef in his tiffin. The incident came to light after the incident was captured on video which went viral. On August 28, 2024, Mr. Munyar boarded a train from Chalisgaon in Jalgaon district to visit his daughter who lives in Kalyan. Mr. Munyar was travelling alone in a general compartment where over a dozen men began to harass him. According to the newspaper report, the goons in the video are seen slapping, hitting and kicking him on his face, eyes and head constantly, asking him to show what was he carrying in his bag. Munyar in the video as reported is seen begging with folded hands to the assaulters requesting them to spare him. The assaulters were heard responding, “We will call Bajrang Dal to chop your body. We will rape your mothers and sisters.” The police filed an FIR but it didn’t include section 307- attempt to murder. The family of the victim demanded that this charge should be added to the FIR (Sah, 2024).

In another incident from Maharashtra, 28-year-old Mohammad Hazek, a footwear trader, was attacked by cow vigilantes in Beed district. The incident occurred on the night of 5th September at around 12:15am. Hazek was at a paan shop, speaking with his fiancée on the phone, when he witnessed a speeding vehicle hitting a stray cow before driving away. Hazek attempted to take a photo of the vehicle but was unsuccessful. However, he managed to photograph the injured cow and shared the image with his fiancée. A few minutes later, as Hazek was walking back home, he was ambushed by a group of men armed with sticks and rods. The group accused him of being a cow transporter and began attacking him. Out of the eight men named in the FIR, the police have identified and arrested four individuals: Mandar Deshpande, a 30-year-old resident of Karanja Road, and three others—Omkar Lande (23), Anil Ghodke (26), and Rohit Lolge (20).(Akhef, 2024).

Mishrikhan Baloch, 40 years old, was lynched by five people in Aagthala village of Banaskantha district in Gujarat on 23^rd May, 2024. The cause of the lynching was the ongoing conflict between the victim and the five accused and he was last attacked in July 2023 for ferrying buffaloes. On the fateful day, Baloch was on his way to the animal market in Deesa with two buffaloes when the pickup van was chased and ambushed by the accused. The accused were identified as Akherajsinh Vaghela, Nikulsinh, Jagatsinh from VatamJoona village, Pravinsinh from Chibhda, and Hamir Thakor from Deodar, all located in Deodar taluka of Banaskantha. The assailants struck Mishrikhan with iron rods, pipes, machetes and the handle of a jack, inflicting severe injuries. The accused were booked for murder, wrongful restraint, rioting, rioting with deadly weapons, issuing death threats, and criminal conspiracy under the Indian Penal Code (Times of India, 2024).

In Majhola area in Moradabad of Uttar Pradesh, 37 years old Shahedeen Qureshi was beaten to death on 30^th December, 2024, by cow vigilantes who were part of Rashtriya Bajrang Dal. The functionaries of the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal reportedly claimed that they came to know that Qureshi had slaughtered a cow and caught him red handed and handed him over to the police. The police have filed two FIRs- one against unidentified persons for the murder of Qureshi and the other FIR is related to cow slaughter (Singh K. , Times of India, 2024)

Accusations of interfaith romance or relationships, derogatorily termed as ‘love jihad’ has been used to foment communal tensions and target innocent people. In a not very surprising incident, a 19 years old Muslim student of Savitribai Phule Pune University was attacked by five persons who accused the student of “love jihad”. According to the police, the attack took place on 8^th April when the male student was accompanying two female students on the campus. They started questioning the student and asked him to show his Aadhaar card. Upon seeing the student’s Muslim man, the assailants attacked him. The police have registered FIR against unidentified persons (New Indian Express, 2024).

Other pretext for mob lynching included accusation of theft. In Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, Mohammad Farid, 35 was lynched to death. Farid, his brother Zaki and their aides were accused by a woman, wife of textile trader Mukesh Chand Mittal, of dacoity in Mittal’s house. She claimed that Farid threatened her at gunpoint, snatched her gold chain, and took INR 2.5 lakh cash and jewellery from her. A group of men caught Farid when he was running out of the house and beat him to death with sticks. Zaki, Farid’s brother claims that Farid was targeted for his religious identity. Case is filed against Farid, Zaki and five others under IPC sections 395 (dacoity) and 354 (assault or criminal force to woman). The FIR has mention unidentified persons in connection to lynching (Lavania, 2024).

People from vulnerable social groups were targeted under the most trivial pretext, exposing the pervading atmosphere of impunity and lawlessness. In the Jalalabad area of Shamli district, Uttar Pradesh, Mohammad Firoz, 31 years old was beaten to death on 5^th July, after he was accused of entering a house “in an intoxicated state”. The men of the house brutally thrashed Firoz and handed him over to the police. Firoz later died at his home. Afzal, Firoz’ brother reported that Firoz was promoting his business over the loudspeaker when he got into an altercation with the other party and was thrashed. A case was registered against Mohalla Ganga Aryanagar in Jalalabad – Pinki Kumar, Pankaj Kumar and Rajendra Kumar and their associates under section 105 (culpable homicide) of BNS. The accused were not arrested for the lack of evidence (Sharma, 2024).

Pavan Kumar, Rahul and Binayak were assaulted in Chikkabettahalli in Benguluru, Karnataka on 18^th April, 2024. They were allegedly assaulted by accused Farman and Sameer for raising ‘Jai Shri Ram’ slogans on Ram Navami. Reportedly, a case was registered under IPC sections 295A, 298, 143, 147, 504, 324, 326, 506 and 149 (Times of India, 2024)

Salman Vohra (23), who went to watch a cricket tournament match in Chikhodra, Gujarat on 22 June, was mercilessly beaten to death by a group of men. According to the reports, the mob had been heckling Muslim players with Hindutva slogans like “Jai Shri Ram” as the Muslim players performed well in the tournament. Reportedly, the locals claimed that tensions had begun even before the match because Muslim players were excelling in the tournament, which did not sit well with some locals associated with right-wing groups. The incident started with a parking dispute. A group of men allegedly arrived on motorcycles and got into a fight with Salman, telling him to move his bike from the stand. They started mercilessly beating Salman. Members of the crowd even cheered the attackers. Two other Muslim men were injured; one received around 17 stitches, and the other around 7 stitches. Salman had marks on his right hand, cuts below his eyes, and his ear was brutally damaged—almost bitten off by the attackers. A knife wound damaged his kidney, which was the most severe injury. He was also beaten on his lower waist and neck, causing significant bleeding. The family filed an FIR on 23 June at the Anand Rural police station. It includes sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) such as: 143 (Punishment for unlawful assembly), 147 (Punishment for rioting), 148 (Being armed with a deadly weapon), 302 (Murder), and 324 (Voluntarily causing hurt by dangerous weapon) among others, including The Gujarat Police Act. Seven accused have been arrested in the matter, and the court has given seven days remand for all these accused (Maktoob Media, 2024).

Bindu Sodhi (22) was lynched by her own uncle and others in the village of Toylanka in Chhattisgarh, on 24^th June, 2024. She and her family had adopted Christianity. Sodhi’s uncle and other villagers were not allowing Sodhi to plough her own fields if she didn’t give up Christianity. Sodhi’s mother, brother and younger sister managed to escape the attackers (Carvalho, 2024).

List of Communal Riots in 2024

1. In Shajapur in Madhya Pradesh, on 9th January, some Muslims in Magaria locality allegedly pelted stones on a procession where youth associated with Hindu organizations distributed yellow rice for the consecration ceremony of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya. According to the complainant, Mohit Rathore, some Muslim men near a mosque on the Naag-Naagin Road stopped the procession taken out ahead of the Ram Temple consecration since it was a Muslim inhabited area and the youth in the procession were raising slogans (Aafaq, The Scroll, 2024). One person was seriously injured during the riot. The police filed a case under provisions of the Indian Penal Code pertaining to rioting, promoting communal enmity, and hurting religious sentiments. The first information report has been filed against 24 named persons and 15-20 others. All the named persons are Muslims.

2. In another incident in Maharashtra, communal riot took place in Garib Nawaz Nagar of Nagpur on 21st January. The incident took place during a celebration of the `Pran Pratishtha’ ceremony in Ayodhya. According to the police, an altercation broke out between groups from two communities on 22nd January during a program organized to celebrate the consecration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Both groups pelted stones and around 10 to 12 persons sustained injuries (Bose, 2024)

3. In Mira Road locality of Mumbai, Maharashtra, Muslims allegedly vandalized four cars and 10 motorbikes which had flags with the words ‘Jai Shree Ram’ on them. The incident took place on 21st January at Naya Nagar of Mira road. After this episode of violence, members of some Hindu groups retaliated next day by damaging stationary autorickshaws in the area of the Muslims and pelting stones. Interestingly, though the attacks were made from both sides, Mira Bhayander Municipal Corporation used bulldozers on 23rd January afternoon to demolish about 15 structures in the Muslim-dominated Haidary Chowk area in Mira Road. Nine persons were injured in the incident (Indian Express, 2024).

4. In Bhoj village of Vadodara district in Gujarat, on 22nd January, stones were allegedly pelted on a Shobhayatra that was undertaken to celebrate the consecration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Reportedly, the situation was already tense in the village before this yatra and thus a meeting was held with members from both the communities to ensure peace. However, stone pelting took place when the procession reached a particular street. Thirteen of the 16 accused booked for attempt to murder were arrested (Indian Express, 2024). Similar incident was reported from Kheralu town of Mehsana district in Gujarat in the same month (The Hindu, 2024)

5. Two days after the Pran Prathisthan at Ram temple in Ayodhya, communal riots erupted in Howrah, West Bengal. On 24th January, members of the Muslim community had organized a procession of Urs to celebrate the birth anniversary of Hazrat Ali, son-in-law of Prophet Mohammad at Belilious road in Central Howrah. However, clashes took place when some Hindus raised the slogans of ‘Jai Shri Ram’. Some Hindu groups alleged that the Muslims pelted stones and tore their religious posters. Over 20 persons were injured. Police imposed section 144 to prevent further violence (Financial Express, 2024).

6. The most significant communal riot which claimed six lives was that of Haldwani in Uttarakhand on 8th February, 2024. The violence erupted over an anti-encroachment drive in Haldwani’s Banphoolpura area to demolish what Nainital District Administration claimed was an ‘unauthorised’ madrassa and a prayer site. The violence that ensued claimed six lives- five Muslims and one Hindu. Fourteen were critically injured. The police imposed a curfew in the area and also issued shoot at sight orders in response (Mishra I. , 2024)

7. On February 9th, communal riots erupted in Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh, when stones were thrown at the followers of Tauqeer Raza, a prominent cleric and leader of the Bareilly-based political party, Ittehad-e-Millat Council. The incident occurred as Raza’s followers were returning from a demonstration he had organized to protest the permission granted for prayers in one of the cellars of the Gyanvapi mosque. During the protest, pamphlets were distributed by the followers, and they also shared posts on social media. In response, the police filed an FIR against unidentified individuals under sections 153A (promoting enmity between different groups) and 295A (deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings) of the Indian Penal Code. Additionally, two FIRs were registered for rioting, one filed by members of each community involved (Singh K. , Times of India, 2024).

8. Seven communal riots were reported from the state of Bihar related to the Saraswati idol immersion on 9th February. Communal riots were reported from Bhagalpur where stone were pelted took place at a procession en route to immerse the Goddess Saraswati idol in the Lodipur area. Gunshots were also fired during the clashes in which about 15 people who were part of the procession were injured (Kumar, 2024).

9. In Saharasa, Bihar, a clash between two groups in Nariyar Lataha Tola locality left four people injured on 9^th The trigger was the immersion of Goddess Saraswati idol (Kumar, 2024).

10. In Sheikhpura, Bihar, six people were injured in a similar clash on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

11. In Sitamarhi, Bihar, violence erupted in the Kanhauli police station area on 9^th February, 2024 leaving half a dozen people injured. Gunshots were also fired (Kumar, 2024).

12. In Darbhanga, Bihar, a clash broke out between members of Hindu and Muslim communities in Bahera market during the immersion of Goodess Saraswati idol on 9^th February, 2024. Reportedly, police have lodged separate first information reports with Bahera, Bishanpur, Hayaghat and Bhalpatti police stations against 170 named accused and 400 unidentified people (Kumar, 2024).

13. In Bahuara village of Siwan district, six people were injured in stone pelting during a riot on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

14. More than 10 people were injured in a clash in Jamui district of Bihar over the immersion of Goddess Saraswati idol on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

15. In Vadodara, Gujarat, on 22^nd February, 2024, stone pelting took place between two groups in Navapura are. Communal tensions were fanned when allegedly a derogatory post about Lord Ram was posted on instagram from ID named Sahid Patel. When some Hindus went to the Navapura police station to file the FIR and demand action against the accused, a mob of 150 of Muslims reportedly gathered. Clashes took place between two groups. The police resorted to lathi charge. Sahid Patel, the accused was arrested along with 11 others who were booked for rioting. A total of 22 have been booked for rioting (Times of India, 2024).

16. In an incident that took place in Pahuna village of Chittorgarh in Rajasthan, on 19th March, a Hindu religious procession was underway. When the procession reached a mosque, prayers were taking place. The dispute began because of the noise of the drums that accompanied the procession while the prayers were underway in the mosque. Following an altercation, the two sides hurled stones at each other, leading to injuries. Police arrested 18 people for stone pelting. The police reported that one Shyam Lal Chhipa died of a heart attack during the scuffle (The Hindu, 2024)

17. Communal riot took place on 28^th March in Shirsoli in Jalgaon in Maharashtra when stones were allegedly pelted on persons who participated in the procession to celebrate the birth anniversary of Shivaji. Upon reaching a mosque in the evening, stones were pelted on the procession where six people got injured. Police detained six persons (Chavan, 2024).

18. Two communal riots took place on the occasion of Ram Navami- one in Murshidabad in West Bengal and other in Palamu in Jharkhand. In Murshidabad, stones were pelted on the Ram Navami procession in Rejinagar area on 17th April. A blast was reported from the Shaktipur area near the procession injuring one woman (Times of India, 2024)

19. In Palamu district of Jharkhand, clashes were reported between groups of Hindu and Muslim residents on 17th April. The Muslims of the village of Kajru had opposed the passing of the Ram Navami procession through the mosque. The Muslims argued that Ram Navami wasn’t celebrated in this manner in the past. However, two groups reportedly attacked each other and around five two-wheelers were damaged in the clash. The police arrested ten accused, five from each group (Deccan Herald, 2024)

20. The shrine which had the graves of Imamshah Bawa and his family members in Pirana, Gujarat was flattened by Hindu trustees of the shrine on 7th May, 2024. The Shrine was hailed as a symbol of Hindu- Muslims amity in the region. The destruction of the shrine led to clashes between members of both religious communities where stones were pelted and four persons were reported injured. The police arrested 37 persons booked under sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) pertaining to attempt to murder, rioting, and damage to public property among others (Ghosh, 2024)

21. On 29^th May, 2024, groups of students from two communities clashed at the Guru Nanak Dev Degree College at Mailur on the outskirts of Bidar city, Karnataka. The scuffle broke out during a practice session in the college against the backdrop of a youth festival that was organized by the college. When the students were practicing for a play, two of the actors raised the slogan ‘Jai Sri Ram’ which was part of the play. This was objected by the students of another community and two of them allegedly attacked the students who had raised the slogan. Meanwhile, the students of both the communities started quarrelling on the campus, which led to manhandling and fisticuffs between them. The police controlled the tensions and the festival was cancelled (Badseshi, 2024).
22. On 14th June 2024, the severed head of a calf was discovered at the Jagannath Mahadev temple in Jaora, Ratlam district, Madhya Pradesh. This led to communal tension and blockages of roads by groups protesting against this mischief. The protestors also clashed with the police. The police used tear gas to disperse the crowds and arrested four Muslims and charged them under the National Security Act. The accused were paraded in the town and portions of houses of two of the accused- Salman Mewat and Shakir Qureshi were demolished by the state claiming they were illegally constructed (Mohan, 2024)

23. One communal riot took place in Telangana on the occasion on Bakri Eid on 16th June. The incident took place in Medak district where the Mirajul Uloom Madrasa’s management had purchased cattle for sacrifice for Bakri Eid. Soon after they brought in the cattle, a mob gathered around the madrasa and started protesting against the sacrifice. Clashes took place in three different locations in Medak. The police arrested BJP Medak district president Gaddam Srinivas, BJP Medak town president M. Nayam Prasad, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha President, and seven others in connection with the violence in Medak. There were allegations that thousands of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and Hindu Vahini members attacked the madrasa and severely injured the members of the management (The Scroll, 2024).

24. In another incident on Bakri Eid, communal riots took place in Balasore town of Odisha when a group of people protested in Bhujakhia Pir area over presence of animal sacrifice blood on the road on 17th June. It is alleged that the group of Muslims pelted stones on the protestors and houses and also torched vehicles. These clashes turned violent (Times of India, 2024).

25. Similarly, in Maharashtra, demolitions of around 70 Muslim properties took place in Vishalgad Fort near Kolhapur on 14^th These demolitions came on the heels of the communal riots that took place near the Vishalgad fort when Hindu right-wing organizations alleged that the Muslim community was encroaching on the land near the Vishalgad fort and organized a protest against the same. The mob during these “protests” attacked Muslim properties and a dargah and adjacent mosque in the nearby Gajapur village. Despite these attacks on Muslim owned properties, the state ordered and carried out demolitions the very next day under lashing rains (Doshi & Mutha, 2024). The Courts had to intervene to halt the demolitions.

26. In Bareilly’s Gausganj area, the Muharram procession came under attack while passing a temple on 18^th It reportedly led to confrontation and stone pelting from both the sides. The videos of this violence circulated widely and clashes took place again next day, resulting in injuries to many people. One Tej Ram (23) died in the violence. Ironically, the administration in Bareilly demolished eleven houses of Muslims alleging that they were illegal. 35 accused- all Muslims were arrested and sent to jail (Singh, 2024).

27. In Bareilly, UP, on 2^nd August, a mob attacked and torched the house of Mohammad Saddam who eloped with a Hindu girl from his neighbourhood on 29^th The couple was traced and brought to a police station. The girl was handed over to her father while Saddam was detained for questioning as his house was set on fire. An FIR was registered against the perpetrators — 21 identified and 30 unknown — under the BNS section of rioting, and another FIR was registered against Saddam for abduction on the complaint of the woman’s father (Singh & Ansari, Times of India, 2024).

28. In Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, on 10^th August, 2024, Bhupendra Tomar alias Pinki Choudhary, leader of Hindu right wing organization, along with his associates, attacked several Muslim families living at a JJ cluster in the Madhuban Bapudham area. He accused them of being illegal Bangladeshi migrants, a claim that was investigated into by the police and rejected. He justified his actions citing the ill treatment of Hindus in Bangladesh. The FIR was registered against Tomar and his men under BNS sections 191(2) (rioting), 354 (sexual harassment), 115(2) (voluntarily causing hurt), 117(4) (group of five or more persons acting in concert commits murder on the grounds of race, caste or community), 299 (deliberate and malicious acts, intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs) and 324(5) (damage to property). He was arrested (Times of India, 2024)

29. Similarly, in the state of Maharashtra, the Sakal Hindu Samaj organized bandh and protests in the towns of Nashik,

30. Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar,

31. Jalgaon and

32. Ahmednagar on 16th August to protest against the violence suffered by Hindus in Bangladesh. These places witnessed vandalism and violent clashes between the protestors and other groups which opposed these protests. The protestors and leaders including Mahant Ramgiri Maharaj, a prominent Hindu religious leader raised derogatory slogans and made derogatory statements about Islam in these rallies (Indian Express, 2024)

33. In Udaipur, Rajasthan, state authorities demolished the house of a 15 years old Muslim boy who allegedly stabbed his Hindu schoolmate to death on 16th August. The Hindu right-wing organized protests in the city and raised anti-Muslim slogans and torched vehicles. The accused boy was rightly arrested. However, the state authorities went ahead to demolish the house the family was living in and owned by his uncle. The authorities claimed that the house was illegally built on forest land and that they had served notice one day before demolition (Mateen & Meena, BBC, 2024)

34. On 24^th August, twelve people, including a pregnant woman, were injured in a communal clash in Uttar Pradesh’s Meerut district. Qureshi (28), who was in an inebriated state, got into an altercation with Wahid Ahmed (30) of the same village over an issue while returning home. While both were fighting, a local doctor, Sitaram, 62, tried to intervene. The doctor’s intervention irritated both Qureshi and Ahmed, who then allegedly jointly attacked Sitaram. It soon flared into a communal clash as Hindus and Muslims allegedly threw bricks at each other and attacked with sharp weapons, resulting in injuries to around a dozen people. The police filed an FIR and arrested one person (Indian Express, 2024).

35. In Bhilwara, Rajasthan, a chopped tail of a cow was found in the premises of a temple in Bhavani Nagar on 26th August. Thousands gathered outside the temple to protest and demand police action. Some protestor pelted stones and vandalized shops (The Hindu, 2024).

36. Communal riot broke out in Jirania in Tripura when an idol of goddess Kali was defaced on 26th August. Clashes took place between groups of Hindus and Muslims. Miscreants burnt down at least 12 homes and looted at least three shops in addition to vandalising a place of worship. Fifteen displaced families were provided shelter in a government school. At least two persons were injured (Syed, 2024)

37. Properties of Muslims were vandalized and attacked by a mob of two thousand on 4^th September in Jainoor situated in Asifabad district of Telangana state. The violence was triggered by allegations that a Muslim man had sexually assaulted a tribal woman in the district. According to reports, a video circulated on social media which showed the mob freely setting shops of Muslims on fire and pelting stones on a mosque. The violence occurred during a bandh called in protest against the sexual assault incident. The Muslim accused of sexual assault has been booked under the SC/ST Act for attempted rape, attempted murder, and murder (Maktoob Media, 2024).

38. The festival of Ganesh Chathurthi and immersion witnessed four communal riots. In Ratlam of Madhya Pradesh, on 7th September, 2024, in Mochipura, stones were pelted on Ganesh idol which was taken for installation. Subsequently, nearly 500 persons gheraoed the Station Road police station demanding action against an unidentified person who threw a stone at the Ganesh procession in Mochipura area. One police van was damaged in the stone pelting. Heavy security was deployed and case registered by the police against unknown person (Malpani, The Hindu, 2024)

39. In another incident related to Ganesh festival, in Sayedpura of Surat in Gujarat, some people allegedly pelted stones at the Ganesh pandal on 8th September, 2024. Reportedly, all six people who were involved in stone pelting along with 27 others who encouraged the incident, were arrested by the police. According to the police, 1000 police personnel were deployed in the area to maintain law and order after tensions escalated following the stone pelting incident. Lathi charge, and tear gas was also used to disperse the protesters. Shortly after the riots, “anti-encroachment” drive was undertaken by the administration and demolished properties in the Muslim dominated Sayedpura (Times of India, 2024).

40. In Gokulnagar of Bharuch, Gujarat, communal clashes took place between two groups on 10^th September, 2024 over installation of religious flags in the area. Members of one community started putting up religious flags in anticipation of Eid-e-Milad. There was an altercation over this issue which led to stone pelting, injuring two. The police has filed an FIR against 20 persons and detained 17 for the violence (Times of India, 2024)

41. Karnataka too witnessed communal riot related to Ganesh Chaturthi. On 11th September, there was alleged stone pelting during the Ganesha immersion procession in Nagamangala town of Mandya district, which escalated into clashes. According to Mandya district administration, 20 shops and eight vehicles were torched by the mob. Violence broke out when the Ganesha procession stopped near a mosque and youths raised slogans. The opposing group also raised slogans leading to an altercation. 52 persons were arrested and prohibitory ordered were imposed in the town by the administration. 600 police personnel were deployed (The Hindu, 2024)

42. On 15^th September, six persons pelted stones on a mosque in Katipalla near Surthkal in Manguluru, Karnataka. The miscreants came on two motorcycles and threw stones on the Mosque, which was lit up for Eid. All six accused were arrested by the police (Indian Express, 2024).

43. In Bhiwandi of Thane district in Maharashtra, on 17th September, 2024 marking the immersion of Lord Ganesh day, communal tensions heightened when rumours spread that stones were pelted on Lord Ganesh procession. This led to an altercation between two groups. Police resorted to lathi charge to disperse the crowd. Some suspects were reportedly detained for questioning by the police (Indian Express, 2024)

44. On Eid Milad-un-Nabi on 16th September, 2024, communal riot was reported from Mandsaur in Madhya Pradesh. Hindu outfits alleged that stones were thrown at a temple from the Eid procession when it was passing the temple. They also alleged that an assistant of the Priest got injured in the stone pelting (Malpani, The Hindu, 2024).

45. Communal riots took place in Bhadrak district of Odisha on 27^th September over a social media post. The members of the Muslim community clashed with the police when they were denied permission for a protest march in response to social media comments about the Prophet, leading to stone-pelting by the agitated crowd. According to reports, government vehicles were vandalized and officers on law and order duty received injuries in the stone pelting (The Hindu, 2024).

46. A communal clash took place between two groups at the Dehradun railway station in Uttarakhand on 26^th October, when two groups confronted each other over an inter-faith couple. A Muslim girl and her partner were found arguing on the railway station while her father had filed a missing report. The Railway Protection Force (RPF) intervened when they saw the couple arguing and took them to the RPF police station for safety. Rumors of a communal incident began to circulate, leading to the formation of two groups at the railway station, one led by Vikas Verma and the other by Asif Qureshi, ‘president of the Dehradun city unit of Azad Samaj Party.’ Both groups engaged in heated arguments, and the situation escalated as they began pelting stones at each other. Eight two-wheeler vehicles along with police vehicle were damaged. A case was registered against 14 identified accused, including Vikas Verma and Asif Qureshi and around 100 unidentified with 50 each from both the sides, under sections 191(2) (rioting), 221(obstructing a public servant from discharging his duties), 223 (disobedience of order passed by public servant) and 324(4) (damaging property) of the BNS and Section 7 of the criminal law (amendment) Act (Das, Times of India, 2024).

47. In the state of Maharashtra, which witnessed a significant spike in communal riots in the recent years, trivial incidents including altercation over parking of vehicle in Akola district between a Muslim and Hindu and a small collision between a rickshaw and motorcycle in Hariharpeth in Akola led to communal riot on 8^th October, 2024. This indicates towards how sensitive and volatile the social atmosphere in Maharashtra has cascaded into against the backdrop of the hate speeches and political mobilization by the Sakal Hindu Samaj in the last three years in the state (Lokmat Times, 2024).

48. In Bahraich of Uttar Pradesh, one youth, Ram Gopal Mishra lost his life when he succumbed to his gunshot injuries received during a Durga idol immersion procession on 13^th October, 2024. He was shot at in the Maharajganj area of the district. The violence erupted over the playing of music during the procession. The clashes that ensued led to torching of homes, a motorbike showroom, Lucknow Seva Hospital and a medical store. Reportedly, the Public Works Department (PWD) served notices to 23 establishments — 20 of them belonging to Muslims — to vacate property after the communal riots. The police arrested over 89 persons related to the violence. At least 11 FIRs had been registered in connection with Mishra’s killing and over 1000 booked. Days later, two of the accused in the Mishra case were killed in encounter by UP police (The Hindu, 2024).

49. A Muslim ban was attacked and beaten up by a mob outside a temple of a local deity in Muthyalamma area in Secunderabad on 14^th He allegedly barged into the temple in the early hours of the day and damaged the idol. He was caught by the devotees who dragged him out of the temple and beat him up before handing him over to the police. The police has filed an FIR in the case against the accused man (Times of India, 2024).

50. Communal riots erupted in Chamoli district of Uttarakhand when individuals from two communities had a spate over parking space on 15^th October, 2024. According to reports, the incident took place around 9.30 am, when a Hindu local was parking his scooter in front of a Muslim shop owner. An altercation started when the shop owner reportedly asked the man not to park the vehicle there. Soon others gathered and beat up the Hindu man. The man went to the police and was sent for a medical check-up. However, members of some Hindu outfits gathered and took out a procession in protest. The mob created a ruckus, vandalised some shops, and damaged signboards. The ruckus went on till around 2 pm. Following the altercation, a large crowed from the two communities gathered at the Gauchar outpost.The police registered a case against the accused, Rizwan, Salman, Asif and 70-80 unidentified individuals, under sections 115(2), 191(2), and 352 of the BNS (Mishra, 2024).

51. In Dehradun, the shops of Muslims were attacked and vandalized and four police officers were injured when the members of ‘Sanyukta Sanatan Dharm Rakshak Sangh Uttarakhand’- an umbrella body of Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and other right-wing Hindu organizations were stopped from marching to Jama Masjid to demolish the same on 24th October, 2024. More than 200 people have been booked in connection with a stone-pelting. The right-wing organizations claimed that the mosque is illegal much against the declaration made by the district administration recently that the mosque was legally registered in 1969. In September, the organizations had organized a protest to demand that the Muslim families living nearby the Mosque be expulsed from their homes. These events had contributed to escalated tensions in the area (Das, Times of India, 2024).

52. The houses and properties of Muslims were attacked in Kadakol village of Haveri district in Karnataka on 30^th October, 2024 after there were rumours that the houses of the Hindu residents around a shrine will be taken over by Wafq board. Reportedly, miscreants allegedly threw stones and ransacked houses, besides destroying a parked motorcycle in the village. Five people were injured. The authorities assured the families that their houses are not being taken over. Twenty two persons were detained for questioning by the police (Kattimani, 2024).

53. On 16^th November, communal riots broke out in Beldanga town in West Bengal’s Murshidabad district. Tensions erupted following reports of an allegedly objectionable message written on a neon signboard at a Kartik Puja pandal in Beldanga. There was stone pelting, and shops and vehicles were attacked. Some people sustained injuries in the vandalism and arson. 17 persons were arrested (Singh S. S., 2024).

54. In Madhya Pradesh, communal riot broke out in Mauganj district on November 19, 2024, when BJP MLA Pradeep Patel reached land near the Devra Mahadevan temple which he alleged was encroached upon. An altercation ensued between BJP volunteers and Muslim residents of the area, leading to stone pelting which injured three people. The police teams upon reaching the spot reportedly took away Patel to Rewa and claimed to have acted against accused persons and bring normalcy (Times of India, 2024)

55. Another significant communal riot took place in Sambhal in Uttar Pradesh when a survey team surveyed the Shahi Jama Masjid after claims were made by Hindu groups that a temple once stood on the very same site. Groups clashed with each other- one opposing the survey on 24^th November, 2024. The violence that ensued claimed four lives- all Muslims who were shot at. 20 police personnel were injured along with others. Groups of people clashed with each other and police near the Shahi Jama Masjid in Kot West and indulged in arson according to the police (Rehman, 2024).

56. A minor dispute between two individuals in Mehkar town of Buldhana district, Maharashtra escalated into a violent clash between two communities on 24^th November, 2024. The situation led to arson and stone-pelting. Violence erupted in the Marimata Chowk area of Mehkar when a quarrel broke out between two youths dining at a hotel on Janefal Road. The argument spiraled into a full-fledged riot, with mobs from both sides resorting to stone-pelting. During the clash, an Omni van, two motorcycles, and an auto rickshaw were set on fire. The police have filed cases against more than 50 individuals from both communities and arrested 23 suspects based on a FIR and counter FIR (Sable, 2024).

57. In Dehradun, Uttarakhand, members of Sanatan Sanskriti, a right-wing Hindu group demolished a mazaar situated within the campus of an influential reputed residential school in November. The miscreants livestreamed the demolition. The group also claimed they took permission from government officials to raze the structure, a claim denied by the administration. The group claimed that the mazaar was a new structure and stands in violation of the chief minister’s orders prohibiting religious structures in public institutions. However, according to locals the mazaar was very old. The school authorities clarified that during the civil work, the Mazaar was damaged and thus they were repairing the same (Tyagi, 2024).

58. On 1^st December, 2024, communal riot flared in Maharashtra’s Buldhana district after a procession celebrating Tipu Sultan triggered violent clashes between two groups. The dispute, which began over fireworks, quickly escalated into widespread violence, with stone-pelting and the setting of vehicles and shops on fire. According to reports, the clashes began following a disagreement related to fireworks during the procession. The situation spiraled out of control, resulting in significant property damage and injuries. Police used tear gas and lathi charges to disperse the unruly crowds. 18 individuals were arrested, and an FIR was filed against 70-80 unidentified people (Latestly, 2024).

59. On 25^th December, communal riot broke out in Rohtak, Haryana, when the members of Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal stormed into the venue of a Christmas celebration and disrupted it. The miscreants alleged that religious conversion were taking place at the celebration. The miscreants climbed on the stage and recited ‘Hanuman Chalisa’ and demanded that Christmas celebrations take place only in the confines of churches (Times of India, 2024)

[1][1] Irfan Engineer, Neha Dabhade and Mithila Raut

[2] One communal riot was reported outside of the Mumbai edition of the five mentioned newspapers used for collecting data. The communal riot took place in Howrah, West Bengal on 13^th October over a picture made during a drawing competition during a Durga Puja celebration. FIR was filed and arrests were made in the case (Indian Express 14^th October 2024).

[3] https://csss-isla.com/secular-perspective/peace-eluded-manipur-in-the-year-2024/

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The Hindu. (2024, August 30). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/haryana/haryana-cow-vigilantes-kill-migrant-scrap-dealer-on-suspicions-that-he-ate-beef/article68586248.ece

The Hindu. (2024, September 28). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/odisha/odisha-imposes-internet-shutdown-in-bhadrak-over-communal-tension/article68693346.ece

The Hindu. (2024, January 23). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/stones-thrown-at-shobha-yatra-to-celebrate-ayodhya-event-in-vadodara-one-hurt/article67767711.ece

The Hindu. (2024, March 21). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/communal-violence-in-rajasthan-village-leaves-1-dead-12-injured/article67972512.ece

The Hindu. (2024, August 26). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/rajasthan/shops-shut-communal-tension-in-rajasthans-bhilwara/article68569206.ece#:~:text=Shopkeepers%20downed%20shutters%20Monday%20after,prevent%20violence%20from%20flaring%20up.

The Hindu. (2024, September 12). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/karnataka/40-held-in-connection-with-group-clashes-during-ganesha-immersion-procession-at-nagamangala-in-karnataka/article68632873.ece#:~:text=Sources%20said%20there%20was%20stone,shops%20were%20set%20on%20fire&text=

The Hindu. (2025, January 3). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/data/india-among-25-nations-with-high-religious-restrictions-data/article69053493.ece

The Print. (2024, January 23). Retrieved from The Print: https://theprint.in/india/tension-in-nagpur-locality-after-violent-altercation-between-two-groups/1936312/

The Scroll. (2024, August 27). Retrieved from The Scroll: https://scroll.in/latest/1072495/communal-violence-breaks-out-in-west-tripura-after-hindu-idol-allegedly-defaced

The Scroll. (2024, 17 June). Retrieved from The Scroll: https://scroll.in/latest/1069371/telangana-three-bjp-leaders-among-ten-arrested-for-communal-violence-in-medak

Times of India. (2024, April 17). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/blast-injures-one-during-ram-navami-procession-in-west-bengal/articleshow/109382084.cms

Times of India. (2024, November 20). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bhopal/tensions-rise-in-mauganj-community-clashes-over-land-encroachment-near-temple/articleshow/115462372.cms

Times of India. (2024, June 18). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/odisha-curfew-what-led-to-communal-violence-in-balasore/articleshow/111078677.cms

Times of India. (2024, June 16). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/indore/two-more-arrested-for-desecrating-temple-in-jaora/articleshow/111029522.cms

Times of India. (2024, June 8). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/raipur/chhattisgarh-vigilantes-lynch-2-truckers-carrying-buffaloes/articleshowprint/110806233.cms

Times of India. (2024, May 24). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/ahmedabad/man-lynched-for-ferrying-buffaloes-in-banaskantha/articleshow/110377331.cms

Times of India. (2024, February 24). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/vadodara/communal-riot-in-vadodara-instagram-comment-triggers-violence-three-injured/articleshow/107956239.cms

Times of India. (2024, September 11). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/surat/over-17-detained-2-injured-after-communal-clash-breaks-out-in-gujarats-bharuch/articleshow/113251233.cms

Times of India. (2024, October 15). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/idol-vandalised-at-secunderabad-temple-intruder-beaten-up/articleshow/114228850.cms

Times of India. (2024, April 19). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bengaluru/3-assaulted-in-bengaluru-over-jai-shri-ram-slogan-4-held/articleshow/109412698.cms

Times of India. (2024, April 17). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/blast-injures-one-during-ram-navami-procession-in-west-bengal/articleshow/109382084.cms

Times of India. (2024, June 18). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/odisha-curfew-what-led-to-communal-violence-in-balasore/articleshow/111078677.cms

Times of India. (2024, August 11). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/ghaziabad/man-arrested-for-leading-attack-on-minority-families-in-ghaziabad-slum/articleshow/112434714.cms

Times of India. (2024, September 9). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/anti-encroachment-drive-in-surat-area-that-witnessed-stone-pelting-at-ganesh-pandal/articleshow/113197280.cms

Times of India. (2024, December 26). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chandigarh/vhp-bajrang-dal-protest-at-christmans-event-in-haryana-recite-hanuman-chalisa/articleshow/116671034.cms

Times of India. (2024, November 20). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bhopal/tensions-rise-in-mauganj-community-clashes-over-land-encroachment-near-temple/articleshow/115462372.cms

Tyagi, T. (2024, November 15). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/mob-razes-mazaar-at-elite-school-at-doon-in-dehradun/articleshow/115313725.cms

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