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This action comes in the wake of two recent murders that sparked communal tensions in the coastal region. The externment measures are intended to restrict these individuals from entering designated areas for a specified period, thereby aiming to maintain public order and prevent further unrest.

The individuals in question are linked to multiple police station jurisdictions, including Bantwal, Vittal, Puttur Town and Rural, Kadaba, Sullia, Uppinangady, Punjalkatte, and Belthangady. The proceedings are being carried out under Section 55 of the Karnataka Police Act, which empowers the police to initiate preventive action against those deemed a threat to public peace and safety.

In the wake of recent communal killings in Dakshina Kannada, the police have barred 36 individuals, who belong to both communities and have troubled pasts, from entering the district under Section 55 of the Karnataka Police Act. This action is aimed at curbing unrest and… pic.twitter.com/Cxf7tKz2UU

— Ashish (@KP_Aashish) June 3, 2025

The list includes people from various parts of the district. They have been charged with assault, intimidation, extortion, and gang-related activities. The list comprises individuals aged between 22 and 54 from different parts of the district, all of whom have been booked for offences such as assault, intimidation, extortion, and involvement in gang-related activities.

Taking strict action to ensure peace in the region: Police

Arun K, Superintendent of Police, Dakshina Kannada, said, “We are taking strict action to ensure peace in the region. Externment is a preventive measure aimed at breaking the nexus of habitual offenders who pose a recurring threat to society” reported the Indian Express reported.

The police are in the process of serving notices, and hearings will be held in accordance with legal procedure before the orders are finalised, he said.

BJP Minister alleged Hindu leaders are being unfairly targeted under political pressure

Despite the list including individuals from both Hindu and Muslim communities, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has expressed concerns over what it alleges to be selective targeting. Union Minister of State for Labour and Employment, and Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises, Shobha Karandlaje, has written to the Chairman of the Police Complaints Authority, Justice N.K. Sudhindra Rao, claiming that Hindu leaders are being unfairly singled out under political pressure.

The minister its letter asserted that the action appears biased and urged the authority to review the externment proceedings to ensure they are free from political influence and carried out in a fair and transparent manner.

Shocking reports from Dakshina Kannada reveal targeted harassment of pro-Hindu citizens by police allegedly acting under political pressure from the Congress-led govt. Midnight raids, illegal surveillance & blatant abuse of power are being used as tools of political vendetta.… pic.twitter.com/eKJm3wk85V

— Shobha Karandlaje (@ShobhaBJP) June 3, 2025

She alleged that, “acting under political pressure from the Congress-led State Government, have been systematically targeting and harassing individuals associated with pro-Hindu organisations, social workers, traders, and even ordinary law-abiding civilians.”

Calling the situation “particularly alarming,” Karandlaje alleged that police officers have been visiting individuals’ homes late at night, photographing their residences, and recording GPS coordinates “without any legal warrants or just cause.”

She further added that these actions violate fundamental constitutional rights, including the right to privacy, the right to life under Article 21, and the right to equality under Article 14.

“This pattern of intimidation began shortly after the recent change in police leadership in Mangaluru,” she said, referencing the Karnataka government’s decision to transfer the Police Commissioner of Mangaluru city, along with the Superintendents of Police (SPs) of Dakshina Kannada and Udupi districts, in the wake of recent communal incidents.

Police initiated legal proceedings to extern BJP leader Arun Kumar Puthila

Additionally, in Dakshina Kannada district, police have initiated legal steps to extern BJP leader and Puthila Parivara head Arun Kumar Puthila, citing concerns about his impact on law and order in the region. Earlier, a formal notice had been served, requiring him to appear for a hearing on June 6. If he fails to do so, officials may proceed with an ex parte order, as per a report in the Hindustan Times.

The action is also being taken under Section 55 of the Karnataka Police Act. An official familiar with the matter said there are plans to relocate Puthila to the jurisdiction of Shahabad police station in Kalaburagi district. The notice, issued by the Puttur assistant commissioner, mentions that Puthila can be represented either in person or through a legal representative. The move reportedly stems from his past record of delivering inflammatory speeches, as reported

FIR registered against senior RSS leader Prabhakar Bhat for delivering provocative speech

As part of ongoing preventive measures, Dakshina Kannada police registered an FIR on June 2 against senior RSS leader Kalladka Prabhakar Bhat, accusing him of delivering a provocative speech during a condolence meeting held on May 12 for Suhas Shetty—a Hindutva activist and rowdy-sheeter who was recently killed on May 1 on a busy street in Mangaluru. Shetty was a prominent pro-right-wing youth leader associated with Bajrang Dal in Karnataka’s coastal belt.

According to The News Minute, the FIR details several of Prabhakar Bhat’s remarks. He reportedly said, “We don’t accept the killing of cows. So many of our youngsters have risen against that. They’re not rowdies; they’re patriots. They protect dharma (religion).”

The Hindu reports that the event took place at Madwa Palace Convention Hall in Kavalapadur village, under the jurisdiction of the Bantwal Rural Police Station. Authorities claim Bhat’s remarks were inflammatory and could spark communal unrest. The case has been filed under relevant section 353(2) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS).

Interim relief for RSS leader after Hate Speech FIR

Just hours after the FIR for alleged hate speech was registered, RSS leader Prabhakar Bhat approached the Karnataka High Court, seeking to quash the case and halt further proceedings. In response, Justice S.R. Krishna Kumar granted interim relief, directing the police not to take any coercive action against him. The court also instructed Bhat to cooperate with the investigation and required the police to obtain judicial permission before filing a chargesheet.

Siddaramaiah government is anti-Hindu: BJP State President

Karnataka BJP President B.Y. Vijayendra launched a sharp attack on the Congress-led state government, accusing it of misusing the police force to target Hindu leaders for political gain. He alleged the administration was appeasing the Muslim community for electoral benefits while ignoring “anti-social elements.”

“In the coastal region, Hindu leaders and BJP workers are being deliberately harassed to intimidate Hindu activists,” Vijayendra said, claiming the state was silencing pro-Hindu voices and shielding others. He also criticised the swift transfer of senior police officers in Mangaluru following the murder of a Muslim truck driver, calling it a politically driven move.

“There’s a clear conspiracy to slap false cases on Hindu leaders and put them behind bars,” he added, denouncing FIRs and externment orders as “shameful attempts to stifle free speech.” He demanded the immediate withdrawal of all charges. “The FIR against more than 15 leaders of Hindu organisations, including Kalladka Prabhakar Bhat, must be cancelled, and the deportation order revoked. If not, the government alone will be responsible for the consequences,” he warned.

Commenting on the murder of right-wing leader Suhas Shetty, Vijayendra reiterated his stance, calling the Congress government “anti-Hindu” and alleging repeated attacks on Hindu activists. He said BJP leaders had appealed to Governor Thaawar Chand Gehlot for a central probe, and the Ministry of Home Affairs had since handed the case to the National Investigation Agency (NIA).

“BJP workers met the Governor and we demanded an investigation by the NIA, which the state government did not accept, but the Centre fortunately agreed to…” he stated in a report in the ANI.

BJP warns of agitation over alleged ‘targeting Hindu leaders’ in Dakshina Kannada

The BJP has warned of a protest against the Congress-led Karnataka government, accusing it of targeting Hindu leaders in Dakshina Kannada. This comes after an FIR was filed against RSS leader Kalladka Prabhakar Bhat for alleged hate speech and an externment notice was issued to BJP leader Arun Kumar Puttila, as per the Hindu reports.

Dakshina Kannada MP Capt. Brijesh Chowta criticised the Siddaramaiah government for misusing state machinery to harass and divide Hindu voices, claiming it was a cover-up for its administrative failures. He said he had spoken to the state police chief and would meet top police officials in Mangaluru on Tuesday along with other party leaders.

Former Minister and Karkala MLA V. Sunil Kumar accused the government of trying to enforce a “police raj” in Dakshina Kannada and Udupi, as reported

However, on June 3, BJP Dakshina Kannada district president Satish Kumpala also accused the Congress-led Karnataka government of misusing the police force to “mentally harass and demoralise Sangh Parivar activists by filing baseless cases against them” as per the report in the Hindu.

Speaking to the media after meeting City Police Commissioner Sudheer Kumar Reddy and Dakshina Kannada SP K. Arun—along with BJP MLAs and party leaders—Kumpala said the delegation had conveyed its strong displeasure over what they described as the police treating individuals associated with Hindu organisations as criminals.

Whether Hindu or Muslim, action will be taken only if someone breaks the law: Karnataka Home Minister

Responding to allegations of selective action, Karnataka Home Minister G. Parameshwara stated, “Whether Hindu or Muslim, action will be taken only if someone breaks the law. No one will be spared if they do something wrong.”

In a post on X, Parameshwara emphasised the government’s commitment to restoring peace and social harmony in the state, particularly in light of recent communal disturbances in Dakshina Kannada, Udupi, Uttara Kannada, and Shivamogga districts.

“We had promised to make Karnataka a garden of peace, and the people placed their trust in us,” he wrote. “Now, more than ever, there is a need to foster an environment of peace and unity.”

ಕರ್ನಾಟಕವನ್ನು ಸರ್ವಜನಾಂಗದ ಶಾಂತಿಯ ತೋಟವಾಗಿಸುವ ವಾಗ್ದಾನವನ್ನು ನಾಡಿನ ಜನತೆಗೆ ನಾವು ಚುನಾವಣಾ ಪೂರ್ವದಲ್ಲೇ ನೀಡಿದ್ದೆವು, ಅದರಂತೆ ಜನತೆ ನಮ್ಮ ಮೇಲೆ ವಿಶ್ವಾಸವಿಟ್ಟು ಬಹುಮತದ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ರಚನೆಗೆ ಅವಕಾಶ ನೀಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ.

ರಾಜ್ಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಶಾಂತಿ, ಸೌಹಾರ್ದತೆ ಮತ್ತು‌ ಸಾಮರಸ್ಯದ ವಾತಾವರಣವನ್ನು ನಿರ್ಮಾಣ ಮಾಡುವ ಅಗತ್ಯ ಎಂದಿಗಿಂತಲೂ ಈಗ… pic.twitter.com/JYtHiSZr8F

— DIPR Karnataka (@KarnatakaVarthe) May 30, 2025

He added that the government has taken serious note of incidents involving communal miscreants and has formed a special task force to address them. The force—carved out of the existing Naxal Suppression Unit—includes 248 personnel, led by a DGP and supported by officers across various ranks.

“Strict action will be taken against anyone who incites communal hatred, regardless of their religion or affiliation. The law will take its course,” he said.

Related:

CJP files complaint with six news channels for spreading misinformation, making false terror links: Operation Sindoor

Rane in the Crosshairs: CJP demands authorities to Act now on BJP MLA’s alleged barrage of divisive rhetoric; three formal complaints lodged state-wide!

Waqf vs Holi Show: CJP asks Zee News to take down its divisive debate show over Waqf protest

The post Karnataka Police’s massive crackdown on habitual hate offenders in Dakshina Kannada region appeared first on SabrangIndia.

– George Elliot (English Novelist and Poet, 1819-1880)

Firdaus Alam alias Asjad Babu – age 24 years – is dead.

Details of this cold blooded killing have appeared in a section of the media and make chilling reading. (1)

Asjad – a native of a village in Kishenganj district of Bihar, married hardly 7 months back, worked as a tailor in Panipat, Haryana.That tragic evening, he was sitting with his friends including his brother Asad Raza in a playground when the accused approached him and started mocking him for wearing a skullcap.

None of the friends had any personal enmity with the accused Narendra alias “Susu Lala”.When confronted, he felt further agitated and attacked Asjad with a knife, inflicting serious fatal injuries.

Death of Asjad is no ordinary death.

It appears to be a hate crime.

Hate crime is a special crime where a person is targeted just because of hostility or prejudice towards that person’s colour, look, dress, which reveals the person’s community, religion or belief etc. One does not know whether the police or the law-and-order machinery would be ready to acknowledge this brutal murder as a hate crime (2) because that would entail stricter charges, which may be followed by stricter punishment.

What is even more disturbing, is to note that killings, like that of Asjad have become commonplace.

Merely a week back four people carrying buffalo meat in Aligarh were brutally attacked by a group of vigilantes, all Hindu youths, calling themselves Gorakshaks; but,they could be better termed as (protected?) criminals. (3) Few of the attackers have been arrested and police is searching for the rest. There are reports that these youths run an extortion racket from people engaged in this trade; and when these four people, who were engaged in this business with proper license, refused to pay the ransom, they were brutally attacked and left for dead.

One does not know if these self-proclaimed vigilantes, operating under the cover of Gau-Raksha politics, will transform into professional criminals, or revert to a normal law-abiding life.

Or how Gulfam, a biryani seller in Agra was killed point blank by one Manoj Chaudhary – who later claimed in a video that “Pahalgam has been avenged’. (4)

A cursory glance at the last decade of India’s democracy makes it clear how such attacks/ killings are increasingly getting normalized.

Perhaps the first such killing was that of a computer techie (2014) Mohsin Sheikh, who was killed by a mob allegedly belonging to Hindu Rashtra Sena , when he was returning home from his namaz. (5) Till date, there have been many ups and downs in the case. His father Sadiq Sheikh died waiting for justice in his son’s case.

Despite the controversial record of the Hindu Rashtra Sena in the police files, and even though the Maharashtra government had once contemplated banning the group, the high court judge – Mridula Bhatkar – granted bail to the three men accused of killing Mohsin Sheikh. (6) The order given by the judge is ‘remarkable’for its astounding logic and deserves to be read,

The applicants/accused otherwise had no other motive such as any personal enmity against the innocent deceased Mohsin. The fault of the deceased was only that he belonged to another religion. I consider this factor in favour of the applicants/accused. Moreover, the applicants/accused do not have criminal record, and it appears that in the name of the religion, they were provoked and have committed the murder. Under such circumstances, I allow the bail Applications.

In other words, if one kills someone out of personal enmity than that is worse than if someone is killed ‘merely’ on religious grounds. Those who kill in the name of religion should be – by Justice Bhatkar’s logic – given favourable treatment vis-à-vis other kinds of murder.

The Supreme Court observed that the high court ruling was ‘coloured with bias for or against a community’. It set aside the order of the Bombay High Court. But, thanks to the absence of any witness protection scheme, few of the key witnesses in the case turned hostile.And, after nine long years of legal battles,the result, however, went against the victim. All the accused in the case were allowed to go scot free after nine years of the legal battle, could be said to be an eyeopener in this case. (7)

Last one heard about the case that family members of IT Engineer Mohsin Sheikh plan to approach High Court after acquittal of all the 22 accused in the case. (8)

What happened in case of Junaid was not qualitatively different.

On 23 June 2017, Junaid (age 15) was in a festive mood, waiting to celebrate Eid with a lot of gaiety with his family. He was on a train from Delhi to Mathura. Some men on the train began to mock him and his friends for their religion. They tugged at their beards and accused them of being beef eaters. The train compartment was crowded. Then the men attacked Junaid and his friends viciously. None of the co-passengers came to their rescue. Junaid was stabbed. Then the men pushed Junaid and his friends onto the platform at Asaoti railway station. Junaid bled to death in his brother’s lap.

The men were arrested, but then released on bail. The wheels of justice are stuck. Junaid’s mother waits for something to happen. But what is going to happen startles her. (9)

It is worthwhile to revisit the case to know how, in an ambiance of majoritarian triumphalism, certain deaths become ‘non-events’as a scholar-activist Aarthi Sethi had then commented in her article (10).

..Kaunain Sheriff M returned to the railway station in Faridabad to find out ‘who saw what’ when Junaid was killed. He found that nobody saw anything as a young boy lay bleeding to death on Platform number 4. The blood stains, the journalist writes, are ‘still visible’ on the platform and yet no-one saw anything, neither the Station Master Om Prakash nor the post-master Bhagwat Dyal whose office is right across from the platform. ‘I did not see anything’, said Om Prakash. ‘I did not see anything’, said Bhagwat Dyal. Even the CCTV did not see anything. One official said, ‘There is a CCTV camera opposite the spot. The wire has been tampered with and it is non-functional’. ..

Sethi recounts what Sheriff M had written, and writes,

“Then they collectively, and without prior agreement, continued to not see what they had seen after the event. This is the uniquely terrifying aspect of this incident on which this report reflects: the totalising force of an unspoken, but collectively binding, agreement between Hindus to not see the dead body of a Muslim child. Hindus on this railway platform in a small station in north India instantly produced a stranger sociality, a common social bond between people who do not otherwise know each other. By mutual recognition between strangers, Hindus at this platform agreed to abide by a code of silence by which the death of a Muslim child cannot be seen by 200 people in full public view on a railway platform in today’s India.”(11)

India has of late metamorphosed into a land of such hate crimes.

Anyone can recall how a key leader of the ruling dispensation had in a public meeting underlined how ‘they’ can be recognised by the ‘clothes they wear’ (kapdon se pehchanejane wale) or how  his senior colleagues have been caught umpteen times stigmatising these ‘others’ as termites etc.

It is true that under the exclusivist ideology and praxis, presently, such attacks are mainly targeted against the religious minorities. But violent attacks cannot remain limited to minorities, as the reactionary forces advance. Soon, it would engulf others as well.

As analysts have noted, lynching appeared in India not as individual acts – i.e., one person killing another person – but as group violence, i.e.,mobs targeting religious minorities, Dalits, transgender persons and people belonging to deprived sections. Anyone considered ‘other’ was a fair game. Professor Sanjay Subramanyam, who teaches at the University of California, Los Angeles, told Indian Express that the members of the lynch mobs know that nothing will happen to them, that their acts have the approval of higher authorities.

Earlier, organised acts of mass violence were repetitive in character and there was a pattern, e.g. processions were attacked, or the violence was timed with public festivals. This was so even in the time of the Mughals. Then, post-Independence, there have been largely urban, organised forms of violence, where various political parties have provided protection to the perpetrators.

The difference between the earlier phase of mass violence and the current phase requires differentiation, writes Professor Subramanyam.

But what we are seeing now is not at a single place, there are fewer numbers attacked, and it is decentralised, done by little groups all over the place. These groups are either being told or imagine that they have been told to act in this way. Further, after the event, no one in authority is clearly telling them the contrary. There is also an aspirational quality to the violence. …curious thing is that the perpetrators want it to be known. After all, some of the people doing this are even videotaping it. They make sure the information is circulating, intended as a warning, as a signal and controlling device for the social behaviour expected of minorities. It is a form of violence which can pop up here one day and there on another. It is never mass killings but based on the existence of grassroots kind of organisations which believe in doing this, and also to an extent on copycat behaviour. So even if it is decentralised, there is a larger context.

If anyone doubts this understanding, then it is worthwhile to look at the excerpts of a sting operation done by NDTV regarding the killing of a meat trader – Qasim Querishi – in Hapur (Uttar Pradesh) and beating of Samiuddin. The police arrested Yudhisthir Singh Sisodia, who was the main accused. Let off on bail, Sisodia spoke to NDTV’s A. Vaidyanathan, who had a hidden camera. Sisodia told the court that he had no role in the killing, but when Vaidyanathan asked him about it, he said,

I told the jailer that [the victims] were slaughtering cows, so I slaughtered them. My army is ready. If anyone slaughters a cow, we will kill them and go to jail a thousand times.

The lynching of Junaid was not seen by 200 people who were on the platform at that time. They did not see the violence. They did not see Junaid.

Likewise Mohsin Sheikh was murdered in a marketplace with lot of people around but none from the crowd gathered courage to give testimony about his perpetrators.

This is Today’s India.

Could it be correct to say that today, India is a country with a new normal of hatred and bigotry.

This ‘new normal of hatred and bigotry’ is the consequence of an unholy alliance between corporate interests and Hindutva zealots. It is defined by upturning the rule of law, sabotage of institutions, and the creation of an atmosphere of fear for those, who differ. India has become a republic of violence instead of republic of hope.

Does anyone bother to even remember the n number of religious congregations, called Dharam Sansads, held in different parts of the country, including in the national capital itself, openly giving a call for ‘final solutions’ to solve the ‘problem’, instigating the crowds gathered to go for ‘cleansing of the country’ of the ‘unwanted elements’? And despite such open calls for genocide, no substantive action against the organisers or the instigators is to be seen.

There is no official statistics of such crimes available at the national level.

The studies show that this government has a scant regard for gathering data.In fact, it is accused of ‘suppressing crucial data’; and it is engaged in undermining ‘even the institutions responsible for data collection’’(12) Looking at stray reports, appearing here and there, it can be safely and correctly guessed that such murders, such attacks, have seen a quantum jump since the ascent of Hindutva Supremacist forces in this part of South Asia.

Firdaus Alam alias Asjad Babu – age 24 years – is dead.

We are told that a case has been filed by the police and the accused has been arrested.

Demands have been raised by concerned citizens that this killing be considered a hate crime, the accused be arrested under UAPA and the case should be dealt under a special court to expedite the whole process, to send a clear-cut message to all such fanatics.

Today, looking at the changed ambiance, it looks difficult that police would be keen to send such a message.

And one needs to ready for a long battle for justice; perhaps it would be crucial to understand why justice eluded in earlier cases and what corrective action(s) are needed.

Death of Asjad Babu in relatively peaceful times raises many questions before us.

The key question is why is it that violence against the religious minorities and ‘others’ never subsides completely, and it continues to simmer even in relatively peaceful times.

Whether it is an outcome of a wider and deeper penetration of Golwalkarian worldview among votaries of Hindutva politics, who in his book ‘Bunch of Thoughts’ lumps together Muslims, Christians and Communists as ‘internal enemies’ and considers them equally or rather more dangerous than ‘external enemies’.

Or it relates to what Prof Aijaz Ahmad calls the existence of ‘Cultures of Cruelty’ in our society.[https://www.jstor.org/stable/3517939]. According to him it is

“[a] much wider web of social sanctions in which one kind of violence can be tolerated all the more because many other kinds of violence are tolerated anyway. Dowry deaths do facilitate the burning of women out of communal motivations, and, together, these two kinds of violences do contribute to the making of a more generalised culture of cruelty as well as a more generalised ethical numbness toward cruelty as such.”

No doubt, these questions need detailed probing, and more about it sometime .

Subhash Gatade is a left  activist associated with New Socialist Initiative

Courtesy: CounterCurrents

The post Will Asjad Babu Get Justice in Today’s India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Earlier, too, the apex court had sought the view of the Odisha government on Dara’s Singh’s early release but the state government had sought 45 days’ time. The deadline is almost over.

The Spine-Chilling Incident

Staines, along with his two minor sons, was burnt alive to death inside a station wagon vehicle on the night of January 22-23, 1999. The horrendous crime had stunned the entire world.

Reporting on the unspeakable act from Manoharpur village in Keonjhar district had somehow remained shrouded by various interpretations as the then media, except two platforms, could not reach the spot on January 22, which is roughly 150 km from the capital, Bhubaneswar.

However, this reporter, then representing a leading national electronics media channel, along with another national channel drove to Manoharpur at the dead of the night negotiating arduous tracks through thick forests.

It was almost past midnight when we reached the village, which was palpably bathed in a perplexing silence. The silence was too disturbing.

As we passed through the row of houses flanking the pathway, we could see men and women sitting on their verandahs, each a picture of shock and mental torment.

On our right hand, we saw what we had heard. The sight was flabbergasting and rendered each of us speechless. The station vehicle was still on fire from below and its deflated tyres were still in smoldering. Fumes were still emanating from inside the vehicle.

Australian missionary Graham Staines with his family. His two minor boys were burnt alive along with him in 1999 in Odisha, by Bajrang Dal activists led by Dara Singh. (File photo.)

A little away from the vehicle, we could catch a glimpse of the charred remains of three bodies, simply indistinguishable and nerve wracking. Two small corpses and one that of an adult.

The police had already reached the site of the crime and were preparing to send the mortal remains in a police van to Bhubaneswar.

Before that, the perpetrators of the heinous crime, led by Dara Singh, the main accused and his accomplices, had fled chanting ‘Jai Bajrang Bali’ as if self-cheering the horrendous act.

We gathered from the benumbed villagers that when the vehicle, stuffed with hay stacks, was on fire, the gang led by Singh, armed with weapons, did not allow any villager to come near the burning vehicle.

The villagers saw two little hands faintly visible, desperately banging the windscreens for help. But the screams were lost in the din of ‘Jai Bajrang Bali’ chants by the killers.

It was late evening on January 22, 1999, and Staines was reportedly holding some kind of formalities or feast after some conversions to Christianity. As we could gather from the villagers, mostly from the tribal community, Staines had been active in Manoharpur and in a few adjoining pockets for seeking conversions.

That night was different. Little did Staines realise that a plan was being hatched by a gang of about 20 people led by Dara Singh to attack him. The missionary, perhaps, had no inkling of it and had brought along his two sons, Philip (10) and Timothy (6).

The seething vengeance of Dara Singh and his accomplices nearly exploded into a massacre. They stuffed haystacks underneath the vehicle in which the three were sleeping and set it on fire. A few men and women of the village told this reporter how a rage of revenge became cataclysmic when three live human beings (including two minors) were burnt to death alive before the entire village. Humanity was literally shamed.

The perpetrators stood on guard till the indescribable end. “We had no courage to dare the armed gang and douse the inferno where three souls were being charred to death”, I recall a senior villager called Suresh Hembram confiding to this reporter.

“We felt guilty that we were made mute onlookers despite the heart wrenching sight when, from a distance, we could faintly make out the movements of the three caught in the blaze inside the burning vehicle, banging the windscreens for help” whispered Sebati Majhi, an old woman of the village in who was in tears and panic-struck by the horrific scene.

Dara Singh alias Ravindra Pal was known to be a Bajrang Dal activist who worked in that area against cow transportation to other states because cow slaughter was banned in Odisha. Singh, as per the government counsel, often resorted to brutal ways to punish cattle-laden truck drivers.

After committing the crime in Manoharpur, Singh went underground for a month before being arrested.

Singh, the main accused in the triple murder, was convicted and sentenced to death by a CBI court in 2003. The Orissa High Court commuted his death sentence to life imprisonment in 2005. The decision of the High Court was upheld by the Supreme Court in 2011.

Many human right activists expressed their annoyance after the High Court commuted his death sentence to life imprisonment for such an unforgivable crime considered as “rarest of rare”.

He (Dara) promised to “give back to the society” through “service-oriented actions”. He submitted that he had undergone more than the qualified period of sentence of 14 years under the April 19, 2022 remission policy in Odisha.

According to Wikipedia, Dara Singh was a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).  He was also an activist of the Bajrang Dal and the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP).

The police reported that Dara Singh was an active member of the ‘Go Suraksha Samiti’, an initiative financed and implemented by VHP and the Bajrang Dal.

We drove to Balasore 150 km from Bhubaneswar a week after the tragedy to meet Gladys Staines, wife of Graham Staines, who politely received us and was looking completely crest fallen. At times, she appeared numb and would walk inside and come back after washing her face.

The substance of her reaction was “what can I say, and from my side I simply forgive him (the killer)”. The bereaved mother and wife sounded spiritual.

Now that the apex court has sought the view of the Odisha government,  which is “presently under the BJP rule, it seems a bit likely that the person behind of world’s one of most brutal acts in the history of crime, may get a nod for premature release”, Rabi Das, who as a journalist has been working on human rights also, told this reporter.

“Let’s wait. It would be premature at this time to predict the Odisha government’s response to the apex court’s query on the premature release of Dara”, said Aravinda Satpathy, a senior advocate of the High Court of Orissa.

The writer is a freelance journalist based in Odisha with over 40 years of experience in the profession.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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This post was captioned “LOL Salam, Comrade” – a take on communists’ use of ‘lal selam’ or ‘red salute’. It was posted as a response to a press statement by the CPI(ML) condemning ‘Operation Kagar’ – a joint operation by the paramilitary, state police, and various security forces in the dense and hilly forests of Telangana and Chhattisgarh, in which officials said 27 ‘Maoists’ were killed.

The CPI (ML) had condemned the “cold-blooded extra-judicial killing of Maoist activists and Adivasis in Narayanpur-Bijapur.”

The party statement also said that Shah’s celebratory post reflected that the “state is spearheading Operation Kagar as an extra-judicial extermination campaign and taking credit for killing citizens and suppressing Adivasi protests against corporate plunder and militarisation in the name of combating Maoism.”

The connotations of a cauliflower 

While the Union government’s response has indeed been celebratory, it was, in fact, the presence of a cauliflower in BJP Karnataka’s X post that stunned online commentators.

The use of the cauliflower has become a de-facto stand-in for a call to Muslim genocide.

Capable of circumventing hate speech laws online, it was most recently widely shared by pro-BJP political commentators following the communal clashes in Nagpur.

The imagery is understood to refer to the 1989 Bhagalpur anti-Muslim riots in which over 900 people were killed. In the village of Logain, 110 Muslims were killed and buried in a farm. It is well known that cauliflower saplings were planted over their dead bodies.

In recent years, this reference has been revived by alt-right groups, particularly the trads. Some of its less disguised versions in the past have portrayed hijabi women as cauliflowers.

In their social media bios, many Hindutva ‘trads’ refer to themselves as “cauliflower farmers.”

Trads constitute the extreme end of the Hindutva universe, and comprise youth who want to serve as self-styled civilisational warriors online. Trads view other right-wingers as too liberal and call them ‘raitas’. They also consider PM Narendra Modi too weak to further the real Hindutva agenda due to his alleged appeasement of Dalits and inability to deal with the Muslims with an iron hand.

In 2022, The Wire had reported on these trads following the ‘Sulli Deals’ case in which a hundred Muslim women were ‘auctioned’ on an app.

The Wire had reported how trad iconography is usually designed to ‘trigger’ minority communities with shockingly violent ‘humour’. They include memes depicting the beheading of Muslims, caricatures of Muslims being mowed under their cars, Dalits depicted as “cockroaches” being gassed, or rape victims (who are either Muslims or Dalits) being urinated upon by a saffronised ‘Pepe the Frog.’

The report had said how this dependence on iconography draws directly from Western neo-Nazi creators and in some cases imitates the content of alt-right 4chan activists. References like the cauliflower meme or the invocation of the Ranveer Sena, a banned anti-Dalit militia accused of massacres in Bihar, are local additions.

While the BJP had so far steered away from this extreme discourse and gory trad imagery, the recent caricature is testament to its growing tolerance.

In the past year, trad iconography has become more acceptable in mainstream Hindutva lexicon, especially while addressing Muslims. In the many caricatures the BJP have posted since January 2024, especially during their 2024 Lok Sabha campaign, they adopted some of this imagery and symbols – like Pepe the Frog, a depiction of PM Modi dressed in saffron and taking on the Muslims in green, and an animation of Muslims taking away property and the belongings of the Dalits.

In 2022, in a post on X captioned Satyamev Jayate (truth alone prevails) a caricature was shared by the official handle of the Gujarat BJP featuring a dozen skull-capped and bearded men in white kurtas being hanged. Social media users and commentators drew comparison with Nazi caricatures and the tweet was taken down by Twitter. But the party said that they were not targeting any particular religion and that the cartoon was based on real incidents – a Gujarat court convicting terrorists for the 2006 Ahmedabad blasts.

Courtesy: The Wire

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All references to Delhi Sultanate and Mughal rulers have been deleted from the S^tandard VII text book. In addition, in all other text books –wherever there are references to Muslim rule—has been deleted. What also stands deleted is the reference to Post-Mumbai (92-93 violence), post-Gujarat violence (2002), the references to Nathuram Godse being a trained pracharak of RSS, the ban on RSS in the aftermath of Gandhi murder (January 30, 1948),  among others. While the Kumbh Mela finds a place, deaths by stampede and other related tragedies like the Delhi station stampede have no place.

All this began during the Covid period when the pretext offered was reducing the burden on the students and followed by ‘rationalization’ which meant deletion of these portions which caused discomfort to the Hindu Nationalist ideology.

For the political purpose of demonisation of Muslims and spreading hate against them, Mughals have been presented as the  major villains in our history. Some earlier kings like Allauddin Khilji have also been on the hammer for the Hindutva narrative. Until now, the demonisation of Muslims was structured around the selective narrative of ‘temple destruction by Muslim kings’, propaganda which has been contested by rational historians. The spread of Islam by Muslims Kings using the sword was another part of this. This version is totally off the mark as conversions to Islam took place a century earlier, due to social interactions with Muslim Arab traders to begin with. In later years, many from the depressed castes embraced Islam to escape the tyranny of the caste system.

The ideology of Hindutva has gone to the extent of presenting this period as a dark period when a ‘Holocaust against Hindus’ took place. No doubt the era of Kingdoms is full of war for political reasons. Kings always wanted to expand their regime and in the process many people were killed. To call it holocaust is totally off the mark. Their (Hindutva) narrative actually takes off from the Communal Historiography introduced by the British to pursue the policy of ‘divide and rule’. In this; all the motives of Kings are related to religion and kings are presented as the symbol of the entire religious community.

Hindu communal historiography has taken this several steps further, by claiming that Muslims and Christians were ‘foreigners’ who have tormented Hindus. Muslim communal historiography presented the other side of the coin where Muslims are portrayed as perpetual rulers and Hindus as subjugated subjects. This presents Muslims as the logical rulers of this land.

The later trajectory of this logic did assist the British to divide our composite land into India and Pakistan. Savarkar articulated that there are two nations in this country, and Jinnah went on to demand a separate country for Muslims, Pakistan. Pakistan fell into the trap of Muslim communalism right from the word go and as far its textbooks are concerned they presented the beginning of Pakistan with Mohammad bin Kasim, only in the eighth century. Today their history books have totally deleted any reference to Hindu rulers. The hate which the Muslim communalism spread against the Hindus peaked with their school texts removing all the references to Hindu Kings and culture.

In a way India; during the last three decades has been walking on the footprints of Pakistan. The mirror image of Pakistan’s trajectory is being copied, down to the last comma. This point was highlighted by Pakistan’s poet Fahmida Riyaz. In the aftermath of Babri demolition she wrote “Arre Tum bhi Ham Jaise Nikale, Ab Tak Kahan Chhupe the bhai’ (Ohh! you have also turned out like us, where were you hiding so far).

Prior to Hindutva ideology coming to total control of Indian education, the RSS shakhas were spreading the communal version of society through multiple mechanisms like its Shakha bauddhis, Ekal Vidyalays, Shishu Mandirs. In due course mainstream media and social media also came to its service.

As such culture is a continuously evolving process. During the period of History under the hammer of Hindutva, serious social changes took place. Apart from the architecture, the food habits, dress and literature, the synthesis in the field of religion, the noble traditions of Bhakti and Sufi tradition developed. It was during this period that Sikhism came and flourished.

Now this political ideology may have to change the track. With Muslim rulers out of the way how will they demonise the Muslims now? Newer techniques may be on the way to substitute Aurangzeb or Babar; as now they will be defunct!

History is very central to the concept of Nationalism. Erich Fromm points out that ‘History is to Nationalism what poppy is to the opium addict’. Since BJP came to power as NDA in 1998, the major thing they did was what is called “saffronization of education”. Here history has been presented the narrative of glorious and brave Hindu Kings versus evil and aggressive Muslim kings. The charge has been that so far History has been written by Left Historians, who focused on Delhi rulers and who were pro Muslim. The point is that text books did present the details of particular dynasties depending on the historical length of their rule.

The history books in the decades of 1980s had a good deal of presentation of Hindu as well as Muslim kings. The narration was not revolving just around religion but the holistic view of communities was presented: trade, culture, literature among others.

Still it is true that ruler, ‘King centric history’ is not what we need to build our future. We need to focus on diverse sections of society, Dalits, women, adivasis and artisans who do not find much place in such narratives.

Related:

2025 NCERT Textbooks: Mughals, Delhi Sultanate out; ‘sacred geography’, Maha Kumbh in

Mughals Won’t Disappear From History Just Because Sangh Wishes so: Irfan Habib

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Kashmiri porters carried the tourists to safe places and opened their houses and masjids for the guests. Kashmir observed a ‘bandh’ and many processions were taken out, raising slogans of ‘Hindu Muslim Unity’, while across the country, Muslims and other groups took out candle marches and offered condolences for the martyrs.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi was due to visit Kashmir during that time but just a few days prior to the visit, he cancelled his trip. At the time of the tragedy, he was in a Gulf country. He cut short his trip and headed back home, and rather than going to Kashmir, went to Bihar to attend a rally, from where he gave a powerful warning to terrorists. The message that terrorists were Muslims and the victims were Hindus was the undercurrent of the whole narrative that was circulated.

Thereafter, there was escalation of tension and hostilities between India and Pakistan, and a ceasefire was declared by US President Donald Trump, while the Modi government has a different interpretation of the ceasefire. Meanwhile, ‘godi media’ had a field day spreading hate with different television channels reporting India winning over different cities of Pakistan while sitting in their plush studios. The TV media fell to unimaginable lows, further smashing the ethics of journalism long abandoned by them.

The worst outcome of all this has been the increase in hate against Muslims. Islamophobia is gripping the country with increasing intensity. In Latur, a Muslim was reportedly labelled a Pakistani and beaten black and blue. Humiliated by this, he allegedly died by suicide. Kashmiri students in a hostel in Uttarakhand were thrown out in the middle of the night and had to stay put in front of the Dehradun airport.

The worst of this was seen when Vijay Shah, a minister in Bharatiya Janata Party’s Madhya Pradesh government, indirectly referred to Colonel Sofiya Qureshi, one of the spokespersons of the Indian Army, as a ‘sister of terrorists’. For the sake of face-saving, he did apologise for this but now the MP High Court has called for an FIR against him.

Mithila Raut, who works with Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, Mumbai, in an article in Dainik Loksatta (Marathi) enumerates the number of hate incidents, as reported in the newspapers. As per her article, there have been many anti-Muslim incidents after the Pahalgam attack. In one such shocking incident in Uttar Pradesh, in Shamli’s Toda village, one Sarafaraz was attacked by one Govind, who is said to have stated that “you have killed our 26; we will kill your 26!” In Punjab’s Dera Bassi in the Universal Group of Institutes, Kashmiri students were allegedly attacked in the hostel.

One Shabbir Dhar, a Kashmiri vendor, living in Uttarakhand’s Mussoorie and selling shawls, was attacked along with his shop assistant as “revenge for Pahalgam”. He, and many other Kashmiri vendors, were threatened not to come back again. In Haryana’s Rohtak, in Kharawar village, Muslim residents were allegedly threatened and asked to leave the village by May 2.

These are some of the incidents that have been culled out from newspapers. How the atmosphere of hate has intensified is very clear from these incidents. The atmosphere in society has been gradually worsening. The Hindu Right-wing has already created an atmosphere against Muslims. Initially, this was created by use of medieval history, where the training in Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) shakhas, the ‘godi media’ and social media created an “enemy image” of Muslims.

The formation of Pakistan gave another major pretext to those practicing communal politics to assert that it had been formed by Muslims. This is a totally distorted version of the account of history, as the formation of Pakistan was a combination of three factors — the British policy of ‘divide and rule’, Muslim communalism and Hindu communalism. The ‘Two Nation Theory’ was first articulated by Hindutva idealogue Vinayak Damodar Savarkar.

After the formation of Pakistan, the propaganda was that Partition took place due to Muslims, and this became an additional reason for spreading hate. As such, it was the formation of two States simultaneously, India and Pakistan. Pakistan was to be in Muslim-majority areas.

The add-on to the anti-Muslim propaganda came from the complex Kashmir issue. The exodus of Kashmiri pandits in 1990 was yet again used against Muslims. Exodus of pandits happened when the V P Singh government supported by BJP was ruling at Centre and the pro-BJP Jagmohan was the Governor of Kashmir. Ignoring all that, the anti-Muslim angle in pandits’ emigration became the central point around which hate against Muslims was unleashed.

So, step by step, more issues have been used to torment Indian Muslims. The voices of amity have been muted and every occasion now is turned into adding to the prevalent hate against Muslims, to vitiate the hate used by RSS-BJP to intensify its agenda of a Hindu nation.

Pahalgam and Diplomacy

The issue of Pahalgam has also brought to fore the change in the nature of Indian diplomacy. As per the Shimla Agreement (1971) between Indira Gandhi and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the India-Pakistan issues were to be sorted out in a bilateral manner, without mediation from any third party. With Trump dominating the scene now, and Modi unable to confront him, the equations seem to be changing. Globally, not many countries came to side with India.

The core point is to solve the Kashmir issue based on former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s Doctrine of ‘Insaniyat, Kashmiryat and Jamhooriyat’ (Humanism, Democracy). We need to live in peace with our neighbours, as Vajpayee again said: “Friends can change, but not neighbours.”

The reflections of ‘Hate Pakistan’, as is the wont of the Hindu Right-wing, supplemented by the loud-mouthed and hate- spewing Indian ‘godi media’, reflects badly on Indian Muslims. It vitiates the possibility of an amicable atmosphere at home.

The intensification of communal problems due to the Pahalgam tragedy needs to be grasped and war- and -hate- mongers have to be negated for peace and prosperity of our country. So far, ‘Pakistani’ was the main abuse for Muslims, ‘Kashmiri’ seems to have been added to the hate list.

The writer is a human rights activist, who taught at IIT Bombay. The views are personal.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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This long analysis by the CJP Hate Watch team examines and analyses this new and disturbing phenomenon.

Also read: Broadcasting Bias: CJP’s fight against hatred in Indian news and CJP’s NBDSA Complaints 2023: A look at the repeated violation of ethics and guidelines by Indian television channels

Through the calculated use of misleading clickbait, visuals, and text, there is a persistent effort to jeopardise the nation’s communal harmony and even directly provoke violence. Channels like Zee News, Times Now Navbharat, Aaj Tak, and News 18 India have come under scrutiny for their reporting practices. Orders passed by the NBDSA in 2022, 2023, 2024 –obtained by CJP–point to this trend.

CJP is dedicated to finding and bringing to light instances of Hate Speech, so that the bigots propagating these venomous ideas can be unmasked and brought to justice. To learn more about our campaign against hate speech, please become a member. To support our initiatives, please donate now!

Now, in what appears to be a careful bid to escape this monitoring –on the basis of guidelines that have evolved to ensure neutrality in portrayal of issues and their analysis/interpretation – channels have shifted tack: several of them are, arguably and disproportionately using images featuring prominent Muslim politicians like Asaduddin Owaisi to visually frame any news related to the Muslim community, regardless of his direct involvement in the same. This visual shorthand, clearly perpetuates a subtle yet insidious stereotype, linking diverse issues to a singular, conservative and aggressive Muslim identity. Whereas our team’s close and analytical look at the entire content in the slow, or the role of the anchor appears ‘neutral’, the trigger lies in the thumbnail, ensuring click-baits.

Another example is the say, the reporting on recent incidents like the recent Murshidabad violence (post the passage of the controversial Waqf Amendment Act of 2025) that raises serious questions about journalistic ethics. The evident overuse of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s image in thumbnails and tickers, often accompanied by trigger-phrases signifying approval, like “Yogi Action” or “Yogi Style Action”– even when the news pertains to events outside his jurisdiction—points to attempts to inject a specific aggressive, bullying narrative. Given Adityanath’s strongman image and association with vituperative Hindu nationalism, this visual framing appears designed to evoke a particular triumphal and negative sentiment and moreover, to cater to a specific viewership.

Further, the alleged use of thumbnails featuring both Yogi Adityanath and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee in reports about the Murshidabad violence, alongside reports of “forced Hindu migration” framed as a consequence of Muslim dominance in Bengal, further fuels concerns. Such visual juxtapositions and narratives, when presented in a misleading or exaggerated manner, risk creating a climate of fear and suspicion between communities. The apparent haste and lack of ethical boundaries in the pursuit of viewership, as evidenced by the language and visuals employed, paint a concerning picture of a section of the Indian news media seemingly abandoning its responsibility to report truthfully and fairly.

The coverage of the Waqf Act debates further exemplifies this trend. The consistent pairing of Owaisi’s image and the repeated use of terms like “Maulana, Maulana” in tickers during these discussions seem to reinforce pre-existing stereotypes and potentially demonise religious leaders within the Muslim community. This pattern suggests a deliberate attempt to frame issues through a communal lens, potentially exacerbating existing societal fault lines.

Selective visual communication and its negative impact

As experts on visual communication say, this is an inherently selective process. The negative effects on individuals and society of such persistent use of selective attention is emotionally skewed: such attentional bias is therefore often associated with negative or threat-related stimuli, which can impel us to focus on ‘threatening information’ over more neutral stimuli (information and news) in our environment that, in turn leads us collectively to ruminate on distressing thoughts Research suggests this may be a contributing factor to emotional disorders. None deny that over the past decade and more, Indian society has been subject to, or become a victim of such perniciously crafted negative selectivity geared cynically to ensure the alienation of, discrimination towards particular, politically targeted sections.

As this simple visual explanation on attentional bias from The Digitak Kab tells us there are four types of selective perception.

The four stages of selective perception include:
Selective Exposure, Selective Attention, Selective Comprehension, and Selective Retention

To ensure neutrality in reportage and communication, requires a committed non-partisan approach. In simple language, being open-minded. In fact, being open-minded and empathetic is known to be one of the best ways to avoid perception bias. Societally, especially in an environ that has traditionally thrived on pluralism and diversity, is to ensure constant exposure to a wide range of people, opinions and cultures. The more such depiction is rich and nuanced, the more successful will visual communication be in challenging stereotypical assumption.

CJP’s HW Team studied and analysed electronic media coverage and depiction in past weeks and here is what we found.

Zee News

Zee News, consistently vying for viewership, frequently exhibited hasty and insensitive reporting, often disregarding factual accuracy and context. The channel has faced reprimands, including fines, from the NBDSA for its communal and misleading broadcasts. Its thumbnails and clickbait tactics often amplified stereotypes and sensationalism.

Fiction over fact: Zee News’ race for ratings

In its coverage of the Waqf Act issue, Zee News employed inflammatory Hindi captions such as “Jiska Dar Tha Wahi Hua! Waqf Kanoon Par Tagda Jhatka, Muslimo Main Jashan” (What was feared has happened! Big blow on Waqf law, celebration among Muslims), “Supreme Court Ka Order! Khud He Phas Gaye Musalman” (Supreme Court’s order! Muslims themselves got trapped), and “Supreme Court Se Faisla, 21 Crore Muslimo Main Bhagdadh! Live” (Decision from Supreme Court, stampede among 21 crore Muslims! Live). These phrases aimed to create a sense of dramatic tension and portray the Muslim community in a negative light, suggesting celebration at a setback or mass panic from Supreme Court hearing. (The matter is still pending before the Supreme Court).

Polarising thumbnails: icons of power vs. the ‘other’

Furthermore, thumbnails often juxtaposed images of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, UP CM Yogi Adityanath, and AIMIM Chief Asaduddin Owaisi with text like “Waqf Bill Par Palte 24 Crore Musalmaan, Pure Desh Hadkamp! ‘3000 Crore Ki Property Jabt” (24 crore Muslims turned against the Waqf Bill, nationwide uproar! ‘3000 crore property seized’) and “Modi Ko Aisi Saja Denge! Maulanao Ne De Dali Dhamki, Lakho Muslimo Ne Ghere 6 Sahar” (They will give such a punishment to Modi! Maulanas have given a threat, lakhs of Muslims have surrounded 6 cities). The objective of these combinations was to link the Waqf Bill to a supposed nationwide upheaval by the Muslim community, framing it as a threat and invoking strong reactions against the minority group. The inclusion of Modi and Yogi Adityanath’s images likely aimed to resonate with a specific viewership that favours their political stance.

The channel further utilised aggressive and communal language in its thumbnails, such as “Ab Aar-Paar Ki Jang” (Now, a decisive battle), “Modi Ko Saja Denge” (They will punish Modi), “Waqf Gang Ko Yogi Ka Tagda Ultimatum” (Yogi’s strong ultimatum to the Waqf gang), and the derogatory “Miyan Ji Ka Naya Khoof Aa Raha” (The new fear of ‘Miyan Ji’ is coming – ‘Miyan Ji’ is a term sometimes used pejoratively for Muslim men). Other examples of sensational and stereotype-reinforcing thumbnails included “15 Minute..Musalmano Ko Court Main Devkinandan Ka Khula Challenge, Ucchal Pade Maulana” (15 minutes…Devkinandan’s open challenge to Muslims in court, Maulanas jumped up), “Danga Zone Main Lakho Musalmaan, Waqf Par Naya Plan” (Millions of Muslims in riot zone, new plan on Waqf), and “Azadi.. Karnataka Gherne Nikal Pade Lakho Musalmaan Aur Fhir..” (Freedom… Millions of Muslims set out to surround Karnataka and then…).

These captions collectively painted the Muslim community as reactive, prone to violence, and potentially threatening, thus perpetuating negative stereotypes for sensationalism and viewership. The channel’s consistent use of such language and imagery demonstrated a pattern of prioritising sensationalism and the endorsement of harmful stereotypes over responsible and factual journalism.

Times Now Navbharat

Times Now Navbharat exhibited a pattern of sensationalism and misleading reporting on sensitive topics. A key tactic involved the frequent and seemingly gratuitous use of Yogi Adityanath’s image in thumbnails, irrespective of the news story’s location or direct relevance to Uttar Pradesh. Given Yogi Adityanath’s substantial social media following, this strategy appeared to be a deliberate attempt to inflate viewership through clickbait.

Clickbait for sensation: the strategic use of Yogi Adityanath’s image

For instance, in its coverage of the Murshidabad violence, the channel employed Hindi captions like “CM Yogi Ne Khayi Kasam, Ek-Ek Hindu Ko Bachana Hai” (CM Yogi has taken an pledge, he has to save every single Hindu) and “Laato ke Bhoot, Baato Se: Murshidabad Hinsa Par Mamta Se Kya Bole Yogi” (Those who understand force, not words: What did Yogi say to Mamata on Murshidabad violence). The objective of using such text alongside Yogi Adityanath’s picture was to inject a Hindu nationalist angle into the narrative, capitalising on his image as a strong, decisive leader within that political leaning. This sensational framing aimed to attract viewers by tapping into existing social media trends where his supporters often invoke phrases like “Yogi Adityanath Style Action” in response to incidents of violence.

Waqf Act coverage: communal framing over legal nuance

Similarly, the channel’s reporting on the Waqf Act debates prominently featured Yogi Adityanath, using captions such as “Baba ‘Bulldozer Decision’ Lenge”, SC Se 555 Ka Intjaar,” (Baba will take a ‘Bulldozer Decision’, waiting for 555 from SC) and “Yogi Ki Table Par Waqf Ki 1.25 Lakh Files” (1.25 lakh Waqf files on Yogi’s table). The objective behind this consistent visual and textual association was to communalise the issue. By exclusively highlighting a Chief Minister known for his pro-Hindutva stance, the channel seemingly sought to frame the Waqf Act discussions along Hindu-Muslim lines, catering to a specific viewership segment and sensationalising the topic for increased clicks, rather than providing an objective analysis of the law.

Even when reporting on the legal challenge to the Waqf Act, the thumbnail read, “Owaisi, Sibbal, Singhvi Ka Chehra Utara, Supreme Court Ne Waqf Kanoon Par Modi Ka Kaam Aasan Kar Diya” (Owaisi, Sibbal, Singhvi’s faces fell, Supreme Court made Modi’s work easier on Waqf law). This caption, paired with the news of the legal challenge, aimed to portray it as a setback for Muslim leaders and lawyers representing them.

Engineered conflict: pitting leaders for spectacle

The channel also utilised thumbnails featuring contrasting figures like Asaduddin Owaisi and T. Raja Singh with captions such as “Waqf Bill Ke Virodh Main Owaisi Ki Hunkar, T. Raja Ne Diya Karara Jawab” (Owaisi’s roar in opposition to the Waqf Bill, T. Raja gave a strong reply). This pitting of opposing figures, along with the insensitive and incomplete phrase attributed to T. Raja Singh, “Tumhara Baap Bhi…” (Even your father…), served to create conflict and sensationalism, drawing viewers in with the promise of a heated exchange and appealing to potentially divisive sentiments. This approach prioritised sensationalism and clickbait over providing viewers with a nuanced understanding of the Waqf Act and the related discussions.

Aaj Tak

Similarly, Aaj Tak also appeared to engage in a comparable pattern of sensationalism, albeit to a seemingly lesser degree. Its thumbnails concerning the Waqf Bill, such as “Waqf Ka Waqt Aa Gaya!” (The time for Waqf has come!) and “Waqf Bill Se Musalmano ki Jameene Chinne Wali Hain?” (Will the Waqf Bill snatch away Muslims’ lands?), while perhaps less overtly inflammatory than some other channels, still employed a degree of sensationalism and potentially misleading framing. The phrase “Waqf Ka Waqt Aa Gaya!” (The time for Waqf has come!) Carries a sense of impending and significant change, potentially creating unease or excitement depending on the viewer’s perspective. The question “Waqf Bill Se Musalmano ki Jameene Chinne Wali Hain?” (Will the Waqf Bill snatch away Muslims’ lands?) Directly plays on potential anxieties within the Muslim community, suggesting a threat to their properties without providing factual context.

Even in the form of a question, such a thumbnail can contribute to the spread of misinformation and the amplification of fear for the sake of attracting clicks and viewership. While not resorting to overtly communal language or imagery to the same extent as some other channels, Aaj Tak’s use of these types of thumbnails still indicates a leaning towards sensationalism when covering sensitive religious and legal issues, potentially contributing to a climate of anxiety and suspicion.

India TV

India TV also mirrored this concerning trend in its reporting, employing provocative and misleading language that endorsed harmful stereotypes. During its coverage of the Murshidabad violence, the channel utilised phrases such as “Murshidabad…10 Hajar Dangai Nikle Jumme Ke Baad?” (Murshidabad…Did 10,000 rioters emerge after Friday?), “Owaisi Ka Ailan-e-Jung, Kitne Muslim Sang?” (Owaisi’s declaration of war, how many Muslims are with him?), “Modi vs Muslim Board”, and “Modi vs Maulana.”

Climax-oriented thumbnails: drama over depth

The objective behind these captions was to immediately frame the violence along religious lines, portraying Muslims as aggressors (“10 Hajar Dangai” – 10,000 rioters) and suggesting a confrontation between the Muslim community (represented by Owaisi and the “Muslim Board”) and the Hindu majority (represented by Modi). This sensational framing disregarded the complexities of the situation and aimed to create division

Furthermore, without official confirmation or statements, India TV aired shows with alarmist and unsubstantiated claims like “Murshidabad Se 10000 Hindu Visthapit, Muslim Sthaapit” (10000 Hindus displaced, Muslims settled in Murshidabad) and “Aaj Bengal ke Hindua Ka Kaleja Fhat Gaya” (Today, the hearts of Hindus in Bengal shattered). These emotionally charged and unverified statements served to create fear and resentment within the Hindu community, painting Muslims as displacing Hindus.

The channel’s use of the phrase “Modi Se Nafrat Sakht, Maulana Ka Waqf Waqf!” (Strong hatred for Modi, Maulana’s Waqf Waqf!) Further exemplified this pattern. By specifically highlighting “Maulana” (Islamic cleric) in opposition to the Waqf Act and linking this opposition to “Nafrat” (hatred) towards Prime Minister Modi, the channel aimed to stereotype religious leaders within the Muslim community as being inherently anti-government and harbouring animosity towards the Hindu leader. This deliberate portrayal contributed to the broader trend of media outlets using religious identity to sensationalise news and fuel divisive narratives for viewership.

News 18 India

News 18 India’s coverage of the Waqf issue employed thumbnails and titles that could be seen as sensational and potentially misleading. Phrases like “Waqf Act Ke Bahane Jute Muslim Kya Hain ‘Asli’ Agenda” (What is the ‘real’ agenda of deceitful Muslims under the guise of the Waqf Act?), “Bhu-Mafia Ya Islam, Waqf Aa Raha Kiske Kaam” (Land mafia or Islam, who is the Waqf benefiting?), “Jumme Ki Namaz, Masjid Adda” (Friday prayers, mosque as a hub), “Pradarshan Se Pahle, Delhi Main Muslimo Ka Jamawada” (Muslim gathering in Delhi before the protest), and “Waqf Ke Khilaaf Delhi Main Muslamano Ka Halla Bol” (Muslims’ outcry in Delhi against the Waqf) – these, coupled with images of figures like Owaisi and Maulana Arshad Madni, risk framing a complex matter through a narrow, potentially biased lens. This approach might inadvertently create a singular narrative that overlooks the broader context and possible repercussions of such hasty and attention-grabbing presentations.

Similarly, their reporting on the Murshidabad violence, with headlines such as “Bajrang Dal Ki Entry, Hil Gaya Pura Bengal” (Bajrang Dal’s entry, entire Bengal shaken) and “Didi..Tere Bengal Main Hinduo Ke Jaan Ki Kimat Kaya?” (Didi…what is the value of Hindu lives in your Bengal?), appears to prioritise sensationalism. Highlighting the Bajrang Dal in what seems like a ‘saviour’ role could amplify communal tones.

While the channel seemingly criticises the TMC government for allegedly failing to protect Hindus, it doesn’t appear to broadly question the government’s responsibility in preventing violence across the entire state. This particular style of reporting could unfortunately prioritise high viewership and TRP ratings by potentially communalising the narrative, possibly at the expense of fostering harmony and communal tolerance through the use of climax-oriented thumbnails and click-bait.

NBDSA and monitoring negativity on air

For the past six years or more, robust citizen’s campaigns have sought accountability from several electronic media channels in their portrayal and coverage. CJP’s HateWatch programme (HateHatao initiative) is arguably the most consistent keeping a hawk’s eye on hate violations on air. Through careful and calibrated analysis we have managed to track, complain and ensure that several of the most offending shows (videos) are pulled off air. These include those from among the very channels that have since now resorted to the use of the provocative and incendiary thumbnail and visual.

Increasingly the complaints made by CJP, to NBDSA, have, in a nuanced way been pointing out how often not the whole but a small portion (few minutes even) of a 50 minute show uses problematic language, positioning this in such a way that the entire coverage or its focus gets coloured and littered with manipulative metaphors collectively amounting to prejudice.

Now, we ask, is this the latest move, by these very same offenders to attract venality in viewer response without actually crossing the bar in either the content itself or the role of the anchor?

Narrative over nuance: missing the broader accountability

However, the examples of sensationalist reporting by certain Indian news channels raise serious concerns about the erosion of journalistic ethics and the potential for these practices to exacerbate communal tensions. The deliberate use of misleading visuals, inflammatory language, and clickbait tactics, often targeting religious minorities and framing sensitive issues through a communal lens, appears to prioritise viewership over responsible reporting. Given the pervasive reach of digital media, how can regulatory bodies and journalistic organisations effectively address this trend of irresponsible sensationalism and ensure that the media upholds its crucial role in fostering an informed and harmonious society, rather than contributing to division and discord?

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The post How Indian commercial media channels are using the provocative thumbnail to boost viewers and worse, provoke vicarious viewer response appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On Friday night around 8:30 PM, Acharya, accompanied by BJP leaders and supporters, marched to the Jama Masjid from an ‘Akrosh Sabha’ held at Badi Chaupar. The protesters raised slogans such as ‘Jai Shri Ram’ and ‘Pakistan Murdabad,’ and displayed saffron flags and torches. Allegedly, some individuals entered the mosque premises, pasted posters reading ‘Pakistan Murdabad,’ and raised offensive slogans. Eyewitnesses reported that Acharya entered the mosque wearing shoes, a gesture considered highly disrespectful in Islamic tradition.

The protest led to heightened communal tensions, with a large number of people gathering to protest against the MLA’s actions.

According to reports, Congress MLAs Rafiq Khan and Amin Kagzi, along with Police Commissioner Biju George Joseph, arrived at the scene to control the situation. Despite their efforts, the unrest continued to simmer.

जयपुर: BJP विधायक बालमुकुंद आचार्य ने भीड़ के साथ जामा मस्जिद की सीढ़ियों पर आकर लगाए ‘जय श्री राम’ के नारे, मस्जिद कमेटी ने ज़ारी किया वीडियो.#BalmukundAcharya #BJP #Jaipur pic.twitter.com/DkEhO31Ycu

— Journo Mirror (@JournoMirror) April 26, 2025

After controversy, BJP MLA issued apology, urged for stay united against terrorism

In the face of mounting backlash, Acharya issued a video statement on Saturday, April 26, 2025, expressing regret over the incident. He stated, “If anyone’s sentiments were hurt due to the posters or my words, I sincerely apologise. It was never my intention to hurt any community or religion. At this time, unity among all of us is very important.” He emphasised that India functions according to the Constitution, where every citizen has the right to respect their religious sentiments.

भाजपा विधायक बालमुकुंद आचार्य ने मुस्लिम समुदाय से मांगी माफ़ी ,जयपुर की जामा मस्जिद की सीड़ियों पर चढ़कर नारा लगाने का था मामला मुस्लिम समुदाय ने की है विधायक को गिरफ़्तार करने की मांग, FIR भी दर्ज मस्जिद के नायब सदर ने कहा- माहौल ख़राब करने का प्रयास कर रहा है विधायक pic.twitter.com/p9Rbsy1mQb

— Millat Times (@Millat_Times) April 26, 2025

Acharya further appealed for calm, urging people to stay united and support Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s efforts to combat terrorism and respond strongly to Pakistan. However, his apology did little to quell the growing discontent among the Muslim community and political opponents.

Moreover, BJP MLA Balmukund Acharya has also called for an end to the speculation surrounding a proposed bandh in Jaipur. In a message posted from his official X handle, he wrote that, “Many rumours are being spread about a Jaipur bandh tomorrow. I want to make it very clear — there should be no bandh.”

जयपुरवासियों से मेरा निवेदन…

कल जयपुर बंद को लेकर कई अफवाहें फैलाई जा रही हैं। मैं आप सबसे साफ़ शब्दों में कहना चाहता हूँ — कोई बंद न करें।

आपका जो स्नेह और विश्वास मुझे मिला है, वह मेरे लिए गौरव की बात है। लेकिन मैं नहीं चाहता कि आप अपने व्यापार का नुकसान करें।
हमें काम पर… pic.twitter.com/sp6OviQyXr

— Swami Balmukundacharya (Modi Ka Parivar) (@BMacharyaBJP) April 26, 2025

Expressing gratitude for the public’s support, Acharya further added, “The love and trust I have received from you is a matter of great pride for me. However, I do not want you to harm your businesses. We must continue our work, keep the markets open, and remain united.”

FIR filed against MLA for hurting religious sentiments

After the incident, the Jama Masjid Committee lodged a complaint against Acharya, leading to the registration of a First Information Report (FIR) under several sections of the Indian Penal Code. The charges included sections 298 (Injuring or defiling a place of worship), 300, (Disturbing religious assembly), 302 (Uttering words with intent to wound religious feelings) and 351(3) (Criminal intimidation).

BJP MLA Balmukund Acharya booked for protesting outside mosque in Jaipur

Read @ANI Story | https://t.co/zcs4xWlpYa#BalmukundAcharya #Jaipur #Protest pic.twitter.com/vSfwCK9RiY

— ANI Digital (@ani_digital) April 26, 2025

The police investigation was transferred to the CID-Crime Branch, the nodal agency for probing cases involving public representatives. As communal tensions spread across the city, a heavy police force was deployed at the Jama Masjid to maintain law and order. Nearly all shops in the market were closed, and the police conducted a flag march on the main road of Johari Bazaar. Contingents of the Rajasthan Armed Constabulary (RAC) and Special Task Force (STF) were also deployed in sensitive areas of the state capital.

Members of the Muslim community staged a counter-protest near Badi Chaupad

The incident sparked widespread outrage among the Muslim community. After evening prayers, a crowd of restive youths gathered outside the mosque in Johari Bazaar, raising slogans demanding Acharya’s immediate arrest. The police used mild force to disperse the crowd, but the situation remained tense.

In response, members of the Muslim community staged a counter-protest near Badi Chaupad, adjacent to Jaipur’s famous landmark, the Hawa Mahal. They raised slogans and displayed posters of their own. A brief altercation between the two groups followed, leading to the registration of an FIR against Acharya at Manak Chowk police station. The FIR accused him of inciting religious sentiments and disrupting social harmony.

The Indian Express reported that, MLA Rafiq Khan said, “We have no objection to slogans like ‘Pakistan Murdabad’ or ‘Terrorism Murdabad.’ We too oppose terrorism. But the BJP MLA deliberately tried to provoke religious sentiments under the pretext of the protest.”

Muslim leaders hold press meet over Jama Masjid incident

Following the incident, a press conference was held on Saturday (April 26) at the Jama Masjid in Johari Bazaar, Jaipur, prominent Muslim leaders were present at the meet, including MLAs Amin Kagzi and Rafiq Khan, Rajasthan Waqf Board Chairman Khan U Khan Budhawali, and Jamaat-e-Islami Hind’s state president Mohammad Najimuddin.

State president of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, Mohammad Najimuddin, began by condemning the terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Kashmir. However, he also levelled serious allegations against MLA Balmukund Acharya, claiming that Acharya and his supporters raised provocative and objectionable slogans both inside and outside the mosque during Friday prayers—a time considered highly sacred in Islam, as per a report in the Dainik Bhaskar.

Community leaders give administration a two-day ultimatum

Najimuddin revealed that the Police Commissioner had assured them of action. However, he added that the community had issued an ultimatum to the administration—demanding action against Acharya by April 27 or 28. He stated that they would meet the Police Commissioner again on April 29, and if no concrete steps were taken, a mass agitation would be launched.

“What kind of MLA behaves like this?” he asked, alleging that Acharya does nothing but provoke religious sentiments. “A person like him does not deserve to remain an elected representative,” Najimuddin asserted, as reported

No Muslim supports Pakistan, we will always chant ‘Pakistan Murdabad’: Congress MLA Amin Kagzi

According to the Dainik Bhaskar, local Congress MLA Amin Kagzi addressed another emerging narrative—accusations that Muslims objected to the anti-Pakistan slogans. Kagzi firmly dispelled these rumours, stated that, “There is a misconception being spread about the ‘Pakistan Murdabad’ slogans raised outside the mosque. Neither I, nor the Muslim community here, have any sympathy for Pakistan. We will always chant ‘Pakistan Murdabad’ when the situation demands it.”

He went on to accuse Acharya of forcefully entering the mosque, putting up posters, and creating a disruptive atmosphere. Kagzi said Muslim leaders had already met with the Police Commissioner and given the administration a two-day deadline to act on the community’s demands.

 “Pakistan Murdabad Then, Now and Forever”, said MLA Rafiq Khan

Echoing similar sentiments, MLA Rafiq Khan stated that the entire country is grieving the tragedy that unfolded in Pahalgam. Referring to the recent all-party meeting, he said that all parties agreed to support the government in responding to the attack—so why, he asked, was Acharya trying to politicise the issue?

“Pakistan Murdabad was, is, and always will be our slogan,” Khan declared. “Today, we are standing with posters that say ‘Pakistan Murdabad’ right inside the mosque. We are not upset about the posters. What we condemn is the act of entering a mosque during prayer and shouting slogans. That was disrespectful” he said, reported Bhaskar

He alleged that Acharya was deliberately trying to disrupt communal peace in the city, adding that the BJP MLA has repeatedly violated the law, yet no action has been taken against him. Khan warned that the community would take to the streets if no action was taken within the next two days.

What lies ahead: peace or protest?

The situation in Jaipur remains tense. Muslim leaders have so far shown restraint, opting for legal routes and official communication with law enforcement. But the community’s patience seems to be wearing thin. With deadlines issued and the promise of protests looming large, it remains to be seen whether the administration will act against Balmukund Acharya—or risk further communal unrest in Rajasthan’s capital.

Political fallout: BJP leadership distances itself

The controversy drew criticism from within the BJP as well. According to reports, Chief Minister Bhajanlal Sharma and senior party leaders were unhappy with Acharya’s actions, especially given the sensitive environment. State BJP President Madan Rathore reportedly called Acharya to express his disapproval. Following the conversation, Acharya assured the leadership that he would exercise greater caution in the future and avoid similar incidents.

Previous controversies: a pattern of provocative actions

This incident is not the first time Acharya has found himself at the centre of controversy. Earlier, he had campaigned against the consumption of meat, the use of loudspeakers by mosques, and the wearing of hijabs by girls in schools. He also demanded the removal of Bangladeshi and Rohingya refugees from Jaipur. These actions have drawn criticism from various quarters, with opponents accusing him of stoking communal tensions for political gain.

In one notable incident, Acharya was accused of trespassing and inappropriate behaviour at a Shia religious site in Jaipur’s Bada Badanpura area. Community leaders urged swift action, citing threats to communal harmony and complaints about police inaction as troubling factors.

The road ahead: nurturing communal harmony

The events of May 2 have laid bare the fragility of communal relations in Jaipur. Though Acharya’s apology may have been intended to calm tensions, the strain it placed on inter-community trust is hard to ignore. While the courts will eventually determine legal accountability, the deeper task lies in mending the city’s social fabric.

Leaders from both Hindu and Muslim communities have stepped forward, calling for honest dialogue, mutual respect, and a reaffirmation of shared values. They remind us that India’s strength lies in its commitment to unity in diversity, and that upholding constitutional ideals must remain a common purpose.

The protest outside the Jama Masjid—and everything that followed—highlights how easily words and actions can shape, and sometimes shake, the delicate balance of communal life. Political leaders, in particular, must tread carefully, knowing their influence carries real weight in such moments.

As Jaipur looks to move forward, the path must be one of listening, empathy, and rebuilding trust—step by step, neighbour by neighbour.

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The post BJP MLA Balmukund Acharya apologises amid uproar over Mosque protest in Jaipur appeared first on SabrangIndia.

However, the arrest failed to pacify public outrage. By Wednesday night (April 30), around 9:30 PM, a group of men gathered near the market area where the accused had an office and began targeting businesses owned by members of the Muslim community. Videos later circulated on social media showed shops being vandalised, staffers slapped, and stones hurled at a nearby mosque. Several shops and eateries were damaged, and incidents of assault were reported. Though police intervened to de-escalate the situation, their response was widely seen as inadequate.

Right-wing outrage targets Muslim businesses in retaliatory fury

Fuelled by the accusation against the elderly Muslim man, Hindu nationalist organisations swiftly mobilised, broadening their focus from the individual to the entire Muslim community in Nainital. These groups, often operating under the banner of protecting Hindu interests, engaged in a campaign of collective punishment. Their actions extended beyond mere condemnation of the alleged crime, manifesting in direct attacks on Muslim-owned businesses and the physical assault of Muslim individuals.

Despite the prompt arrest of the accused and the completion of the minor’s medical examination – steps indicating the legal process was underway – these right-wing outfits continued their aggressive actions. Their demands often included handing over the accused to their custody, bypassing the judicial system entirely, and further inflamed the communal tensions by propagating a narrative of collective guilt and demanding discriminatory actions against the Muslim population of Nainital

Public reaction escalates into mob violence

The violence on Wednesday night appeared to be part of a broader, emotionally charged backlash. Despite assurances from law enforcement that the accused had been arrested and was facing severe charges, a large crowd moved through the central town area, launching coordinated attacks. Most of the affected establishments belonged to Muslims, heightening communal tensions. Shopkeepers and local residents described the scene as chaotic, with shutters broken, staff beaten, and customers fleeing. Among the worst affected was Monish Jalal, a restaurant owner in Gadi Padaw, who condemned the assault on his livelihood, saying, “We want justice for the girl, but what connection do we have with the accused?” reported the Times of India.

Others, like Bimla Devi, a senior resident running a family tea stall since the British era, described the damage to her stall as “complete destruction.” Both expressed dismay at the lack of timely police action and called for justice — both for the victim and for innocent business owners caught in the crossfire, as reported

Against the tide: Hindu woman stands up for Muslim community

In a striking display of moral courage amidst the rising communal frenzy, a Hindu woman emerged as an unexpected beacon of reason. As a rally of Hindu nationalist supporters marched through Nainital, their chants laced with anti-Muslim slogans in response to the alleged sexual assault, she bravely stepped forward to confront them. Her act was a powerful testament to shared humanity, as she challenged the very premise of their collective blame and the injustice of targeting the entire Muslim community for the alleged actions of one individual. Undeterred by the charged atmosphere and the potential for backlash, she directly rebuked the mob for their indiscriminate attacks on innocent Muslim shopkeepers, emphasising their lack of connection to the alleged crime.

Furthermore, she vocally condemned the abusive and derogatory language employed during the rally.

BJP leader threatened Muslim food vendors

In a video that quickly circulated on social media, BJP leader Vipin Pandey openly threatened to Muslim food vendors, insisting that their shop names must explicitly reflect their Muslim identity. Pandey warned that if the vendors failed to comply within a day, they would face physical assault. The remarks have drawn sharp criticism from various quarters, with many calling them inflammatory and divisive.

Civil society groups and political opponents have condemned the threat as a blatant attempt to stoke communal tensions and marginalise minority communities.

Meanwhile, local authorities have yet to take official action, prompting concerns over law enforcement’s response to hate speech and intimidation.

Political and community demands mount

The unrest prompted swift political and administrative responses. A group of residents submitted a memorandum to Kumaon Commissioner Deepak Rawat, making wide-ranging demands. These included a comprehensive verification of all “outsiders,” especially those belonging to the minority community working as tenants, daily wage earners, or small business owners. They also demanded the seizure of the accused’s property as a deterrent, an inquiry into property acquisitions by individuals from the minority community in commercial areas, and the establishment of a monitoring committee to oversee regional activity.

The memorandum also called for prioritising employment opportunities for local youth, and for Nainital to be declared a “sensitive cultural zone,” complete with special policy safeguards to preserve the town’s heritage and demography.

Administrative response: crackdown on encroachments and security measures

District Magistrate Vandana took immediate administrative action by appointing magistrates to sensitive locations, including the market and mosque premises. She instructed the Nainital District Development Authority to resume its anti-encroachment drive and ordered the completion of pending hearings on illegal constructions within 15 days. On Thursday, authorities carried out marking operations at multiple locations in the city, issuing 150 challans — 100 by the Municipal Council and 50 by the Development Authority — for unauthorised structures, encroachments on public infrastructure, and unapproved construction, according to the Indian Express.

Additionally, a notice was served to the accused, stating that his property was illegal and granting him three days to present his case before further legal action. Police presence was bolstered in sensitive zones, especially around religious sites, ahead of Friday prayers. The district also increased surveillance and verification of taxis, rental services, and roadside vendors to ensure tourist safety amid the turmoil.

Strikes, closures, and tourist disruption

According to reports, the violence and growing unrest had immediate consequences for daily life in Nainital. Schools remained shut on Thursday, and traders in the town centre observed a strike, partly enforced by local right-wing organisations. Amandeep Singh, general secretary of the Nainital Vyapar Mandal, said the strike symbolised collective anger at the crime, while also noting that food arrangements were made for stranded tourists. Police checkpoints were established along major roads, and tourists reported a curfew-like atmosphere, with most shops and restaurants closed.

“The tourism business has been severely affected,” said Nainital Hotel Association President Digvijay Singh Bisht, as Indian Express reported.

Local lawyers boycott case, demand inquiry into Nainital’s changing demographics

The case also resonated within the legal community. In a strong display of protest, district court lawyers unanimously decided to withdraw legal representation from the accused. Advocate Daya Joshi stated that the local bar had also requested an investigation into the recent influx of residents in Nainital. “No lawyer from our bar council will represent this man.”

Similarly, as the Indian Express reported that Protesters have demanded strict punishment for the accused, including the confiscation of their property. They also called for thorough verification drives targeting outsiders—particularly tenants and temporary workers from a specific community—and the identification and deportation of any foreign nationals residing illegally.

Muslim organisations submitted a memorandum to DGP

Simultaneously, Muslim organisations reacted strongly to the targeted violence. In a memorandum to DGP Deepam Seth in Dehradun, they condemned both the heinous crime against the minor and the subsequent attacks on innocent community members. “We too want justice for the girl,” said Naeem Qureshi, president of the Muslim Seva Sangathan. “But the collective punishment of unrelated individuals through violence and arson is unacceptable” as reported in the Times of India.

Uttarakhand High Court takes suo moto action

Taking cognizance of the volatile situation, the Uttarakhand High Court initiated suo moto proceedings. During the hearing, government counsel J.S. Virk informed the bench that heightened security measures were in place, including vehicle checks at key entry points into Nainital — Haldwani, Bhavali, and Kaladhungi. The court, comprising Justices Manoj Kumar Tiwari and Vivek Bharti Sharma, directed authorities to maintain strict law and order, prohibit large gatherings, and monitor social media to prevent misinformation and incitement.

As reported, the bench emphasised the importance of sustained patrolling to ensure that similar unrest does not spread or recur in other sensitive regions like Haldwani. It also called on citizens to cooperate with the administration to restore peace and communal harmony.

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