The conspiracy unveiled

Initial investigation began after the school’s headmaster, Suleman Gorinaik, filed a complaint with the Saundatti police station when several students complained of nausea and a foul smell in the drinking water. Prompt medical attention helped avert a major tragedy, and all affected students recovered quickly, according to Superintendent of Police Bheemashankar S. Guled, as per the TNM report.

As the investigation progressed, police discovered that the school’s water tank had been intentionally poisoned with pesticides. Surveillance, forensic evidence, and witness accounts led to the arrest of three individuals on August 2:

• Sagar Patil, taluk president of the Hindutva outfit Sri Ram Sene in Saundatti,
• Krishna Madar, a local resident coerced into participation, and
• Magangouda Patil, an accomplice who assisted in procuring the poison.

According to SP Guled, the entire plot was masterminded by Sagar Patil, who allegedly sought to have Headmaster Gorinaik transferred or suspended from his post, motivated purely by communal animosity. Gorinaik, a respected educator who had served the school for 13 years, was well-liked by the local community, a fact that did not sit well with certain hard-line elements, according to the report of TOI.

A child manipulated

According to the Indian Express, police investigations revealed that Krishna Madar, acting under Patil’s direction, had purchased three types of pesticides, mixed them, and transferred the toxic concoction into a soft drink bottle. He then handed this bottle to a minor student, luring the child with Rs 500, chocolates, and condiments, and instructed him to empty the contents into the school’s drinking water tank. The minor, unaware of the gravity of the act, complied.

The police have confirmed that the soft drink bottle was recovered from the crime scene, and forensic analysis detected traces of insecticide inside. The minor child will now serve as a prosecution witness under legal protection, given his vulnerable status, as per TNM.

Blackmail and coercion

One of the most disturbing elements of the investigation is the role of blackmail in furthering the conspiracy. Police have stated that Sagar Patil coerced Krishna Madar into participating by threatening to reveal his inter-faith romantic relationship. According to the Belagavi SP, Patil weaponised communal shame and social stigma around inter-faith relationships to push Madar into executing a dangerous plot that endangered the lives of children, as per The Hindu.

Arrests and legal action

All three conspirators, Sagar Patil, Krishna Madar, and Magangouda Patil, have been arrested and remanded to judicial custody. Belagavi police have invoked stringent provisions under criminal law to charge the accused with criminal conspiracy, attempt to cause grievous hurt, poisoning, and endangering life, among others.

The minor student, whose role was manipulated, will not face charges and is being treated as a victim in the broader scheme, as per media reports.

Chief Minister’s strong condemnation

Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah took to social media to strongly condemn the incident, describing it as a “heinous” and “unforgivable” act rooted in religious bigotry. “The headmaster of the government school in Hulikatti village, Savadatti taluk, Belagavi district, belongs to the Muslim community. With the malicious intent of having him transferred elsewhere, Sagar Patil, the taluk president of Shriram Sena, along with two others, has been arrested for poisoning the drinking water of school children. In this incident that occurred 15 days ago, several children fell ill, but fortunately, no lives were lost,” he stated in a post on X dated August 3.

“Religious fundamentalism and communal hatred can lead to heinous acts, and this incident, which could have resulted in the massacre of innocent children, is a testament to that. In the land of the Sharanas, who proclaimed, “Compassion is the root of religion,” how could such cruelty and hatred arise? Even at this moment, I cannot believe it,” the CM wrote, expressing disbelief that such hatred could manifest in Karnataka, “the land of the Sharanas” — a reference to the state’s egalitarian cultural heritage.

Taking aim at the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Siddaramaiah further questioned whether senior BJP figures — including Sri Ram Sene chief Pramod Mutalik, BJP State President B.Y. Vijayendra, and Leader of Opposition R. Ashoka — would take moral responsibility for the acts perpetrated by those aligned with Hindutva ideologies. “Leaders who always support such socially destructive acts should now come forward and atone for their sins,” he declared.

A call to action against hate

The CM also highlighted the formation of a special task force to counter hate speech and prevent communal riots. “To curb hate speeches and communal riots, we have formed a special task force, and we are taking all possible legal measures against such elements. For all our efforts to bear fruit, the public must also raise their voices against such forces, resist them, and file complaints,” Siddaramaiah stated, urging citizens to report such conspiracies, resist communal forces, and stand up against sectarianism.

He concluded by praising the local police, especially the Belagavi team, for swiftly uncovering the conspiracy. “Congratulations to the police personnel who foiled the evil plot to massacre children. I have full confidence that the judicial system will deliver appropriate punishment to the culprits who committed such a heinous act”.

The complete post may be read here: 

ಬೆಳಗಾವಿ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ ಸವದತ್ತಿ ತಾಲೂಕಿನ ಹೂಲಿಕಟ್ಟಿ ಗ್ರಾಮದ ಸರ್ಕಾರಿ ಶಾಲೆಯ ಮುಖ್ಯೋಪಾಧ್ಯಾಯರು ಮುಸ್ಲಿಂ ಸಮುದಾಯಕ್ಕೆ ಸೇರಿದವರು, ಅವರನ್ನು ತಮ್ಮ ಊರಿನಿಂದ ಬೇರೆಡೆಗೆ ವರ್ಗಾವಣೆ ಮಾಡಿಸಬೇಕೆಂಬ ದುರುದ್ದೇಶದಿಂದ ಶಾಲಾಮಕ್ಕಳ ಕುಡಿಯುವ ನೀರಿಗೆ ವಿಷ ಹಾಕಿದ ಶ್ರೀರಾಮ ಸೇನೆಯ ತಾಲೂಕು ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷ ಸಾಗರ ಪಾಟೀಲ ಸೇರಿದಂತೆ ಒಟ್ಟು ಮೂವರನ್ನು…

— Siddaramaiah (@siddaramaiah) August 3, 2025

SP Guled had noted that the police solved the case using a combination of scientific evidence, interrogation of students, and surveillance records.

Conclusion

The poisoning plot in Belagavi is a stark reminder of how hate-driven ideology can metastasize into lethal violence, even targeting children. The police’s timely intervention prevented what could have been a mass poisoning. But the incident raises larger questions about the rise of communal vigilantism, the weaponisation of school spaces, and the moral decay that accompanies unchecked religious extremism.

Related:

“Sambhal: Anatomy of an Engineered Crisis”- How a peaceful Muslim-majority town was turned into a site of manufactured communal conflict

Bengal arrests expose communal plot by members of Santani Ekta Manch, Punjab sees similar incident

Anatomy of Nagpur Riots: A communal bio politics that thrives on the graded inequalities of religion, gender and caste(s)

‘High-Handed, violation of the SC orders’: Bombay HC pulls up Nagpur Civic Body for demolishing homes of accused in communal violence

The post Communal Conspiracy in Karnataka School: Sri Ram Sene leader orchestrates poisoning to target Muslim headmaster appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Though no injuries were reported, violence quickly escalated—resulting in stone pelting, arson, and damage to both private and public property. Police fired tear gas shells to disperse the mob, as reported by The Hindu. Among the damaged property were two cars, a motorcycle that was set on fire, a bakery, and a place of worship, according to Special Inspector General (Kolhapur Range) Sunil Phulari, as reported by The Hindu.

Communal violence

The man whose social media post allegedly triggered the violence was detained by the police, but authorities clarified that he was not originally from Yavat, as per The Indian Express. Preliminary investigations are underway to ascertain whether the individual has links to any organized groups, officials confirmed.

Superintendent of Police (Pune Rural) Sandip Singh Gill told the media that the first alert came in around 12:30 pm on August 1, after which the individual was promptly detained. However, as the post went viral, villagers began assembling outside the Yavat Police Station. While officers engaged with community members in a bid to defuse tensions, violence erupted across multiple localities including Sahakar Nagar, Station Road, and Indira Nagar, where property was vandalised and the accused’s home was torched, according to  Indian Express).

Phulari emphasised that the outbreak was sudden, and that the police will take action not only against local participants but also against outsiders who incited or took part in the violence, as per Indian Express.

Prior tensions and Shivaji Statue vandalism

This incident comes in the wake of earlier unrest. On July 26, a statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj in the village was reportedly vandalised, setting off simmering tensions between communities. The following day, citizens across communities jointly condemned the vandalism, staging peaceful protests, as reported by Hindustan Times. Subsequently, Hindutva groups and BJP leaders organized a rally under the banner of Hindu Jan Akrosh Morcha on August 1 to protest the desecration, according to Indian Express. However, authorities have asserted that the August 2 violence was unrelated to this event. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has claimed that, “The meeting held on Thursday [August 1] by the Hindu Jan Akrosh Morcha had no connection with the violence that occurred on Friday. The violence started because an outsider posted a wrong status implying that a priest had committed rape or something of that sort, which caused tension and people came onto the streets”. It is unclear how the said conclusion was reached as the investigation is still underway. According to Hindustan Times, he further remarked, “Some persons keep such objectionable posts just to create tension,” and assured that strict action would be taken against those responsible for such content and the ensuing violence.

Political and police response

Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar, also the guardian minister of Pune district, visited Yavat and confirmed that the situation was under control, with multiple State Reserve Police Force (SRPF) platoons deployed in the area.

Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis addressed the press, stating, “The violence erupted because an outsider posted a wrong status,” and blamed such posts for attempting to deliberately foment unrest. He confirmed that the police had to resort to lathi-charge to quell the disturbances, as per Hindustan Times.

Authorities imposed Section 144 CrPC in Yavat to prevent unlawful gatherings and deployed over 200 personnel and 15 senior officers to maintain peace. Peace appeals were issued by both police and local community leaders, with officer Gill urging residents to report any provocative content to authorities instead of taking matters into their own hands.

FIRs, arrests and ongoing investigation

By Saturday evening, police had registered five First Information Reports (FIRs), including four against more than 500 individuals involved in vandalism and arson. Of these, the identities of over 100 people have been confirmed, and 17 have been taken into custody so far, as per Deccan Herald.

Police have formed three special teams to identify and arrest the remaining suspects. Investigators are relying on CCTV footage, viral videos, and other digital evidence to trace those involved. Over 50 individuals were questioned on Sunday and released after preliminary inquiry, as per Indian Express.

SP Gill reiterated that the preliminary probe has not yet revealed any pre-planned conspiracy, but maintained that “no conclusions can be drawn until the inquiry is completed.”

As of now, commercial establishments have reopened, and the situation in Yavat is under control, but tensions remain palpable in a community that had, until recently, lived in relative harmony.

Related:

From villages to docks, Maharashtra rises against a weaponised law, eviction & vigilante violence

A Silent Emergency: Farmer suicides surge in Maharashtra amid apathy, debt, and systemic collapse

Right-wing outfits and NCP MLA’s protest led to dismissal of 114 Muslim workers at Shani Shingnapur temple in Maharashtra

The post Communal violence erupts in Yavat, Pune over social media post; 17 arrested, multiple FIRs registered appeared first on SabrangIndia.

It is a strange fact that while the RSS and its leaders have never made any secret as to what their agenda is, there are many apologists – many of them quite sincere – who repeatedly state that ‘they are not really like that’, ‘Oh but they have changed’, ‘You don’t think they really believe that do you?’ etc.

One of the issues on which the RSS made its thoughts very clear was their rejection of the Constitution of India when it was passed in 1949 and their determination to replace it with the Manusmriti. This is also something that its apologists, both honest and dishonest, have attempted to cover up repeatedly. It is a fact, however, that at the time when the Constitution was passed not only did the RSS publicly burn effigies of Dr. Ambedkar and J. Nehru in the Ramlila Maidan in Delhi but Sankar Subbar Aiyer wrote in the Organiser in an article entitled ‘Manu rules Our Hearts’ and Savarkar saw Manusmriti ‘as the scripture that is most worshippable after the Vedas’ and is the ‘basis of the spiritual and divine march of the nation.’ Golwalkar glorified Manu as ‘the first, greatest and the wisest law lawgiver of mankind.’

It is very strange and particularly ominous for Kerala that Sashi Tharoor recently commented that the RSS had ‘moved on’ from its earlier commitment to the Manusmriti (maybe he is the one moving on).

It is important to remember, therefore, that on the 5th of August, 2019 at the time of the bhoomi pooja of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, not only were the Prime Minister and the Chief Minister of UP present making a mockery of the secular nature of our Constitution but the RSS Sarsangchalak, Mohan Bhagwat, was also present. He made a short speech on the occasion, reciting only a single shloka from the Manusmriti in Sanskrit:

एतद् देशप्रसूतस्य सकाशादग्रजन्मनः ।
स्वं स्वं चरित्रं शिक्षेरन् पृथिव्यां सर्वमानवाः ॥ २० ॥

From a first-born (i.e, a Brahmana), born in that country
Let all men on earth learn their respective duties.

It is, therefore, clear that the RSS is pursuing its agenda of bringing the entire country within the confines of its Manuvadi Hindutva project which it hopes to bring to fruition in 2025, the centenary year of its foundation.

It was often thought that Kerala has a special ‘exceptionalism’ that makes it immune to penetration by the Hindutva forces. Unfortunately, this is an illusion. Kerala has a very special place in the RSS agenda and its earlier lack of success in the electoral arena made it design a series of methods in order to create what it calls the correct ‘Hindu atmosphere’ in Kerala. It has been relentless in its implementation of these methods in the State. Success in Kerala is of especial importance to the RSS which Golwalkar described as a fortress of all three internal enemies of Hindutva – Muslims, Christians and communists. He said ‘hostile elements within the country pose a far greater menace to national security than aggressors from outside.’ (A Bunch of Thoughts, 1966). His commitment to the capture of this fortress is evident from the fact that he visited Kerala every year until his death.

There should be no doubts about the fact that the Manuvadi Hindutva project aims to destroy everything that makes Kerala unique – its strong syncretic cultural and religious forms and observances that weld various communities together in a common Malayali identity, its vibrant culture of progressive, avant garde literature, cinema, dance forms and theatre, its strong social reform Renaissance movement that pushed back caste oppression, patriarchal dominance, feudal ways of thinking and brought about social transformation in the State, its promotion of rational and scientific thinking and its history of struggle and sacrifice against both colonial and class exploitation.

Manuvadi Hindutva promotes inequality in every sphere. It denies women all rights, it glorifies birth-based inequality and vocations, it justifies upper caste domination of society and religion, it extols economic exploitation and it discriminates against non-Hindus whom it seeks to deprive of their rights to equal citizenship.

It would seem that understanding the real objectives of the Manuvadi-Hindutva project would make it impossible to achieve. Truth, however, is more complicated. A large number of people do not believe the bitter truth about their co-religionists and caste brethren just as many are prepared to support their country, right or wrong. In addition, those in charge of successfully bringing this project to fruition employ guile, media management, use of money and power, lies and arousal of hatred against minorities, oppressed castes and women to successfully add dimensions to their project that are acceptable and even welcomed by large sections of people. The RSS has honed its skills with years of experience of making the victims of its project its supporters and implementers.

The belief in Kerala’s ‘exceptionalism’ which would make it immune to RSS machinations has also contributed to the rather complacent attitude displayed to many of its activities. The RSS itself has had no illusions about the difficulties it will face in what it calls the creation of a Hindu atmosphere in the State and has, therefore, adopted a multi-pronged approach to furthering its objectives in the State. Some elements of this have been utilized successfully in other parts of the country, some are unique to its tactics in Kerala. To successfully counter the RSS march forward, a deep study of its activities in the State is necessary. Along with this, mobilizing masses of people against its machinations is also essential.

As early as 1942, Golwalkar deputed 2 pracharaks, Thengadi and Oak, to set up shakhas in Malabar and Travancore. This was at a time when the young communist party was growing in popularity as it took up the issues of the exploited tenants, agricultural workers, and workers in the beedi, coir, cashew etc. industries. Casteist feudal elements were greatly opposed to both the Congress and Communist movements and the Raja of Nilambur and the Zamorin of Calicut helped establish the first shakhas in Kozhikode and Kannur districts. Dominant caste landlords – many of who belonged to the Congress – were also supportive. In 1943, the first training camp was organized in Kozhikode. Golwalkar attended this and was told by Thengadi that the communist movement was the biggest obstacle in the growth of the organization. He instructed Thengadi to do what was needed to break the movement. After the assassination of Gandhi, RSS camps were raided for weapons by Communists who also disrupted their activities. The RSS also used violence against its opponents. This was described by the poet, ONV Kurup who recalled being beaten up along with other progressive writers at Golwalkar’s instigation. Golwalkar justified the use of violence by using the analogy of the necessity to use the surgeon’s knife to save a life, in this case it was to save the Hindu society.

The role played by the RSS in the ‘Liberation Struggle’ against the first EMS Government is often forgotten. Not only did its cadres play an important role in organizing the struggle and ensuring the participation of a large number of caste Hindus, both men and women, and the ‘liberal’ Vajpayee addressed a large public meeting in Kottayam, exhorting his listeners to bring down the Government. When it was removed, the RSS celebrated with ‘Vijayaya divasams’ in many parts of the country.

Violent attacks by the RSS were also witnessed against the beedi workers who organized the Dinesh Beedi Co-operative when they were driven out of employment at Ganesh Beedi factories with the connivance of the RSS with the owner who was a staunch RSS supporter. Several Dinesh Beedi factories were bombed, killing and maiming many workers. Militant leaders of the beedi workers were also attacked and killed in well-planned attacks. The Communists also retaliated. While they lost more cadres they were also able to act in self-defence.

Since 1948, the RSS has used ‘temple movements’ aimed at uniting large masses of Hindus and targeting a minority group simultaneously. This is necessary in order to create a strong sense of ‘Hindu’ unity without erasing the inequalities of caste. While the placing of idols in the Babri mosque in Ayodhya in late 1948 was the beginning of its most significant mobilization that bore fruit five decades later, the earliest such movement in South India was launched to construct a Vivekananda Memorial at the southernmost tip of the country. It was met with opposition from the Christian fishing community in the area and this was utilized by the RSS and its various Parivar units including the BJP to garner support in the region. It was an RSS cadre from Kerala, PB Lakshmanan, who actually broke the cross that the fishermen had placed there. Most political parties and heads of governments contributed to the construction of the Memorial, a notable exception being Com. EMS Namboodripad who was Chief Minister of Kerala at the time. Even M. Karunanidhi contributed to the cause illustrating how difficult it is for even secular leaders to remain firm in their defence of their Constitutional responsibilities at a time when popular sentiment seems to be in favour of their doing the opposite. Of course, how much of this popular sentiment is genuine and how much the creation of media and vested interests is a moot question that needs serious study and attention.

To make a dent in Kerala, the RSS decided fairly early that it should not concentrate on fighting elections and trying to steadily augment electoral gains. It realized that the composition of the Kerala polity with large numbers of people belonging to the minority communities, large sections of the majority community opposed to its politics because of its involvement in class struggles and social movements and a strong, vibrant Communist movement would not allow it to make electoral gains that would propel it to power. It therefore developed and honed its strategy of infiltrating different sections of Kerala society by various means until a situation was created that it could use for achieving impressive electoral success. It therefore concentrated its efforts on taking over temples and using them as a base for various activities that would create the Hindu atmosphere it had been feeling the lack of since its inception, it would create new and utilize traditional observances that would not only strengthen a sense of Hindu identity and but would also erode strongly held syncretic beliefs between members of different religious communities. In addition, it would also use methods like social service in the fields of health, education and ‘feeding’ to gain the support of the poorer and socially oppressed sections. Women of all classes and castes who are generally extremely religious-minded were specially targeted with programmes of religious instructions, bhajan singing, temple visits and regular performance of old and new rituals while patriarchal norms and ideals of pativrata were regularly inculcated and strengthened among them.

The 2023 publication, ‘Elections Can Wait: The Politics of constructing a ‘Hindu atmosphere’ in Kerala, South India’ by Dayal Paleri and R.Santosh (IIT Chennai) is a detailed analysis of the way in which organisations affiliated to the RSS have worked at various levels in Kodangallur in Thrissur district. Its work started here in 1966 with the establishment of a single shakha and since then it has worked tirelessly ‘in the world of the everyday and the ordinary, from the workplaces, schools and communities, where the realities of Hindu nationalism are created and maintained.’

After its entry into the area, the RSS established branches of 3 organisations – Desiya Seva Bharathi (for social welfare activities), Kerala Kshetra Samarakshana Samiti (for Temple ‘protection’) and Vivekananda Vedic Vision Kendra. ‘The attempt to create a ‘Hindu atmosphere’ by these organisations ultimately aims at building a hegemonic and exclusivist Hindutva sociality, public sphere and subjectivities devoid of the impurities of other religions and irreligiosities of the secular ethos of Kerala society. The Hindutva organisations assume that their paramount mission is to bring about a foundational cultural transformation of society centred on a ‘Hindu atmosphere’ which they believe will naturally lead to the political and electoral preferences of people becoming solely confined to Hindutva politics’.

The Sree Kurumba Bhagavathy temple situated in the heart of Kodangallur dominates the area. It was closed to the ‘lower caste people’ until the strong social reform movements led by the SNDP and other organisations of oppressed social groups. The area also saw intense peasant mobilisations against rural distress and exploitation that led to the growing influence of the Communist movement. This influence has remained strong until very recently. As a result, not only the temple but its surroundings became open, public spaces and the 3 days temple festival not only attracted large numbers of Muslims but many of them were actively involved in its organization.

The 70s and 80s saw movements for land acquisition by the landless led by the Communists and much conflict with the landlords. The RSS actively supported the landlords and were responsible for several violent attacks on Communist leaders and cadres. The RSS started recruiting rich businessmen belonging to the lower castes and this drew members of these communities into its base. Since the 80s, when most of the struggles for occupation of land had been successfully concluded and many of the previously landless became landed and new business groups were emerging due to migrations to the Gulf (and of course much of the credit for these social processes goes to the Communists), the RSS benefited from the support of sections of these newly affluent groups and was able to shift from violent class attacks on the struggling poor and their leaders to social welfare activities. It has been noted that while these did gain some sympathy for the RSS workers the welfare activities of the State, specially under the LDF, are extremely effective as are its focus on public health and education. I should add here that I live in a BJP-ruled State and visit another MP, very often. While government education and health services are abysmal I have not seen any kind of welfare activities being carried out by RSS cadres. It seems that they carry these out in some places in Kerala only to compete with the Left-ruled Govt.

It was the focus on activities around the temple that have, however, paid the greatest dividends to the RSS in Kodangallur. Today there is a wall built around the temple to protect it from the polluting presence of Christians and Muslims, the participation of these communities in the Temple festivals and gatherings is now minimal and RSS supporters and members now oversee not only the temple management but the organization of events in and around the temple and the use of its spaces for conducting ceremonies and rituals for Hindu men, women and children creating the ‘Hindu atmosphere’ that is their objective. Today, the BJP is the single largest party in the Kodangallur municipality.

What was achieved in Kodangallur has been sought to be replicated across the State through various Temple activities and pilgrimages. It is the Sabarimala temple and the pilgrimage in which tens of thousands participate that has been the focus of the Sangh Parivar and its supporters over several decades since 1950 when the original temple caught fire.

The Sabarimala temple had been a religious site visited by members of all communities in earlier years. A Muslim friend of the deity Ayappa, Varava, has his own place in the various beliefs and rituals associated with the place. In fact, he even has his own place within the temple. A church, at a short distance from the temple, is visited by the pilgrims at the end of the pilgrimage. Many changes have, however, occurred. While Varava still occupies a place in the temple there are attempts being made to convert him into a Hindu and there is now almost no participation in the pilgrimage by non-Hindus.

The Supreme Court judgment in 2018 stated that women of all ages were free to visit the temple and that any ban on their entry was a form of untouchability that was anti-Constitutional. While the LDF government in power announced that it would implement the judgment, other parties acted in chameleon-like ways. To begin with, RSS and BJP leaders welcomed the judgment as did leaders of the Congress including Sashi Tharoor. Within days, however, the RSS and BJP smelt an opportunity to make a great leap forward in recalcitrant Kerala and soon came out strongly against the SC judgment. The then President of the State BJP, Sreedharan Pillai said at a meeting, ‘Sabarimala is a puzzle…But we have to put forward an agenda, and others are gradually falling for it. It is a golden chance.’ The Sangh Parivar wanted to start an Ayodhya-like agitation over the issue and Yogi Aditynath opined ‘there were many attempts to insult believers at both holy places and asked them to start an Ayodhya type agitation at Kerala’s hill temple to keep their faith.’

Sreedharan Pillai’s statement that ‘others are gradually falling for it’ proved to be only too correct. Not only did the Congress leadership, including Sashi Tharoor who had a change of heart on arrival in Kerala from Delhi, joined protests against the SC judgment vociferously. Leaders of the Muslim and Christian community joined them enthusiastically.

The political motives behind the movement were revealed by Amit Shah who said in Kannur that ‘The BJP will take over the protest of the Ayyappa devotees. We will not mind throwing out the government if the Kerala govt. tries to steamroll the traditions of the Sabarimala temple.’ Extraordinary that the Home Minister of the Govt. of India threatened to remove a State Govt. for abiding by the decision of the Supreme Court! Sreedharan Pillai went even further and said ‘The protest is not against the issue of entry of women into the temple but against the communist government in the state. Communists are trying to destroy the temple; our protest is against the communists.’

It must be said that the Communists, the left, the progressive forces and those on the side of social justice fought back with all their might. A massive Women’s Wall was organized from one end of the State to the other with nearly 5 million women participants. The Kerala Renaissance and its lessons were recalled again and again. The Chief Minister, Pinarayi Vijayan, said repeatedly that the Constitution was above all rituals and traditions and that the SC verdict would be upheld by his Government. For this he had to face not only opposition from many quarters but also casteist abuse.

The Sabarimala conflict revealed the harsh patriarchy that still dominated much of Kerala society. Caste divisions were also uncovered. Large numbers of upper caste women who never participated in movements and agitations took to the streets for a cause that ultimately weakened their own status and rights.

The movement was and should be a great learning experience for the people of Kerala. It brought into focus the forces arrayed on both sides of a battle for minds and hearts that will have very far reaching consequences. It has brought into focus the challenge that the unfinished Renaissance of Kerala faces. It has brought into focus the desperation of the vested interests that are determined to win back all that they have lost in battle after battle led by the Left, by the exploited and the socially oppressed. It is significant that Sabarimala did not become an Ayodhya because of the ‘exceptionalism’ of Kerala. At the same time, the strong mobilization that the reactionary forces could inspire, far beyond the strength of just the Sangh Parivar and its supporters, also needs to be understood.

The resistance demonstrated against this mobilization needs to be strengthened. This is certainly the responsibility of the Left forces but it is a responsibility that must be shared by all those who are determined to combat the Manuvadi Hindutva that threatens to destroy Kerala.

---

The post Manuvadi Hindutva – Rewriting Culture, History and Right to Equality appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The arrest, which followed a public mob intimidation led by Bajrang Dal activists, is being widely condemned as a blatant case of targeted harassment of religious minorities under the guise of anti-conversion and trafficking laws.

Mob tip-off, not law, triggered arrest

The incident was triggered not by any formal complaint or police investigation, but by a train ticket examiner (TTE) at the station who questioned the group and then contacted local Bajrang Dal members rather than railway authorities. According to Father Sebastian Poomattam, Vicar General of the Raipur Archdiocese, who spoke with The News Minute, the women told the TTE they were travelling to Agra under the care of the nuns, and the nuns had their tickets. But soon, a Bajrang Dal mob gathered and began harassing the group.

The nuns were accompanying the women to secure employment as kitchen helpers in convents in Agra, with salaries between ₹8,000 and ₹10,000, as confirmed by Fr. Poomattam. “They were all over 18 and had consent letters from their parents,” he said, as reported in the The News Minute report.

Despite this, the railway police detained the group. Bajrang Dal activists gathered outside the police station and allegedly pressured authorities into registering an FIR. The women were later sent to a state-run shelter, while the nuns and the young man were remanded to judicial custody until August 8.

Police inaction against Bajrang Dal despite harassment

Sister Asha Paul, from the Congregation of the Holy Family in Delhi, alleged that no Church representative was permitted to meet the arrested nuns. “We believe the young women were coerced into changing their statements. The nuns had all required documents—IDs, consent letters—yet they were treated as criminals,” she said, as reported by The News Minute.

Multiple eyewitness accounts and Christian organisations confirmed that the nuns were publicly humiliated by Bajrang Dal members, led by Jyoti Sharma, even before their arrest, with police officers reportedly standing by. Videos shared by Anti-Christian Tracker Watch on social media show the group being harassed on the platform.

Before their arrest, the Catholic nuns were illegally detained, harassed, and humiliated by Bajrang Dal’s Jyoti Sharma and her team, all in full view of the police, who stood by in silence.

No FIR against Jyoti Sharma yet.

Is this democracy or mobocracy? https://t.co/JdUCnb19NY pic.twitter.com/UnGevvou2q

— Anti Christian Tracker Watch – ACT India (@ACTWatchIndia) July 27, 2025

Despite this, no FIR has been filed against Sharma or other members of the vigilante group.

Systematic targeting of Christians, say Church and civil society

The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India (CBCI) condemned the arrests, stating that the women were legal adults, their travel was voluntary, and there was no evidence of conversion. “This is a violation of their constitutional rights. The Church will raise the issue on all appropriate platforms,” CBCI said in a press statement, as reported by The New Indian Express.

The Kerala Catholic Bishops’ Council’s (KCBC) Social Harmony and Vigilance Commission said the police action was based on “false and baseless allegations” from Bajrang Dal members. According to The New Indian Express, the KCBC warned that the incident fits a broader pattern of intimidation and misuse of anti-conversion laws to target religious workers. “This distressing incident is part of a broader and deeply troubling pattern of increasing hostility towards Christians and missionary personnel across various Indian states. The weaponisation of anti-conversion laws by extremist groups is not only unjust but also poses a serious threat to the constitutional rights of religious minorities in the country. We affirm that Catholic missionaries do not engage in forced conversions,” their official statement noted.

Notably, the United Christian Forum (UCF) had reported that incidents targeting Christians have surged from 127 in 2014 to 834 in 2024—a near sevenfold increase—highlighting what it called “a coordinated campaign of intimidation against minorities.”

Call for action

Congress leaders from Kerala sharply condemned the arrests. AICC General Secretary K.C. Venugopal wrote to Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai, highlighting that the present incident is a blatant case of mob intimidation and wrongful imprisonment. When written consent and documentation are ignored, and police act under pressure from fringe elements, it is a breakdown of law.

Attacks on minorities have seen a rampant increase under BJP-ruled States, be it Chhattisgarh, Odisha or MP.

The latest attacks by Bajrang Dal goons on 2 Catholic nuns in Durg, Chhattisgarh point to a tacit support for such hate crimes from the ruling establishment.

I have… pic.twitter.com/zcwSMVUHLJ

— K C Venugopal (@kcvenugopalmp) July 27, 2025

John Brittas, Member of Parliament from CPI-M, also addressed a letter to the Chhattisgarh CM stating that the arrest of Kerala nuns Sr. Vandana Francis & Sr. Preethi at Durg on baseless trafficking & conversion charges is a disgrace, and a blatant misuse of the law to target minorities.

The arrest of Kerala nuns Sr. Vandana Francis & Sr. Preethi at Durg on baseless trafficking & conversion charges is a disgrace. This is blatant misuse of the law to target minorities. Free the nuns & stop the hate campaign against those serving society! pic.twitter.com/JF0k839AjX

— John Brittas (@JohnBrittas) July 28, 2025

The KCBC has demanded intervention from Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union ministers, stating: “The Centre must not stay silent. Mob rule cannot override constitutional rights. This is a moment of reckoning for India’s commitment to democracy and religious freedom.”

Related:

United Christian Forum submits memorandum to UP Governor Anandiben Patel; demands repeal of UP anti-conversion law and its recent amendment

United Christian Forum submits detailed memorandum to Minority Affairs minister Kiren Rijiju highlighting targeted violence against Christian Community; demands repeal of anti-conversion laws

Allahabad HC’s recent judgement dubbed “saffron-tinged”, “fuelling fear among Christians,” says United Christian Forum

United Christian Forum: Average two Christians attacked in India every day, 287 incidents reported from UP itself

The post Targeted by Mob, Arrested without Cause: Two Catholic nuns jailed in Chhattisgarh despite consent documents and no evidence of conversion appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The aggression extends to vandalism over trivial matters like food preferences, as seen in Muzaffarnagar, where Dhabas were vandalised and owners assaulted over the presence of onion and garlic. Furthermore, brutal physical assaults have occurred, including a widely condemned incident in Mirzapur where a CRPF jawan was attacked, and civilians and their property were not spared in Meerut and Haridwar.

Supreme Court declines to examine legality of UP Govt’s display of QR code mandate

Moreover, amidst alarming reports of assaults on eatery owners based on their identity, on July 22, 2025, the Supreme Court refused to go into the legality of directives issued by the Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand authorities requiring eateries along the Kanwar Yatra route to display QR codes for pilgrims to know owner details, considering the pilgrimage was ending. A bench of Justice MM Sundresh and Justice NK Singh disposed of the applications challenging this mandate, clarifying that sellers must display their licenses and registration certificates as required by law. The bench stated, “We are told that today is the last day of the Yatra. In any case it is likely to come to an end in the near future. Therefore, at this stage, we would only pass an order that all the respective Hotel owners shall comply with the mandate of displaying the licence and the registration certificate as per the statutory requirements. We make it clear that we are not going into the other issues argued. The application is closed” as Live Law reported

The applications, filed by Professor Apoorvanand and activist Aakar Patel, along with TMC MP Mahua Moitra and NGO Association for the Protection of Civil Rights, sought a stay on these directives, arguing they circumvented a previous Supreme Court order from last year prohibiting forced disclosure of seller identities and promoted religious discrimination. 

Senior Advocate Dr Abhishek Manu Singhvi contended that these directives were intended for religious profiling, not quality service, and were a “direct assault” on secularism. Senior Advocate Mukul Rohatgi, for Uttar Pradesh, argued the directions complied with FSSAI regulations, stating some dhabas misrepresented vegetarian food. Justice Sundresh noted that consumers should have the choice to know if a place exclusively serves vegetarian food, especially during a pilgrimage, as reported

Ultimately, the bench declined to delve into contentious issues, deeming the matter infructuous due to the Yatra’s conclusion, advising petitioners to approach the High Court if they wished to challenge it further.

A surge in lawlessness: incidents of hooliganism and violence

As per reports, in the various cities of the UP and Uttarakhand, the Kanwar Yatra has been plagued by a worrying surge in incidents of misconduct. Data from the Mela Police Force Control Room reveals that over 170 Kanwariyas were booked within the first five days alone for serious charges including hooliganism, rioting, blocking highways, obstructing police officials, breach of peace, and wrongful restraint, as Hindustan Times reported.

Targeted harassment of eatery owners and staff

A particularly disturbing trend observed during this year’s yatra is the targeted harassment and vandalism directed at hotel and dhaba owners, often fuelled by communal allegations. In a shocking incident in Muzaffarnagar, members of a saffron outfit, led by Swami Yashveer Maharaj, allegedly attempted to strip eatery staff at ‘Panditji Ka Dhaba’ to verify their religion after scanning a barcode revealed the owner was Muslim, as Deccan Herald reported.

The outfit had deployed hundreds of members to check eateries with Hindu names but Muslim ownership, following a state government directive for eateries to mention owners’ names. This incident, captured in a viral video, led to police booking six individuals, though Swami Yashveer Maharaj vowed statewide agitation if action was taken against his activists, unequivocally stating, “We will, under no circumstances, allow the Muslims to operate eateries along the Yatra route.”

This communal targeting was not isolated. In Haridwar, Kanwar pilgrims verbally abused and harassed a Sikh manager at a Muslim-owned eatery, accusing him of deception for serving tea from a “Muslim stall.” When the manager advocated for religious equality, he was told to “stop using logic.” 

Similarly, in Meerapur, a dhaba was vandalised by Kanwariyas who claimed the Muslim owners had not displayed their identities, further demonstrating a pattern of communal intimidation. 

In Loni, Ghaziabad, on July 10, BJP MLA Nandkishor Gurjar took matters into his own hands, shutting down a meat vendor, citing the Hindu month of Sawan and the Kanwar Yatra, threatening to “take matters into their own hands and break the law” if police didn’t act.

However, the Supreme Court, in July 2024, intervened to prohibit the enforcement of a public notice issued by Muzaffarnagar police, which had directed hotels, dhabas, and shops on the Kanwar Yatra route to display the names of their owners and employees, recognising its discriminatory nature. Vandalism over food preferences and other assaults

Beyond communal angles, Kanwariyas have engaged in vandalism and assault over trivial matters. In Muzaffarnagar on July 7, Kanwar yatris vandalised ‘Tau Hukkewalah Haryanvi Tourist Dhaba’ after alleging that the dal served contained onion and garlic, despite the owner, Pramod Kumar, explaining it was a worker’s mistake. The pilgrims, who had vowed to avoid these ingredients, assaulted staff, damaged furniture, and chased the cook. 

Another similar incident occurred at ‘Balaknath Dhaba,’ where owner Sadhana Pawar tearfully recounted, “I folded my hands but they broke my entire dhaba… They broke my servant’s leg, looted all the money,” simply because a dish accidentally contained onion.

कांवड़ियों का कहर
“मैंने हाथ जोड़े पर उन्होंने मेरा पूरा ढाबा तोड़ दिया”
“मेरे नौकर का पैर तोड़ दिया, पूरा पैसा लूट लिया”
ये बता रही हैं बालकनाथ ढाबे की मालकिन साधना पवार
इनके ढाबे में गलती से कांवड़ियों के खाने में प्याज़ आ गया,पूरा ढाबा ख़त्म
Ground report on our YT channel pic.twitter.com/PYhAHyhoqx

— Saurabh shukla (@Saurabh_Unmute) July 9, 2025

The aggression extended to physical assaults on individuals. In a widely condemned incident in Uttar Pradesh’s Mirzapur, seven Kanwariyas were arrested after brutally punching and kicking a CRPF jawan at the railway station over a dispute regarding train tickets. CCTV footage showed the saffron-clad pilgrims pinning the jawan to the ground in a public display of violence. 

Even innocent civilians and their property have not been spared. In Meerut, three Kanwariyas were injured when a bus grazed them, prompting their fellow pilgrims to vandalise the vehicle, break its window panes, and assault the driver, who subsequently fled. 

A bus driver was attacked by Kanwariyas in Muradnagar Ghaziabad because the bus touched the kanwad in the high traffic area.

Either the UP government should issue lock down orders for general public or stop public transport on the Kanwar route.

Why to put lives in danger? pic.twitter.com/VLJMdatRyi

— Kapil (@kapsology) July 13, 2025

On July 5, 2025, in Manglaur, Haridwar, Kanwar Yatra pilgrims attacked a car carrying a Muslim family, alleging it had hit a Kanwar, and proceeded to assault the driver and passengers while vandalising the vehicle.

Now, authorities, recognising the escalating issues, have attempted to rein in unruly behaviour. The Uttar Pradesh police banned Kanwariyas from carrying sticks, tridents (trishuls), hockey sticks, and similar items across major yatra routes in districts like Meerut, Muzaffarnagar, Shamli, Saharanpur, Bulandshahr, Hapur, and Baghpat. 

Additionally, the use of motorbikes without silencers was prohibited to curb noise pollution and public nuisance. ADG (Meerut Zone) Bhanu Bhaskar affirmed strict enforcement, stating, “The govt has issued clear directives prohibiting it. We are enforcing these strictly, and FIRs are being registered against violators.”

The chief minister’s stance and its implications

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s statements regarding the Kanwar Yatra have been a subject of scrutiny, with critics suggesting they may have inadvertently emboldened some elements. On Sunday, July 20, 2025, the CM alleged that “miscreants” were infiltrating Kanwar groups to defame them on social media, urging “kanwar sanghs” to expose such individuals and keep them away. He stated, “We have to keep in mind that where there is enthusiasm and excitement, where there is faith and devotion, some elements are constantly trying to disturb that enthusiasm and to defame this devotion and faith.” He promised strict action against those captured on CCTV after the yatra concludes, as reported the Indian Express.

Just two days prior, on July 18, 2025, in Varanasi, CM Adityanath had doubled down, alleging the Kanwar Yatra was “deliberately defamed” and its participants labelled as “goons” by elements seeking to “humiliate the heritage of India.” He linked these critics to those who tried to separate tribal communities from India, emphasising, “Today, the Yatra is progressing peacefully and with devotion, yet some label it as unruly. These are the same forces that try to mislead and provoke tribal communities. We must remain alert to such divisive elements” The Hindu reported. 

He even recalled an incident where an arsonist wearing a saffron scarf was shouting “Ya Allah,” attributing such deceptive acts to anti-social elements.

While the Chief Minister condemned the actions of “miscreants” and called for law enforcement to take action, his narrative of external “defamers” and “anti-national elements” potentially provided a shield for unruly behaviour, shifting the blame away from the immediate actions of the Kanwariyas themselves. His public showering of flowers on Kanwariyas in Meerut, alongside other political figures, further projected an image of state endorsement and leniency, which critics argue might have been perceived by some as tacit approval, thus pushing the “courage of anti-elements” to act with impunity, knowing they might be defended as victims of defamation rather than perpetrators of crime.

Tainting the pious purpose 

The increasing reports of violence, aggression, and communal targeting profoundly taint the otherwise pious purpose of the Kanwar Yatra. Mahant Ravindra Puri’s assertion that the yatra is about “compassion” and “penance” stands in stark contrast to the acts of vandalism and assault witnessed. The Supreme Court’s refusal on July 22, 2025, to examine the legality of controversial QR code directives, particularly amidst ongoing reports of targeted assaults on eatery owners based on their identity, further highlights the disconnect between the pilgrimage’s spiritual intent and the real-world incidents. While the Court opted not to delve into the controversial directives, especially given the reported communal targeting, leaves questions about accountability for such violence. 

When a pilgrimage meant to symbolise devotion and sacrifice, following in the footsteps of revered figures like Lord Parshuram and Shravan Kumar, becomes synonymous with road blockades, harassment, and physical violence, its spiritual sanctity is eroded. The incidents not only disrupt public peace and order but also sow seeds of fear and division, fundamentally betraying the yatra’s core values of unity, devotion, and selfless service.

Related

Supreme Court stays directive of state forcing food sellers along Kanwar Yatra to display names, states authorities cannot usurp power without legal foundation

Kanwar Yatra episode: Pasmanda Muslims, ‘wooed’ by BJP, perhaps biggest losers

Two petitions filed in SC challenging UP and Uttarakhand governments’ directive to display name of shop owner and staff for being unconstitutional

The post How deviant acts mar the sacred Kanwar Yatra appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The acquittal came nearly eight years after a special MCOCA court had sentenced five of the accused to death and the others to life imprisonment in 2015. The special, Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Court had sentenced five of the accused to death sentence and the remainder seven to life imprisonment under various provisions of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA), and Explosives Acts.In all, the accused were in jail for 19 years in jail without a break, with one of the 12 accused — Kamal Ahmed Mohammed Vakil Ansari –dying in 2021 to COVID-19 infection while he was lodged in Nagpur prison.

This judgment is not merely a reversal of a trial court verdict—it is a stinging indictment of investigative lapses, prosecutorial failure, and judicial oversight. The High Court held that the prosecution’s case suffered from “serious infirmities,” rendering the conviction unsafe and unjust.

Through the 19 years of incarceration, these men have been denied bail. Even in acute situations like the Covid-19 pandemic or when they lost near relatives, the men were denied any relief from prison. Today, July 21, 2025, the high court has released them on a simple “Personal Recognizance (PR) Bond” which essentially means that they can walk out of jal without having to make any financial payment for their release.

Background of the case 

On July 11, 2006, a series of seven coordinated bomb explosions struck first-class compartments of Mumbai’s suburban trains during peak hours. The scale, precision, and horror of the attacks led to an immediate manhunt. Within months, the Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) –appointed by the Congress government that was in power at the time– claimed to have cracked the case and arrested 13 men, all of whom were Muslim and belonged to marginalised socio-economic backgrounds. Several cases handled by the ATS around that period under the Congress leadership, including the Malegaon 2006 blast case, have raised serious questions of the communal biases in the police and wrong implication of Muslim youth in terror cases. For instance, in the Malegaon 2006 blast case, the Muslim men were eventually exonerated after the National Investigating Agency (NIA) took over and the new line of investigations showed that the terror blast was the handiwork of accused persons belonging to Hindu community.

The prosecution in the 7/11 train blasts case alleged a cross-border conspiracy involving Pakistan’s ISI, Lashkar-e-Taiba, and operatives of the banned SIMI (Students’ Islamic Movement of India), with support from Indian collaborators. The case proceeded –as mentioned above –under the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA), along with charges under the Indian Penal Code (IPC), the Explosives Act, and Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA.

Trial, conviction, and sentencing

The trial began in 2007 before a special MCOCA court. Relying heavily on confessions, circumstantial evidence, call data records, and alleged recoveries, the prosecution secured convictions in 2015 for 12 of the accused.

• Five were sentenced to death
• Seven were awarded life imprisonment

One accused, Wahid Shaikh, was acquitted in 2015 after nine years of incarceration.

However, right from the outset, defense lawyers and human rights groups flagged serious concerns:

• Most of the accused had retracted their confessions, alleging torture
• Witness testimonies were inconsistent and contradictory
• Key forensic links to explosives were weak or inconclusive
• Call data location mapping had been misrepresented or was scientifically insufficient
• Parallel investigations pointed to an entirely different group of perpetrators

The High Court’s Findings: A collapse of prosecution integrity

The High Court’s 671-paged judgment systematically dismantled the prosecution’s theory. The following were key findings:

1. Unreliable confessions: The Court held that confessions made under MCOCA, even if admissible, must be scrutinized with heightened caution. It noted that:

• The retractions by the accused were immediate and consistent
• There was credible evidence of custodial torture
• Medical records and affidavits indicated coercion
• Multiple confessions were similar in wording, suggesting scripting

2. Weak circumstantial evidence: The prosecution failed to convincingly link any of the accused to the procurement, assembly, or placement of the bombs. Among the failures:

• No eyewitnesses placed any of the accused at train stations
• Forensic tests on alleged bomb-making sites were inconclusive
• Travel routes and maps allegedly recovered from the accused were publicly available

3. Call data records and location mapping flawed: The ATS relied heavily on mobile phone data to show the accused were in contact and present near blast sites. But the Court found:

• Cell tower locations had been selectively interpreted
• Mapping did not conclusively place the accused at blast locations
• Some mobile numbers were never conclusively linked to the accused

4. Fabricated recoveries and witness inconsistencies

• Several “recovered” items were found to be planted or inadmissibly recovered without independent witnesses.
• Key prosecution witnesses, including police officers and panch witnesses, gave contradictory testimonies.
• One key witness had previously testified in an unrelated Ghatkopar blast case, casting doubt on impartiality

5. Discarded lead of pressure cookers

• Investigators originally flagged statements from shopkeepers about “Kashmiri-looking youths” buying pressure cookers, but dropped these leads during trial, without credible reason. Yet the prosecution later reintroduced the theory—revealing an arbitrary and inconsistent investigative approach

6. Illegal MCOCA sanction

• Per Section 23(1) of MCOCA, a senior official’s (Addl. CP S.K. Jaiswal) sanction was mandatory but not substantively proven—the sanction letter was never produced from the witness box. The High Court struck it down

The Acquitted: A decade lost in the shadow of guilt

The following table details the 12 acquitted men and their sentences:

Role of defence lawyers and long fight for justice

The acquittal owes much to a determined legal team and families that never gave up. At the start of the investigation itself, on September 29, 2006, over two months after the blast, the then police commissioner of Mumbai police, A.N. Roy had claimed that two Kashmiri men had gone to a local market and purchased pressure cookers from two shops. These pressure cookers, Roy had claimed, were used in assembling the highly explosive bombs. The blast came to be known as ‘pressure cooker blast case’. 

As what has increasingly become the norm for reportage of “terror cases”, media reporting since the blasts was almost entirely based on what the police would share in the press conferences. So for months after the ghastly blasts, all the men were accused of a whole range of things, from visiting Pakistan for arms training to storing Research Department Explosives (RDX), ammonium nitrate, nitrite and petroleum hydrocarbon oil in their houses. The pressure cooker theory soon vanished and it found no mention in the chargesheet. Eight years later, at the time of the final submission before the MCOCA court, the special public prosecutor in the case, Raja Thakare, reintroduced the theory. Advocate Ramakrishnan and her associate Rai, who appeared for the accused in the High Court, –in their final submissions– systematically punctured these gaps in the investigation. The police had claimed that two months after the serial bomb blasts, two men had come forward to claim that in May 2006, two ‘Kashmiri-looking youths’ had bought pressure cookers in large quantities. The statements of these two men were recorded. These two men should have been treated as crucial witnesses but the investigating agency decided to simply drop their statements at the time of the trial, terming them as “not credible”. What this meant was that a foundational brick in the prosecution’s ostensible theory was shaky.

“It is impossible to believe the version of witnesses that accused had mentioned pressure cookers in their interrogation in September, because the story of pressure cookers only occurred to ATS after 28.09.2006 after recording statements of shopkeepers that Kashmiri youths had bought pressure cookers en masse. Throughout this period, ATS said that the accused were giving them no lead. In fact, not a single remand application was taken on the ground that they had to identify pressure cookers or the accused had talked about pressure cookers,” the counsel for the accused had argued. The lawyers also raised questions about the application of the draconian MCOCA law in the case. Section 23(1) MCOCA, the lawyers pointed out, requires prior approval of a police officer not below the rank of the Additional Commissioner of Police (ACP) before any information about a commission of an offence under MCOCA is recorded. The officer, S.K. Jaiswal, the then deputy Inspector General of Police/Addl. Commissioner of Police, Anti Terrorism Squad, Mumbai, who allegedly had given the required approval, was never examined.

The HC, accepting the argument, noted in its judgement: “Shri. Jaiswal, who granted the prior approval, did not enter into the witness box to prove the contents of the letter of prior approval. Mere identification of signature of Shri. Jaiswal by PW-174 does not prove the contents of prior approval.”

Former Orissa High Court Chief Justice and senior advocate Dr. S. Muralidhar represented two of the accused — Muzammil Ataur Rahman Shaikh and Zameer Ahmed Latifur Rehman Shaikh. A string of lawyers, including arguing counsels Nitya Ramakrishnan, Yug Mohit Chaudhry, S. Nagamuthu and S. Muralidhar, along with Wahab Shaikh, Sharif Shaikh, Payoshi Roy and Stuti Rai, among many others, were also part of the legal team in the High Court on behalf of the accused. They had contended that the prosecution case was flawed and that the trial court erred in convicting the accused. Raja Thackeray was the special public prosecutor appointed in the case. 

In his submissions at the penultimate stage, as reported by LiveLaw, Muralidhar described the investigation as biased and media-driven, stating:

“Innocent people are sent to jail and then years later when they are released from jail there is no possibility for reconstruction of their lives. From last 17 years these accused are in jail. They haven’t stepped out even for a day. The majority of their prime life is gone. In such cases where there is a public outcry, the approach by police is always to first assume guilt and then go from there. Police officers take press conferences in such cases, and the way the media covers the case, it kind of decides the guilt of a person. In many such terror cases, investigating agencies have failed us miserably”.

He urged the court to consider the irreversible damage done — years lost, families stigmatised, and no closure for the victims or accused. Wahid Shaikh, who was acquitted in 2015, led the public campaign ‘Innocence Network’ and became a vocal critic of India’s terror trial processes. He published books, pursued a PhD, and coordinated legal aid for the remaining 12 accuse. 

A legal reckoning and its implications

This case serves as a searing indictment of:

• Investigative tunnel vision: The ATS prematurely closed the investigation around a preferred narrative and failed to pursue alternative leads.
• Judicial deference to state narratives: The trial court accepted questionable confessions and unreliable evidence without applying proper legal standards.
• Delays in appellate review: The eight-year delay in hearing the appeals effectively meant the accused had served most of their sentence even before acquittal.

The Bombay High Court’s verdict does more than acquit—it restores a sliver of institutional faith, while also raising deep concerns about how India investigates and prosecutes terror. For the acquitted, however, it may be too late. Years lost in prison, families destroyed, and reputations ruined—without compensation, without apology.

Systemic Implications: No closure for victims, no accountability for investigators

While the acquitted walk free, the victims of the 7/11 blasts are left without justice or answers. The ATS, which led the investigation, has now seen two major terror cases of that era — this and the Malegaon 2006 blasts — unravel due to procedural misconduct and communal bias.

In Malegaon, too, Muslim men were first arrested, only to be later absolved when the National Investigation Agency uncovered the role of Hindutva extremist groups. The parallels reinforce growing concerns that India’s terror probes are often driven more by political pressure and profiling than by forensic rigour.

Abdul Wahid Shaikh & the Innocence Network

Wahid, who was a school teacher at the time of his arrest, transformed into a fierce activist on his release in 2015. He started ‘Innocence Network’, a campaign for the release of the 12 others. He wrote books on his life in jail, researched on the Indian criminal justice system and obtained a PhD degree recently on the same. He, along with the  Jamiat Ulema-i-Hindu, also worked meticulously on the case. 

Conclusion: A broken system exposed

The 2006 Mumbai train blasts case will now be remembered not just for its brutality, but for the colossal miscarriage of justice it occasioned. The High Court’s judgment reaffirms the fundamental tenet of criminal law: that the burden of proof lies on the State, and every accused is presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond reasonable doubt. The case calls for immediate reforms in anti-terror investigations, greater prosecutorial accountability, and the establishment of a robust compensation framework for the wrongfully accused.

What also remains a question is the crucial issue of reparation and or compensation for the accused and their families given the loss of lives, livelihood and utter ostracisation by society. The penalty that ought to be paid by police officers (in this case from the ATS Mumbai) responsible for the investigative lapses is also a loophole in the system that provides no succour to those wrongfully accused.

Related:

One More Innocent Terror Accused, One More Book But Will Our System Respond?

No innocent should ever be jailed, my life is dedicated to get other innocents released: Abdul Wahid Shaikh

Bombay HC grants bail to Sanatan Sanstha and Hindu Janjagruti Samiti Members

2008 Jaipur blasts: Rajasthan HC acquits all four who were given death penalty

Malegaon blast case: Court rejects Pragya’s plea seeking exemption from appearing for trail

After 23 years in Prison on false charges, five Men walk out free in Samleti Blast case

The post A Spectacle of Injustice Undone: After 19 years, Bombay HC’s acquittal in the 7/11 Mumbai train blasts case recognises the (mis) use of ‘torture for confession’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The case pertains to Lokesh Kumar Solanki, alias Rajput, who was found guilty under Sections 153A and 505 of the Indian Penal Code, which penalise promoting enmity between different religious groups and circulating rumours or statements likely to cause public mischief.

Delivering the sentencing order on July 8, 2025, Additional Sessions Judge Parveen Singh of the Karkardooma Courts said that Solanki had “added fuel to the already simmering tensions” in February 2020 by disseminating inflammatory messages aimed at stoking hatred and inciting violence against the Muslim community. These actions, the judge noted, were especially grave in the backdrop of communal riots then engulfing North East Delhi.

“The fact, that during the tense period of February 2020, the convict had added fuel to the already simmering tensions by spreading messages which were intended to promote enmity and hatred for Muslim community and induced the members of the group to commit crime against Muslim, calls for no leniency and makes the offence very serious in nature.” (Para 7)

Despite the seriousness of the offence, the court acknowledged that Solanki had already been incarcerated for over three years, the maximum sentence provided under the relevant sections. Consequently, the judge concluded that justice would be served by awarding the maximum sentence but ordering his release since no further imprisonment could legally be imposed.

“However, the fact remains that convict has already undergone the imprisonment of more than 03 years which is the maximum punishment which could be awarded for offences punishable u/s 153-A/ 505 IPC.” (Para 8)

Arguments raised

Prosecution sought maximum sentence: During the sentencing hearing, Special Public Prosecutor Saleem Ahmed urged the court to impose the maximum punishment under both provisions, citing the content of Solanki’s messages and their intended communal impact. He argued that Solanki’s conduct was calculated to disturb public order and warranted no clemency.

Defence pleads for compassion: Appearing for the convict, Advocate Nishant Kumar Tyagi highlighted Solanki’s youth, his family responsibilities, particularly his aged parents, and the fact that he had already spent more than three years behind bars awaiting trial and judgment. He requested that any sentence be ordered to run concurrently and that the court take into account the period of pre-conviction custody.

Order of the Court: Sentence imposed, fine levied

After hearing both sides, the Court sentenced Solanki as follows:

• Three years’ simple imprisonment under Section 153A IPC, along with a fine of ₹25,000. In default of payment, an additional six months’ simple imprisonment.
• Three years’ simple imprisonment under Section 505 IPC, along with another fine of ₹25,000. In default, six more months’ simple imprisonment.

The sentences will run concurrently, and the convict was granted the benefit of Section 428 CrPC, which allows set-off for time already spent in custody.

Since Solanki has already served more than the maximum prescribed period of imprisonment, the court ordered his release, subject to payment of the total fine of ₹50,000. The order notes that the fine has been paid.

Broader Context: A message on hate speech

This case is one of the few successful convictions in connection with incitement to violence during the 2020 Delhi riots, which left over 50 people dead and hundreds injured. The court’s strong words reaffirm that hate speech, particularly during periods of communal unrest, will not be treated as a benign offence.

At the same time, the order reflects the tension in India’s criminal justice system between protracted trial processes and the need for proportionate sentencing. Though the court recognised the gravity of Solanki’s offence, it was legally constrained from ordering any further imprisonment.

The order of the Delhi Court may be read here.

Related:

How the Delhi riots case remains stagnant with close to a dozen student leaders incarcerated

“This Means FIR”: Delhi Court orders further investigation, FIR against BJP leader Kapil Mishra five years after Delhi riots

5 Years of Delhi Riots: Some Punished, Some Rewarded!

Delhi Police on Trial: Three court orders reveal collusion, cover-ups, and custodial torture by police officers during 2020 Delhi riots

The post Delhi Court sentences riots accused for promoting hatred against Muslims, sentences him to 3 years in custody appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Historical Frame: Contesting sacred space

Sambhal is a Muslim-majority town (approx. 77.6%) in western Uttar Pradesh with historical and architectural significance. Sambhal is home to the Shahi Jama Masjid, one of only two surviving mosques built during Babur’s reign, with the other being in Panipat. The mosque stands as a rare surviving monument from the early Mughal era.  The town also holds significance in Hindu belief as the prophesied birthplace of Lord Kalki, the tenth avatar of Vishnu. While the mosque is a protected monument under the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), right-wing groups claim it was built on the ruins of the “Hari Har Mandir”, allegedly demolished during the Mughal era. These claims rely on discredited 19th-century colonial accounts, particularly by ACL Carlleyle, whose report was rejected by the then ASI Director General, Sir Alexander Cunningham.

This confluence of history and myth set the stage for conflict, especially in a town that was once a stronghold of anti-CAA protests and continues to elect Muslim representatives like MP Zia Ur Rahman Barq, whose family has long resisted the majoritarian politics of the ruling party. Over the past few years, this mythical narrative has been aggressively revived. Mahant Rishiraj Giri, a petitioner in the present dispute, has said he wanted to file a case even before the Babri suit. The town has already been declared a potential “Kalki Dham” by BJP leaders, and PM Modi laid the foundation of a Kalki temple in 2024.

November 2024: A timeline of escalation

• November 19: A civil suit by eight petitioners is filed alleging the mosque was once a temple. Within hours, by 3:30 pm, the Sambhal civil court grants permission for a survey, waives the notice requirement, and appoints an advocate commissioner. By 7:00 pm, the survey was underway. The mosque committee was neither notified nor given a chance to be heard.
• November 22: Friday prayers occur under heavy police presence.
• November 23: Authorities begin preventive detention under Section 107/116 of the CrPC; 34 persons, including the father of MP Zia Ur Rahman Barq, are bound by peace bonds up to ₹10 lakh.
• November 24: A second survey is conducted without fresh court orders. Police are accompanied by PAC, RAF, and officials from multiple districts. This time, a video went viral showing members of the survey team chanting “Jai Shri Ram”, and a rumour spread that the mosque was being excavated. The ablution tank was drained, and water was seen seeping from the structure, fueling panic. A protest breaks out. Police respond with tear gas, lathis, and gunfire. Five Muslim men are killed.

Police Firing: Lethal force, denials, and eyewitnesses

According to Masjid Committee President Zafar Ali, the protest on November 24 was peaceful until CO Anuj Chaudhary responded to concerns with verbal abuse and an unprovoked lathi charge. he police, led by CO Anuj Chaudhary, responded with verbal abuse, a lathi charge, and then tear gas. As people began to flee, the police escalated, firing live ammunition.Tear gas followed, and then live rounds were fired. The crowd began to disperse, but police pursued them into lanes and homes. Eyewitnesses reported police using slurs, destroying property, and shooting indiscriminately.

Five Muslim men were killed, including a minor:

• Kamran (17), shot in the chest.
• Nasir, Abbas, Basim, and Nabeel—each with fatal injuries, many allegedly from police bullets.

Videos circulated showing police shouting “Goli chalao” (fire the gun), pelting stones, and dragging minors. Authorities denied using firearms but later admitted to firing “warning shots”. Zafar Ali, who openly accused the police, was detained and later arrested under serious charges.

Authorities claimed the protesters were armed and that police only fired in retaliation. Yet, no police injuries or gunshot wounds from “desi kattas” were documented. The families dispute the claim of crossfire and assert that their relatives were unarmed and shot from the front. (Detailed report may be read here.)

Suppression of victim families and testimonies

The families of the deceased report:

• Denial of postmortem reports.
• Being forced to sign blank papers or coerced to remove references to police in their complaints.
• Rapid burials under police pressure.
• Heavy surveillance at their homes, making it difficult to speak to outsiders or pursue legal recourse.

For example, Kamran’s family was called to identify his body, made to give thumbprints on documents, and forced to bury him amid a police convoy. Nasir’s mother said she saw two bullet wounds but received no documentation. Basim, before dying, told his family he was shot by police. The police allegedly forced them to rewrite their complaint, removing the word “police”.

The Legal Offences: Violating due process and the law

As per the report, the lower court’s order violated:

• Section 80(2) CPC: No genuine urgency justified bypassing notice to the mosque committee.
• Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991: This law bars alteration of the religious character of any place of worship as it existed on 15 August 1947.
• Article 26 of the Constitution: Grants religious denominations autonomy over their places of worship.

Despite these clear violations, the Allahabad High Court later upheld the survey, and referred to the mosque as an “alleged masjid” even in a whitewashing plea. The Supreme Court has stayed proceedings but failed to undo the communal spectacle that the survey facilitated. (Detailed report may be read here.)

Myth-Making: Temple discoveries and state rituals

Shortly after the violence, local officials claimed to “discover” a hidden temple near the Shahi Jama Masjid. The structure was cleaned and declared sacred. District officials performed worship ceremonies, and a priest claimed the idol “smiled”. This triggered a wave of temple “discoveries”, 24 sites were surveyed by the ASI within weeks. Carbon dating was announced, and claims emerged that 56 temples and 19 sacred wells had been hidden by Muslims.

The government launched a spiritual tourism project titled “Kalki Nagri.” Plans were made to develop 87 religious sites and a 24-Kosi Parikrama Marg. Authorities, priests, and right-wing figures declared temple idols had been “discovered” at sites like wells and drains. In some cases, idols were immediately installed and worshipped. The state began institutionalising the narrative that Sambhal is a Hindu holy site under siege.

Muslim residents refuted these claims, saying these were existing sites in disrepair. As per the report, a local lawyer remarked: “They are digging up new temples every day. We fear they will come into our homes and dig one up there too.”

A new police chowki named “Satyavrat Chowki” was built outside the Shahi Jama Masjid using stones from the protest site. The chowki was inaugurated with Hindu rituals, including a havan and shlokas etched on its walls

Administrative Reprisals: Raids, Demolitions, and Surveillance

In the weeks after the firing:

• Mass detentions occurred. 83 people, including minors and Masjid Committee President Zafar Ali, were jailed. Over 160 bail pleas have been rejected. (Detailed report may be read here.)
• Zafar Ali, who publicly stated he saw police firing, was arrested on March 23, just before he was scheduled to testify before a judicial commission. He had not been named in any FIR prior. His arrest included disproportionate BNS charges, including those carrying life imprisonment or death penalty. Dormant cases from 2018 and 2021 were suddenly revived against him.
• Police launched electricity theft drives: 1440 cases were registered, mostly against Muslims, including 16 mosques and two madrasas. A total fine of ₹11 crores was imposed. MP Barq alone was fined ₹1.91 crores (Detailed report may be read here.)
• Encroachment demolitions began in Muslim areas. Some residents pre-emptively dismantled their own homes.
• The Janeta Sharif Dargah, previously a site of interfaith worship, was marked for probe, its clinic shut down, and its fair cancelled.
• Loudspeakers were removed from mosques.
• Police built a new outpost, engraved with Hindu shlokas, using stones allegedly “thrown by Muslims” on November 24.
• The administration questioned the Dargah’s Waqf status, and its land was bulldozed. This marked the first major Waqf land crackdown since the 2024 Amendment Act. (Detailed report may be read here.)

Surveillance and silencing of victims

Families of victims report constant police surveillance. The report recorded one mother stating that “They sit outside our house 24×7. You are lucky you met us while they were away.”

Many families, like those of Nasir, Abbas, and Nadia, reported being beaten, having property vandalised, and facing threats if they spoke to media or filed complaints. The DVRs of CCTV footage were seized. Police broke into homes and slapped women, dragged children, and refused to register complaints.

Constructing a new narrative: From victims to villains

The state and media spun a narrative portraying Muslims as aggressors:

• UP CM Adityanath claimed Muslims had turned mosques into “mini power stations”.
• He invoked a fabricated figure of 168 Hindu deaths in the 1978 Sambhal riots to justify crackdowns.
• Posters branding Muslims as “pathharbaaz” (stone pelters) were plastered across the town.
• The Kalki Dev Tirth Samiti was instituted to develop “religious tourism”, with 87 sites being prepared for Hindu pilgrimage.

The result is a manufactured transformation of Sambhal from a Muslim-majority town to a contested Hindu religious centre, without public debate, evidence, or consent.

Legal recommendations and civil society appeals

The report calls for:

• Independent investigation into police killings and torture.
• Immediate release of detainees without proper FIRs.
• Enforcement of the Places of Worship Act in both letter and spirit.
• Rebuilding trust through compensation and an end to bulldozer demolitions.
• Holding judicial commissions accountable for bias.
• A nationwide civil society campaign to reject communal myth-making and support Sambhal’s residents.

Conclusion: Sambhal as a “Template”

The report ends on a haunting note:

“Ultimately, the situation in Sambhal is not an isolated incident but part of a larger pattern of narrative construction that seeks to redefine the Muslim community as a problem to be managed rather than a population deserving of rights and protection. As such, it calls for a reevaluation of how narratives are formed, disseminated, and challenged in the pursuit of justice and communal harmony, alongside a robust resistance to the forces that seek to communalize and polarize Indian society.”

Sambhal, the authors of the report warn, is not an aberration, rather it is a preview. If unchallenged, the Sambhal model will become the blueprint for future communal engineering. The report is a call to document, resist, and refuse—to protect the republic from turning against its own.

The complete report may be read here.

Related:

Sambhal Custodial Death: A systemic failure exposed

Supreme Court blocks execution of Nagar Palika’s order regarding well near Sambhal Mosque, prioritises peace and harmony

Uttar Pradesh’s new tactics for harassment: Electricity theft charges, strategic revival of temple, opening up of 1978 Sambhal communal riots cases

Sambhal Mosque, Ajmer Dargah: how deep do we plunge into the abyss?

Sambhal Violence: State crackdown intensifies, thousands accused, and allegations of police misconduct ignite a political and communal crisis in Uttar Pradesh

Sambhal’s darkest hour: 5 dead, scores injured in Mosque survey violence as UP police face allegations of excessive force

The post “Sambhal: Anatomy of an Engineered Crisis”- How a peaceful Muslim-majority town was turned into a site of manufactured communal conflict appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Targeted Violence in April and May

In the months of April and May, CJP documented 180 instances of targeted violence against Indian Muslims post the Pahalgam attack. Of these, 77 took place in April, and 103 in May. These spanned from outright cases of murder (3 specific instances, 3 victims) to nearly 99 cases of hate speech (made by politicians, proponents of Hindutva and other individuals and organisations with affiliations to the Hindu-right). The attacks spiked between April 23 and 25 (10, 12 and 18 cases respectively), following a near-steady course of events right through May. The following is a visualisation of this pattern of violence across the month.

Graph representing number of incidences of communal violence in relation to time

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These attacks were spread out across India, as demonstrated by this map – although they were majorly spatially concentrated in northern and central India – with Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Haryana being the 5 worst offenders – with 29, 28, 22, 21 and 10 instances respectively.

Pie-chart representing the percentage of targeted violence per-state

Many (at least 66 out of 180 incidents had the assailants referring to the Pahalgam attack or accusing the victims of allegiance to Pakistan, thus directly relating it to the same and the state’s narrativisation of the violence – thus bringing up the percentage to 36.66%. This does not obviously include incidents which did not have the perpetrators bringing up the attack or alluding some association to it, although, in most cases one can make the assumption that the spike in attacks is related to the perception of the attack) of these incidents were direct outcomes of the Pahalgam attack, with many of the perpetrators citing it as the reason for the same.

A chilling example would be the video of a man claiming responsibility for the killing of a young Muslim man, who was shot dead near a restaurant located on Shilpgram Road in Tajganj police station area, in Agra, Uttar Pradesh. The man in the video identifies himself as a member of ‘Kshatriya Gauraksha Dal’. “Bharat Mata ki saugandh, 26 ka badla agar 2,600 se na liya toh mei Bharat Mata ka putr nahi, Jai shri Ram, Jai Hindu Rashtra, Bharat Mata ki Jai”, the man is heard saying. The two men have knives and a pistol tucked inside their waist. Reacting to the viral video, Agra Police said, “Regarding the viral video on social media, it is to be informed that no organization named Kshatriya Gau Raksha Dal is working in Agra.”

This recent spike in attacks on India’s religious minorities must be contextualized — there is an establishment of a “new normal”. This systemic violent targeting of India’s Muslims (and Christians) can be traced back to 2014, when a new avatar of the Bharatiya Janata Party assumed control at the centre. The Centre for Study of Society and Secularism writes, “Historically, communal riots often involved groups from two religious communities clashing, with both sides inflicting and suffering losses … However, in recent years, the nature of larger riots has shifted. Instead of clashes between two communities, many significant riots now involve state actions disproportionately targeting the Muslim community. These actions include using bulldozers to demolish properties owned by Muslims, causing significant economic damage. Additionally, the state has slapped cases and implicated the members of the Muslim community, even in instances where they are victims of violence during communal riots. The disproportionate and seemingly one-sided state action has led to social discord, communal consciousness, and polarization. This atmosphere of communal tension has been steadily intensifying over recent years. For instance, the Pew Research Center, a respected research institution, categorized India in 2022 as “very high” on its Social Hostilities Index (SHI), with a score of 9.3. Social hostilities index (SHI) factors in levels of religion-related harassment, mob violence, terrorism, militant activity, and conflicts over religious conversions or the use of religious symbols and attire.” This also tracks with the India Hate Lab report, which stated that there was a 74.4% surge in hate speech in 2024, driven by the BJP, Hindutva outfits, and unchecked social media amplification.

Media, politics, and the act of communalisation

India has noticed a growing entrenchment of the systematisation of communalism and ensuing violence over the last decade. However, this is not a singular event that has stemmed from uniquely specific factors. This is a product of the country’s long history of communal tensions and Hindutva outfits’ responsibility in stoking the fires in ensuring that said tensions evolve into deeper, more dangerous rifts whose brunt is borne by the Muslim civilians in the country. Tanika Sarkar, well-known intellectual and former professor at the Jawaharlal Nehru University – who has written largely on Indian politics, society and religion, told DW, a global news TV program broadcast by German public state-owned international broadcaster Deutsche Welle (DW). “What happens is that war does not immediately translate into violence at home but it translates into very bitter memories and histories and allegations. I don’t know how it is on the Pakistani side, I suppose very much the same thing … In the latest conflict in particular, India’s news channels did not help. Between May 8 and May 10, some of the most viewed channels reported sensational, unverified information which later turned out to be false. That, coupled with messages circulated on WhatsApp, created an environment of fear. This is a situation where you can’t believe or disbelieve anything. And in that situation if you are so minded, then you will start looking at every Muslim with suspicion … Even if these attacks aren’t the norm, they create a psyche of fear in the hearts of every Muslim who lives in India.” CJP has, in a sustained campaign, complained against such media outlets and is pursuing some of these cases with the NBDSA even now.

What Sarkar mentions needs to be highlighted, because Indian news media has attained a near vitriolic status when it comes to war-mongering and proselytizing Islamophobia. TV anchors called for “Israel-like final solutions” and repeatedly attempted to mobilize public opinion against a possible ceasefire. The attitude of the unprofessional conduct of entrenched electronic media channels was a subject matter of comment on international media. Political commentators trying to provide more nuanced takes on the situation at hand were silenced or side-lined. Nupur J. Sharma, editor of OpIndia, tweeted, ““Nobody cares. keep your candles. Keep your apples. Keep your shawls. Keep your Kashmiriyat. Stop the bloody drama,” in response to a candle march held by Kashmiris in condemnation of the attack.

Columnist and political researcher Asim Ali wrote for The Telegraph, “The function of the communally-coded messaging broadcast on news channels is not to ‘reflect’ the anger of the audience, as they claim. It is to create and sustain an angry, communal subject that identifies with the incendiary scripts and is conditioned to demand revenge on a shady ‘Muslim’ enemy as well as its political supporters. It is to reinforce the authority of the political executive even though it has failed to fulfil the substantive demands of the citizenry, now transformed into a passive Hindu audience with its exogenously- seeded communal demands.

Historical Context

Ali writes, “The foundational moment of the present regime can, arguably, be located in the 2002 Gujarat riots where this political experiment of constructing and exorcising a Muslim enemy had been carried out to fruition. That experiment culminated in the re-election of the Modi-led state government over thousands of dead bodies. We have already seen several reports of attacks on Kashmiri students by right-wing vigilantes from different states in the last few days.” Ali connecting Pahalgam to the Gujarat riots is very well-founded, because this chamber of violence is not neo-natal in its construction. It has been tried, tested and perfected over decades of institutionalizing codes of conduct of perpetuating harm towards the Islamic “other”.

To contextualize this further, one could look at the media coverage of the 2002 riots and the differences in its approach. In the Concerned Citizens Tribunal Report, Crimes Against Humanity released in November 2002, the Tribunal noted, “On February 28, the two largest circulation, multiple-edition Gujarati newspapers, Sandesh and  Gujarat Samachar, which are fairly dependent on the state government’s largesse, played up the unsubstantiated official version of there being a ‘foreign hand’ behind the Godhra tragedy. It was only 3-4 weeks later that reports rubbishing this theory began to appear in newspapers. But by that time, the damage had already been done. Sandesh and Gujarat Samachar have been playing a blatantly communal role since the BJP returned to power in Gujarat in 1998. The BJP government’s patronage of these dailies needs to be looked into carefully, so that they do not continue to act as mere government agents. In the recent carnage, too, the role of Sandesh was particularly mischievous, while some smaller circulation newspapers like Gujarat Today, Sadhbhav and Gujarat Mitra acted responsibly.”

A study done by Saifuddin Ahmed titled The Role of the Media during Communal Riots in India points out that national television media coverage of the riots had been “bold and independent” with journalists like Rajdeep Sardesai and Barkha Dutt at Star News repeatedly condemning the victimisation of the Muslims in Gujarat during the riots. Print publications like The Times of India and The Indian Express carried headlines that highlighted the atrocities faced by the Muslim communities. This of course resulted in them receiving a lot of flak from the BJP administration in Gujarat and the centre. According to Ahmed, “The Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, addressed the nation a day after the attacks, regretting the “disgraceful” violence. He later on added that the news media were presenting an “exaggerated” account of the situation in Gujarat. The BJP and the state government under Narendra Modi singled out STAR News and banned cable operators from showing the channel in the state. The viewers in Ahmedabad, one of the worst affected regions in the riots, were left with blank television screens, unaware of the reality happening on the streets. Cable operators received calls from local officials in Ahmedabad and other cities to completely blackout STAR News, Zee News, CNN and Aaj Tak. Dossiers and “hitlists” on journalists were reportedly prepared while the channels which dared to reveal the truth and were critical of the Chief Minister and his plan of actions were not invited to the press conferences and hence were denied the basic right to information by the state itself.”

One sees this model amplified in its worst possible form with – whose control is currently concentrated in the hands of corporate conglomerates with firm affiliations to the Indian state apparatus. This facilitation of the development of a monolithic opinion that centralizes hate is strengthened by the hostile crackdown on independent media outlets covering communal hatred and opposing the regime’s machinery. Over the course of the last month, the websites of multiple independent news media platforms such as that of The Wire, Maktoob Media, have been blocked by the government. One could also think of the temporarily blocking of the X account of Anuradha Bhasin, editor of Kashmir Times. In the last few years, the Indian government has zeroed down on completely dismantling press freedom by revoking non-profit status from independent news media outlets, routinely charging journalists with sedition and terrorism – and even monitoring them with the Israeli spyware, Pegasus. One must also remember, that several of the most powerful accused of the Gujarat riots have been released, and now roam free, having escaped through loopholes and intentional pardoning.

This however does not absolve less powerful or non-media actors of their role in furthering the bile of “revenge”. Al Jazeera found almost 20 songs that built on Hindutva-aligning sentiments that were meant to be incendiary. While H-Pop (Hindutva Pop) with a high degree of hate content has been a visible phenomenon over the past decade, Caravan and CJP have analysed these, Pahalgam gave this new hate music market a new focus and twist. All of these songs infiltrated into the timelines of Indian social media users, with outright calls for Hindus to identify the “traitors within the country”. At the same time, politicians and members of the Hindu right continued with the single focus agenda which is to lace every issue, every speech with its own peculiar dose of targeted hate.

According to our data, there were over 100 instances of hate speeches in the country. Here is an example, on May 5, in Bankura, West Bengal BJP MP Saumitra Khan, while submitting a memorandum demanding the deportation of alleged Pakistani nationals residing in the state, “urged Hindus to sell their land and houses only to fellow Hindus. He alleged that once their children move away and they pass away, Rohingyas would eventually occupy their homes”. In another instance, on May 4, BJP MLA Ravinder Singh Negi, “speaking at a religious event in a temple, claimed that Muslims train their children to become extremists in madrasas instead of providing them with proper education. He questioned why Hindus could not raise their children as extremists in temples. He also invoked the Pahalgam attack and dog-whistled for a boycott of those he described as ‘traitors’ within the country.”

One often sees politicians attributing the rise in communalism to the populace, rather than the multiple perpetrators of the same. Here, we could think of the concept of Astroturfing — which “is the deceptive practice of hiding the sponsors of an orchestrated message or organization (e.g., political, economic, advertising, religious, or public relations) to make it appear as though it originates from, and is supported by, unsolicited grassroots participants.” This could simply be translated to this: it is a process where a top-down method of dissemination is falsely recognised or propagated as a bottom-up one. If we were to integrate this conceptual framework with what Nalin Mehta writes in Modi and the Camera: The Politics of Television in the 2002 Gujarat Riots — “For our purpose, John B. Thompson’s notion of ‘mediated communication’, where he taps into the hermeneutic tradition to postulate that individuals are not passive recipients of symbolic messages from the communication media, is also pertinent. Messages from the mass media are received in settings spatially and temporally remote from the original context of production and the recipient’s own assumptions and expectations regulate how they are interpreted and appropriated,” – we would understand why things are the way they happen to be.

Responses

The institutional / state response to most of these hate crimes have not been very appropriate, with an observable systemic apathy in the nature of action taken by the administration / police forces. Most Chief Ministers of the states in question have not addressed the rising  tensions within their respective states, instead focusing on urging for befitting replies and prices that need to be paid. The police have been no better, in most cases being entirely absent from the scenes of violence, in others being complicit in institutional violence.

Graph representing the response of police in respective cases of hate crimes

Out of 180 data entries that were made situations where it was
Unclear if there was a case filed: 135 cases
Institutional Violence: 7 cases
Appropriate / Immediate police action: 15 cases
Definitively no case filed: 6
Police took action that harmed the Muslim victim: 17 cases

Out of the 39 cases that had clear police involvement, 53% or 24 of those cases were ones where the police were complicit outright. The other thing to be mentioned here is in all the cases where we are dealing with unclear police involvement, we are unsure whether no case has been filed or whether attempts were made and then rejected.

The worst affected, however, have been Kashmiris and Kashmiri Muslims, in particular. Following the Pahalgam attack, surveillance has intensified in Kashmir. According to Kashmir Times, “In the aftermath of the Pahalgam terror attack, security forces have launched extensive operations across Kashmir, demolishing about a dozen houses using explosives and conducting widespread searches and detentions. At least 1500 people are said to have been detained. The demolitions have occurred in multiple districts including Pulwama, Shopian, Anantnag, Kupwara, and Bandipora”.  There have been multiple incidents of Kashmiri students being harassed in other states, creating an almost paranoid sense of hypervigilance among these individuals. Kashmiri businessmen have also found themselves in trouble, where selling their wares has become near-impossible within the current climate.

Mirza Waheed, writer born in Srinagar, Kashmir, wrote for The Guardian, “Kashmiris have never wanted to be a bone of contention between the two states; they have paid a staggeringly steep price for this 75-year relationship of attrition. Internally, Kashmir has never really been normal, despite the narrative push and despite the appearance of normality, scripted elsewhere and executed on the ground through a security-administrative complex. Underneath the quiet, there is growing resentment at what Kashmiris see as their incremental and cumulative dispossession and disempowerment, in the form of new domicile and land laws, and in the absence of any real representational politics. Human rights activists, journalists and politicians remain in jail under harsh anti-terror laws. Nobody is allowed to speak; surveillance is probably at its highest since the start of the armed insurgency in the late 1980s; a previously independent and robust press has almost entirely been forced into a supine, compliant role. Most accounts from Kashmir speak of suppressed anger at the growing powerlessness and the humiliating deprivation of agency. Many Kashmiris talk about dham, a quiet, bruising suffocation, with no space to breathe. That all this is fertile ground for militancy is hardly a surprise, whether local or Pakistan-sponsored.”

All seems to remain unwell, in the land of what has turned out to be the homeland of misdiagnosed glory and gore.

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this graphic visualisation report has been worked on by Saptaparma Samajdar)

Sources

1. https://m.thewire.in/article/media/communalisation-pahalgam-reinforcing-anti-muslim-sentiment
2. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/4/29/traitors-hate-filled-songs-target-indian-muslims-after-kashmir-attack
3. https://muslimmirror.com/right-wing-media-channels-peddle-anti-muslim-narratives-after-pahalgam-attack/
4. https://www.deccanherald.com/india/uttarakhand/uttarakhand-cm-condemns-terror-attack-in-jks-pahalgam-3505295
5. https://www.reuters.com/article/world/kashmir-domicile-law-raises-fears-of-losing-land-culture-idUSKCN24T007/
6. https://www.amnesty.org.uk/blogs/country-specialists/five-years-silence-and-struggle-kashmir
7. https://article-14.com/post/-what-did-i-do-after-pahalgam-attack-kashmiri-students-in-at-least-4-northern-states-face-intimidation-threats-isolation–680b16d1a8d53
8. https://www.thehindu.com/education/pahalgam-attack-casts-a-shadow-over-jammu-and-kashmir-students-outside-state/article69531760.ece
9. https://www.dw.com/en/india-pakistan-conflict-risks-deepening-religious-tensions/a-72529635
10. https://sci-hub.se/https://doi.org/10.1080/00856400601031989
11. https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/05/03/india-media-freedom-under-threat#:~:text=Amid%20growing%20restrictions%20on%20media,spyware%20Pegasus%20to%20target%20journalists.
12. https://cjp.org.in/role-of-the-media-how-hate-was-spread-in-2002-in-gujarat/

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This move by the temple authorities came directly on the heels of intense pressure and vocal demands from pro-right-wing organisations and even a local NCP MLA, all demanding for the removal of non-Hindu workers from the temple’s operations. A protest rally led by Ahmednagar (Ahilyanagar) NCP MLA Sangram Jagtap was also organised on June 14, 2025.

शनीशिंगणापूरमध्ये हिंदू समाजाच्या श्रद्धेचा घोर अपमान झाला.
११८ जिहादी मानसिकतेच्या लोकांना शुद्ध मंदिरात नोकऱ्या देण्याचा निर्णय हा हिंदू धर्म, परंपरा व श्रद्धेवर थेट घाला होता.
मी या निर्णयाविरोधात शनी भूमीत ठाम भूमिका घेतली. pic.twitter.com/et07OLYUUs

— MLA Sangram Jagtap (@sangrambhaiya) June 15, 2025

Following pressure from right-wing outfits, the Shani Shingnapur Temple Trust held internal meetings on June 8 and 14. Soon after these closed-door deliberations, the Trust issued dismissal orders for 167 workers, marking a significant and controversial move, as per a report in Maktoob Media.

While the temple management has vehemently denied any allegations of religious discrimination or bias, asserting that the decision was based purely on absenteeism and subpar work performance, the timing of these dismissals has raised significant concerns.

Occurring just days after the public outcries from Hindutva groups, the sequence of events has led many observers to question the true underlying motives behind the Trust’s actions. The stark contrast between the village’s open-door philosophy and the sudden closure of opportunities for Muslim workers at the temple presents a complex and troubling narrative.

Viral video showing Muslim workers doing work near the temple ignites controversy and demands for exclusion

The seeds of this controversy were sown in May, when a video clip rapidly gained traction across social media platforms. This footage depicted Muslim individuals engaged in painting and maintenance activities in the vicinity of the revered Shani Shingnapur temple. Almost immediately, the video became a flashpoint, drawing sharp criticism and objections from an array of right-wing organisations and leaders.

Their core demand was unequivocal–non-Hindus, they insisted, should be barred from working within the ‘sacred precincts of the shrine’. This chorus of demands quickly intensified, building considerable pressure on the temple administration.

११८ जिहाद्यांना शनी मंदिरात ठेवण्याचा प्रकार हिंदू धर्माचा अपमान आहे!
शुद्ध हिंदू मंदिरात अशुद्ध विचारांचा शिरकाव सहन केला जाणार नाही.
१४ जून २०२५, शनिवार | संध्याकाळी ४ वाजता
शनी शिंगणापूरमध्ये भव्य मोर्चा!

हजारो हिंदू बांधव उपस्थित राहणार आहेत – तुम्हीही या! pic.twitter.com/NUnVERBfhb

— MLA Sangram Jagtap (@sangrambhaiya) June 13, 2025

Notably, these terminations occurred without any prior public hearing or a formal, impartial investigation into the allegations or the workers’ performance. This abrupt action, coming on the heels of the viral video and the escalating demands, further fuelled the contentious narrative surrounding the temple’s employment practices.

Right-wing outfits earlier demanded the removal of the Muslim workers

The pro-right-wing organisations, including the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti (HJS) and Sakal Hindu Samaj (SHS), led the campaign demanding the removal of Muslim workers from the Shani Shingnapur temple. These groups vehemently demanded the immediate removal of Muslim workers, expressing concerns about the sanctity of the temple and what they perceived as a disregard for Hindu sentiments.

Just a day before the dismissals, the HJS publicly called for immediate action. Through their official social media handle on X (formerly Twitter), the HJS stated, “Shocking! 114 Muslim workers deployed inside the sacred Shani Shingnapur temple; grill installed on holy platform, hurting Hindu sentiments. Demand for their immediate removal & strict action on officials who allowed this — @SG_HJS, Hindu Janajagruti Samiti. Govt urged to adopt Tirupati-like Hindu-only staff policy!”

Shocking ! 114 Muslim workers deployed inside the sacred Shani Shingnapur temple; grill installed on holy platform, hurting Hindu sentiments.

Demand for their immediate removal & strict action on officials who allowed this — @SG_HJS, Hindu Janajagruti Samiti.

Govt urged… pic.twitter.com/ig7FboLYRC

— HinduJagrutiOrg (@HinduJagrutiOrg) June 13, 2025

Similarly, the Sakal Hindu Samaj, an allied pro-right-wing outfit of the HJS, also voiced its concerns days before the removal decision. The outfit, through a social media post on X, directly appealed to the Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis for immediate intervention, questioning the very sanctity of the temple with the presence of Muslim workers. Their post on X read:

“Shani Mandir Trust at Shani Shingnapur in #Ahilyanagar has given jobs to 118 Muslims. These heretics do not believe in #Hindu gods, how will they maintain the sanctity of this temple? Are we waiting for another #Tirupati laddu fiasco to happen or readying ourselves for opening of Mecca and Medina for non Muslims ? Especially since this temple comes under the control of the #Maharashtra government Request to @Dev_Fadnavis to take immediate action on this and maintain the sanctity of the temple.”

Shani Mandir Trust at Shani Shingnapur in #Ahilyanagar has given jobs to 118 Muslims.

These heretics do not believe in #Hindu gods, how will they maintain the sanctity of this temple?
Are we waiting for another #Tirupati laddu fiasco to happen or readying ourselves for opening… pic.twitter.com/BI8693rD6K

— Sakal Hindu Samaj (@sakal_hindu_) June 8, 2025

Right-wing outfits hail dismissals, call for similar review and action at other temples

Following the temple trust’s decision, right-wing outfits Sakal Hindu Samaj and Acharya Tushar Bhosale, chief of the BJP Spiritual Coordination Front, celebrated the move. Bhosale explicitly stated the dismissals were a direct result of pressure from a “grand march” organised by “the entire Hindu society” in protest of Muslim employees. He hailed it as a “victory of the unity of the entire Hindu society,” indicating a clear intent to influence temple employment practices based on religious identity.

Bhosale said that, “In protest of the appointment of Muslim employees at the Shani Shingnapur temple, all of us, under the leadership of the entire Hindu society, organized a grand march yesterday. But under the pressure of this march, the temple administration has announced that they are removing the Muslim employees from their jobs. I congratulate all the Shani devotees of the country and the entire Hindu society, because this is a victory of the unity of the entire Hindu society”

Nashik, Maharashtra: Out of the 167 employees removed from the Shani Shingnapur temple, 114 were from the Muslim community

BJP Spiritual Coordination Front chief Acharya Tushar Bhosale says, “In protest of the appointment of Muslim employees at the Shani Shingnapur temple, all… pic.twitter.com/yvAutINbp7

— IANS (@ians_india) June 13, 2025

Similarly, the Sakal Hindu Samaj commended the temple’s action. They framed the dismissals as a response to “anger in the Hindu community” over Muslim employees allegedly installing grills on a sacred platform.

#Shani_Shingnapur Temple removes 114 Muslim employees following public outrage over breach of sanctity.
Hindu Janajagruti Samiti welcomes the decision & urges similar reviews in other temples to ensure staff uphold #Hindu traditions. pic.twitter.com/fOxOkfP7IP

— HinduJagrutiOrg (@HinduJagrutiOrg) June 14, 2025

Beyond endorsing the Shingnapur decision, the Sakal Hindu Samaj, along with organisations like Hindu Janajagruti Samiti and Maharashtra Mandir Mahasangh, has now publicly demanded investigations into the appointments of “people of other religions” in other government-managed temples, urging their “immediate” removal.

शनि शिंगणापुर मंदिर से 114 मुस्लिम कर्मियों की छुट्टी, ‘बिंदास बोल’ की हुंकार और सकल हिंदू समाज के आंदोलन की जीत#shanishingnapur #Maharashtra #bindasbol #SanatanDharma @SureshChavhankehttps://t.co/C93edBHdDi pic.twitter.com/6xiQ965lI4

— Sudarshan News (@SudarshanNewsTV) June 14, 2025

Temple body denies religious bias, cites performance issues amid discrimination allegations

Amid mounting allegations of religious discrimination, temple officials at Shani Shingnapur have firmly denied that faith played any role in the mass dismissal of workers. They claim the decision was based purely on operational efficiency, pointing out that only around 900 of the 2,400 contracted workers were regularly reporting for duty, while the rest were allegedly underperforming or frequently absent.

However, the move has sparked controversy, as the majority of those dismissed were low-wage Muslim labourers engaged in essential but menial tasks—such as sweeping, tending to the cowshed, agricultural work, and performing routine administrative duties. Many of these workers were hired without formal employment contracts, leaving them vulnerable and without legal safeguards.

Critics argue that the lack of documented performance reviews and transparent processes raises serious questions about the fairness and intent behind the dismissals, especially in light of the preceding pressure from right-wing groups demanding the removal of Muslim staff.

114 Muslim employees dismissed from Shani Shingnapur temple, along with few others on grounds of indiscipline and irregularities. pic.twitter.com/zkCbqtKMeg

— Megh Updates (@MeghUpdates) June 13, 2025

Controversy not new to Shingnapur

Religious discrimination is not a first-time controversy for the Shingnapur. In September 2024, Shingnapur Gram Panchayat passed a controversial resolution barring the registration of new Muslim voters, specifically targeting “recently arrived” individuals. Justified under claims of preventing “illegal Bangladeshi immigrants,” the move demanded the removal of existing Muslim names from electoral rolls. Civil rights groups condemned it as unconstitutional and sought legal action against the panchayat. Following widespread backlash, Sarpanch Rasika Patil issued a public apology, stating the resolution was misrepresented and no such action would be taken.

The gram panchayat of #Shingnapur village in #Maharashtra‘s #Kolhapur district passed a resolution on 5 September barring the registration of new #Muslim voters in electoral rolls. The panchayat’s decision, which specifically targets #Muslims ‘recently arrived’ in the village,… pic.twitter.com/EA2oinwi2A

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) September 16, 2024

This incident followed an earlier resolution in August 2023, where the panchayat prohibited the allotment of village land for religious events—another decision widely criticised for targeting minority communities. Together, these actions suggest a troubling pattern of exclusion under the guise of administrative control.

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