Bhati, president of the Bharatiya Kisan Union (BR Ambedkar faction), has alleged that he was beaten with shoes, fists, kicks, belts and wooden sticks, while Jatav, the organisation’s Meerut district president, allegedly suffered similar treatment. Bhati was left with a heavily swollen eye and other visible injuries, as reported by The Wire.

A meeting with the SSP that allegedly turned into an assault

According to Bhati’s account, he and Jatav went to meet then-SSP Avinash Pandey on August 19. They were seeking relief in a case arising from protests held on July 8 over the murder of Lalita Gautam, a young Dalit woman from Meerut. Bhati has maintained that he was not present at the protest and wanted his name removed from the FIR connected with the demonstration. He said the two men had been trying to meet the SSP for several days and were eventually asked to come to his office.

Bhati alleged that the conversation quickly became hostile, with Pandey abusing him and questioning his credentials as a political and farmer leader. He said that when he objected to the alleged abuse, police personnel dragged him into another room. There, he alleged, the SSP assaulted him. Bhati has described being kicked, punched and beaten with shoes and a belt. He specifically alleged that Pandey kicked him around the eye several times after he fell to the floor.

The Indian Express, which spoke to Bhati, reported his allegation that he was assaulted for an extended period before he and Jatav were taken to the SOG office. Bhati also alleged that wooden planks and sticks were used against them and that the soles of their feet, backs and waist were beaten.

His visible injuries have become a central element of the controversy. Photographs showed substantial swelling around his eye, while videos released by Bhati showed him describing the alleged assault.

“मेरठ SSP के दफ्तर में किसी बात पर वाद विवाद हुआ। बात खराब हो गई, हिंसा का प्रयोग हुआ। सहारनपुर रेंज DIG से इस पूरे केस की जांच कराई जा रही है”

मेरठ में किसान नेता दिग्विजय भाटी की बर्बरता से पिटाई पर ADG भानु भास्कर ने कहा !! https://t.co/SCjEgECz3g pic.twitter.com/xeiUsdPHXc

— Sachin Gupta (@Sachingupta) August 21, 2026

Meerut police claims Samajwadi Party leader Digvijay Singh Bhati sustained the torture injuries after he fell from his scooty while returning from police office. https://t.co/7otICjnVLZ pic.twitter.com/e0TecnoXtc

— Piyush Rai (@Benarasiyaa) August 21, 2026

SSP kicked me in the eye multiple times, says Samajwadi party leader tortured in custody

Samajwadi party leader Digvijay Bhati claims he was brutally assaulted by Meerut SSP Avinash Pandey over Bhati’s involvement in a protest over murder of a Dalit girl. Later, he was taken to… pic.twitter.com/75JspJ8P09

— Piyush Rai (@Benarasiyaa) August 21, 2026

Spoke to Digvijay Bhati, who according to UP’s Meerut police, fell from a scooty while returning from police office. pic.twitter.com/tHyUhpEkmQ

— Piyush Rai (@Benarasiyaa) August 21, 2026

From the SSP office to the SOG office

Bhati has alleged that the incident did not end inside the SSP’s office. According to his account, the two men were subsequently taken by SOG personnel to another location. There, he alleged, their hands and legs were tied and they were beaten repeatedly with sticks and belts. He has described being punched around the head and temple and suffering repeated assaults. He further alleged that the men were denied ordinary dignity during the episode, including being given water in the cap of a bottle.

Perhaps the most disturbing allegation concerns their alleged humiliation after the physical assault. Bhati has alleged that police personnel played the Hindi film song “Choli Ke Peeche Kya Hai” and forced the two men to dance despite their physical condition. India Today reported the allegation that the two were forced to dance to the song, while The Indian Express also reported Bhati’s account of being humiliated after allegedly being beaten at the SOG office.

Jatav, meanwhile, has alleged that he was threatened with an encounter. Bhati has also claimed that the police threatened them with further consequences if they spoke about what had allegedly happened.

The police initially offered a dramatically different version

Meerut police initially rejected the allegations as “false and baseless”. According to the police version reported by The Wire, Bhati and Jatav had visited the police office in connection with an earlier FIR. The police claimed that the two subsequently fell from their scooter while returning home, sustaining the injuries visible in photographs. The police further said that the two men themselves submitted a written application concerning the incident, which was entered in the general diary at Civil Lines police station.

The controversy intensified when Avinash Pandey was transferred from his position as Meerut SSP on August 20 and attached to the DGP headquarters in Lucknow. Pandey was among nine IPS officers transferred in the reshuffle. Unlike officers who were given new district postings, he was attached to the state headquarters. Times of India reported that the transfer came amid the allegations of illegal detention and custodial torture.

The following day, Additional Director General of Police, Meerut Zone, Bhanu Bhaskar announced an inquiry. Saharanpur Range DIG Abhishek Singh was tasked with investigating the allegations and submitting a report. The police leadership initially described the incident more cautiously, saying that a dispute had arisen at the SSP’s office on August 19, after which violence allegedly took place. The case was therefore no longer simply an allegation made by two activists. It had become an official police inquiry.

Eight policemen sent to the lines; inspector suspended

The administration subsequently took further action. After taking charge, new Meerut SSP BBGTS Murthy ordered eight police personnel to be sent to the police lines, including Civil Lines SHO Akhilesh Gaur, two sub-inspectors and five constables. On August 23, Gaur was suspended. Times of India reported that the suspension was ordered on grounds including alleged negligence, apathy and arbitrary conduct in the discharge of his duties.

By August 25, reports indicated that Gaur had been suspended while the other personnel remained subject to administrative action, with the inquiry continuing. The investigating team has also begun examining the physical locations and documentary evidence. Navbharat Times reported that DIG Abhishek Singh inspected the relevant locations and examined CCTV footage and duty records, while questioning personnel connected with the allegations.

This controversy did not begin on August 19

The allegations against the police must also be viewed against the backdrop of what happened in Meerut in July. The entire chain of events goes back to the killing of Lalita Gautam, a 20-year-old Dalit student whose body was recovered in May after she went missing. Her death generated anger among Dalit groups and local residents, who questioned the police investigation and demanded that additional people allegedly connected with the crime be arrested.

On July 8, protesters gathered in Meerut demanding justice. The protest subsequently escalated, with police using force to disperse the demonstrators. Times of India reported that nearly 100 members of the Dalit community had gathered and that the confrontation escalated after protesters blocked roads and demanded that senior officials personally hear their grievances. A video from the confrontation also showed then-SSP Avinash Pandey repeatedly slapping a protester inside a police vehicle.

VIDEO: Meerut SSP Enters Police Van, Slaps Protest Detainee

Meerut SSP Avinash Pandey was seen entering a police custody vehicle and slapping a detainee during action taken after the Dalit community protest.

According to police, the detainee has been identified as Ravi Gautam,… pic.twitter.com/FLHa02gYSk

— Atulkrishan (@iAtulKrishan1) July 8, 2026

The police subsequently registered cases against protesters. According to Times of India, 13 people were named and around 50 others were booked on serious charges, including attempt to murder and allegations concerning women police personnel. Seven people were arrested and sent to judicial custody.

Those proceedings subsequently changed. On July 21, Times of India reported that serious non-bailable charges against the protesters had been dropped, following developments surrounding the case and intervention by the courts.

The July crackdown had also attracted the attention of the National Human Rights Commission. The NHRC sought an action-taken report from the Uttar Pradesh DGP and Home Secretary after a complaint alleged that Meerut police had used excessive force against protesters and caused serious injuries, reported The Hindu. Times of India reported that the Commission sought a detailed report within 15 days.

The ‘history-sheeter’ argument cannot answer allegations of torture

One of the most revealing aspects of the police response has been its emphasis on Bhati and Jatav’s criminal cases. Police have said that Bhati has several cases registered against him and that Jatav also has multiple cases. Bhati has disputed the circumstances and nature of several of these cases, saying many relate to protests and allegations arising from political activity. But even assuming every case cited by the police is genuine and pending, that does not resolve the central allegation. A criminal record, or a history sheet, does not authorise custodial violence.

Related:

Bihar: Not just Delhi, Patna, Siwan too saw brute police violence against demonstrating students: PUCL

The State Wants the Delete Button: India’s new architecture of digital censorship

When Suspicion Becomes Deportation: The case of Sahida Fakir and the dangerous criminalisation of Bengali identity

Supreme Court: UP Gangsters Act ‘stillborn’ for prescribing punishment without creating an offence

‘Wherever You Go, We are watching’: Second threat letter to Kashmiri Pandits

The post Inside the SSP’s Office: Allegations of beatings, torture & police impunity against farmer leaders in Meerut, UP appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The revised schedule was issued by the Election Commission in an order dated August 19, following a request from the Chief Electoral Officer of Maharashtra.

Under the revised programme, the draft electoral roll will be published on August 31. Voters will then have one month, up to September 30, to submit claims and objections.

The final electoral roll, which was earlier scheduled to be published on October 7, will now be released on November 4.

Claims and objections period extended

The revised schedule provides for the filing of claims and objections from August 31 to September 30. The notice and disposal of claims and objections will continue until October 29.

Under the earlier schedule, the draft roll was to be published on August 5, with claims and objections accepted until September 4. The notice and disposal process was scheduled to continue from August 5 to October 3. The changes therefore extend the overall timeline for scrutiny of the draft electoral roll and disposal of claims and objections before the final list is prepared.

Polling station rationalisation by August 24

The Election Commission has also revised the timeline for rationalisation and rearrangement of polling stations. The exercise, which was earlier scheduled to be completed by July 29, is now to be completed by August 24.

The revised programme also directs election officials to communicate the changes to all concerned officers and to publicise the revised schedule through available means. Political parties are also required to be informed about the changes in writing.

Enumeration process concluded on August 17

The house-to-house enumeration exercise in Maharashtra has already concluded. Booth Level Officers (BLOs) visited electors and collected filled and signed Enumeration Forms as part of the SIR process.

According to information released by the Chief Electoral Officer, Maharashtra has around 9.78 crore electors. Of these, 7.71 crore electors, or 78.85 per cent, submitted their filled and signed Enumeration Forms during the house-to-house exercise conducted between June 30 and August 17. The remaining 2.07 crore electors have been categorised as “Uncollectable EF” under the prescribed norms and based on the factual status recorded during the exercise.

Original schedule began in June

The original SIR programme provided for preparation, training and printing between June 20 and June 29. This was followed by house-to-house visits by BLOs from June 30 to July 29. The house-to-house enumeration period was subsequently extended, and the collection of Enumeration Forms ultimately concluded on August 17.

The Election Commission has now revised the subsequent stages of the exercise, including publication of the draft roll, the claims and objections period, disposal of objections and publication of the final electoral roll.

October 1 qualifying date

The SIR in Maharashtra is being conducted with October 1, 2026, as the qualifying date.

The revised schedule will govern the remaining stages of the electoral roll revision, beginning with publication of the draft roll on August 31. Claims and objections will then be considered before the final electoral roll is published on November 4.

Related:

Maharashtra SIR: 2.08 crore (20.8 million) voter forms “uncollected” hence may not be listed in August 24 draft electoral roll

SIR 2025-26: Dismantling the very Idea of India?

21 Opposition parties to CJI: SIR process is irregular and illegal, must be suspended

SIR and the Making of a Stateless Citizen? | R. Rajagopal Speaks Out | Teesta Setalvad

Karnataka launches SIR with 5.5 crore voters, State Govt voices transparency concerns

The post ECI revises Maharashtra SIR schedule, final voter list to be published on November 4 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Ram Puniyani as he is known, has crisscrossed the country holding training workshops on communal harmony, the historical growth of Hindu communalism etc. He is currently the chairperson of the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS) founded by the late, Dr Asghar Ali Engineer.

The far Hindu right’s tortured bid to appropriate Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar, the architect of India’s constitution evolved into a book by Puniyani, first exclusively featured on Sabrangindia on the eve of Constitution Day (November 26, 2016) on November 18 that year. The book, Ambedkar, Hindutva and RSS has been widely used by activists especially in Maharashtra. The excerpt may be read here. Another article by him exposing the hypocrisy and authoritarianism behind the Hindu right’s obsessive vegetarianism may be read here. In this article, apart from other historically significant details, Puniyani points out that Hitler who unleashed the biggest ever pogroms in history of modern times was a vegetarian! Significantly, Puniyani drew the connection in the anti-Buddhist (pro Brahmanism) stance of the supremacist Hindu right in their attempts to denigrate Emperor Asoka in this article that may be read here.

In March 2019, Dr Ram Puniyani was the subject of threats to his life from right wing goons; this too was exclusively covered by us at Sabrangindia and may be referred to here. Ram Puniyani had then written to the then Mumbai Police Commissioner about receiving threats and even met the Mumbai Jt CP with a delegation of other citizens. Reports may be read here and here. He was then granted round the clock protection.

A brief bibliography of his pamphlets and books, as medical professional and secular activist doyen (sourced from Wikipedia) is impressive:

• Clinical Hemorheology: New Horizons(New Age International, 1996), Applied Clinical Hemorheology (with Hideyuki Nimi, Quest Publications, 1998)
• The Other Cheek: Minorities under Threat(Media House, 2000), Second Assassination of Gandhi (University of Leicester, 2002),
• Communalism: What is False: What is True(with Khalid Azam, Bombay Sarvoda Friendship Center, 2002)
• Communal Politics: Facts Versus Myths(2003)
• Communalism: Illustrated Primer(Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust and J&P Publications, 2004)
• Hindu Extreme Right-Wing Groups : Ideology and Consequences(Media House, 2004)
• Fascism of Sangh Parivar(Media House, 2004)
• Religion, Power and Violence: Expression Of Politics In Contemporary Times, (SAGE, 2005)
• Contours of Hindu Rashtra: Hindutva, Sangh Parivar And Contemporary Politics(Kalpaz, 2006)
• Indian Democracy, Pluralism and Minorities(Global Media, 2006)
• The Politics behind Anti-Christian Violence(compilation of investigation committee reports, Media House, 2006) Terrorism: Facts versus Myths (Pharos Media, 2007)

Several secular national parties have conducted workshops conducted by Dr Ram Puniyani. As stated by the CSSS today on the occasion of Dr Puniyani turning 81:

“Dr. Ram Puniyani’s strength was that developing a deep understanding about the root causes of communal conflict and violence, he could explain it even to the grassroot activists in a language and manner they could easily understand. His central point would be that what appears superficially as violence between the followers of two religions has deeper roots and causes. Communal identities and conflicts appeared in India during colonial period and as a result of colonial exploitation of India and their divide and rule policy. India was transitioning from feudalism to introduction of capitalist mode of production controlled by the colonial power. Religion based communal identities emerged as a result, and were encouraged by the British rulers. The communal elite supported the British rulers and sought their patronage for a greater share vis-à-vis the rival community. This struggle for greater share within the colonial governance framework resulted in deepening communal identities and in violent conflicts. To simplify this complex process, while addressing workshops, Dr. Ram Puniyani would enact with his word power the feudal rulers and their culture, the transition to colonial rule by his typical “rail, mail and jail” allegory. He argued that the feudal classes, which were being increasingly weakened due to introduction of capitalist mode of production by the colonial rulers resorted to communal identity politics. He used humour and constantly engaged the participants of the workshop in a conversational mode. The participants would return with an enriched understanding of the root causes of communalism and communal nationalism. He would end his two-day presentation with the shared and composite culture of India and shared secular nationalism. The rise of Sangh Parivar’s fascist ideology was just not against the minorities, but also against all the socially and economically marginalised communities, viz. the Dalits, women, the working class, and the farmers.”

Dr Puniyani is the recipient pf several prestigious awards – Indira Gandhi Award for national integration, the Communal Harmony Award, which is awarded by National Communal Harmony Foundation under the Ministry of Home Affairs, Mukundan Menon Award for Journalism, just to name a few.

SabrangIndia and Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) take the opportunity of his 81^st birthday to wish only more such dedicated proselytising from the gentle Dr Ram Puniyani.

–Editors

Related:

Nationalism | Religion | Hate | Violence | History : Ram Puniyani with Teesta Setalvad

The post Ram Puniyani at 81: A teacher of secularism, an everyday passion appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Sabrang India has accessed the latest letter through the Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Samiti (KPSS) but is withholding publication for security risks and reasons. The communication which names around half a dozen Kashmiri Pandits and identifies their residential locations in different parts of Jammu. The individuals have been described as “white collar terrorists” and “traitors” allegedly working for their “masters” in Delhi. The letter, purportedly signed by an individual named Ahmed Bilal and issued in the name of the United Liberation Council (ULC), carries an explicit warning: “wherever you are and wherever you go, we are watching your every move.”

Security agencies are examining the authenticity of both letters and attempting to identify those behind them. Officials have previously suggested that the ULC could be another front or shadow organisation of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). The group first surfaced publicly in July, when it issued a poster marking the death anniversary of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani, according to officials cited by The Indian Express.

What makes the latest communication particularly alarming is its apparent attempt to establish a distinction within the Kashmiri Pandit community itself. The letter reportedly claims that Kashmiri Pandits who remained in the Valley after the mass migration of the 1990s are not its target and are “safe”. Its threats are instead directed at those who migrated and subsequently returned to Kashmir for government employment, as well as individuals accused by the letter of attempting to implement an “RSS agenda” in the Valley. That distinction is significant because the latest threats appear closely tied to the government’s rehabilitation and employment programme for displaced Kashmiri Pandits.

The detailed report on the first threatening letter may be read here.

A second letter, a deeper concern

The latest communication follows an earlier threat letter circulated online earlier this month. That letter reportedly named Kashmiri Pandit employees working in the Revenue Department and published their phone numbers. According to The Indian Express, the communication attempted to associate their government duties with the seizure of properties allegedly linked to terrorists.

The first letter had already triggered significant security concerns. The Jammu and Kashmir administration reportedly instructed departments to allow Kashmiri Pandit employees to remain away from work and advised them to stay alert and move to safer locations if necessary. There was, however, no publicly available formal order governing the reported work-from-home arrangement. Different accounts placed the period of leave at August 20, August 25 or until Independence Day.

The second letter changes the nature of the threat. The earlier communication exposed telephone numbers. The latest reportedly exposes residential addresses, down to the house and street level. According to the Indian Express, officials said this is the first time in several decades that threat communications targeting Kashmiri Pandits have reportedly contained such precise residential information. That raises a question that goes beyond the contents of the letters themselves: how are individuals issuing anonymous threats gaining access to such detailed information?

Sanjay Tickoo: ‘How can the government talk about return when it cannot guarantee safety?’

Speaking to Sabrang India on the second threat letter, Sanjay Tickoo, president of the Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Samiti, sharply questioned the political narrative around the return of Kashmiri Pandits to the Valley. He pointed specifically to remarks by Jammu and Kashmir BJP General Secretary (Organisation) Ashok Koul, who, while speaking in Shopian, described the return of Kashmiri Pandits as a positive development but said that targeted killings would not stop and that the community would have to face challenges and struggle while rebuilding their lives in Kashmir. For Tickoo, the statement exposes a fundamental contradiction. “How can he say targeted killings won’t stop?” he asked, arguing that if the government accepts targeted violence as an unavoidable reality, then the Union government must also acknowledge the failure of its security and rehabilitation policies rather than celebrating the return of Kashmiri Pandits without addressing the risks they face. He questioned the idea of presenting the return of Pandits as a success while employees continue to fear for their lives.

Tickoo also pointed to what he described as an even more alarming development in the second letter: additional personal information has reportedly been exposed, including the registration number of one employee’s vehicle. According to him, this suggests that the problem may extend beyond information already available on social media and raises questions about possible leaks from within the departments where Kashmiri Pandit employees work. He argued that the increasing presence of PM Package employees across government departments has made them more visible, but also potentially more vulnerable, particularly if confidential information is being accessed by people within or around those institutions. Tickoo questioned the government’s repeated attribution of the threats to an alleged Lashkar-e-Taiba offshoot without first establishing how such precise information is reaching those issuing the threats.

He also raised concerns about overground workers (OGWs) and the security network within government institutions. Referring to reports that hundreds of suspected OGWs had been re-arrested ahead of Independence Day, Tickoo drew a parallel with the 1990s and claimed that, based on his experience, people associated with overground militant networks have existed across different government departments. His concern, he said, is not about labelling individuals without evidence, but about the inability of ordinary employees to know who may have access to their personal information or who can potentially compromise their security. If the government says the threats originate from a LeT-linked group, he asked, how can it establish that conclusively rather than simply attribute every such incident to an organisation operating from across the border?

For Tickoo, the government’s handling of the work-from-home arrangement further demonstrates the problem. Even after the first threat letter, he said, there was no clear official communication informing Kashmiri Pandit employees that they could work from home. The decision was instead conveyed informally, with Independence Day security arrangements becoming an additional reason for employees to remain away from their workplaces. Now that the second letter has emerged, Tickoo said, there is again no clarity over whether employees are expected to return to their offices or continue working from home. “What now?” is the question confronting employees who have already been named and identified.

At the heart of Tickoo’s concern is what he describes as a security problem that may be internal as much as external. The government may identify a militant organisation behind the threats, but that does not answer how the names, phone numbers, residential addresses and even vehicle details of vulnerable employees are reaching those circulating the letters. Tickoo argues that the increasing visibility of Kashmiri Pandits employed across government departments under the PM Package must be accompanied by a corresponding system of protection and data security. Otherwise, the very employment programme intended to facilitate rehabilitation could make employees easier to identify and target.

He also questioned the repeated denial of threats by the Union government and the Lieutenant Governor’s administration since 2019. If authorities continue to insist that there is no broader threat to Kashmiri Pandits, Tickoo asks, how will the latest series of threats, the circulation of increasingly detailed personal information and the continuing fear among employees ever be addressed? For him, the issue is no longer simply whether another threat letter is genuine. It is whether the State is prepared to acknowledge the insecurity faced by the community—and take responsibility for making its promised return to the Valley genuinely safe.

Notably, in his conversation with Sabrang India after the first threat emerged, Tickoo had argued that the latest threat cannot be treated as an isolated incident. For him, the more troubling question is how personal information of Prime Minister’s Package employees continues to reach those issuing threats. Tickoo said that lists containing the names and details of package employees have been circulating on social media for years, including after the 2022 threats, and alleged that the information being used in the latest episode is drawn from the same publicly available lists.

He said the government must establish how such information is being accessed and circulated and why, despite repeated meetings with the Home Department since 2022, no effective solution has emerged. He also pointed to the contradiction at the heart of the rehabilitation policy: employees are expected to return to Kashmir and continue living and working in the Valley, but when threats emerge, they are asked to remain indoors or leave for safer locations. “If such situations happen, Kashmiri Pandits feel unsafe and then move out,” Tickoo said, arguing that they then risk losing the limited benefits attached to a package that requires them to continue living and working in the Valley.

He further questioned the absence of a formal government order directing employees to stay home, suggesting that authorities often avoid putting such decisions in writing because doing so would amount to acknowledging a security failure and could invite legal scrutiny. For Tickoo, the said episode is therefore not merely about another threat letter; it is about the erosion of confidence in the security establishment and the growing contradiction between asking Kashmiri Pandits to return and failing to make that return secure and sustainable.

The detailed report may be read here.

The issue is particularly sensitive because the targeted employees are not simply members of the Kashmiri Pandit community. They are among those who have returned to the Valley under the government’s rehabilitation and employment framework.

Around 6,000 Kashmiri Pandits have been provided government employment under the Prime Minister’s Special Employment Package, introduced in 2010 to facilitate the return and rehabilitation of those displaced from Kashmir following the outbreak of armed insurgency in 1990. The package was designed around the idea that employment could help facilitate the community’s return to the Valley. But the latest developments expose the vulnerability at the heart of that model.

Employees are encouraged to return to Kashmir to work. Yet when threats emerge, they are advised not to attend their workplaces, remain indoors or move to safer locations. Those specifically named in the threats have reportedly been shifted to Jammu. The contradiction is increasingly difficult to ignore: a policy premised on return cannot be sustained if returning employees repeatedly have to be evacuated for their own safety.

The shadow of 2022

The latest threats also carry the memory of the violence of 2022. That year, militants carried out a series of targeted attacks against Kashmiri Pandit employees, killing five. The attacks triggered prolonged protests by employees appointed under the Prime Minister’s Package, who demanded that they be transferred out of the Valley and posted in Jammu. The government did not agree to permanently transfer them to Jammu. Instead, employees were moved to locations in Srinagar and other parts of the Valley considered comparatively safer. The protests exposed a fundamental disagreement over the meaning of rehabilitation.

For the employees, safety was a precondition to remaining in Kashmir. For the government, continued employment in the Valley remained central to the rehabilitation framework. The latest threats have brought that unresolved tension back to the surface.

‘This threat should not be taken lightly’

The seriousness of the situation has also been acknowledged by the political leadership. After the first letter had surfaced, Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah had warned that the threats against Kashmiri Pandit employees could not be taken lightly, particularly given the history of targeted killings of minorities in the Valley.

He said that some employees had wanted to leave following the earlier threats but had effectively been confined to their camps for security reasons. According to NDTV, he called for action against those responsible and urged authorities to ensure the safety of Kashmiri Pandit employees.

National Conference president Farooq Abdullah, after the first threat, called for the Union Home Ministry to investigate the threats and questioned why Kashmiri Pandits have been specifically targeted when people of different faiths continue to live and work in Kashmir. He also questioned the use of social media to circulate the threats and asked who was behind the communications.

Security concerns are widening

The threats have emerged amid a broader deterioration in the security environment in parts of Kashmir. On July 22, a policeman was killed in Anantnag town after terrorists allegedly fired at him at close range. Nine days later, on July 31, two migrant workers from Chhattisgarh were killed at a brick kiln in Kulgam. The incidents have contributed to renewed concerns about the vulnerability of civilians, migrant workers and minorities.

The security environment has also affected the Amarnath Yatra. The pilgrimage began on July 3 and was scheduled to continue until August 28. The traditional Anantnag-Pahalgam route was suspended on July 23, while the Yatra was subsequently curtailed and suspended from August 9. Officials cited low pilgrim footfall, weather advisories and repair work on the tracks among the reasons for the changes. It is against this backdrop that the second threat letter has surfaced.

Related:

How Can Rehabilitation Work If We Are Not Safe?’ Sanjay Tickoo on the fresh threat to Kashmiri Pandit employees

This is what we feared: Sanjay Tickoo on the rising attacks in Kashmir since March

Pleas of non-migrant Kashmiri Pandits have fallen on deaf ears: Sanjay Tickoo

Time has come to go on fast unto death: Sanjay Tickoo

Kashmiri Pandit leader Sanjay Tickoo talks about Governor’s Rule in J&K

A Kashmiri Pandit fact-checks The Kashmir Files

10 reasons why Kashmiri Pandits feel betrayed in the Valley

The post ‘Wherever You Go, We are watching’: Second threat letter to Kashmiri Pandits appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Bengaluru, Aug. 18: “The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls being conducted in various states, including Karnataka, is not merely a process of revising electoral rolls. It is a ‘Nazi-Fascist project’ aimed at disenfranchising voters and implementing the NRC through the backdoor. It is being driven by political leaders who are behaving in a fascist manner,” said senior retired IAS officer M.G. Devasahayam, who has studied the SIR process in this special interview to Kannada daily, Vartabharati.

M.G. Devasahayam, a retired IAS officer and member of the Constitution Conduct Group, has extensive experience in electoral processes and the electoral reforms required in the country. He also played an important role in bringing to light issues related to alleged vote manipulation and vote theft during the 2024 elections. In an exclusive interview with Vartha Bharathi, he spoke about the SIR process being conducted in Karnataka and several other states.

Interviewer: What is the reason for such a large number of voters being deleted during the SIR process in Karnataka? Is the problem with the process itself or with the very concept behind SIR?

Devasahayam: “SIR is a fraud on the democratic process. The way it has been designed itself is not an honest process. The Election Commission has not properly designed an SIR in accordance with the rules, regulations and constitutional provisions. According to information revealed through the RTI, SIR was not decided upon by the Election Commission of India itself.

“They have openly said, ‘We did not decide this.’ If that is the case, perhaps political leaders such as the Home Minister decided it and imposed it on the Election Commission of India. In my opinion, the Chief Election Commissioner is someone who can easily succumb to political pressure, while the other two Election Commissioners exist only in name.

“Normally, all three are IAS officers. We know how IAS officers function. We know how a scheme is formulated, how its structure is designed and how it is subsequently implemented. SIR has not been properly designed, nor has its structure been properly worked out. It is now being implemented hurriedly and in an extremely improper manner.

“They wanted to bring the NRC—the National Register of Citizens. There were massive protests against it, so they had to withdraw it.

“There are two objectives behind conducting SIR. One is to implement the NRC through the backdoor using the Election Commission. The second is to disenfranchise people. Who are likely to be disenfranchised? Those who are not organised, minorities and people who do not have documents.

“Therefore, the entire process has been conducted in an extremely improper and bizarre manner. The objective is to disenfranchise as many people as possible who are less likely to vote for the ruling party and to implement the NRC through the backdoor.”

Interviewer: So, did they begin this process without framing any proper rules? Is the mapping under SIR constitutionally valid?

Devasahayam: “Yes. That is why there is complete confusion everywhere. Instead of adding voters, the process is resulting in people being excluded from the electoral rolls. Whenever any programme designed for the people is implemented, it must be practicable and capable of being implemented effectively.

“Do you have to link it to what happened in 2002–03? They are asking whether you were there in 2002, whether your parents were there, and to establish a relationship based on that. That was 23 years ago. How can this be done practically?

“For example, I am now 85 years old. I moved from Tamil Nadu to Bengaluru four years ago. Since I am no longer in Tamil Nadu, my name has been removed from the electoral roll there. But nobody here has contacted me. How am I supposed to prove where I was in 2002? I was in Chennai in 2002, and my parents are no longer alive. They died before 2003. Therefore, this mapping is a questionable process.

“Coming to the constitutional aspect, the Constitution guarantees universal adult suffrage. It must be an inclusive process. Every citizen who is eligible to vote must be included in the electoral roll. The right to vote is also a fundamental right and a human right. If there is serious doubt about whether someone is a citizen and it is proven that the person is not an Indian citizen by birth or through any other means, only then can that person be excluded from the electoral roll.

“Otherwise, I am an Indian citizen. I was born here about 85 years ago. I have been living here. I am an Indian citizen. Why should I have to prove it? What should I show to prove it? Since I am an educated person, I may have some certificates. But millions and crores of people do not have certificates. They do not have school certificates, degree certificates or other documents.

“This is a rotten fascist-Nazi project.”

“Another problem is that the entire process has been left completely in the hands of government officials. BLOs are lower-level government staff. The entire process has been placed in their hands. It has reached a stage where an Anganwadi worker is expected to determine whether you are a citizen or not, and whether you are a voter or not.

“The role of higher-level officials has been reduced to a mere formality. The entire process has been turned into a completely bureaucratic exercise. Shouldn’t there be verification and auditing for such a massive process? Even ordinary small-scale activities are subject to verification and audits. So, for such a huge process, there should be a social audit, as we suggested right from the beginning.

“Social audits are conducted at gram panchayats and ward levels in cities. People themselves should come together. The draft electoral roll should be placed before them. They know who is there and who is not.

“Who is best placed to know who lives in a village and who its citizens are? It is the people of that village. Therefore, a Gram Sabha should be convened. The draft electoral roll should be read out and the people should be asked, ‘This is the list we have prepared. Is it correct?’

“They may say, ‘This person does not live here; they have moved elsewhere.’ Then that person can be removed. At the same time, they may say, ‘This person has been living here for many years, but their name is not on the list.’ Then that person can be added.

“After that, the panchayat should sign off on it in an open meeting. Once it is approved, it should become the final electoral roll.”

Interviewer: But where do these BLOs go? Do they visit apartments?

Devasahayam: “For example, they have still not come to my apartment. There are about 90 homes in my apartment complex. I was told that the BLO came to the manager, sat there for a short while and left. But I did not receive an enumeration form. Now they may have deleted my name from the electoral roll or may not have included me. Across the country, more than 5–6 crore people have already been removed.

“I believe that around one crore people in Karnataka will be left out of the draft electoral roll.

“Now the question is: What kind of process should we call this? I believe even the Supreme Court approved this without properly understanding the issue. This rotten process should be stopped immediately and rejected completely. I do not even want to discuss this any further.”

Interviewer: In this situation, what would you like to tell the Karnataka government and the people?

Devasahayam: “After seeing the chaos in Bihar, West Bengal and other states, we expected that this would come to Karnataka as well. Therefore, we had taken precautionary measures. I was guiding people from civil society. I told them to demand a social audit. Karnataka is a suitable state for conducting a social audit because it has a strong tradition in the Panchayati Raj system.

“On the other hand, Karnataka also has a State Election Commission. Just like the Election Commission, it can also play a role in preparing a proper and credible electoral roll. Therefore, the process should be initiated through the State Election Commission, involving panchayats and ward committees. A proper social audit should be conducted through them.

“That would give people confidence. No one should be left out of the electoral roll. People should have the confidence that their vote exists. If someone has been removed, it must be ensured that it was done for a genuine and justifiable reason.

“We held a series of discussions with political leaders on this issue because political parties should have been involved. We had a meeting with the Deputy Chief Minister. He is now the Chief Minister. All of them said, ‘Yes, it is a good suggestion. We will do it.’

“In some villages, it was even implemented on a trial basis. A note was also prepared. But before taking the final decision, they said, ‘We have to get permission from the high command.’

“One of them went to Delhi with this proposal. But the high command sabotaged it. The Congress high command office is filled with RSS elements. I do not want to name them. Some of the people surrounding Rahul Gandhi are RSS agents. They immediately sabotaged the proposal. My allegation is that they have joined hands with the RSS to disenfranchise as many voters as possible.

“If the state governments had been given the freedom to take an independent decision, they might have done it. They could have passed a resolution and even amended the process to make social audits mandatory. But according to the information I have, the high command sabotaged it.

“The Congress is behaving very strangely on this issue. They too have joined hands with RSS elements. They have not put up any strong resistance on this issue. Their approach is one of verbal opposition but inaction in practice.

“As a result, lakhs and crores of people in Karnataka too are going to be deprived of their right to vote. This is not democracy. This is a fraud being carried out in the name of democracy. That is the reality.

“Civil society has done whatever it could. But political parties have abandoned the people in the worst possible manner. Whatever happens, civil society organisations must not abandon the people. They must continue to put pressure on the Congress government. Sooner or later, all of this will come to light.”

(The original of this interview was published in Kannada by Vartabharati. The original may be read here.)

Related:

‘Forum for Electoral Integrity’ petitions NHRC over mass voter disenfranchisement under SIR

The Bihar Verdict 2025: How an election was engineered before votes were cast

Civil society warns, Election Commission is “Undermining Democracy”

The post “SIR is a Nazi-Fascist Project:” M.G. Devasahayam appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The draft roll was handed over to representatives of recognised political parties at a meeting chaired by Punjab Chief Electoral Officer Anindita Mitra on August 13. Political parties were also briefed about the forms to be used during the claims and objections process.

Form 6 can be used for inclusion of names, Form 6A for enrolment of eligible overseas Indian voters, Form 7 for deletion of names and Form 8 for correction of entries or shifting of residence.

Nearly 20 lakh electors not covered by enumeration

According to officials, enumeration forms of nearly 1.94 crore (19.4 million) electors out of Punjab’s total electorate of around 2.14 crore (21.4 million) were collected and digitised during the house-to-house enumeration exercise. The remaining more than 20 lakh electors, accounting for 9.63 per cent of the total electorate, were categorised under the ASDD — absent, shifted, dead or duplicate — category.

The house-to-house enumeration exercise was conducted from June 25 to August 3 as part of the SIR process.

The categorisation of such a large number of electors means that the claims and objections period will be an important stage for voters who could not be covered during the enumeration exercise or whose names do not appear in the draft roll.

CEO asks electors to check names

The Punjab CEO’s office has asked electors to check their details in the published draft roll. The draft is available through the Chief Electoral Officer, Punjab website and the Election Commission’s voter services portal. A special camp was also organised at all polling booths on August 16 to help electors check their details and access electoral services. Booth Level Officers were made available at polling stations from 10 am to 1 pm for assistance.

Help desks have also been set up at the offices of District Election Officers and Electoral Registration Officers to facilitate access to the draft roll.

Citizens turning 18 by October 1, 2026 are eligible to seek enrolment, according to the CEO’s office.

Social media complaints point to difficulties during Punjab SIR enumeration

While official communication from the Punjab election authorities has highlighted voter assistance and arrangements made during the Special Intensive Revision (SIR), posts and replies on the official social media account of the Chief Electoral Officer, Punjab also contain complaints from electors about difficulties during the enumeration and verification process.

On August 14, a user, Rahul Dadhwal, complained that the information available to him was incorrect and that money had been spent without resolving the issue. He wrote: “Koi v information Sahi nahi kida check kariya, sab sada paisa waste” — “No information was correct. We checked everything, and all our money was wasted.”

Koi v information Sahi nahi kida check kariya , sab sada paisa waste .

— Rahul Dadhwal (@rahuldadhwal8) August 14, 2026

The post was subsequently followed by a response from the CEO Punjab office asking the user to share personal details and a brief description of the problem through direct message so that the concerned team could assist.

Thank you for contacting Office of Chief Electoral Officer, Punjab
Please DM your name, mobile number, District, Assembly Constituency, and a brief description of your issue. The concerned team will contact you for necessary assistance.

— Chief Electoral Officer, Punjab (@TheCEOPunjab) August 17, 2026

Other posts on the same official account also raised specific concerns about the enumeration exercise.

A user identifying himself as Aditya alleged that his mother, who is alive, had been marked as deceased and consequently removed from the Punjab SIR draft electoral roll. He claimed that she had filled and submitted the Enumeration Form and questioned how the error had occurred.

@TheCEOPunjab @ECISVEEP
My mother is alive,but her name has been removed from the Punjab SIR draft electoral roll by incorrectly marking her as deceased. She had duly filled and submitted the Enumeration Form as well.Was this done intentionally to remove voters?
EPIC: TXO3368289

— Aditya (@MunishK1007) August 15, 2026

Another user, posting on August 16, alleged that members of the public were facing harassment at the hands of Booth Level Officers (BLOs), whom the user described as inadequately trained.

Great harrasment of public at BLO hands they are not well trained @TheCEOPunjab

— noreligion (@nofoodsecurity) August 16, 2026

A separate complaint from a Ludhiana resident said that she had been living in the city for more than 25 years and had shifted her residence from Ludhiana North to Ludhiana West. She alleged that she was unable to obtain her EPIC number because no BLO was helping her and that the application was showing “NO RESULT FOUND”. The complaint was addressed to the Election Commission and Punjab election authorities.

Link: https://x.com/GoyelJ/status/2089030135123267590?s=20

The responses from the CEO Punjab account in these cases were similar, asking complainants to share their details privately so that the concerned team could examine the matter.

These exchanges do not, by themselves, establish whether the complaints were caused by errors in the SIR process, technical problems, mistakes during enumeration or other reasons. Nor do they establish the extent of such problems across Punjab. However, they provide examples of electors publicly reporting difficulties with identification, enumeration, BLO assistance and entries in the draft electoral roll.

The complaints are relevant to the SIR process because the exercise involves the verification of existing electors and preparation of the draft electoral roll. Errors in recording a voter’s status, difficulties in locating an EPIC number or problems in accessing BLO assistance can potentially affect an elector’s ability to verify their entry and raise a claim or objection within the prescribed period.

Claims and objections open until September 12

With the draft roll now published, voters have an opportunity to verify their names and particulars and seek corrections or inclusion where required.

Those whose names are missing can file claims along with the prescribed declaration and supporting documents until September 12. Electors can also use the prescribed forms to seek deletion of an ineligible entry, correction of details or shifting of their registration.

The process therefore moves into a crucial claims and objections stage, particularly for the more than 20 lakh electors who were not covered through collection and digitisation of enumeration forms. The final electoral roll will be prepared after the claims and objections received during this period are processed by the election authorities.

Related:

Punjab University’s former dean writes to CJI: Bihar SIR threatens democracy, alleges ECI overreach & voter disenfranchisement

Non-Electors within Electors: ECI reports over 61 lakh potential exclusions

Bihar’s untraceable electors spiral by 809% in just one day, ECI reports 1 lakh ‘missing’, 15 lakh Bihar voters yet to submit forms

SC: ECI’s ‘wisdom’ on revision of electoral rolls challenged, does a disenfranchisement crisis loom over Bihar, with thousands being declared ‘‘D’ (doubtful) voters?

The post Punjab SIR draft roll published; 20 lakh electors marked ASDD, claims open till September 12 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to the 10 am bulletin issued on the final day of the house-to-house enumeration exercise, 2, 07, 93,916 forms, or about 21.25 per cent of the state’s electorate, were in the uncollected category. The exercise ended at 5 pm on Monday, August 17, and the final figure could change after the remaining data is updated.

महाराष्ट्रातील मतदारनिहाय गणना अर्ज (EFs) यांच्या डिजिटायजेशन आणि ‘गणना अर्ज जमा न होणे’ची स्थिती – १७ ऑगस्ट २०२६
Maharashtra’s Status of Digitization and Uncollected of elector specific Enumeration Forms (EFs) – 17.8.2026

#SIR2026 #SIRMAHARASHTRA pic.twitter.com/2g1rZO3UQP

— ChiefElectoralOffice (@CEO_Maharashtra) August 17, 2026

The uncollected forms relate to voters whose details could not be verified through the enumeration process. Their absence from this category does not by itself establish that they are dead, have shifted permanently, are duplicate voters or are otherwise ineligible.

The Election Commission’s process requires voters whose forms were not collected to be dealt with separately in the draft roll. As a result, their names are unlikely to appear in the August 24 draft unless their enumeration status is updated before publication.

However, this would not amount to permanent deletion from the electoral roll. Voters whose names are missing from the draft will have from August 24 to September 23 to file claims or objections and seek inclusion or correction. The authorities will consider these applications before the final electoral roll is published on October 27.

An official reportedly told the media that the said voters should check the draft roll once it is published and submit a claim for inclusion if their names are missing. Eligible persons can also apply for inclusion during the claims and objections period. Indian Express quoted an official from the State Election Commission, saying that, “This is not permanent deletion from the electoral roll. The August 24 list is a draft, and being left out of it does not mean that an eligible voter has permanently lost the right to vote. Voters should check the draft roll on August 24. Those whose names are missing will have one month, from August 24 to September 23, to seek inclusion or correction. Eligible persons can apply for inclusion as voters during this period,” said an official.” However as stated earlier in the report, the onus now shifts from the SEC to the individually excluded voter.

The enumeration form is used to verify the details of an existing elector. During the SIR exercise, Booth Level Officers (BLOs) visited households with pre-filled forms, which were then collected for verification and digitisation.

A form could remain uncollected for several reasons. A voter may have moved to another address, may have been away when the BLO visited, or may not have been traceable at the address recorded in the electoral roll. Urban migration and frequent changes of residence have been cited by officials as some of the reasons for the higher numbers in cities.

The SIR exercise in Maharashtra began on June 30. The deadline for the house-to-house enumeration process was extended twice before the exercise concluded on Monday i.e. August 18, 2026.

राज्यात SIR अंतर्गत गृहभेटींनंतर गणना प्रपत्र दाखल करून घेण्याची प्रक्रिया पूर्ण झाली आहे. त्याबाबतचे प्रसिद्धीपत्रक @ECISVEEP pic.twitter.com/M6DrnFp7KK

— ChiefElectoralOffice (@CEO_Maharashtra) August 18, 2026

Urban districts account for a large share

The distribution of uncollected forms is uneven across Maharashtra. Four major urban districts — Thane, Mumbai City, Mumbai Suburban and Pune — together account for about 94.47 lakh uncollected forms.

That is around 45.4 per cent of all uncollected forms in the state, even though these four districts account for only about 27.5 per cent of Maharashtra’s electorate.

Thane has the largest number, with forms for 28.88 lakh of its 74.51 lakh voters remaining uncollected. This represents about 38.77 per cent of the district’s electorate.

Mumbai City recorded 9.60 lakh uncollected forms, or 37.57 per cent of its voters. Mumbai Suburban had 26.99 lakh, accounting for 34.48 per cent, while Pune had 28.99 lakh uncollected forms, or 31.92 per cent of its electorate.

The figures are also high in several other districts with significant urban and migrant populations. Nagpur had 14.06 lakh uncollected forms, representing 30.32 per cent of its electorate. In Palghar, 6.87 lakh forms, or 28.88 per cent, remained uncollected. Raigad recorded 5.91 lakh, or 23.33 per cent.

Together, Thane, Mumbai City, Mumbai Suburban, Pune, Nagpur, Palghar and Raigad account for around 1.21 crore uncollected forms, or nearly 58.3 per cent of the state-wide total. These districts, however, account for roughly 37 per cent of Maharashtra’s electorate.

Lower numbers in several rural districts

The pattern is markedly different in several rural districts. Hingoli had the lowest proportion among the districts cited, with forms for 8.82 per cent of voters remaining uncollected.

Buldhana recorded 9.10 per cent, while Ratnagiri had 9.93 per cent and Latur 10.62 per cent. The difference means that while nearly four out of every 10 voters in Thane had an uncollected form, the proportion in Hingoli was below one in 10.

The gap between urban and rural districts has raised attention to the challenges of conducting house-to-house verification in areas with high population mobility. In larger cities such as Mumbai, Thane and Pune, voters may frequently change residences without immediately updating their electoral details.

Number rose by 27 lakh in five days

The number of uncollected forms also increased sharply in the final days of the exercise. The figure stood at around 1.80 crore on August 12 and had risen to nearly 2.08 crore by Monday, an increase of about 27.3 lakh in five days.

At the time of the 10 am bulletin on Monday, around 1.08 lakh electors were still outside both the digitised and uncollected categories, with their status yet to be reflected in the data.

This essentially means that the 2.08 crore figure should be treated as the ‘bare minimum’ number of voters who could be left out of the August 24 draft based on the available bulletin. The final number may change after the remaining records are processed.

The publication of the draft roll on August 24 will therefore be the next major stage of the process. Voters will have one month after its publication to check their names and submit claims or objections where required.

The final electoral roll is scheduled to be published on October 27, after the claims and objections received during the intervening period are examined by the election authorities.

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Karnataka launches SIR with 5.5 crore voters, State Govt voices transparency concerns

The post Maharashtra SIR: 2.08 crore (20.8 million) voter forms “uncollected” hence may not be listed in August 24 draft electoral roll appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A very special memory, which exemplifies the kind of person that Sumit Sarkar was, bears repeating here. It shows us the multiple ways in which what we believe in can shape perceptions in everyday life and perhaps even alter public discourse.

The time and place was IIM Calcutta, where, maybe in 1999, I was one of three candidates who was called to the campus for the talk, and later interview, for the job of History Professor. My talk went well, I was told, and then it came to the interview. On that panel were many, including Sumit Sarkar and another very senior and highly respected historian. I cannot remember who else was on the panel. Many questions were asked, and I nervously answered them, to the best of my ability.

But then, I was suddenly asked, by that same senior historian, about my marital status, and whether I was hoping for the job to be with my partner. I was stunned, but before I could catch my breath, Sumit Sarkar told the panel that these were not fair or appropriate questions to ask, and the matter ended there.

I did not get that job after all, ranking only number 2 in the list. But I will cherish this memory of someone who stood for the right of women not to be asked questions that would never have been asked of a man.

And I wish I had cultivated the same courage in all the positions that I later came to occupy. I cannot say I have.

Ways of Historical Thinking: Sumit Sarkar, his times and legacies

I did not have the good fortune of being taught by Sumit Sarkar. But like every (conscientious) modern Indian historian, I have indeed been ‘taught’ by him. His classic, Modern India, modestly described as a ‘textbook ’, is perhaps the most well-thumbed of my many books. Here, along with colonial masters and nationalist leaders, peasants, workers and ordinary people sprang from its pages. This was no simple inclusion: it was a conceptual break, altering our understanding of Indian history in profound ways, acknowledging the lives and actions of millions, even their failures, as the true basis on which to understand our past. But political leaders, their actions, and the periodisations familiar to students of history could not be dispensed with altogether. Therefore, the book, despite its emphasis on the novel breakthroughs of a ‘history from below’, was sandwiched ‘between the foundation of the Indian National Congress in 1885 and the achievement of independence in August 19 47’ since those sixty years ‘witnessed perhaps the greatest transition in our country’s long history’. In one memorable sentence, he signalled the
many unfulfilled promises of Indian nationalism: thus, the Mahatma succeeded in
‘drawing in the masses, while at the same time keeping mass activity strictly pegged down
to certain forms predetermined by the leader.’

Let me not dwell on the gaping hole that Sumit Sarkar’s demise had left among Indian
historians, and focus instead on the riches he has left us. His book, Swadeshi Movement in
Bengal, on Bengal’s (first) partition of 1905, and the nationalist movement that it spawned,
was full of methodological innovations, using plays, novels, newspapers, pamphlets in
addition to the more familiar colonial archive. These materials led him to ask questions
that often led to ambiguous or unsatisfactory answers. Educated unemployment and
rising prices surely fuelled the anger against the Bengal partition. But the pride-inducing
victory of a little ‘eastern’ nation, Japan, over a powerful ‘western’ neighbour, Russia, — the
Russo Japanese war of 1904-5 – also played its part, despite a relative ignorance in India of emerging critiques of imperialism elsewhere.

Sarkar also asked himself: how could a Swadeshi editorial in the Bande Mataram praise, in
the same breath, both the labour movement and the caste system, the latter for having had ‘the true socialistic aim of keeping awake in every class of the society a sense of duty to it’ ?

Or, as he would ask later, what drew upper caste men to revolutionary terrorism in Bengal,
and why has that memory endured longer than those of tribal or lower caste participants?
Sarkar was among the earliest of historians to unpack how ‘Hindu’ nationalism gradually
became ‘common sense’, with consequences up to the present day.

Sarkar’s task was to break out of the economic determinism and narrow positivism that
was the hallmark of Marxist scholarship at the time. But the work remains unsurpassed,
since it upholds the protocols of historical research, the verifiability of evidence, and as he
said, ‘the constant knowledge that my conclusions remain open to revision and change.’

Would a revised Modern India, that more correctly reflects the scholarship of the last four
decades — as many regions, social groups, practices, and events have found their historians – be at all possible in our times?

How were material conditions and cultural forms to be integrated within a structured totality? Sarkar’s companion volume Modern Times brought culture and other histories – of the city for instance, or of print media or caste – to the foreground, to understand the subaltern on her own terms. His Marxism did not come in the way of engaging with what Ranajit Guha has called the oldest (and richest) archive in India: religion. He read religion, but not as a believer; not to denigrate but to connect the celestial world to its earthly presence in meaningful ways.

In fact, Marxism enabled his interest in the nineteenth-century mystic (and rustic) Hindu
thinker Ramakrishna Paramhansa, and the petty-bourgeois, clerical ambience within
which he operated, which gave his philosophy its force and material influence, especially
among the emerging, well read, urban middle class. That contradiction needed to be
explained. Sarkar linked the belated entry of clock-time into India, and the disciplinary
mechanisms it generated, to the slavery of clerical labour, which paved the way for the
reception of Ramakrishna. Ramakrishna’s ‘success’ and Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar’s
‘failures’ were equally processes that he critically examined.

Sarkar showed us the true meaning of engaged scholarship: when India was stunned in
1992 by the shock troops of the BJP and RSS that brought down the Babri Masjid, Sarkar
and his colleagues produced a short but vital book called Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags. It
was the first serious historical reconstruction (based also on sensitive fieldwork) of what
the RSS had become, the most formidable force on the Indian political firmament.
Certainly the young people who have today given us a ray of hope should place this book at
the top of their reading lists.

Sumit Sarkar, in both his writing and his political positions, was unafraid to confront the
official left and its surrender to global capital, as at Nandigram and Singur. He would have
been the first to admit that proletarians have not been the grave diggers of capitalism,
though he welcomed those historians who showed renewed interest in labour and working
class history. I was personally honoured when this remarkable historian included me in
his review of five such books. But more striking was his intellectual openness: his choices
‘provincialised’ Bengal, by acknowledging the worlds and questions that lay well beyond it
– Kanpur, Jamshedpur, KGF, Bombay, the railway works. At a time when ‘everyone’
is a historian, and we are being trained in thinking of history only as ‘pride’ in the past, we will miss complex thinkers like Sumit Sarkar even more, for his passing no doubt signals the end of an era.

(The author is the professor (retd.), Centre for Historical Studies, JNU, New Delhi)

The post Sumit Sarkar: Engaged scholarship, ways of historical thinking, an enduring legacy appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In a conversation with Sabrang India, Sanjay Tickoo, president of the Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Samiti (KPSS), said the latest incident must be understood against the backdrop of targeted killings, repeated security concerns and what he described as a persistent failure to address vulnerabilities faced by Kashmiri Pandit employees.

The immediate trigger is a purported threat letter circulated online in the name of the United Liberation Council (ULC), which warned Kashmiri Pandits working in the Valley to “change their ways” and published the names and phone numbers of employees. Police are reportedly verifying the authenticity of the letter, while security officials have suggested that the group could be a front or shadow organisation of Lashkar-e-Taiba.

According to The Indian Express, six employees, all from the Revenue Department, were named in the letter. The newspaper reported that departments, particularly the Revenue Department and School Education Department, had informally asked Kashmiri Pandit employees to remain at home or take leave, although the Director of School Education denied that any formal instructions had been issued. The New Indian Express likewise reported that Pandit employees had been asked to work from home for some time.

The detailed report may be read here.

Tickoo, however, argues that the immediate controversy over the letter obscures a much deeper problem.

A threat that cannot be seen in isolation

According to Tickoo, targeted killings of Kashmiri Pandits began to re-emerge as a serious concern from 2021 onwards. On October 5, 2021, prominent Kashmiri Hindu pharmacist Makhan Lal Bindroo was shot dead inside his pharmacy in Srinagar. Two days later, on October 7, Supinder Kour, a government school principal, and Deepak Chand, a teacher at the same school, were shot dead inside the school premises in Srinagar’s Eidgah area. These killings were part of a broader spate of targeted attacks against civilians, including Kashmiri Pandits and non-local workers. Government data recorded four Kashmiri Pandits among those killed by terrorists in 2021, further deepening the sense of vulnerability among the community and raising renewed questions over the security of those living and working in the Valley. The killings generated widespread fear within the community and renewed concerns over whether Kashmiri Pandits working in the Valley could be adequately protected.

The security environment subsequently intensified, with security forces conducting anti-militancy operations and authorities questioning individuals suspected of having links with militant networks, including alleged overground workers.

But for employees under the Prime Minister’s employment package, the problem was not limited to attacks themselves. The availability and circulation of personal information of employees became a recurring security concern. Around 6,000 Kashmiri Pandits have received government employment under the Prime Minister’s Special Rehabilitation and Employment Package, introduced in 2010 as part of the government’s effort to facilitate the return and rehabilitation of Kashmiri Pandits displaced from the Valley following the outbreak of militancy and the mass displacement of the community in the 1990s.

The employment package was premised on an important condition: beneficiaries were expected to work in the Valley. But, as Tickoo points out, the same requirement that forms the basis of the rehabilitation policy also leaves employees particularly vulnerable when security deteriorates.

The lists that keep resurfacing

This is not the first time the publication of employee details has raised alarm. In December 2022, Kashmiri Pandit employees protested after a purported hit list released by The Resistance Front (TRF) named 56 Kashmiri Pandits working in the Valley under the Prime Minister’s Rehabilitation Package. The employees demanded a high-level investigation into how official information identifying them had reached a militant organisation.

At the time, the employees were already protesting outside the Relief Commissioner’s office in Jammu following the targeted killing of Rahul Bhat in Chadoora on May 1, 2022.

The concern was straightforward: if the State had collected the personal information of employees for the purposes of rehabilitation and employment, how was that information reaching organisations issuing threats against them? Tickoo told Sabrang India that the problem has never really been resolved. According to him, lists containing details of Prime Minister’s Package employees have continued to circulate publicly on social media.

He believes the same publicly available information is now being exploited again. Tickoo said that while a larger list of around 20 employees is allegedly available on social media, the latest threat letter specifically identified seven employees with their full names and phone numbers. This differs from reports in The Indian Express, which identified six employees named in the purported letter.

For Tickoo, the issue is therefore not simply the existence of a threatening poster. It is how such specific personal information continues to become available in the first place. “How are these posters being posted on social media?” is the question he says the government must answer. More importantly, he asks, who is providing private information about government employees to those circulating the threats?

‘Since 2022, meetings have resulted in nothing’

Tickoo said the issue has repeatedly been raised with the government. According to him, several meetings have taken place with the Secretary of the Home Department since 2022, but they have not resulted in any meaningful resolution of the concerns raised by Kashmiri Pandit employees.

The latest episode comes after a period in which violence and insecurity have again been building in parts of Kashmir. Tickoo referred to the recent killing of a policeman in Anantnag and the subsequent killing of two migrant workers in Kulgam. The Wire reported the killing of policeman Ashiq Hussain Qureshi in Anantnag on June 22 while he was deployed for Amarnath Yatra duty, followed by the July 31 killing of two migrant workers from Chhattisgarh at a brick kiln in Kulgam.

The sequence, Tickoo argues, has heightened apprehension that further attacks could take place, including against minorities and migrant workers. For him, the responsibility ultimately rests with the government. Tickoo described the situation as a security lapse on the part of either the Union government or the Jammu and Kashmir administration, while expressing frustration that neither level of government has accepted responsibility.

When security concerns undermine rehabilitation

The contradiction at the heart of the Prime Minister’s Package is difficult to ignore. The government encourages displaced Kashmiri Pandits to return to the Valley and provides employment as part of its rehabilitation programme. Yet when security threats emerge, the immediate response is reportedly to ask those very employees to stay indoors or remain away from work.

That contradiction has existed for years. In 2022, after a series of targeted killings, Kashmiri Pandit employees staged a prolonged protest and demanded transfers outside Kashmir. The Indian Express reported that employees protested for around 350 days and sought permanent relocation to Jammu. The government rejected the demand and instead relocated some employees to areas considered safer within the Valley.

Tickoo argues that the latest episode risks producing the same outcome: employees who have been asked to return to Kashmir are once again made to feel that their presence there is unsafe. And the consequences extend beyond the immediate threat.

According to Tickoo, when employees leave the Valley because they feel unsafe, they risk losing the benefits attached to the rehabilitation package because those benefits are linked to their continuing residence and employment in Kashmir.

In other words, the employee is caught between two vulnerabilities: remaining in Kashmir despite a credible fear for personal safety, or leaving and potentially jeopardising the very rehabilitation benefits that were meant to facilitate their return.

‘They cannot simply return to work’

The latest threat has also created a practical problem for the employees whose names and numbers were published. Tickoo said that once an individual’s identity and telephone number have been publicly circulated alongside a threat, simply telling that person to return to work does not address the fear created by the threat.

The issue is particularly serious, he argues, because several of the employees named in the latest poster work in departments where their official responsibilities may place them in contact with people who have vested interests in government enforcement.

Tickoo specifically referred to employees working in Regional Transport Offices and alleged that private agents operating around these offices had historically relied on bribery to obtain driving licences and vehicle fitness certificates. According to him, the arrival of Kashmiri Pandit employees under the Prime Minister’s Package and their adherence to official procedures had disrupted such practices. He alleged that this could be one reason why employees working in these positions had become targets.

These claims are Tickoo’s allegations and would require independent investigation. But they point towards another dimension of the controversy: whether threats against government employees are connected not only to their identity as Kashmiri Pandits, but also to the particular government functions they perform.

The problem of the ‘unofficial’ order

Another striking feature of the present episode is the absence of a formal government order. The Indian Express reported that departments had verbally instructed Kashmiri Pandit employees to remain at home, while the Director of School Education publicly denied issuing such instructions. The Wire similarly reported that employees had received work-from-home directions through departmental or internal channels, without a publicly available formal order.

Tickoo says this informality is not accidental. According to him, governments in Kashmir often avoid issuing formal orders in such situations because an official directive to keep an entire section of employees away from their workplaces would amount to an acknowledgement that the security establishment has failed to protect them.

He also argues that a formal order could invite judicial scrutiny, particularly if employees are effectively prevented from discharging their duties because of their identity. The result, he says, is a system of verbal instructions in which everyone understands what is expected, but nobody formally accepts responsibility for the decision.

The question of the source

For Tickoo, the publication of phone numbers is perhaps the most troubling aspect of the latest episode. He questioned how individuals operating underground could obtain such specific information and circulate it publicly. He also questioned whether the source of the information could be traced and why the authorities had not yet established who was behind the dissemination of the posters.

The question is particularly significant because the purported threat does not merely make a general warning against a community. It identifies individuals. That transforms the issue from a broad security concern into a question of data security, official confidentiality and institutional responsibility. If employee lists are available openly on social media, the government must establish how they reached the public domain, whether official databases were compromised, whether the information was leaked deliberately or inadvertently, and whether those responsible for the disclosure can be identified.

Without such an investigation, the cycle is likely to repeat.

A growing lack of faith

Tickoo also spoke of what he described as a wider erosion of faith in the security establishment. According to him, people in Kashmir have been warning the Union government for the last three to four years that something appeared to be building up. Those concerns, he believes, have not received adequate attention. The latest threat therefore carries significance beyond the employees reportedly named in it.

If employees believe that their personal details can be obtained, that threats can be issued against them, and that the government response will be to ask them to remain indoors rather than identify the source of the threat, confidence in the security system inevitably weakens. For the Kashmiri Pandit community, this is particularly consequential because rehabilitation itself depends on a measure of trust.

Rehabilitation cannot mean confinement

The contradiction becomes even sharper against the backdrop of public celebrations and government campaigns in the Valley. The Wire reported heightened security arrangements ahead of Independence Day, including additional checkpoints, frisking, night patrols and surveillance. At the same time, authorities and BJP workers have been organising Tiranga rallies, cultural programmes, sporting events and other public activities as part of the Har Ghar Tiranga–Vande Mataram campaign.

Tickoo questions the contrast. If a minority community is being informally asked to remain indoors because of security threats, he asks, how can the government simultaneously claim that normalcy has been restored and organise public celebrations across the Valley?

For him, the issue is not opposition to public celebrations. It is the contradiction between projecting normal public life and privately instructing a vulnerable section of the population to restrict its movement. The question is ultimately one of whose normalcy is being protected.

‘Why are the Pandits still suffering?’

Tickoo’s larger argument is that the government cannot continue treating every such episode as an isolated security incident. The latest threat may be attributed to a purported militant organisation. The police may establish that the letter is genuine or fabricated. The perpetrators may eventually be identified—or they may not. But, Tickoo argues, the underlying problem remains.

Over the past several years, Kashmiri Pandit employees have faced targeted killings, threats, protests, demands for transfers, security restrictions and repeated uncertainty over whether they can safely continue working in the Valley.

A rehabilitation policy that requires employees to live and work in Kashmir cannot succeed merely by providing employment. It must also ensure that they can move freely, access public spaces, perform their jobs and live ordinary lives without being forced into periodic confinement because of their identity.

The latest threat therefore raises questions that go beyond the purported organisation behind the poster. Who has access to the employees’ personal information? Why have repeated concerns about leaked lists not produced a satisfactory answer? Why are employees once again being asked to stay indoors instead of being given a transparent security assessment? And how long can a rehabilitation policy function if its beneficiaries repeatedly feel compelled to leave the Valley for their own safety?

For Tickoo, the larger failure is one of accountability. He argues that when security lapses occur, the State can point towards an organisation, a militant network or actors across the border. But if threats are able to reach identifiable employees and disrupt their everyday lives, the State must also account for the security failures within its own institutional framework.

The danger, he says, is that anyone could claim to represent a fabricated organisation, circulate threats and create fear and disruption, while the government simply attributes the episode to forces operating from across the border. That, however, does not answer the question of how the information reached them. Nor does it answer the question of why, after years of assurances and repeated meetings, Kashmiri Pandit employees continue to feel that their return to the Valley comes with an unresolved risk.

The latest threat letter may disappear from social media. The informal work-from-home instructions may eventually be withdrawn. Employees may be asked to return to their offices. But unless the questions around security, accountability and leaked personal information are answered, the larger problem will remain: a community encouraged to return in the name of rehabilitation, but repeatedly reminded that its safety in the Valley remains uncertain.

Related:

This is what we feared: Sanjay Tickoo on the rising attacks in Kashmir since March

Pleas of non-migrant Kashmiri Pandits have fallen on deaf ears: Sanjay Tickoo

Time has come to go on fast unto death: Sanjay Tickoo

Kashmiri Pandit leader Sanjay Tickoo talks about Governor’s Rule in J&K

A Kashmiri Pandit fact-checks The Kashmir Files

10 reasons why Kashmiri Pandits feel betrayed in the Valley

The post ‘How Can Rehabilitation Work If We Are Not Safe?’ Sanjay Tickoo on the fresh threat to Kashmiri Pandit employees appeared first on SabrangIndia.

These rising classes, coming up due to industrialisation, communication and modern education, looked forward to a country where  an inclusive nationalism will ensure the peace and progress of the country. Class-wise this was a broad generalization,  while few exceptions were scattered here and there. To oppose or ignore these trends towards modern India, we also had the declining sections of earlier rulers/dominant sections of society who were steeped in the feudal values of hierarchy of caste and gender. Those; who were rooted in the values of patriarchy and glorified the times when the values of Kingdoms/feudalism prevailed. They mostly opposed the freedom movement and insisted on ‘glorious ancient’ times.

They imposed a method of looking backwards while walking forwards. These tendencies came from the landlords. Kings etc. who were scared of the ripples of empowerment of workers/Dalits/women and Adivasis. They typically glorified their kings of their religion and the social values related to those times. The Muslim League had mainly support from the nawabs and Landlords, while Hindu Mahasabha-RSS had supporters from Rajas, Landlords and clerics. They opposed the emerging values of democratic society, modern education for all and struggle against the British. These tendencies regarded religion as the base of Nation, well-articulated by Savarkar in his book, Hindutva or ‘Who is a Hindu’. This was a painful counter to the ongoing anti-British struggle of the national movement. The partition of the country on the basis of religion was the biggest stab in the back of Indian Nationalism.

The Constituent Assembly well represented the diversity of the country. Ambedkar who had burnt Manu smriti was asked to chair the crucial drafting committee. Soon after the Constitution was formed, the RSS mouthpiece Organiser came with a scathing criticism of this on the grounds that it does not have the ancient values of Manu smriti. The images of Ambedkar and Nehru were burnt by these elements.

The independent India had the twin leadership of Nehru-Patel, both staunch followers of Gandhi. While Patel successfully integrated most of the Princely states, Nehru implemented the vision of Modern India by ensuring that the Constitution is implemented in letter and spirit. ‘One person One Vote’ was implemented successfully and roots of democracy were planted deep with Nehru’s undying faith in democracy and secularism, which in a way are twins. His plan of Modern education (IITs, IIMs, AIIMS to name a few) laying the foundation of the public sector, focus on irrigation and implementation of reservation policy did ensure some march towards equality. Some commentators who compare Pakistan and India’s plight a few decades earlier stated that India’s achievements and Pakistan’s failure (In education, industrialization) can also be attributed to many factors, but the central factor was the presence of Jawaharlal Nehru in India.

Now from the last few decades the rise of Hindu right wing, RSS and its progeny have changed the direction of national goals and ideas. Now authoritarian politics in the name of Hindu religion is taking the CenterStage, and has undermining the idea of India which emerged during our freedom movement. Those who were standing on the by lanes and opposing the freedom movement and its values of inclusion and equality of all are now dominating and the development of the country has come to a halt. The walls of hate against religious minorities are out to demolish the values of fraternity in our society. The recently held movement against the failure of the examination system has definitely broken the arrogance of this regime, but the direction and goals of Hindu nationalism are very much intact. The battle to restore our democratic spirit and values of the Indian constitution needs a protracted and long struggle.

RSS combine has sowed hatred very deep in the society, it has also infiltrated all the facets of Indian state. The dissatisfaction due to its policies has peaked and surfaced strongly with the Cockroach movement. This has ensured that the inhibition imposed by the ‘elected autocratic’ regime may loosen up a bit for the time being. The deeper wound inflicted by the RSS combine may not be easily overcome. It has affected the body politics in a very deep manner. A regime change from the one committed to Hindu nationalism to the one devoted to the Indian Constitution is what is needed in the due course. The false hood-based narratives which have made a place in popular understanding need to be countered by the narratives built around love and friendship of Indian people from centuries, the narratives around which Bose, Gandhi, Patel and Nehru strove to instil them among the in the Indian people. The Jantar mantar phenomenon is the first step towards recovering India’s being as the centuries old civilization struggling to make its deserving place in the comity of nations.

The condition of minorities needs to be brought to the level of ‘equal citizenship’. The Authoritarianism of the Government needs to be undone and we need to resume nation building on a rational and scientific basis. The Jantar mantar initiative is just the beginning, a long way to go to restore the dreams of Gandhi and Ambedkar, Bhagat Singh and Subhash Bose, Maulana Azad and Sardar Patel. Wishing all a happy Independence Day.

Related:

Sharia, Manusmriti or the Indian Constitution

Identity issue to the fore: Vande Mataram controversy

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