In these places, people from diverse backgrounds and different faiths stepped forward to actively participate in local customs that have been preserved for generations.

Uttar Pradesh: a Dalit family’s 35-year-old Muharram tradition in Balrampur

In Chahatwa village, under the Gumdi Gram Panchayat in the Shridattganj block of Balrampur district, Uttar Pradesh, a unique tradition has been alive for over 35 years. Here, a Dalit Hindu family prepares and installs a Tazia every single year for Muharram. The tradition started with the family elder, Asharam. It was later passed down to his son, Shiv Prasad, and is now being carried forward by his grandson, Kamal Kanojia. Three generations of this family have kept the practice going without a single break, making it a key part of the village’s Muharram activities.

The dedication of the family has been covered by local journalists and media platforms, showing how a personal family promise turned into a symbol of community unity.

35 साल से मुहर्रम पर ताजिया रख रहा बलरामपुर का दलित परिवार, बना सांप्रदायिक सौहार्द की मिसाल –#BreakingNews #Muharram #Dalit https://t.co/MrNL20PFiT

— Journo Mirror (@JournoMirror) June 29, 2026

According to Kamal Kanojia, the practice started because of a personal milestone. Decades ago, the elders made a vow to honour a special family wish. When that wish came true, they promised to install a Tazia every year during the holy month of Muharram. Since then, the family has followed this custom with deep faith, as reported by Dainik Bhaskar.

Every year, the Kanojia family works together to build the Tazia. Once it is ready, people from nearby villages visit Chahatwa to see it and pay their respects. What began as a private family vow has grown into a major regional event that brings different communities together.

Asharam often tells visitors that the family believes this tradition brings peace, blessings, and well-being to their home. His son, Shiv Prasad, agrees, noting that the family saw good changes in their farming, business, and daily life after starting this practice. For them, continuing the custom is a way to respect their elders’ faith and keep the village’s identity alive. Local neighbours say the family is a living example of how mutual respect keeps harmony alive in rural areas, as reported

Bihar: a century-old legacy led by a Hindu family in east Champaran

In Bihar’s East Champaran district, the village of Patahi has followed a unique Muharram tradition for more than a century. As soon as the month of Muharram begins, the entire village gets ready. The most unique part of the procession is that it is led by members of the Singh family, who are Hindus.

For generations, this family has held the responsibility of leading the Tazia procession through the village streets. The community spirit of this annual event has been recorded on video, showing the close bonds between the neighbours.

During Muharram, the courtyard of Shiv Shankar Singh’s house becomes the main centre for preparations. Family members gather to build and decorate the Tazia before taking it out through the village. As the procession moves along, participants perform traditional lathi (bamboo staff) displays to remember the historic events of Karbala. Shah Mohammed, a resident of nearby Padumker village, remembers watching the Singh family lead the procession every year of his life. Other locals also see the family as an essential part of the town’s history, as reported

When asked how it all started, current members of the Singh family say the exact details have been lost over time. However, they know the practice dates back to their great-grandfather, Devi Singh, during British rule. Back then, official permits were needed for public processions, and the license for this Muharram event was issued directly in the name of the Singh family.

Today, the younger generation hopes to keep this tradition alive for years to come. One family member shared that while people may follow different religions in private, when they stand together for the procession, they represent the true spirit of India.

Bihar: crafting traditions in Gaya’s Atri village

In Atri village of Bihar’s Gaya district, community cooperation is visible through local art. During Muharram this year, five out of the seven Tazias in the village’s main procession were built and carried by local Hindu families. According to village elders, these families are simply following a practice they inherited from their ancestors. Making a Tazia takes time, patience, and team effort. Families spend several days shaping bamboo frames, cutting colored paper, and assembling the decorative structures.

Even though the event marks an important chapter in Islamic history, participation in Atri goes beyond just one community. Residents describe it as a normal, long-standing social tradition rather than something unusual. For these families, building the Tazia is a shared responsibility passed down from one generation to the next.

Madhya Pradesh: five generations of devotion in Vidisha

In the town of Vidisha, Madhya Pradesh, the Kushwaha family is central to the annual Muharram activities. For decades, this Hindu family has served at the shrine of Bawdi Waale Baba, which sits right across from a Hanuman temple in Khai Mohalla. Because the shrine and the temple face each other, people regularly visit both places to pay respects, showing the shared heritage of the town.

Every year during Muharram, the Kushwahas manage the arrangements for the Baba’s procession. Today, the fifth generation of the family is continuing this work with deep dedication. The sacred symbol of the Baba is carried on the head of the oldest male member of the family. Decorated with fresh flowers and garlands, the symbol is carried through the main market, drawing thousands of people from Vidisha and nearby areas.

“I have seen my elders serving Baba since I was a child, and the same tradition continues today. There was a time when our family was very poor, but our service never stopped. With Baba’s blessings, our family prospered, and today our children and grandchildren are carrying on this legacy.” — Chhoti Bai Kushwaha, oldest family member. As a report in ETV.

Bihar: a century of unity in Gurdaspur, Begusarai

While news stories about unity often focus on big cities, the small village of Gurdaspur in Bihar’s Begusarai district has spent nearly a century showing how brotherhood works in daily life. The Hindu and Muslim residents of this village, which has about 500 families, celebrate Muharram together as one large family.

For nearly 100 years, a small village in Bihar has quietly done what the rest of the country still struggles to achieve.

Every Muharram, Hindus and Muslims come together to keep an extraordinary tradition alive.

The story of Gurdaspur, Begusarai, is one every Indian should… pic.twitter.com/XabdDJDlVK

— FOEJ Media (@FoejMedia) June 26, 2026

The foundation of this tradition was laid by the late Bal Govind Mahto. Decades ago, he became the President of the Muharram Committee and took care of all the arrangements. From the first day of Muharram to the tenth day (Ashura), he managed the rituals and got the official permits for the procession. When he grew old, he handed the responsibility to his grandson, Vishnudev Mahto, who served the committee for nearly 30 years. Today, his nephew, Pankaj Kumar Mahto, carries on the work.

Evolution of the Gurdaspur Muharram committee Leadership

The ritual side of this tradition has also been kept alive by a local woman named Kushma Devi. The daughter of Bal Govind Mahto, she performed the Muharram rituals with care for years. When her health declined, she passed the duties to her daughter, Urmila Devi. Today, along with her daily housework, Urmila Devi performs all the traditional ceremonies from the first to the tenth of Muharram according to local customs.

Assam and Jammu & Kashmir: regional expressions of solidarity

Further east, in the tea town of Margherita in Assam, Muharram draws many different communities together. The annual procession sees active participation from local Muslim families, Assamese Hindus, Bengali residents, and tribal communities living near the tea estates. The procession moves through the green landscape with local instruments, making the day a shared reflection on justice and regional unity.

Meanwhile, in Srinagar, Jammu & Kashmir, Muharram focuses on community service and mutual support. Along with the traditional mourning processions, people from different communities work together to set up Sabeels (free stalls offering water, milk, and tea) for the public.

Joint blood donation camps are also organised across the city, where youth from various backgrounds donate blood side by side to honor the message of humanity.

Shared traditions passed across generations

The long-standing Muharram traditions across India show that harmony is kept alive through the simple, daily actions of regular families. Whether it is the Kanojia family in Uttar Pradesh keeping a 35-year vow, the Singh family in East Champaran holding a century-old license, the Kushwahas in Vidisha managing a shrine, or the Mahto family in Begusarai leading a committee, these practices continue because of mutual respect.

By treating these customs as a shared responsibility, these villages have kept close ties over the years. Passed down from parents to children, these old rituals continue to thrive, showing that respect and humanity are the true elements of their shared culture. Given the high voltage hate generated by politicians and political outfits holding power, this simple yet powerful assertion by ordinary Indians stands out. And sends a strong message.

Related:

Hindus, Muslims Unite to Protect Rajasthan Border Mosques

When Citizens Say No: The quiet revolt against hate in India’s streets

CJP’s 2025 intervention against ‘Digital Hate’: Holding television news channels accountable before the NBDSA

The post Shared Muharram Heritage: Hindus lead Tazias, Sikhs serve water appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This grassroots movement emerged as a direct response to a vast administrative anti-encroachment campaign officially designated as “Operation Sweep.” The Rajasthan’s Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP)-ruled state government’s demolition drive had recently resulted in the demolition of several Islamic religious structures i.e. Mosques/Madrasas and the issuance of hundreds of legal eviction notices to such, reportedly without providing any reasonable opportunity of hearing. In response to these administrative actions, the assembled protesters submitted formal memorandums to local authorities, demanding an immediate suspension of the demolition drive and strict adherence to established legal processes, and the prevention of alleged selective communal targeting of minority religious sites.

सर्व धर्म शांति सभा, बाड़मेर।
“जहाँ सत्य, अहिंसा और धर्म का पग-पग लगता डेरा,
वो भारत देश है हमारा…”
सर्व धर्म शांति सभा में शामिल होकर आपसी भाईचारे, सामाजिक सौहार्द, संविधान के सम्मान और देश की एकता-अखंडता का संदेश दिया।
हमारी विविधता ही हमारी सबसे बड़ी ताकत है। सभी धर्मों, सभी… pic.twitter.com/1SqELVvewY

— Ummeda Ram Beniwal (@UmmedaRamBaytu) June 26, 2026

Background

The tensions in the region originated from a large-scale anti-encroachment and security drive initiated by the Rajasthan government in coordination with border security agencies. This enforcement campaign, named “Operation Sweep,” that began on spans a massive 1,050-kilometer border belt that physically separates India from Pakistan. Pursuant to directions issued by the Union Home Ministry, a joint team comprising the district administration, police, and the Border Security Force (BSF) undertook an operation concerning “alleged illegal constructions within 15 kilometres of the India–Pakistan border in Rajasthan’s Barmer district”, from June 18, 2026 onwards.

Rajasthan Bulldozer Action: Barmer में Operation Clean के तहत Ind-Pak सीमा की मस्जिद पर गरजा बुलडोजर #Rajasthan #BulldozerAction #OperationClean #LatestNews pic.twitter.com/PZHZMN0FxK

— Punjab Kesari (@punjabkesari) June 22, 2026

The operation covers four major administrative districts that contain significant Muslim populations, namely Barmer, Jaisalmer, Bikaner, and Sri Ganganagar. The state government and the associated security apparatus classified the drive as a highly necessary procedural measure designed to clear unauthorised constructions and reinforce critical security infrastructure within a highly sensitive strategic military corridor. However, the execution of these orders quickly drew allegations of systemic bias from local communities.

According to precise data released on dated June 23, 2026 during a press conference by the Association for Protection of Civil Rights (APCR), approximately three hundred and fifty mosques and various Islamic religious structures situated across these four border districts were served with administrative demolition notices. Prior to the major public mobilisation, the regional enforcement drive had already resulted in the direct demolition of four separate mosques within the Barmer sector, alongside the destruction of an ancient mazaar, or shrine, in the Jaisalmer district. Local community activists and non-governmental organisations subsequently filed public complaints, asserting that the administration was selectively penalising Muslim places of worship while simultaneously ignoring similar documentation anomalies in the religious and residential structures of other communities.

Demolition of Mosques and Attack on Religious Freedom in India
23 JUNE 2026 | 3:30 PM | PRESS CLUB OF INDIA pic.twitter.com/D4RLnmwAY2

— APCR-Association for Protection of Civil Rights (@apcrofindia) June 24, 2026

In direct response to the sudden executions of these demolition orders, community members from both major religious groups organised public demonstrations to systematically de-escalate potential communal friction and demand immediate legal interventions.

Peaceful public mobilisation across Barmer and Jaisalmer

According to the Maktoob Media, the major public assemblies were recorded in the village of Badbir within the Barmer district, as well as in multiple commercial and residential locations across Jaisalmer. Hundreds of local residents gathered collectively outside the Barmer District Magistrate’s office to conduct an interfaith peace assembly.

The primary objective of these localised rallies was to challenge the execution of the demolition orders through entirely peaceful, constitutional means rather than through civil disobedience. The gathered protesters formally submitted a collective memorandum addressed to the President of India, urgently requesting an immediate pause on the entire demolition drive until transparent, unbiased legal verifications could be executed by the judiciary.

Local community leader demands equal treatment

Surtaram Meghwal, a two-time elected Dalit Sarpanch of Paradia village, emerged as one of the primary figures directing the local public response and articulating the grievances of the unified communities. Meghwal openly challenged the statutory validity of the state’s actions, stating his belief that the demolitions were an extrajudicial exercise being carried out without following any due legal process. He argued that if mosques were being actively checked and demolished by the state, then temples should also be examined under the exact same legal standards to ensure absolute administrative fairness.

Rajasthan: In #Barmer, Advocate Surtaram Meghawal, the Sarpanch of Paradia village, publicly warned the BJP govt against what he described as the selective demolition of #mosques while sparing #temples.

He urged the govt to uphold the Raj Dharma advocated by former PM Atal… pic.twitter.com/cQDPoQB8yB

— MuslimMirror.com (@MuslimMirror) June 25, 2026

Meghwal further detailed the ground realities of the public mobilisation that took place in Badbir following the destruction of multiple religious sites. He communicated to Maktoob that the villagers protested against the demolition of these religious structures to oppose the government actions and convey their collective message peacefully. He noted that since the protest began, the region had witnessed even greater brotherhood with more citizens coming forward in mutual support and reflecting a shared belief that there was still ample time to resolve the administrative issue through dialogue. Addressing the underlying socio-political dynamic of the border region, Meghwal explicitly blamed external political factors for generating artificial friction.

He questioned the procedural fairness of the drive, asking why only mosques and religious structures of Muslims were being targeted and reiterated his stance as a two-time Sarpanch that Hindus and Muslims harbor no inherent issues with each other in the region. He concluded that institutional politics would not break the unity of the people of Rajasthan, as they would consistently stand in solidarity with their Muslim neighbors, as Maktoob Media reported

Dialogue over division

The events in Barmer and Jaisalmer are illustrative of how local leadership and resistance is the best and most effective anti-dote to what is perceived as targeted injustice. Such moves are effective and pre-emptive and preventive, an antidote to communal conflict. Hindu and Muslim residents in these districts have come together to hold joint protests, submitted memorandums to the authorities, and sought legal remedies through constitutional processes. Their actions reflected a shared belief that disputes should be addressed through dialogue, fairness, and the rule of law.

The interfaith assemblies also highlighted the long-standing bonds between the communities living in the border region. Despite facing difficult living conditions and administrative challenges, residents chose to stand together and protect the harmony that has existed in their villages for generations. While the legality of the demolition drive will ultimately be decided through judicial and administrative processes, the peaceful response of the local people demonstrated the value of maintaining communal harmony during times of uncertainty. The events serve as a reminder that equal application of the law, respect for due process, and continued dialogue between communities and public authorities are essential for preserving public trust and social harmony.

Related

When Citizens Say No: The quiet revolt against hate in India’s streets

CJP’s 2025 intervention against ‘Digital Hate’: Holding television news channels accountable before the NBDSA

Public Resistance and Democratic Assertion: India through protests, 2025

The post Brotherhood in Rajasthan: Hindus, Muslims Protect Border Mosques appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Thereafter, in a detailed statement, MSCE said that the objective of the restrictions is not to interfere with religious practices but to ensure transparency and prevent malpractices during the examination, which will be conducted under live CCTV surveillance.

“The council has not imposed restrictions on what candidates can wear. However, during the examination, the face must be clearly visible on CCTV cameras. No cloth or covering should conceal the ears, head, mouth or any part of the face above the neck,” MSCE commissioner Nandakumar Bedse said.

Outlining the initial rationale behind the decision, the council said that examination authorities across the country are increasingly dealing with sophisticated methods of cheating, including concealed mobile phones, miniature Bluetooth devices and other electronic gadgets.

Officials pointed out that in recent D El Ed and computer shorthand examinations conducted by the council, some candidates were found to have hidden mobile phones inside dupattas and burqas and used them during the examination.

“The Teacher Eligibility Test is a highly sensitive examination. With the emergence of AI-enabled tools, miniature Bluetooth devices and other electronic equipment, preventing malpractices has become increasingly challenging. Ensuring that every candidate’s face is clearly visible on live CCTV is essential to maintaining fairness and credibility,” the council said.

This clarification put out by the council is now expected to put to rest the controversy surrounding the dress-code instructions ahead of the examination scheduled for June 28. Figures reveal that  more than 6 lakh candidates have registered for this year’s TET examination, making effective monitoring a key challenge. Officials said clear visibility of candidates is necessary for identity verification, biometric authentication and CCTV-based surveillance throughout the examination period.

The council also relied on practices followed in several national and state-level competitive examinations, including UPSC, SSC, IBPS, SBI, RRB, GATE and public service commission examinations, where face-covering items are restricted to facilitate identification and monitoring.

The MSCE also referred to a 2024 Bombay high court (HC) judgment in a petition challenging a college dress code that prohibited hijab, burqa and other religious identifiers on campus. The court upheld the college’s dress code instructions, observing that the petitioners had failed to establish that wearing a hijab constituted an essential religious practice.

A translation of the clarifying instructions may be read below:

 Maharashtra State Examination Council, Pune

Maharashtra State Board of Secondary and Higher Secondary Education Office Building,

(Second and Fourth Floor) Survey No. 832 A, Shivajinagar, Pune – 411004

Telephone No.: 020-29709396    Website: www.mscepune.in   E-mail: mscepune@gmail.com

Outward No.:
MSCE/Svee.Sanha/217/2026                                                           Date: 22/06/2026

Subject: Regarding clarification on the use of dupatta, burqa, and hijab by female candidates in the Teacher Eligibility Test

Clear instructions have been issued that since live CCTV will be used in all classrooms at the examination centers during the Teacher Eligibility Test to be conducted by the Maharashtra State Examination Council on June 28, 2026, nothing including a dupatta, burqa, mask, or cap can be worn so that the entire face is clearly visible. However, emails have been received requesting that female candidates be permitted to use the burqa, hijab, and dupatta. A clarification on the said matter is being made as follows:—

In the Writ Petition WPL No. 17737 / 24, Zainab Abdul Qayyum Choudhary Vs Chembur Trombay Edu. Societys, Chembur Trombay Education Society’s, N.G. Acharya and D.K. Marathe College of Art, Science and Commerce, Chembur, Mumbai, order dated June 26, 2 024, filed in the Hon’ble High Court, Mumbai, 9 female students challenged the college’s dress code instructions, wherein hijab, burqa, niqab, and other attire revealing religious identity were banned on campus. In the said judicial decision, the Hon’ble High Court recorded observations as follows:—

In the writ petition, it has been pleaded that the petitioners have been donning a Hijab and/or Nakab for last few years. The pleadings in the writ petition to support the plea that donning of a Hijab or Nakab is an essential religious practice however are insufficient. Except for stating that the same constitutes an essential religious practice on the basis of the English translation of Kanz-ul-Iman and Suman Abu Dawud, there is no material placed to uphold the petitioners’ contention that donning of Hijab and Nakab is an essential religious practice. The contention in that regard therefore fails.

For the aforesaid reasons, we are satisfied that the Instructions issued by the College under which a dress code has been prescribed for its students does not suffer from any infirmity so as to violate provisions of Article 19(1)(a) and Article 25 of the Constitution of India.

In almost all major competitive examinations in India—national-level examinations such as UPSC, SSC, IBPS, SBI, RRB, GATE, CLAT, CA, CS, CMA, etc., and State Public Service Commission examinations like MPSC, GPSC, BPSC, UPPSC—face-covering clothes such as dupatta, burqa, scarf, cap, and goggles are prohibited. This is because it is necessary for the face to be clearly visible during identity verification, biometric checks, and the CCTV verification process throughout the examination period. The main objective behind banning the hijab, burqa, or dupatta on the face during examinations is to prevent malpractices by closely monitoring all candidates through Live CCTV during the entire examination period, to ease identity verification, and consequently to maintain transparency and credibility in the examination.

Various types of malpractices are being used in examinations nowadays, such as carrying a mobile phone, sending the question paper outside via mobile WhatsApp/Telegram, receiving answers via mobile, and keeping extremely small-sized Wi-Fi Bluetooth devices in the ears, among many other tricks. Therefore, the complete face and the entire portion above the neck—meaning the mouth and ears of all candidates at the examination centre—must be clearly visible so that there is no room for suspicion regarding malpractice. If the face is kept covered, it will not even be known who is talking to whom. Furthermore, if a female candidate is asked to show her face based on suspicion for verification at the examination centre, it might lead to a completely different issue altogether.

Recently, in the D.El.Ed. and Computer Shorthand examinations conducted by the Maharashtra State Examination Council, it has come to light that candidates hid mobile phones in their dupatta/burqa, brought them into the examination centre, and used them.

The Teacher Eligibility Test is a highly sensitive examination, and considering factors like AI, Bluetooth devices, and electronic devices as small as shirt buttons, it has become highly challenging to prevent any kind of malpractice. For the examination to be transparent and to curb all kinds of manipulations, it is necessary that the faces of all 6 lakh candidates are clearly visible in the Live CCTV.

Overall, considering all the above points, female candidates will have the freedom to wear any clothes, dupatta, odhni, or burqa for the Teacher Eligibility Test; however, during the examination period inside the classroom at the examination centre, the face must be fully and clearly visible in the CCTV camera. For this purpose, above the neck—meaning on the ears, head, or mouth/face there should be no cloth/covering of any kind; this is being clarified here.”

The June 22, 2026 circular has been signed by Dr. Nandkumar Bedse (I.P.S.), Chairman, Maharashtra State Examination Council, Pune.

The original circular in Marathi may be read below Embed Original

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Students challenge Hijab ban, college defends secular dress code – Bombay HC to rule on June 26th

Bombay High court upholds hijab ban in colleges: Muslim students’ rights curtailed

The post Face must be visible, then hijab, burqa, dupatta or attire of choice permitted to TET candidates: MCSE appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Rashtriya Swayamseval Sangh (RSS) as the Gurukul (university) of Hindutva (the ideology that advocates India being a majoritarian theocratic state) specialises in regular training of their cadres at which truncated (read manipulated and selective) versions of history are dished out, ingrained. As the latest evidence of this, we find on the 51^st anniversary of the Emergency [1975-77], a number of RSS-BJP leaders enlightening us Indians on “how the RSS opposed the Emergency, how valiantly its cadres challenged the dictatorial rule of Indira Gandhi and made great sacrifices during anti-Emergency movement” etc. The newspapers are filled with advertisements announcing ‘Samvidhan Hatya Divas’ in which none less than Prime Minister Modi is depicted bowing to the Constitution.

[The Indian Express, Delhi, June 25, 2026]

Only last year, the RSS English organ of the RSS, the Organizer (June 24, 2025) presented PM Modi as a singular symbol of the fight against Emergency and wrote:

“The lesson had been burned into public memory. The Emergency became more than a chapter in history. It became a warning. For Narendra Modi, it was not just a past event. It was part of his personal journey. As Prime Minister, he has often reminded the nation of those dark times…It was about imprisoning free thought, art, and expression. That period left behind not just scars, but reminders. It taught us that freedom is earned, not gifted.”

 [‘National Emergency 1975: The murder of the Indian republic on June 25,  https://organiser.org/2025/06/24/298840/bharat/national-emergency-1975-the-murder-of-the-indian-republic-on-june-25/]

Let us evaluate first, the claim that the RSS-BJP rulers are/have been committed to the liberal democratic values as a faith. The most prominent ideologue of the RSS, MS Golwalkar, also known as ‘Guru of Hate’ [whom PM Modi credits for grooming him into a political leader] while addressing the 1350 top level cadres of the RSS in 1940 declared,

“RSS is inspired by one flag, one leader and one ideology is lighting the flame of Hindutva in each and every corner of this great land.”

[Golwalkar, MS, Shri Guruji Samagar Darshan (collected works of Golwalkar in Hindi), Bhartiya Vichar Sadhna, Nagpur, nd., vol. I, p. 11.]

With such a philosophical love for totalitarianism the RSS has always balked against the sharing of power. It has also been in strong opposition to the federal structure of the constitution, a ‘Basic’ feature of the India polity. Golwalkar declared in 1961,

“Today’s federal form of government not only gives birth but also nourishes the feelings of separatism… It must be completely uprooted, constitution purified, and unitary form of government be established.”

[Ibid. vol. III, p. 128.]

So far as the claims of the outfit battling the Emergency is concerned the RSS, these “claims” need to be evaluated in the light of contemporary narratives including the RSS documents. In this connection two narratives one by a veteran thinker and journalist of India, Prabhash Joshi and the other by TV Rajeswar, former Intelligence Bureau [IB] chief who was the deputy chief of IB during the Emergency are of immense importance. Both, one a senior official of the government of India and the other, a senior journalist in the Hindi language, recounted the days of Emergency (or state terrorism) when RSS surrendered to the repressive regime of Indira Gandhi, assured her and her son, Sanjay Gandhi to enforce faithfully the draconian 20-point programme announced by the Emergency regime. They in fact negotiated surrender with the Indira Gandhi regime. A large number of RSS cadres came out of jails by submitting MAAFINAMAAS (mercy petitions). This account by Prabhash Joshi appeared in the English weekly Tehelka on the 25th anniversary of the Emergency.[1] According to him even during the Emergency “there was always a lurking sense of suspicion, a distance, a discreet lack of trust” about RSS’ joining the anti-Emergency struggle. He went on to recount that,

“Balasaheb Deoras, then RSS chief, wrote a letter to Indira Gandhi pledging to help implement the notorious 20-point programme of Sanjay Gandhi. This is the real character of the RSS…You can decipher a line of action, a pattern. Even during the Emergency, many among the RSS and Jana Sangh who came out of the jails, gave mafinamas. They were the first to apologize. Only their leaders remained in jail: Atal Behari Vajpayee [most of the time in hospital], LK Advani, even Arun Jaitley. But the RSS did not fight the Emergency. So why is the BJP trying to appropriate that memory?”

Prabhash Joshi concluded that “they are not a fighting force, and they are never keen to fight. They are basically a compromising lot. They are never genuinely against the government”.

TV Rajeswar, who served as Governor of Uttar Pradesh and Sikkim penned a book, ‘India: The Crucial Years” [Harper Collins] corroborated the fact that “Not only they (RSS) were supportive of this [Emergency], they wanted to establish contact apart from Mrs. Gandhi, with Sanjay Gandhi also”[2]

Rajeswar in an interview with Karan Thapar also disclosed that Deoras:

“Quietly established a link with the PM’s house and expressed strong support for several steps taken to enforce order and discipline in the country. Deoras was keen to meet Mrs. Gandhi and Sanjay. But Mrs. Gandhi refused.”

[Ibid]

According to Rajeswar’s book,

“Sanjay Gandhi’s concerted drive to enforce family planning, particularly among Muslims, had earned Deoras’s approbation.”[3] Rajeswar also shared the fact that even after Emergency the “organization (RSS) had specifically conveyed its support to the Congress in the post-emergency elections.”[4] It will be interesting to note that even according to Subramanian Swamy during the Emergency period, most of the senior leaders of RSS had betrayed the struggle against the Emergency.[5]

The contemporary documents from the RSS archives also corroborate that the narratives of Prabhash Joshi and Rajeswar were/are accurate. The third supremo of the RSS, Madhukar Dattatraya Deoras wrote the first letter to Indira Gandhi within two months of the imposition of Emergency. It was the time when state terror was widespread. In letter dated August 22, 1975, he began with the following praise of Indira:

“I heard your address to the nation which you delivered on August 15, 1975, from Red Fort on radio in jail [Yervada jail] with attention. Your address was timely and balanced so I decided to write to you”.   

[Madhukar Dattatraya Deoras, Hindu Sangathan aur Sattavaadi Rajneeti, Jagriti Prkashan, Noida, 1997, p. 270.]

Indira Gandhi did not respond to it. So Deoras wrote another letter to Indira on November 10, 1975. He began his letter with congratulating her on being cleared by the Supreme Court of disqualification which was ordered by the Allahabad High Court, 

“All the five Justices of the Supreme Court have declared your election constitutional, heartiest greetings for it.” It is to be noted that opposition was firmly of the opinion that this judgment was influenced by the ruling party, the Congress. Deoras also also stated that

“The RSS has been named in context of Jaiprakash Narayan’s movement. The government has also connected RSS with Gujarat movement and Bihar movement without any reason…Sangh has no relation with these movements…”

[Ibid., pp. 272-73.]

Since Indira Gandhi did not respond to this letter either, RSS chief got hold of Vinoba Bhave who supported the Emergency religiously and was a favourite of Indira Gandhi. In a letter dated January 12, 1976, Deoras begged that Acharya should suggest a way by which the ban on RSS was removed.

[Ibid. pp. 275-77.]

Since Acharya too did not respond to Deoras letter, the latter in another letter without date wrote in desperation,

“According to press reports respected PM [Indira Gandhi] is going to meet you at Pavnar Ashram on January 24. At that time there will be discussion about the present condition of the country. I beg you to try to remove the wrong assumptions of PM about RSS so that ban on RSS is lifted and RSS members are released from jails. We are looking forward for the times when RSS and its members are able to contribute to the plans of progress which are being run in all the fields under the leadership of PM.”

 [Ibid. p. 278.]

[All these letters in Hindi are being reproduced from a publication of the RSS at the end of this article.]

Even a prominent Hindutva ideologue Balraj Madhok who as an RSS whole-timer founded Bhartiya Jana Sangh (1951) on RSS command confessed:

“Sarsanghchalak of the Sangh Shri Bal Saheb Deoras was a MISA prisoner in Pune’s Yervada Jail…his life was full of comforts. Therefore, he wrote two letters to the jailed Indira Gandhi on August 22, 1975 and November 10, 1975 to change her attitude towards the Sangh and lift the ban on it. He also wrote a letter to Shri Vinoba Bhave and requested him to try to remove the feeling of opposition towards the Sangh from Indira Gandhi’s mind. These letters were leaked by the government, and they were published in many newspapers. This naturally had an adverse effect on the morale of the Sangh volunteers and the Satyagraha movement became almost dead.”

[Madhok, Balraj, Zindagi Ka Safar –3: Deendayal Upadhyay Ki Hatya Se Indira Gandhi Ki Hatya Tak (Journey of Life-3: From the Murder of Deendayal Upadhyay to the Murder of Indira Gandhi), Dinman Prakashan, 2003, pp. 188-189.]

It is also historically significant that former President of the Indian Republic, Pranab Mukherjee was invited by the RSS chief, Mohan Bhagwat as the chief guest at the graduation ceremony of its new recruits must be working over-time to convert India into a Hindu state. Pranab Mukherjee had been indicted as one of the top leaders of Congress for Emergency excesses by the Shah Commission.

Given this history, it is quite regrettable if not downright shameful that despite these facts thousands of RSS cadres continue to get monthly pension for their ostensible “persecution” during the Emergency. The BJP ruled states like Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Maharashtra decided to award a monthly pension of Rs 20,000 to those who were jailed during the Emergency period for less than two months, and Rs 10,000 to those who were jailed for less than a month. This rule took care of the financial interest of those RSS cadres who submitted mercy letters completing only one- or two-months’ jail term. For securing this not insignificant amount in pension there was/has been no condition imposed that the beneficiary should have been in jail for the whole period of the Emergency!

Interestingly, in the case of anti-British freedom struggle there has not been even a single RSS cadre to claim the freedom fighter pension. It may be noted that nobody remembers hundreds of Communist youths, branded as Naxals killed in fake encounters during the Emergency. Interestingly, Maharashtra-based Shiv Sena, the Hindutva co-traveller of the RSS openly supported the Emergency.

Renowned senior journalist and one of the most widely read political commentators in India today, Coomi Kapoor evaluating the RSS-BJP over the past last 12 years forthrightly has observed:

“Increasingly, those in power believe they are not directly answerable to the people. The government’s radio silence over major mess-ups in the NEET and CBSE examinations, affecting lakhs of students, is a telling example. To respond to public complaints is perceived as a weakness by today’s regime. The lack of internal debate in the ruling party, too, is perturbing. The BJP parliamentary board rarely meets and when it does, it merely rubber stamps decisions taken elsewhere. The surprise elevation of inexperienced junior party persons as chief ministers, without any prior consultations, is yet another instance of the absence of inner-party democracy. No less concerning is the falling standard of independence and probity of constitutional bodies meant to uphold democratic values.

“The Election Commission’s blatant exclusion of over 90 lakh names from the West Bengal SIR rolls unnecessarily put a question mark over an election where the public mood was clearly against Mamata Banerjee…The crux of a true democracy is securing a majority in Parliament through an ethical recourse to the ballot box, not by winning over opposition legislators by whatever means, fair or foul, post elections. In the ongoing ruthless mission to secure a two-thirds majority, one recalls uneasily just how Indira Gandhi utilised her brute two-thirds majority to subvert our Constitution and push through Emergency rule.

“As the country marks the half-century anniversary of the Emergency, many ruling party supporters wax eloquent on Indira Gandhi’s Emergency excesses as a warning to future generations not to go down that discredited path and derail democracy. Ironically, many of the practices of the Emergency are actually being emulated today. Even the unnecessary sycophancy of rulers in advertisements, bill boards and at public events seems ominously reminiscent of that black period and recalls Congress President D K Barooah’s fawning slogan, ‘Indira is India and India is Indira’.’’

Coomi Kapoor, ‘Five decades after the Emergency, difficult questions, unheeded warnings’, reported The Indian Express.

So, the writing on the wall is clear. Indira Gandhi had imposed the Emergency, using Articles (352-360) of the Indian constitution; the same Indira Gandhi within 18 months announced general elections on January 18, 1977 and officially lifted the Emergency on March 21, 1977. Political prisoners who had been imprisoned were released and free to contest the elections that were held soon thereafter. Despite the robust opposition to the Emergency, there was never a question or doubt that the elections of 1977 would be free or fair. Under the present Modi regime (a minority government in its ‘third’ term), there is no question of withdrawing the state of undeclared emergency that has never been formally imposed. As institution after institution is sought to be, and is subverted, including the hitherto independent Election Commission of India, an unscrupulous regime continues with its agenda of snatching all democratic freedoms!

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

[1] http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main13.asp?filename=op070205And_Not_Even.asp; this copy is available in libraries

[2] https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/rss-backed-indira-gandhis-emergency-ex-ib-chief-264127-2015-09-21

[3] https://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/ib-ex-chiefs-book-rss-chief-deoras-had-backed-some-emergency-moves/

[4] https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/RSS-backed-Emergency-reveals-former-IB-chief/articleshow/49052143.cms

[5] https://medium.com/@hindu.nationalist1/double-game-of-senior-rss-leaders-during-emergency-74abc07a4fa8

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The post 51st Anniversary of Emergency in India: While the RSS supported the Emergency, it now ruthlessly presides over an ‘undeclared Emergency’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.

But when sites are both protected monuments and continued religious spaces, questions of access, maintenance, and control between different governing bodies begin to surface. Who decides how these spaces are used? Who is responsible for their upkeep in practice? And what happens when regulation begins to reshape everyday practices of faith? This report examines these questions through a set of monuments that sit at the intersection of law, history, and lived experience—where protection does not always guarantee accessibility, and recognition does not always ensure care.

Paying to Pray: Firoz Shah Kotla Fort

The citadel of Firoz Shah Kotla Fort was built in the 14th century by Firoz Shah Tughlaq, the third ruler of the Tughlaq dynasty. In 1354, he established the city of Firozabad along the Yamuna, with the Kotla serving as its grand citadel. At its centre lies the Jami Masjid—one of the largest mosques constructed during his reign.

The site today is a centrally protected monument under the Ancient Monuments & Archaeological Sites and Remains Act 1958, with the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) responsible for its conservation and management. The Act, enacted to preserve monuments of national importance, also regulates how such spaces are accessed and used. Under its provisions—and subsequent amendments—strict controls govern activity around protected monuments.

​Construction is prohibited within 100 metres of a monument and regulated within a further 200 metres, with any intervention requiring permissions from designated authorities. The law also allows the ASI to control access to protected sites, including regulating which areas remain open to the public.

​Within this framework, the Jami Masjid at Firoz Shah Kotla continues to function as a place of worship, with prayers offered during Zuhr (noon), Asr (late noon), and Maghrib(evening). Yet, in recent years, access to this space has become a point of contention.

In 2022, the ASI introduced ticketed entry to the fort for all visitors, including those coming to offer namaz. The move, reportedly linked to restoration work and post-pandemic site management, has since altered how people interact with the space.

For many, this shift has had tangible consequences. Qamarjahan, a resident of Seelampur, said the number of visitors has declined. “The ticket costs 25 rupees. First you spend on travel, then you pay again here—how often can someone keep coming?” she said, adding that she was once a frequent visitor but has since stopped.

Thursdays, in particular, held a distinct significance at Firoz Shah Kotla. ​​​​

For decades, the site drew visitors not only for prayer but also for supplication tied to local belief systems. Many believe that the ruins- especially the structure housing the Ashokan pillar, locally referred to as the Minar-e-Zarin- are inhabited by djinns who could grant wishes. People write letters detailing their desires and tie them to the railings, often returning with food offerings if their wishes were fulfilled.

While this practice continues, several visitors say that the introduction of ticketing has reduced the scale and frequency of these gatherings.

At the same time, some visitors point to visible improvements. Chandramohan Joshi, who has been visiting the fort since childhood, said that the introduction of ticketing has improved cleanliness and upkeep.

“Ibadat ka ghar hai ye, jab hum pooja karne aarahe hai toh saaf kapde pehen rahe hai toh jagah bhi saaf rakhni chahiye. (It is a place of worship—if we come here in clean clothes, the space should also be kept clean) ” he said.

His observation also reflects a shift in the character of the site—from an open, informal space shaped by gatherings and offerings to a more regulated monument with controlled access.

However, Joshi also questioned the principle of charging for prayer. “One does not have to pay to enter a temple or a gurdwara. Those coming specifically for namaaz should be exempted from paying,” he added. ​​

The issue becomes more pronounced during Eid, when large congregational prayers have traditionally been held at the mosque for decades. Worshippers are required to purchase tickets even on these occasions. This year, Aaley Mohammed Iqbal intervened by purchasing tickets for worshippers, allowing them to enter without paying individually. He has since been vocal about the need for a long-term solution, with discussions being done with the ASI in the past.

“Namaaz has always been happening here; foreigners had to pay for the tickets, however, post COVID-19, the ASI started ticketing worshippers as well. People from all backgrounds come to pray here; it is not feasible for a person earning Rs. 200-300 per day to pitch out Rs. 25 each time he wants to pray”, he said, emphasising the need for a permanent solution.

​​​​​​The question of prayer at protected monuments remains governed by ASI regulations. According to officials, permission for religious activity is often determined by whether continuous worship at a site can be historically established. In practice, only three mosques, Neeli Mosque, Palam Mosque and Sunehri Mosque, are formally recognised for offering prayers. ​​​​​​​​

An RTI filed by Sheikh Sartaj Ahmed Masoodi, president of the Muslim Welfare Organisation, Delhi, has raised further questions about how these rules are applied. The response indicated that while the ASI is responsible for maintenance and protection, it does not uniformly permit prayers across all protected mosques, pointing to inconsistencies in decision-making. ​The response also mentioned that permission for religious activity is determined by whether continuous worship at a site can be historically established. Three mosques, Neeli, Palam and Sunehri Mosque, are recognised for offering prayers.

Heritage sites that continue to function as active places of worship present a unique challenge, according to historian and author Swapna Liddle. “If a site remains active, people require amenities like running water, electricity and other facilities, which may not always be in keeping with the heritage character of a 14th-century monument,” she said. Liddle added that this tension is one reason why the ASI is often reluctant to allow monuments that are no longer in religious use to become active worship spaces again.

​At Firoz Shah Kotla, where history, faith, and long-standing practices intersect, the introduction of ticketing has not only affected access to prayer but also reshaped how the space is used. What was once an open site of regular gathering—religious and otherwise— now operates within a more tightly regulated framework, raising questions about who such spaces are ultimately meant for.

Caught Between Authorities: Sunehri Masjid

Tucked away in a corner of the parking complex of the Red Fort stands the Sunehri Masjid—easy to miss, yet still in active use. Built in 1751 A.D. by Qudsia Begum, the mosque is distinguished by its three domes and flanking minarets, a modest but enduring remnant of late Mughal architecture.

Today, the mosque exists in a state of administrative overlap. It is a protected monument under the Archaeological Survey of India and was among the 123 sites in Delhi previously registered as waqf properties that came under scrutiny during the Waqf Amendment Act. Following the Supreme Court’s refusal to stay the amendment, such claims stand void for protected monuments, placing the mosque firmly under ASI’s jurisdiction.

Despite this, it continues to function as a place of worship for local residents and visitors.​

This arrangement is shaped by laws governing protected monuments. Under the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains (AMASR) 1958, amended in 2010, construction is prohibited within 100 metres of a monument and regulated in the surrounding 200-metre zone, with oversight by the National Monuments Authority.

On the ground, however, these protections do not always translate into adequate facilities. Dr. Mohammed Irshad, who has been visiting the mosque for over two decades, described the challenges faced by worshippers. “There is no proper shade,” he said, pointing out that rain often disrupts prayers, while the lack of cover makes it difficult to gather during extreme summers. The ablution (wudhu) area, he added, is too small—only able to accommodate around 50 people, despite Friday footfall reaching nearly 500. Uneven flooring and broken tiles further make it difficult to perform sajda (prostration).

An official at the site, who requested anonymity, said that while the ASI oversees the monument, routine maintenance often depends on contributions from worshippers. “The roof leakage was fixed by ASI,” he noted, “but other issues like the wudhu area and flooring remain unaddressed.”

Another long-time staff member at the mosque said that restoration work on the roof, stairs, and boundary structures was carried out roughly a year and a half ago. Plans to repair the flooring and gate were also reportedly approved but have yet to be implemented due to budgetary constraints. He added that ASI officials, including engineers and conservation officers, visit the site regularly—particularly on Fridays—given its proximity to the Red Fort.

Despite these visits, basic infrastructure remains inadequate. A single, non-functional washroom and damaged flooring continue to inconvenience worshippers, particularly during peak prayer times.

The Sunehri Masjid thus reflects a larger pattern: while legally protected and actively used, it exists in a state of partial maintenance. Its dual identity—as both a monument and a living place of worship—places it in a grey zone, where responsibility is defined, but not always fully realised.

Heritage sites that continue to function as active places of worship present a unique challenge, according to historian and author Swapna Liddle. “If a site remains active, people require amenities like running water, electricity and other facilities, which may not always be in keeping with the heritage character of a 14th-century monument,” she said. Liddle added that this tension is one reason why the ASI is often reluctant to allow monuments that are no longer in religious use to become active worship spaces again.
ASI officials declined to comment on the status of conservation of the mosque.

Protected yet Abandoned: Begumpur and Khirki Masjid

A Monument Left Behind

Nestled within the narrow lanes of Begumpur in South-East Delhi’S Malviya Nagar lies the Begumpur Masjid, an Archaeological survey of India (ASI) protected monument dating back to the 14th-century Tughlaq period. Once a central place of worship—and believed to have served as the Jama Masjid of Jahanpanah, the fourth city of Delhi—it now stands in a state of prolonged neglect, with sections of its domed structure lying in ruins.

According to available archival references, the mosque was declared a monument of national importance in 1920. More recently, in 2017, the then Minister of State for Culture, Mahesh Sharma, reiterated its status in the Rajya Sabha under the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act 1958. However, on the ground, these designations appear to have had limited impact on its condition.

A visit to the site reveals a structure marked by visible decay. While traces of restoration work can be seen, large sections remain damaged. The roofs on three sides of the mosque have partially collapsed, several pillars show signs of weakening, and the plaster has deteriorated. The ceiling appears darkened and patchy, indicating prolonged exposure and lack of maintenance.​​ As per a report in The Hindustan Times.

The central courtyard—vast in scale—is littered with cigarette butts, plastic waste, broken glass, and debris. Weed has grown through cracks in the flooring, making parts of the space difficult to access. On the northern side of the mosque, groups of men gather, often using the structure as a secluded spot to smoke and drink. Discarded liquor bottles and other remnants of such activity are visible across the site.

​Vikram Guleria, a resident who lives across the mosque, alleged that the space is frequently misused. “The site is not maintained properly. People come here to drink and take drugs. The authorities don’t object,” he said.

Another local, Mohanlal, 78, who runs a business in the area, said that the site is not safe enough for women to go alone and advised visiting it in groups. “A lot of people, especially tourists, come to explore the mosque, but I have lived here for a long time, so I know that it is not safe to go alone inside. I always tell new people to explore in groups,” he said.

Swapna Liddle, an Indian historian and author, said, “Begumpur Masjid is more like a 14th-century ruin, and it should be preserved as a ruin. The best thing that can be done is to invite and encourage people to visit there. I do not think the ASI does anything like that.” On the northern side of the mosque, groups of men gather, often using the structure as a secluded spot to smoke and drink. Discarded liquor bottles and other remnants are visible across the site.

On whether sites like Begumpur Masjid or Khirki Masjid could be better maintained if they were repaired and people visited or offered prayers there, Liddle says, “In places that are in active use for prayers, issues of management often arise. If people start using Begumpur Masjid for prayers, they will have to transform the place to add basic amenities or paint the structure. This was not there in the 14th century, so the question of preserving the heritage character became an issue for the ASI.”

​An official from the Archaeological Survey of India declined to comment on the condition of the mosque and conservation efforts being made there. Security personnel present at the site said that while warnings are issued against such activities, enforcement remains difficult. “We are often alone here, and most of the people are locals. There have been instances where we are threatened,” the official said.

​​​​​​​​The locality surrounding the mosque has also changed significantly over time. The area is densely built, with houses constructed close to the monument, leading to encroachment around the site. Over the years, surrounding developments have raised ground levels, leaving the mosque in a relatively low-lying position. Ongoing road construction in the area has further altered access to the site.

Built as a grand congregational space, it now stands largely overlooked—protected in law, but neglected in practice.

Like Khairul Manazil, its entrance is from the eastern side, opening into a large courtyard aligned with the western prayer wall. The western façade features a prominent central arched alcove, flanked by smaller ones. These recessed, shadowed spaces now provide cover and privacy, often facilitating misuse.

The Crumbling State of Khirki Mosque

​Tucked within the narrow, crowded lanes of South Delhi’s Khirki village, the Khirki Masjid rises unexpectedly—it’s heavy stone walls and shadowed arches giving it the appearance of a fortress more than a mosque. For many who live around it, that is exactly what it is: not a place of worship, but a neighbourhood fort.

Built between 1351 and 1354 by Khan-i-Jahan Junan Shah, the prime minister of Firoz Shah Tughlaq, the mosque is a striking example of Tughlaq architecture. Its name—Khirki, derived from the Urdu word for “window”—comes from the distinctive perforated openings that once allowed light and air to filter into its enclosed structure. Today, it stands as a protected monument under the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act 1958, with the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) responsible for its upkeep. Reported The Wire.

On the ground, however, the experience of the monument tells a different story. Years of neglect have left visible marks—crumbling domes, broken pillars, and decaying stone surfaces. Residents also point to a persistent bat infestation that has, over time, altered both the physical condition and usability of the space.

Rameshwar Prasad, a tea vendor who has lived near the mosque for over three decades, described the conditions inside. “Cleanliness is a major concern. There are a lot of bats and a constant foul smell,” he said, adding that parts of the monument also get flooded during the rainy season.

Despite being classified as a Grade ‘A’ monument by the conservation body, Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage for its historical and archaeological significance, Khirki Masjid remains largely disconnected from the community around it. Many residents say they have never stepped inside. As per a report in The Times of India.

Yogesh Singh, who has lived in the area for 27 years, said the condition of the monument keeps people away. “Many of us haven’t even gone inside. The insects and the smell from the bats make it difficult,” he said.

The mosque’s current state also reflects a shift in how it is used. Once a functional religious space, it no longer sees regular prayer. Personnel at the site, requesting anonymity, said visitors now come primarily as tourists. “People don’t come here to pray anymore. I usually accompany visitors because there are bats in the darker corners,” he said, adding that some maintenance work is underway.

For others, the issue is not just neglect, but safety. A domestic worker living nearby, requesting anonymity, said the place, at times, is used by drunkards and drug users. “I avoid coming here, especially at night. It doesn’t feel safe,” she said.

According to an ASI official, the bat infestation itself has contributed to the monument’s deterioration. “Bat droppings are harmful as they cause corrosion to the pillars,” she said on the condition of anonymity. The ASI official added that the conservation work has been initiated at the site in response to concerns raised by residents and historians.

​​Yet, for now, Khirki Masjid stands in an uneasy state protected on paper, but struggling in practice.

Historian Swapna Liddle said, “When the ASI acquired the Khirki mosque in the early twentieth century and removed the villagers, they designated it a protected monument rather than a place of worship. The continuity as a place of worship had already been broken for centuries, so worship was not resumed. The case of Begumpur and the case of Khirki are pretty identical in that way.”

The Legal gray zone

Worship, Heritage and Control Collide

In Delhi, some monuments are not just remnants of the past. They continue to function as places of prayer, remain part of neighbourhood life, and exist within an ongoing struggle over who owns them, who maintains them, and who decides how they may be used.

At the centre of this dispute are 123 properties in Delhi that were claimed by the Waqf Board as Waqf properties, even as the Centre has maintained that these sites were acquired by the government between 1911 and 1914, with compensation paid and ownership transferred to the Government of India. These include mosques, dargahs and graveyards—several of them also protected by the Archaeological Survey of India.

​This overlap took on sharper legal meaning with the Waqf Amendment Act, 2025. Through Section 3D, the law states that any property already declared a protected monument under the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains (AMASR) Act, 1958 cannot be treated as waqf property. In September 2025, the Supreme Court refused to stay this provision, while also recognising that protected-monument status does not automatically erase customary religious practices at such sites.

​A similar position has been reflected in earlier judicial decisions. In Zeeshan Ahmed Rizvi v. CEO Waqf (Burhanpur case), the Madhya Pradesh High Court held that a monument protected under earlier heritage laws could not subsequently be reclassified as waqf property. It noted that such monuments remain under government guardianship unless formally relinquished—placing state protection above retrospective waqf claims under Section 11 of the 1904 law.​

The scale of this overlap extends beyond Delhi. The ASI protects 3,679 monuments of national importance across India. Under Sections 20A and 20B of the AMASR Act, a 100-metre prohibited zone and a 200-metre regulated zone surround each monument, restricting construction and development. According to the Joint Committee on the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2024, 254 protected monuments – nearly 7 per cent of the total—were listed as Waqf properties, including dozens in Delhi. The overlap between heritage protection and religious claims, therefore, is not incidental; it is structural.

​With the Supreme Court allowing Section 3D to stand, such monuments now fall clearly under the authority of the ASI and the Central Government for their maintenance and regulation. Yet, this legal clarity sits uneasily beside another national problem: disappearance and neglect. The Comptroller and Auditor General’s 2013 audit found that 92 centrally protected monuments were missing – around 6 per cent of those examined–a number it said was “far higher than the number communicated to Parliament by the ASI.” Later Press Information Bureau statements and government replies showed attempts to trace some of these missing sites, but the report exposed how fragile “protection” can be even on paper.​

At Firoz Shah Kotla Fort, this tension becomes visible at the point of entry.

​The Jami Masjid within the complex continues to host Friday prayers and Eid namaz, yet worshippers have been required to purchase tickets to access it. The legal basis for this lies in Section 18 of the AMASR Act, which allows public access to protected monuments “subject to rules,” including entry fees imposed by the ASI.

At the same time, the law explicitly protects religious practice. Section 5(6) of the AMASR Act states that “nothing… shall affect the use of any protected monument for customary religious observances.” Section 16(1) further specifies that a protected monument that is a place of worship “shall not be used for any purpose inconsistent with its character.”

​This creates a tension that extends into constitutional guarantees. Article 26 of the Indian Constitution grants religious denominations the right to manage their own affairs in matters of religion, including places of worship. Article 27 adds that no person can be compelled to pay taxes specifically for the promotion or maintenance of any particular religion. Together, these provisions raise a difficult question: if prayer is protected, can access to that prayer be made conditional upon payment?

At Sunehri Masjid, the issue shifts from access to upkeep.

​Under Sections 16 and 19 of the AMASR Act, once a monument is declared protected and maintained by the Central Government, the responsibility for its preservation lies with the state. Section 19 is explicit: “The Central Government shall maintain every monument.”

Historian Swapna Liddle notes, however, that ASI’s approach to maintenance has historically not meant rebuilding monuments to look new. For years, she says, the organisation followed a policy of what conservation experts call “conserve as found” —preserving a monument in the condition in which it exists rather than reconstructing missing portions. “As you find the monument, you try to preserve it in that form,” she explains, “not to try and make it new.”

According to Liddle, this approach began to shift more visibly after restoration work around Humayun’s Tomb, where larger interventions became more common. She points to Khirki Masjid as an example, where a section that had collapsed centuries ago has reportedly been rebuilt by ASI This complicates the question of neglect. What may appear to worshippers as abandonment can sometimes reflect a deliberate conservation choice. However, for those using these spaces every day, broken flooring, unfinished roofing and inaccessible prayer areas remain practical barriers, regardless of conservation philosophy.

Yet the condition of the mosque suggests a gap between this obligation and its implementation, with worshippers continuing to navigate incomplete repairs and inadequate facilities. A similar pattern emerges at Begumpur Masjid and Khirki Masjid. Both are protected monuments, yet both show visible signs of neglect—ranging from structural damage to lack of upkeep and limited oversight. Protection exists in law, but not always in practice.

This gap between law and implementation is not new. In 2009, the Union government stated that prayers would be permitted only at a limited number of ASI-protected monuments where a “de facto status quo” already existed. The position resurfaced in 2023 before the Delhi High Court in the Mughal Masjid case near the Qutub complex, where the ASI argued against allowing prayers in protected monuments. Justice Prateek Jalan questioned that blanket stand and asked ASI to clarify its policy, observing that if the statute itself allowed continuation of prayers in a protected monument, that position would need to be respected. The court also sought old records relating to the site’s protected status, signalling that whether prayers could continue depended not on a universal ban, but on the monument’s legal history and prior use.

What emerges, then, is not a single conflict but a layered one. The Indian Express, reporting on the Martand Sun Temple controversy in 2022, noted the same distinction in ASI practice: worship is generally disallowed unless the site is a “living monument” where prayers were already being offered at the time protection was declared. In such cases, worship may continue, but ASI treats new or revived religious activity as a violation of conservation norms. The written law preserves customary worship. The authority managing the monument often treats conservation control as overriding unless continuity of prayer can be historically proven. The law says prayer survives protection; ASI’s working position often says protection limits prayer unless a narrow exception already exists.

​This ambiguity becomes sharper when viewed against the ASI’s own internal classification of monuments.

An RTI response accessed for this project lists “living” and “non-living” monuments under the ASI’s Delhi Circle. Only a small number of sites – including Firoz Shah Kotla’s Jami Masjid and Sunehri Masjid near Delhi Fort – are officially categorised as “living (prayer)” monuments where worship continues. The majority, including sites such as Begumpur Masjid and Khirki Masjid, are marked as “non-living”.

​The classification, however, does not find explicit mention in the AMASR Act. Nowhere does the law define a “living monument” or prescribe different legal standards based on such a distinction. Instead, the Act uniformly protects “customary religious observances” at any protected monument that functions as a place of worship.

​This creates a gap between law and administration. While the statute protects continuity of worship, ASI’s internal categorisation effectively determines where prayer is treated as legitimate and where it is not. In practice, this shifts the question from what the law allows to what the authority recognises. The RTI list further shows that several monuments currently marked as “non-living” were historically functional religious spaces, raising questions about how and when such classifications were made, and whether they can override the statutory protection of customary practice.

In effect, the distinction between “living” and “non-living” monuments – central to ASI’s operational policy – exists outside the text of the law, but shapes how the law is implemented on the ground.

​The law preserves prayer. Regulation governs access. Maintenance remains uneven. Between these, worshippers navigate a shifting reality – paying to enter a mosque, praying within partially restored structures, or standing in spaces that are legally protected but materially neglected.​

Delhi’s historic mosques are not only being debated in courts. They continue to be used, inhabited, and negotiated every day-existing somewhere between monument and mosque, where neither identity is fully resolved.

Ifrah Asim, Shariya Ahmed, Jess Jojan, Devika Magu

(The authors are freelance journalists and postgraduate journalism students at AJK MCRC, Jamia Millia Islamia).

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Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee (SPM 1901-1953) is a prominent Hindutva icon for the RSS/BJP brigade. It was he who, on the advice of M.S. Golwalkar, the second chief of RSS and its most prominent ideologue, founded the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), predecessor of the present Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1951 and became the first president of the political arm of the RSS.

Modi and the Hindutva brigade is fond of declaring Mookerjee as great nationalist and patriot who laid down his life for the unity of the nation. The Hindutva rhetoric about patriotism of Mookerjee needs to be crosschecked with the contemporary documents available in RSS and Hindu Mahasabha archives.

Perusal of these documents clearly shows that the claim that Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee was a ‘selfless patriot’ and a great patriot right from his birth is a white lie. Mookerjee never-never participated in the anti-colonial freedom struggle. If patriotism means being part of the freedom struggle and making sacrifices, Mookerjee not only kept aloof from it but also betrayed it by collaborating with the British rulers and the Muslim League in order to crush and communally polarize the anti-British liberation movement.

In the pre-Independence period, he was a prominent leader of the Hindu Mahasabha, which was led by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. When in 1942 Congress gave a call to the British rulers to leave India immediately by launching Quit India Movement (QIM), the British rulers responded to this mass movement by unleashing a reign of terror. Congress was banned, its provincial governments were dismissed, whole of India was turned into a jail and thousands died in the repression unleashed by armed forces of the British and the native rulers. The crime of many of those who were killed was that they dared to carry or unfurl the Tricolour, flag of the resistance.

Hindu ‘nationalist’ organisations namely, Hindu Mahasabha and RSS with the Muslim League (which since 1940 was ferociously demanding Partition of India) not only boycotted QIM but also decided to support the British government in its repressive campaign. The Hindu nationalists under the leadership of Savarkar even ran coalition governments with the Muslim League led by Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

The Hindu Mahasabha president ‘Veer’ Savarkar joyously chronicled this ganging up of Hindu Mahasabha with the Muslim League in his presidential speech to the 24th session of the Hindu Mahasabha at Kanpur in 1942 in the following words:

“In practical politics also the Mahasabha knows that we must advance through reasonable compromises. Witness the fact that only recently in Sind, the Sind-Hindu-Sabha on invitation had taken the responsibility of joining hands with the League itself in running coalition Government. The case of Bengal is well known. Wild Leaguers whom even the Congress with all its submissiveness could not placate grew quite reasonably compromising and sociable as soon as they came in contact with the Hindu Mahasabha and the Coalition Government, under the premiership of Mr. Fazlul Huq and the able lead of our esteemed Mahasabha leader Dr Syama Prasad Mookerji, functioned successfully for a year or so to the benefit of both the communities.”

[Savarkar, VD., Samagar Savarkar Wangmaya (Collected Works of Savarkar), Hindu Mahasabha, Poona, 1963, pp. 479-480.]

Later this coalition arrangement was extended to NWFP (now in Pakistan, known as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) also. SPM was Deputy PM (those days chief minister was designated as prime minister) and held the Home portfolio which oversaw the crushing of QIM.

Following the Hindu Mahasabha directive to co-operate with the British, the Hindutva icon, Dr. Mookerjee assured the British masters through a letter dated July 26, 1942. In an autobiographical work he confessed:

“Let me now refer to the situation that may be created in the province as a result of any widespread movement launched by the Congress. Anybody, who during the war, plans to stir up mass feeling, resulting internal disturbances or insecurity, must be resisted by any Government that may function for the time being”

[Mookerjee, Shyama Prasad, Leaves from a Dairy, Oxford University Press, p. 179.]

Mookerjee’s letter to Bengal governor that the Fazlul Haq led Bengal Government, along with its alliance partner Hindu Mahasabha had made concrete plan for suppressing QIM is to be read and believed:

“The question is how to combat this movement (Quit India) in Bengal? The administration of the province should be carried on in such a manner that in spite of the best efforts of the Congress, this movement will fail to take root in the province. It should be possible for us, especially responsible Ministers, to be able to tell the public that the freedom for which the Congress has started the movement, already belongs to the representatives of the people. In some spheres it might be limited during the emergency. Indian have to trust the British, not for the sake for Britain, not for any advantage that the British might gain, but for the maintenance of the defense and freedom of the province itself. You, as Governor, will function as the constitutional head of the province and will be guided entirely on the advice of your Minister.”

[Cited in A G. Noorani, The RSS and the BJP: A Division of Labour, LeftWord Books, pp. 56–57.]

It was an abashed glorification of the foreign rule when he stated that freedom

“already belongs to the representatives of the people…Indian have to trust the British, not for the sake for Britain, not for any advantage that the British might gain, but for the maintenance of the defense and freedom of the province itself”.

A prominent historian of India R.C. Majumdar who is also regarded as a true ‘Bhartiya’ historian by the Hindutva brigade commenting on this letter wrote:

“Shyam Prasad ended the letter with a discussion of the mass movement organised by the Congress. He expressed the apprehension that the movement would create internal disorder and will endanger internal security during the war by exciting popular feeling and he opined that any government in power has to suppress it, but that according to him could not be done only by persecution…. In that letter he mentioned item wise the steps to be taken for dealing with the situation…”

[RC Majumdar, History of Modern Bengal, vol. 2, G. Bharadwaj & Co, Calcutta, p. 350.]

The Hindu Mahasabha decision to betray Quit India Movement resonated with the RSS also. MS Golwalkar, the then chief of RSS admitted:

“In 1942 also there was a strong sentiment in the hearts of many. At that time too the routine work of Sangh continued. Sangh vowed not to do anything directly. However, upheaval (uthal-puthal) in the minds of Sangh volunteers continued. Sangh is an organization of inactive persons, their talks are useless, not only outsiders but also many of our volunteers did talk like this. They were greatly disgusted too.”

[Shri Guruji Samagar Darshan (collected works of Golwalkar in Hindi), vol. IV, Bhartiya Vichar Sadhna, Nagpur, nd, p 40.]

Nowhere in pre-Partition RSS literature do we find any references to any work which RSS might have done ‘indirectly’ against the British for Quit India Movement.

In a more shocking development, the Hindu Mahasabha of Dr Mookerjee decided to help the British rulers in World War II. It was the time when Subhash Chandra Bose, known as Netaji, was organizing the INA (Azad Hind Fauj) in a military campaign to force the British out. The extent to which the Hindu Mahasabha was willing to help the British masters is clear from the following directive issued by Savarkar as President of the Mahasabha:

“So far as India’s defence is concerned, Hindudom must ally unhesitatingly, in a spirit of responsive co-operation, with the war effort of the Indian government in so far as it is consistent with the Hindu interests, by joining the Army, Navy and the Aerial forces in as large a number as possible and by securing an entry into all ordnance, ammunition and war craft factories…. Again it must be noted that Japan’s entry into the war has exposed us directly and immediately to the attack by Britain’s enemies. Consequently, whether we like it or not, we shall have to defend our own hearth and home against the ravages of the war and this can only be done by intensifying the government’s war effort to defend India. Hindu Mahasabhaites must, therefore, rouse Hindus especially in the provinces of Bengal and Assam as effectively as possible to enter the military forces of all arms without losing a single minute.”

[V.D. Savarkar, Samagra Savarkar Wangmaya: Hindu Rashtra Darshan, vol. 6, Maharashtra Prantik Hindusabha, Poona, 1963, p. 460.]

Thus, according to PM Modi and Hindutva brigade, being a ‘patriot’ and ‘self-less’ freedom fighter is synonymous with being a stooge of the British, a collaborator of Jinnah led Muslim League and organiser of mass murders of brave participants of Quit India Movement. All those who fought and laid down their lives against the colonial masters for freedom of an all-inclusive democratic-secular must then have been fools!

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

Related:

Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee the Hindutva Icon was a Collaborator, with the Muslim League as much as the British

Syama Prasad Mookerjee: How `selfless’ was this `patriot’?

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The National Eligibility Entrance Test (NEET) 2026 was conducted on May 3, 2026, however, it is set to be re-conducted in June. Let’s look at the timeline of events that led to this redo.

Before the May 3 exam, the NTA said the exam was conducted under “full security protocol”, including GPS-tracked paper transport, biometric verification, AI-assisted CCTV monitoring, and 5G jammers at centres. The test was conducted across 551 Indian cities and at 14 overseas centres, with nearly 23 lakh candidates having registered. On the night of May 3, when Suthar (a chemistry teacher from Sikar, Rajasthan) was discussing the NEET questions with his students, he came across a PDF document that went viral a day before the exam. That document had all the chemistry questions that appeared in the actual exam. It further contained ninety of the biology questions that were asked in the exam. Following this discovery, Suthar informed the Rajasthan police and the NTA.

Now, the probe starts. One of the first breakthroughs in the investigation came when Rajasthan Police’s Special Operations Group arrested the alleged mastermind from Dehradun on May 7. A day later, four more persons, all NEET aspirants from Dehradun, were arrested and brought to Sikar for further interrogation. Among the five, the police said that the counsellor is accused of selling the leaked question paper to aspirants as a “Guess Paper.” He had allegedly received it from someone in Kerala, and it was suspected he managed to obtain probable questions of the examination paper even before it was sent for printing. The NTA escalated the matter to Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) for “independent verification and necessary action.”

The Rajasthan Police inquiry linked the suspected document to an MBBS student from Churu who was at the time studying at a medical college in Kerala. It was quickly spread through NEET aspirants who shared it with each other. The probe also revealed that the material was widely shared through encrypted messaging apps and social media, with some recovered chats reportedly carrying the “forwarded many times” label, suggesting that the questions may have reached a large number of students before the exam. The guess paper was sold to students at rates between Rs 20,000 and Rs 2 lakh, with some media reports indicating charges as high as Rs 5 lakh. By the night before the exam, copies were allegedly circulating for around Rs 30,000 each.

On May 12, nine days after the conduct of the examination, the NTA officially cancelled NEET UG 2026 “in the interest of students” and to protect the credibility of the national examination system. However, the probe continued.

In order to understand how structural and rooted the corruption in the national examination system is, it is imperative to look at the findings that followed the probe. On May 13, the Federation of All India Medical Association (FAIMA) moved the Supreme Court challenging the “systemic failure” of the NTA in conducting NEET-UG 2026. The petition sought directions to replace or fundamentally restructure the NTA and to conduct a fresh NEET-UG 2026 examination under judicial supervision, including digital encryption and locking of question papers, a transition to a digital test model, and publication of centre-wise results for detection of statistical anomalies and organised malpractice.

Prahlad Vittal Rao Kulkarni, identified as the alleged kingpin and a domain expert in chemistry from Latur who had for years served on panels involved in setting the NEET question paper, was arrested on May 15, for allegedly exploiting his access to confidential material. He allegedly hosted special coaching classes at his house in the last week of April and dictated questions to a select students. On May 16, the CBI arrested Manisha Gurunath Mandhare, a biology lecturer who was part of the NTA’s paper-setting committee for the NEET exam held on May 3. The arrest was made on the basis of questioning of P V Kulkarni and other accused in the paper leak case. She was allegedly involved in the examination process and appointed by the NTA as an expert with complete access to the Botany and Zoology question papers. Mandhare is alleged to have mobilised prospective NEET examination candidates in April 2026 through Manisha Wagmare of Pune (she was arrested on May 14) and conducted special coaching classes for students at her home, dictating leaked questions and collecting lakhs of rupees as fee. Most of these questions tallied with the questions that appeared in the examination on May 3. The CBI on May 22 arrested Manisha Sanjay Havaldar. She had been appointed by the NTA as an expert to set the question paper for the physics section. Investigators found that she allegedly shared several Physics questions with co-accused Manisha Mandhare in April 2026.

There were several other arrests made by the CBI in relation to this from States such as Rajasthan, Delhi, Haryana.

On May 21, NTA Director General Abhishek Singh appeared before the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Education, Women, Children, Youth and Sports. Singh told the committee that the agency does not view the NEET exam as having been “leaked.” Even when Opposition members pressed for answers, NTA officials stuck to their position that the CBI is investigating, and they would only call it a leak if the CBI finished its probe and confirmed it. On questions from MPs about how the NEET paper was leaked, Singh said it was “not leaked through their system“. Several MPs asked him then how did the paper get leaked and what was the need to cancel the exam and hold a re-test. He had no answer and insisted that CBI was looking into the matter. Some opposition MPs demanded that the probe report be presented before the panel, but BJP members objected, saying the CBI is an independent body and should be allowed to do its work.

On May 29, the NTA informed the Supreme Court that it was all set to conduct NEET UG in digital testing mode from the next year instead of the pen and paper mode. The NTA’s affidavit stated to the Supreme Court in relation to the several petitions (including the aforesaid FAIMA petition) that the transition will be implemented from the next examination cycle in consultation with the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare thereby bringing all major NTA examinations onto the digital testing platform. Regarding the June 21 re-examination, the NTA told the Court that the re-examination scheduled on June 21, will be conducted under a further strengthened SOP framework and with multi-layer authentication.

This paper leak saga shows how deeply percolated corruption is in Indian educational system is. Students who work tirelessly for months and even years are failed by the system consistently. It erodes the faith public has in the government in conducting something as rudimentary as exams. The repercussions of such failures are tragic and extremely disheartening. The next section shall deal with the distress such failures cause to the students and the extreme steps that they are forced to take.

Aftermath, Young Lives lost

NEET is the biggest exam in terms of number of applicants in India, and is mandatory for anyone who aims to take admission in medical courses. In the hope of becoming doctors, students spend years preparing for the exam in extremely competitive and burdensome environments. Therefore, when the news of its cancellation was out, the consequences were tragic.

Pradeep, 21, had taken the exam twice before but failed to secure the needed marks. This time, the moment he walked out of the examination hall, he hugged his father and said, “Papa, this time I have become a doctor.” He had spent lakhs of rupees and countless hours preparing for the exam. As per the answer key of the exam conducted on May 3, Pradeep was securing a seat in a government medical college with ease. However, the news of cancellation put him in so much despair that he died by suicide. Pradeep Manich, 23, was a labourer’s son who had been living in a rented accommodation in Sikar away from his home. Reportedly, his family had sold their land and taken loans to fund his coaching and expenses for NEET. After his third attempt, the news of the paper leak and re-examination left him hopeless and disillusioned. He was devastated and he hanged himself days after the exam. Akanksha Chaturvedi had been preparing for the medical entrance exam in Nagpur and reportedly suffered from severe depression triggered by the cancellation, and ultimately, died by suicide. Her suicide note said, ” I no longer have the courage to take the NEET exam again. I was scoring good marks in my first attempt, but now there is no guarantee that I will perform well again.” Her father, a farmer, worked as a cook in Nagpur, and also put himself in financial debt to support her dreams of becoming a doctor. In Uttar Pradesh’s Lakhimpur Kheri, 21 years old Ritik Mishra died by suicide after reportedly distressed by the cancellation of the examination. Further, a 17 years old boy from Goa district took his life after the cancellation owing to academic stress and concerns over balancing studies with his passion for hockey.

19 years old Divyansh Sharma from Sikar tells how impactful such re-examinations are psychologically. Sharma says that when students spend one or two years preparing and the paper gets leaked, it feels devastating. He made it clear that beyond financial loss, the greatest cost is time. Talking about his own experience, he said Sikar (a hub for competitive exams preparation) as an emotionally draining environment, filled with overcrowded hostels, endless classes, and routines built entirely around mock tests and revision. The competition is so intense that students study throughout the entire day. When news breaks that an exam will be held again due to a leak, it kills motivation. He also points out that the psychological challenge is significant, as students begin to doubt whether they can replicate their previous level of performance. Devadrita Dam, an 18 years old aspirant from Gurgaon, had been genuinely hopeful after the exam because the paper seemed easier compared to previous years. In the week following the exam, she was finally reconnecting with friends after months of social isolation that the exam forces under the guise of rigour of preparation. Then her best friend sent her a message saying the paper had been cancelled. She initially assumed it was a joke, but her uncle called to confirm the news. She broke down crying at the thought of having to go through the entire process again. According to Dam, the leak has seriously shaken students’ faith in the system.

These heart-breaking stories show how disproportionately the cancellation of exams affected students who came from lower income families. And how, the system failed the students by not being able to conduct an exam of such importance with honesty and transparency.

Owing to these incidents in light of systemic failure of the education system towards its students, there were protests as legitimate expression of anguish by students. On May 12, National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) staged a massive protest at Shastri Bhawan. Protestors were seen climbing the barricades at Shastri Bhawan to show their disappointment and anger. Characteristically Delhi Police detained several protestors. This was the same day the NTA officially confirmed the exam’s cancellation showing that the students were in the streets within hours of the announcement. A couple of days later on May 16, NSUI staged a massive protest outside the NTA headquarters in Delhi under the banner of the “NTA Halla Bol” campaign. The protestors rightly pointed out the suicides that took place owing to NTA’s failure that led to the re-examination.

Further, IYC activists took out a protest march from Teen Murti Circle towards the Education Minister’s residence holding posters and banners. However, they were stopped by police barricades and some protestors had been detained as well. Members of the All India Students’ Association (AISA) staged a demonstration demanding accountability for recurring examination irregularities outside the Ministry of Education on June 1. These protestors were also later detained by Police. On May 31 in Bhopal and on June 1 in Bhubaneswar, torchlight marches were organised outside the residence of Dharmendra Pradhan demanding his resignation over the paper leak issue. Moreover, On June 6, IYC President Uday Bhanu Chib led thousands in a protest in Haryana. Protesters faced water cannons and even barricades and police lathis. Despite of such protests the mainstream media has remained silent on both the fronts, raising voice against the government that allowed such a leak to happen, and it has remained silent on these protests by not covering their plight, anguish and courage to protest against such failures. And whenever such protests are shown, the lens is partisan— a political battle between Congress and BJP. Instead of putting the plight of the students at the centre of its coverage, the narrative is completely shifted to party politics. The response by the State that included, barricading, detention, shooting water guns, reflect how the state has increasingly collapsed the distinction between disruption and dissent. A detailed report on the mainstream media’s cold shoulder and on the protests that happened nationwide can be read here.

Repeated Leaks

It is imperative to note that the NEET exam was earlier leaked just two years ago! The 2024 NEET examination had an unusually high number of top rankers. Further, many students received scores that appeared mathematically impossible. This raised the concerns of paper being leaked. The CBI in pursuance of these allegations of paper leak arrested 40 individuals. The government’s initial posture was flat denial. When Dharmendra Pradhan took charge as Education Minister in June 2024, he told reporters that “there is no corruption or paper leak in NEET-UG 2024.” This position was maintained even as police in multiple states were making arrests and producing evidence to the contrary.

Subsequently, the matter reached the Supreme Court. The Court said there would be no re-examination, ruling that the data on record was not enough to show a systematic leak. However, the Court stated that there was a paper leak, though it found it localised to the areas of Hazaribagh and Patna. It simultaneously acknowledged serious weaknesses within the NTA and insisted on structural reform to prevent such instances from repeating. Following this, a committee namely Dr. K. Radhakrishnan Committee was setup. The Court specifically directed the committee to examine the viability of comprehensive CCTV surveillance, surprise inspections, secure transportation systems, digital tracking, and stricter identity verification mechanisms. The court also directed the Ministry of Education to monitor implementation through a Steering Committee. The Radhakrishnan committee submitted its report in October 2024 to the central government, that contained several recommendations to prevent future leaks. These included a shift to digital testing to eliminate the vulnerabilities of physical paper handling, biometric verification, AI-based surveillance, encrypted digital question delivery, and multi-stage examination formats. In January 2025, the Centre told the Supreme Court that it would implement all these corrective measures as suggested by the committee.

Now, the question that crops up is, what did the government do? Unsurprisingly, the answer is nothing. Despite recommendations by the K. Radhakrishnan committee after the 2024 controversy, the examination continued under the same manner as before. The NTA has immense structural problems that facilitates such leaks and other issues commonly faced by students (some problems are left unaddressed by the committee itself). The National Testing Agency was established in 2017 without parliamentary debate, public consultation, or a statutory foundation. It operates as a society registered under the Societies Registration Act, 1860 rather than as a body created by legislation. Its memorandum of association (a basic charter that any registered organisation is expected to publish) has never appeared on its website, unlike comparable bodies such as the CBSE. The agency’s financial workings are equally opaque. While institutions like the UPSC and AIIMS publish detailed annual reports with budget allocations and expenditure data, the NTA has simply stated on its website that because the number of exams it conducts varies each year, it is “difficult to maintain Head-wise/Exam-wise Budget.” For an agency that collects fees from over two crore candidates annually and outsources significant work to private contractors, this opacity raised eyebrows to say the least.

The biggest problem that NTA has is its outsourcing tendencies. The NTA contracts out some of its most consequential functions such as setting up exam centres, managing physical security, capturing biometric data, to other parties. This problem needs to understood in tandem with the fact that it coordinates with a network of private actors that has no published standards of governing and nobody knows how those actors are selected, supervised, or held accountable. The result has been visible in examination halls where power cuts lasted over an hour or even when students were handed out rainwater-soaked answer sheets. Nothing about the process of setting question papers is publicly known. The qualifications required of paper setters, the processes they follow, and the safeguards against conflicts of interest is simply not disclosed. The CBSE publishes a detailed document specifying exactly these things, including the duties of “secrecy officers” responsible for maintaining confidentiality through the examination process. The NTA has no equivalent. This goes on to show how much opacity is present in the entire process of conducting the examinations– from setting of papers to the conduct of exam on the final day. In toto, it is a centralised body that works with near zero accountability. In such a setting, bluntly, lapses are inevitable.

NOT JUST NTA OR NEET

However, the problem in the examination framework of India is by no means limited to the NTA but runs much deeper.

In May 2026, the Central Board of Secondary Education declared Class 12 results.  There was a drop in passing percentage this year by 3 points. Consequently, students wanted to check their answer sheets and see what went wrong. However, it was found that, students were receiving wrong answer sheets. Evaluators were marking blurred, illegible scans. Pages had gone missing. This year marked On-screen marking’s (OSM) first use by CBSE. The promise of OSM was quite handsome. In OSM, answer sheets are scanned, digitised, and uploaded to a secure portal. Examiners log in remotely and mark on their screens, this marking is then auto-tabulated by the system. CBSE had, in fact, conceived of OSM back in 2014 but shelved the idea because of logistical difficulties. Cut to 2026, CBSE announced its plan on using OSM. During mandatory mock evaluation sessions on February 26, 2026, teachers reported portal access failures, slow system performance, and errors in teacher data on the registration portal. Knowing all this, and instead of going for a phased launch of the technology, CBSE still decided to rollout the technology all at once, for nearly 1 crore answer scripts. In a March 16 circular, CBSE warned Class 10 and 12 evaluators of legal action for sharing “misleading” information about the marking process on social media and declared that evaluation is confidential, therefore, it should not be discussed.

Once the results were out, students who accessed their answer sheets via the OSM verification portal found pages scanned so poorly that not a single line was legible yet the examiner had marked them. On various Reddit and X posts, students described evaluators placing red ticks and numerical scores on images that were, functionally, blank. These problems gained traction when Vedant Shrivastava posted his Physics answer sheet on X. When he checked his answer script he found out that someone else’s answer sheet was marked instead of his. There was a clear difference in handwriting. CBSE eventually admitted the error and issued the correct scanned copy, but only after Vedant’s post had gone viral.

I am a CBSE Class 12 student.

After receiving unexpectedly low marks in Physics, we applied for photocopies of my answer sheets through the CBSE reevaluation process.

Today we received the copies.

And I am shattered because the Physics answer sheet uploaded by CBSE is not mine

— VEDANT (@VEDANTSHRIV17) May 23, 2026

Along the same vein, Sanjana, found that every page of her Chemistry answer booklet belonged to a completely different person. CBSE later acknowledged it had “discarded around 30 answer sheets due to issues like unclear images and duplicate entries” without re-scanning them, this means some students were potentially evaluated on nothing whatsoever.

I applied for CBSE revaluation. The scanned copy of my chemistry sheet I received does not match my handwriting or written responses.
For reference, I am attaching my English answer sheet, which clearly reflects my actual handwriting. pic.twitter.com/laINaEMAP3

— Sanjana (@Sanjanaopxe) May 25, 2026

These issues could largely be pinned to the vendor who was responsible for the application the of OSM technology. The company entrusted with building and running the OnMark digital evaluation platform for CBSE is Coempt Edu Teck Private Limited, a Hyderabad based education technology firm. It was formerly known as Globarena Technologies Private Limited, and it had in the past made grave errors in technological applications. Those errors had led to several suicides as well.

If this company had such discouraging past, how did it manage to get the tender? The inconsistencies in floating of three tenders before finally settling with Coempt Edu Teck was first reported in the Hindustan Times.  Later, Sarthak Sidhant, a 17 years old Class 12 student from Jharkhand showed gave a breakdown of the requirements were consistently to grant then tender were changed several times in a way that made Coempt eligible for it. He spent days readings official CBSE bidding documents on the Central Public Procurement Portal, and tracked changes across three successive versions of the tender.  He published his findings in a blog post, these findings reveal the deep percolated corruption in the system that allowed Coempt to bag the tender.

The original Request for proposal (RFP) contained three specific clauses that would disqualify a vendor for poor past performance. These clauses were entirely removed from the revised RFP. A company with Coempt’s track record would have been eliminated at the gate under the original standards. Further, the minimum revenue threshold was set at ₹50 crore in an earlier version of the tender. It was pointed out that Coempt, would not to meet this threshold therefore, the same was revised in ways that made the company eligible. Capability Maturity Model Integration levels (these are standard benchmarks for software development capabilities) were also reportedly adjusted in the new tenders. The tender was first issued in February 2025. After the initial process failed to move forward, it was re-issued in May 2025, then again. Each iteration, Sidhant alleged, brought the eligibility criteria closer to Coempt’s actual profile. The cybersecurity standards required of the vendor were also scaled back across each of these successive drafts.

Furthermore, Nisarg Adhikari, a 19 years old ethical hacker broke into CBSE’s OSM portal and found several vulnerabilities. He found out numerous flaws that could allow anyone with basic technical knowledge to bypass OTP authentication, impersonate examiners, reset passwords, and even alter marks scored by students! This demonstrates how poorly the OSM was developed and deployed. The entire process of implementing OMS was marred with corruption that rewarded incompetence.

Across the 18 lakh who appeared for Class 12 board exams this year, there is now an uncertainty about the integrity of their results. Even students who scored well and were not directly affected by the visible failures have no guarantee that their marks accurately reflect their performance. This is the case because the system that produced those marks has been publicly demonstrated to be insecure and badly managed. The Board had twelve years to plan OSM after first conceiving it in 2014. It chose to deploy it overnight. It awarded the contract 74 days before exams began. It accepted security certificates covering other people’s systems. It threatened teachers who raised concerns with legal action

The response to these revelations

Instead of any of this being on the front page, it was a teenager that cracked the story open. Several right-wing social media accounts started heckling Vedant (student who received the wrong physics answer script) as anti-national. He was also derogatorily called as a Pakistani. Among those who amplified this heckling was Ashok Shrivastav, a journalist and primetime anchor at Doordarshan News. Shrivastav posted a screenshot of Vedant’s profile location (which showed South Asia) and commented “Did Pakistanis also appear for CBSE exams?!!”

A journalist at a taxpayer-funded national broadcaster took a grievance from a student who had received the wrong answer sheet, checked the geolocation setting of his fresh social media account, and concluded that the most plausible explanation was Pakistani subterfuge.

This shows the levels that Indian Media has stooped down to. Vedant and his family were inundated with abuse. They were called “Pakistani agents,” “anti-national,” “Soros agents,” and members of the “Deep State.” 17 years old who had spent the year studying for his boards, who had done nothing more than post proof of an institutional failure affecting his own marks, was now managing a mental health crisis on top of everything else.

This response is not exclusive to Vedant, even Nisarg and Sarthak who did a commendable job in showing the truth behind the tender allocation and the various infirmities of the present OSM system were treated with the same vitriolic response. The logic of this rhetoric works like this. Any complaint about a government system is, by definition, motivated by hostility to India. Anyone motivated by hostility to India is acting on behalf of India’s enemies. Pakistan is the most convenient enemy. Therefore, any complaint = Pakistani.

CONSTITUTONAL DIMENSIONS

The right to life under Article 21, as interpreted through Unnikrishnan and subsequent decisions, encompasses the right to education. The judiciary has consistently read Article 21 expansively to include not just bare survival but the conditions necessary for a dignified human existence. Access to a fair, uncorrupted examination is not peripheral to this right. For millions of students, particularly those from lower-income families who cannot afford private alternatives or second attempts, NEET and CBSE board exams are the singular pathway to a livelihood and a dignified future. When those pathways are sabotaged by institutional negligence and structural corruption, the right to a dignified life is contravened. The suicides that followed the 2026 NEET cancellation are the most extreme indictment of this constitutional violation. Moreover, paper leak that was facilitated by state appointed officials violated the right to equality.  It gave an undue advantage to some candidates over others who attempted the examination honestly. Two candidates sit for the same exam. One has seen the questions. One has not. They are not equal before that paper, and the State made them unequal. The Supreme Court’s commitment to protecting the integrity of competitive examinations was further reinforced in a 2015 decision (Tanvi Sarwal v. Central Board of Secondary Education) involving the CBSE, where the Court directed that a fresh all-India medical entrance examination be held after concluding that widespread use of electronic devices had compromised the process beyond repair.

The Public Examinations (Prevention of Unfair Means) Act, 2024 represents the legislature’s acknowledgment that examination fraud is a criminal offence. It contravenes the foundational principles of constitution such as equal treatment of everyone. The Act criminalises question paper leakage, unauthorised access to confidential material, organised distribution networks, impersonation, and digital facilitation of cheating. It extends liability beyond individual bad actors to service providers, vendors, printing contractors, and institutional officers, making negligence and collusion equally punishable. The existence of this statute makes the State’s failure 2026 constitutionally indefensible. The legislature had already recognised, through this law, that paper leaks violate the foundational conditions of fair competition. That recognition maps directly onto the Article 14 guarantee of substantive equality. When the executive arm of the State allowed an institutional architecture that permitted paper setters with unrestricted access to confidential material to operate without oversight. It significantly increased the chances of such leaks, and in turn, increased the chances of constitutional violations as written above.

The way the State responded to the protests that broke out in response of these constitutional violations are quite telling. The Supreme Court has recognised in multiple decisions that the right to protest is implied in Article 19 and that the State must make genuine arrangements for dissent to be heard rather than suppressed. When Delhi Police detained students within hours of the cancellation announcement, when water cannons were deployed in Haryana, when IYC marchers were stopped before they could reach the Education Minister’s residence, the State directly prevented public accountability. The restrictions that Article 19(2) permits on these freedoms must be reasonable and proportionate. Treating students the way they were treated for protesting the loss of an examination they spent years preparing for fails any honest proportionality test.

References for this analysis may be found here.

(The programme research team also consists of interns; this resource has been worked on by Hamzah Patel)

Related:

Equity on Hold: Supreme Court’s interim stay of the UGC Regulations, 2026

CBSE tries to promote RSS ideologues with essay competitions

Failings of Indian Legal Education System

Educational inequities worsen for Muslim students in India

How many lives will it take before India acknowledges dominant caste hegemony in educational institutes?

The post The system that keeps failing appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On June 6, Saturday, when a huge concentration of media attention was on the “Cockroach” gathering at Jantar Mantar, the IYC President , Uday Bhanu Chib, led thousands in a protest in Haryana. Protesters faced water cannons and even barricades and police lathis, demonstrating a vibrant protest, again ignored by ‘mainstream’ media.

Cockroaches from Congress in Haryana. pic.twitter.com/lYsm6d4csW

— Piyush Rai (@Benarasiyaa) June 6, 2026

IYC and NSUI launched district and state-wide protests all over the country following the May 3 NEET UG (Undergraduate) cancellation that left hundreds of thousands of students in distress and limbo, some even taking their own lives.

It is not a coincidence that a day earlier, on May 15, 2026 a controversial remark by Chief Justice of India (CJI) Surya Kant, during a hearing on fraudulent degrees when he criticised the behaviour of “unemployed youths, journalists and activists comparing them to “cockroaches” led to widespread outrage. The very next day not only did the Youth Congress launch its large protest in the capital, but a young Indian, living in Boston, Abhijeet Dipke gave the call for the launch of the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) that resonated among the young!

The NEET UG (Undergraduate) 2026 examination was held on May 3 across 551 Indian cities and 14 international locations for over 22 lakh candidates. It was subsequently cancelled on May 12 following allegations of an orchestrated paper leak. The examination has now been rescheduled for June 21 with improved security arrangements. At least seven student suicides linked to the NEET-UG 2026 examination were reported in May alone, highlighting the intense psychological pressure faced by candidates. The distress has been attributed to the sudden cancellation of the exam and ongoing uncertainty over a re-test, against the backdrop of widespread paper leak allegations impacting over 2.2 million aspirants.

Senior Congress leader and Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi said the party would continue to press for accountability. Speaking after a protest in New Delhi, he called for “a secure and transparent system” to prevent future leaks. Politically, Congress has mobilised protests across several states through its student wing, the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI), and the Indian Youth Congress (IYC). Demonstrations have included marches, candlelight vigils and symbolic protests, with leaders alleging that the issue reflects deeper institutional failures. Indian Youth Congress president Uday Bhanu Chib who was even detained and jailed by the Delhi police on instructions of the Modi government in February 2026, has been leading from the front: he has referred to reports of student distress and suicides, calling for greater accountability from the government. In February 2026, Uday Bhan Chib, who hails from Jammu had led shirtless protests against the Modi government for the national shame that arose out of the AI international summit especially related to the showcasing of a Chinese innovation by a an Indian commercial university as “Indian.” This time round, NSUI president Vinod Jakhar led protests in multiple cities, including Hyderabad and in Guwahati in Assam, where he been detained by police.

जब लाखों युवा सड़क पर हों, 22 लाख बच्चों का भविष्य दांव पर हो और PM चुप हो – तो सरकार जवाब देने नहीं, बचने में लगी है।

जब तक धर्मेंद्र प्रधान का इस्तीफा नहीं होता और NEET जैसे पेपर लीक रोकने के लिए foolproof सिस्टम नहीं बनता – हम रुकेंगे नहीं।pic.twitter.com/6KrhfUqDkL

— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) May 24, 2026

This uproar over the NEET paper leak followed by the institutional scams within the National testing agency (NTA) also attracted parliamentary scrutiny. On May 21, National Testing Agency (NTA) Director General Abhishek Singh was summoned to appear before the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Education, Women, Children, Youth and Sports to discuss the paper leak investigation and possible examination reforms. Committee members expressed serious concern regarding weaknesses in the examination process, including computer-based testing infrastructure, exam frequency, and institutional accountability. Officials informed the panel that a CBI probe is ongoing to identify vulnerabilities and reinforce the system. Committee Chairman and senior Congress leader Digvijaya Singh remarked that all Committee members were “very concerned” about the matters discussed.

Beyond street mobilisations, the Congress has mounted an aggressive media and social media campaign. Over weeks from mid-May 2026 onwards, party leaders have repeatedly raised the issue in press briefings, accusing the Modi government of failing to protect the interests of students and job aspirants. Leader of the Opposition (LOP), Rahul Gandhi has personally met students affected by the NEET paper leak and those who have raised concerns over the CBSE evaluation system. Senior leaders and party units are regularly posting on social media demanding Dharmendra Pradhan’s resignation.

A question that deserves to be asked.

Over the last several weeks, NSUI has organised protest after protest on issues directly affecting students and young people, NEET paper leaks, examination irregularities, CBSE evaluation controversies, and accountability from the Education… pic.twitter.com/Z60EUtYyvz

— Maanmohan Singh Pahujaa (@msgpahujaa) June 6, 2026

Reuters  reported on May 16 itself that the Delhi Police detained Indian Youth Congress party supporters protesting against Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan regarding the NEET paper leak and the statements made by him concerning students at near Teen Murti Circle, on May 16, 2026 in New Delhi, India. Holding posters, banners and party flags, IYC activists took out a protest march from Teen Murti Circle towards the education minister’s residence before they were stopped by police barricades. The protesters alleged that repeated paper leaks had shaken the confidence of students and exposed serious lapses in the country’s examination system.

Livemint, Millenium Post  also covered the May 16 protests reporting that several members, including IYC president Uday Bhanu Chib, were detained during the protest. The protesting Youth Congress alleged that the education system had “collapsed” under the BJP-led NDA government.

At a separate protest in Bengaluru, Congress general secretary Randeep Surjewala criticised the government’s handling of the examination system, alleging administrative failures. The demonstration was attended by Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and other state leaders.

अब “परीक्षा पर चर्चा” बंद कर PM को “पेपर लीक पर चर्चा” करनी चाहिये ।

सच ये की देश में शिक्षा और परीक्षा को अब “एजुकेशन माफिया” चला रहा है ।

NEET परीक्षा लीक पर कल फ्रीडम पार्क, बेंगलुरु में युवा कांग्रेस द्वारा आयोजित रैली में श्री @siddaramaiah व श्री @UdayBhanuIYC के साथ pic.twitter.com/ulyjD0cElr

— Randeep Singh Surjewala (@rssurjewala) May 22, 2026

IYC अध्यक्ष श्री @UdayBhanuIYC जी ने बेंगलुरु में NEET पेपर लीक के खिलाफ जोरदार विरोध प्रदर्शन का नेतृत्व किया।

युवा कांग्रेस ने छात्रों के भविष्य के साथ हुए इस खिलवाड़ के लिए धर्मेंद्र प्रधान को बर्खास्त करने और NTA को बैन करने की मांग उठाई।

बेंगलुरु pic.twitter.com/R6BfygWB6A

— Indian Youth Congress (@IYC) May 21, 2026

Though Congress has taken a lead, the controversy has drawn responses from other opposition parties as well. In West Bengal, leaders from the Trinamool Congress joined protests calling for a court-monitored investigation. Party MP Sagarika Ghose criticised the Centre’s response to the issue.

In Bihar, Rashtriya Janata Dal leader Tejashwi Yadav said the leak allegations pointed to what he described as an “organised network,” a claim the government has not commented on.

आइए #NEETPaperLeak के विरुद्ध #प्रतिरोध_मार्च का हिस्सा बनें!
आइए इस भाजपा की LEAK तंत्र का #पुतला_दहन करें और #StudentJustice के लिए लड़ें!

जागरूक नागरिक का फर्ज अदा करें, युवाओं के लिए खड़े होकर देश के भविष्य के साथ हो रहे भ्रष्टाचार का विरोध करें! pic.twitter.com/3q2nNCmloJ

— Rashtriya Janata Dal (@RJDforIndia) May 20, 2026

Meanwhile, youth organisations linked to regional parties, including the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh, have also held demonstrations.

On May 24, Newsmill reported that members of the Tamil Nadu Youth Congress organised a protest march towards Lok Bhavan in Chennai on May 24, condemning the alleged leak of the NEET UG 2026 examination paper and calling for the abolition of the national medical entrance test, which they claim favours affluent students.

Real Cockroaches in Tamil Nadu are fighting for the youth of this country with one clear demand, #SackPradhan

This is the kind of resistance India needs. Glimpses from IYC’s Rajbhavan March in Chennai.

Register as Cockroach: https://t.co/PPJUWeR7LX pic.twitter.com/nree8NlVYf

— Indian Youth Congress (@IYC) May 24, 2026

At that protest, the Indian Youth Congress National Secretary Joshua Gerard led the demonstration and criticised the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET), citing repeated paper leaks and systemic inequality. He stated, “Every year, 22-24 lakhs youngsters write the NEET exam and in the last 12 years, more than 5 times that papers have been leaked. We strongly condemn this, and we demand that NEET exams be banned across India. It is against poor people…the tuition centres charge around Rs 1-2 lakh every year. NEET ensures that only rich people can become doctors in this country.” Gerard further warned of escalated protests if the examination is not banned, saying, “If it is not banned, we will organise gheraos across every assembly in India.”

The protest occurred amid widespread anger over the NEET UG 2026 paper leak. On the same day, May 24, the Rouse Avenue Court in Delhi placed accused Shubham Khairnar in judicial custody until June 6, following his presentation by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) earlier that day.

May 13, May 21

The Hindu and The New Indian Express reported on protests by the IYC first on May 13 in Kalaburagi and thereafter in Bengaluru on May 21.

In the first protest, members of the Youth Congress Unit, condemned the irregularities in the NEET-UG examination, members of the Youth Congress unit staged a protest outside the Deputy Commissioner’s office in Kalaburagi on Wednesday criticising the National Testing Agency (NTA) over the question paper leak and demanding its abolition. The protesters burnt tyres, displayed placards and raised slogans against the Union government and Prime Minister Narendra Modi over the conduct of national-level examinations.

Addressing the protesters, Kalaburagi District Youth Congress president Shakeel Ahmed Saradagi stated that repeated controversies surrounding the NEET-UG examination have undermined the credibility of the country’s examination system causing anxiety among lakhs of students aspiring to pursue medical education. Drawing attention to the scandal and controversy surrounding the 2024 NEET-UG examination and the fresh paper leak in 2026, he said that the paper leak has recurred for the second time in three years, accusing the NTA of repeatedly failing to conduct examinations transparently and securely, thereby compromising the interests of honest students.

Mr. Saradagi pointed out that such, repeated and systemic irregularities in centralised examinations are recurring because of the growing commercialisation of education and demanded that the Union government dissolve the NTA and establish a more accountable and transparent mechanism for conducting competitive examinations.

The protesters said that repeated paper leaks and examination irregularities have eroded public trust in the examination process and cautioned that such lapses can seriously undermine the faith of students in the country’s education system.

In Bengaluru, on May 21, twelve days later, a march to Lok Nayak Bhawan was organised. Addressing the media national general secretary Nigam Bhandary alleged that during the BJP-led NDA tenure at the Centre, the question paper was leaked 89 times, adding to the misery of the students. Speaking to the media before the protest, national general secretary Nigam Bhandary alleged that during the BJP-led NDA tenure at the Centre, the question paper was leaked 89 times, adding to the misery of the students. “The Centre has pushed the students into an inferno, as four students had committed suicide. The paper leaks have happened only in states ruled by the BJP,” he alleged.

May 29

Even on May 29, the Indian Youth Congress (IYC) and the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) organised demonstrations across several states, with youth leaders leading mashal juloos (torchlight marches) and protest rallies in multiple cities. IYC president Uday Bhanu Chib was present at a protest campaign from Goa on 29 May. The agitation then continued, and is still continuing in Mumbai, Maharashtra, Telangana, Assam, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Chandigarh and Punjab before concluding in Tamil Nadu on June 20. The NSUI has simultaneously been conducting protests and student outreach programmes across major cities and state capitals.

Live: Halla Bol – Mashal Morcha by Youth Congress in Pune. #SackPradhan https://t.co/yZFSAvhag1

— Indian Youth Congress (@IYC) May 31, 2026

हर ज़ोर-ज़ुल्म की टक्कर में…
संघर्ष हमारा नारा है @VinodJakharIN के नेतृत्व में @nsui सड़क पर भयंकर संघर्ष कर रही है,
Student Community के लिए पुलिस की लाठियां खा रही है !

गोदी मीडिया पुलिस से Permission मांगने नालों की Press Conference दिखा रही है !

NSUI ज़िंदाबाद pic.twitter.com/CdUlo30gD6

— Dr. Ragini Nayak (@NayakRagini) June 4, 2026

June 2

On June 2, Youth Congress protests took place outside Lok Bhavan in Ranchi, Jharkand over NEET-UG paper leak. The Youth Congress members congregated near Lok Bhavan and raised slogans against the BJP government at the Centre reported PTI.  Protesters alleged that irregularities in examinations have increased manifold under the BJP regime. After the NEET “paper leak”, mismanagement was found in the examination conducted by the CBSE, they claimed.

लीक प्रधान की बर्खास्तगी की मांग को लेकर झारखंड राजभवन के बाहर पहुंचे Indian Youth Cockroaches

जब तक प्रधान की बर्खास्तगी नही होती, तब तक ये सड़कें हम सूनी नही होने देंगे… pic.twitter.com/4luYSZ1r3B

— Indian Youth Congress (@IYC) June 2, 2026

“In the last 10 years, there have been 89 incidents of paper leaks in the country, and re-examinations took place 48 times. It is very shameful,” Jharkhand Youth Congress President Kumar Gaurav told reporters. He claimed that the paper leak affected students and many of them committed suicide, causing distress to their families.

“We demand justice for the families who lost their sons or daughters. But the BJP government remains silent on this. The Youth Congress demands the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan,” he said. Gaurav also announced that if their demand was not considered, they will intensify the protest and stage demonstrations outside the houses of BJP MPs and MLAs in Jharkhand.

झारखंड यूथ कांग्रेस ने NEET में धांधली और पेपर लीक के खिलाफ राजभवन के सामने जमकर नारेबाजी और विरोध प्रदर्शन किया.
देखिए रांची से संवाददाता सत्यजीत कुमार की ये रिपोर्ट

#JharkhandYouthCongress #NEET #NEETPaperLeak #YouthCongress #Ranchi #ReporterDiary | @satyajeetAT pic.twitter.com/hlBsiCj4Vk

— AajTak (@aajtak) June 2, 2026

The same day, June 2, a protest march, titled “Yuva Aakrosh Morcha,” was organised by Mumbai Youth Congress president Zeenat Shabrin and led by Youth Congress national president Uday Bhanu Chib, reported Mid-Day. This protest, in Dadar, Central Mumbai –starting from the symbolic Chaityabhoomi and culminating at the Shivaji Park was also against alleged paper leaks and examination irregularities in NEET and CBSE exams, demanding accountability and the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. The march was halted midway and several protesters detained. Reported the Mid-day.

मुंबई की सड़कों पर आज देश का युवा न्याय मांग रहा था..
लेकिन पेपर लीक के जिम्मेदार धर्मेंद्र प्रधान क्या कर रहे हैं?
CBSE अधिकारियों के तबादले कर अपनी कुर्सी बचाने की कोशिश!

मोदी जी, एक मंत्री को बचाने के लिए आखिर कितने अधिकारियों की बलि दी जाएगी?

आज युवा कांग्रेस के ‘युवा… pic.twitter.com/V3nY3sdOg1

— Uday Bhanu Chib (@UdayBhanuIYC) June 2, 2026

Senior Congress leaders, including Congress Working Committee member and former minister Naseem Khan, MLA Bhai Jagtap, and AICC secretary Sachin Sawant, participated in the protest, along with hundreds of students, youth workers, and party activists.

June 4

Two days later, in another corner of the country, capital of the north-eastern state of Assam, Guwahati saw protests on the same issue. Assam Pradesh Youth Congress (APYC) president and MLA Zubair Anam Mazumder was allegedly manhandled by the police during a protest outside Rajiv Bhawan there over alleged “systemic failures”, “repeated paper leaks”, and “widespread mismanagement” plaguing major national examinations, including NEET and CBSE. The Indian Youth Congress president Uday Bhanu Chib joined APYC during the protest to demand justice and accountability for students. Here too, the protesters demanded the resignation of the Union education minister Dharmendra Pradhan, alleging that paper leaks and scandals in crucial exams happened during his tenure like never before. The protest was led by Mazumder, and vice-presidents Rakesh Chakraborty, among others. “The immaturity and incompetence of the BJP government and the education minister have repeatedly exposed their lack of accountability towards students,” Chakraborty said. During the protest, Mazumder was allegedly manhandled by the police, while an effigy of Pradhan was burned. Chakravarty warned that if such irregularities and negligence towards students’ futures continue, the protests will intensify.
They alleged that certain coaching centres grew with the support of the BJP government, as well as intermediaries and organised groups, who were interfering in these exams, affecting the education of millions of students. The alleged relationship between the National Testing Agency (NTA) and the BJP was criticised for jeopardizing students’ futures.

The Economic Times reported on June 3 the announcements by the Indian Youth Congress (IYC) has announced plans to intensify its nationwide agitation over alleged irregularities in competitive examinations and renewed its demand for the removal of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan.

पहले तस्वीरें देखिए, फिर मोदी मीडिया..

आज किसी चैनल ने दिखाया क्या..? pic.twitter.com/IMvIArjdvH

— Indian Youth Congress (@IYC) June 7, 2026

The youth wing of the Congress said on that date it would launch a fresh phase of protests across several states, including torchlight marches, student outreach programmes, demonstrations and gheraos, alleging that repeated examination controversies have undermined students’ faith in the education system. According to an official statement, IYC president Uday Bhanu Chib will visit multiple states to lead the campaign, which is scheduled to cover Maharashtra, Telangana, Assam, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Punjab and Tamil Nadu, among others. “The students of this country deserve jobs, justice and accountability. Instead, they have been given paper leaks, uncertainty and a broken examination system,” IYC in-charge Manish Sharma said in the statement. He said the organisation would continue its protests “until accountability is fixed and those responsible are removed”.

लीक प्रधान की बर्खास्तगी की मांग को लेकर झारखंड राजभवन के बाहर पहुंचे Indian Youth Cockroaches

जब तक प्रधान की बर्खास्तगी नही होती, तब तक ये सड़कें हम सूनी नही होने देंगे… pic.twitter.com/4luYSZ1r3B

— Indian Youth Congress (@IYC) June 2, 2026

Chib accused the government of failing to address concerns raised by students and alleged that examination leaks and irregularities had adversely affected the future of young aspirants. “We are now intensifying this movement across the country.

We will not stop until Prime Minister Narendra Modi is forced to sack Dharmendra Pradhan,” he said. The IYC said the next phase of its campaign would include torchlight marches, “Halla Bol” marches, student interaction programmes, district-level mobilisation drives and protests outside the residences of BJP leaders and chief ministers.

Against the NEET paper leak and injustice to students, Telangana Youth Congress held a unique protest inside a Metro train in Hyderabad.

Our demands:

◆ Resignation of Leak Minister Dharmendra Pradhan
◆ Dissolution of the corrupt National Testing Agency (NTA)
◆ JPC inquiry… pic.twitter.com/Sfq78gTmh7

— Indian Youth Congress (@IYC) May 19, 2026

The NEET paper leak is not just a scam, it is an attack on the future of India’s youth.

In Telangana , Youth Congress workers Protest against the repeated NEET paper leaks and demanded Dharmendra Pradhan’s resignation.
Ban NTA#BanNTA #SackDharmendraPradhan pic.twitter.com/K3TJ1CHCEz

— Indian Youth Congress (@IYC) May 16, 2026

Against the NEET paper leak and injustice to students, Telangana Youth Congress staged a unique protest inside the Hyderabad Metro.

Our demands:
◆ Resignation of “Leak Minister” Dharmendra Pradhan
◆ Dissolution of the corrupt NTA
◆ JPC inquiry into the NEET paper leak scam… pic.twitter.com/nr8yuFkjFA

— Indian Youth Congress (@IYC) May 19, 2026

The Union Education Ministry has previously maintained that measures have been taken to strengthen examination processes and improve transparency in recruitment and entrance tests. The latest announcement comes amid continuing political debate over the conduct of public examinations and recruitment tests, an issue that has triggered protests by opposition parties and student groups in recent years.

Meanwhile, independent media reported that IYC National Secretary and National Chairman of Social Media Manu Jain said the campaign represented “the anger, frustration and resistance of an entire generation”. “Through social media, AI-driven campaigns and ground mobilisation, we are building a national movement demanding jobs, justice and accountability,” he said. The organisation also launched a dedicated digital platform inviting young people to register themselves as part of the campaign. The IYC said it would continue raising issues related to unemployment, examination paper leaks and corruption “in every street, every campus and every corner of India”.

Related:

Abolish ‘discriminatory and imbalanced’ NEET exam: Justice A.K. Rajan Committee 2021

Campuses in Revolt: How the UGC Equity Stay and Criminalised Dissent Have Ignited Student Protests Across India

NEET 2024 Row: Supreme Court cancels grace marks, orders re-test for affected students

Students, organisations protest as allegations against NEET examinations pile up

The post May-June 2026: Youth Congress nationwide protests challenge education system collapse under Modi government, media gives cold shoulder? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In May 1925, state troops opened fire on protesting farmers in Neemuchana village of Alwar State in present-day Rajasthan. Five years later, in May 1930, another massacre unfolded at Tiladi Sera in the Rawain region of Tehri Garhwal. Though separated by geography, ecology, and language, the two movements reflected strikingly similar tensions over taxation, forests, customary rights, and the changing nature of native states in late colonial India.

The rulers were a retreating British colonial state.

Both movements emerged within princely states that colonial administrators categorised and later historiography continued to categorise as ‘Rajput States’.  Yet in both cases, the protesters themselves were overwhelmingly drawn from Rajput agrarian communities resisting policies imposed by those very states.

The Neemuchana Movement of Alwar State

In Rajasthan, the Rajput socio-political setup traversed through all three stages: a quasi-republican clan, the feudal state and the imperial power, sometimes all three existing simultaneously.

However, Professor Shail Mayaram notes that the most basic unit of the Rajput sociopolitical setup was a coparcenary bhaichara (brotherhood) which was always represented by the khamp (sub-lineage) headed by a chief. (Against History, Against State, p. 202)

The Alwar State was formed by the Naruka khamp of Kachhwahas in 1775. However, at Neemuchana Kisan Andolan in 1925, the Alwar King and the protesting farmers of Alwar belonged to the same Kachhwaha clan.

The protest itself was not unique in Rajasthan. Historian R. W. Stern documents the mobilisation of Jaipur State forces in the early 20th century, to subdue the Shekhawat clansmen of Sikar and arrest their chief Rao Raja Hardayal Singh of Sikar, a move that was met with fierce armed resistance from the Shekhawats, another Kachhwah subclan.

In the Essays on Rajputana, Lloyd Rudolph and Susanne Rudolph observe that the States were confronted with a dual task. First, to weaken the political power of the Rajput chiefs and agrarian clansmen who, despite having played a central role in the formation of these states, were increasingly perceived as threats to centralised authority. Second, to strengthen the State’s centralised governments headed by the King and led by the educated Brahmin elite and the wealthy Mahajan class i.e. Bania and Khatri elites. Efforts to regulate and control farmers and clan-based agrarian structures frequently generated clashes between State police and agrarian clansmen, even compelling minor States to seek colonial intervention for suppression.

In the context of Alwar, Rajesh Kumar writes “The third land revenue settlement in Alwar was revised in 1923-24 by Pandit N.L. Tikko, raising the annual total demand to Rs. 29,39,112. Under this new settlement the land revenue was increased by 50 per cent and no concession was given to the Rajput cultivators, instead their Biswedari rights were forfeited.”(Proceedings of the Indian History Congress,Vol. 73 (2012); pp. 794-798)

In October 1924, the farmers began the first agitation to cancel the rates of land taxation. By early 1925, the Biswedars across Bansur, Thanagazi, Neemuchana, Bamanwas began collecting in huge numbers. Led by Govind Singh and Madho Singh of Neemuchana, they approached the Akhil Bhartiya Kshatriya Mahasabha and published their grievances in a pamphlet titled “Pukar”. Apart from reversion to previous rates, they demanded cessation of auction of banjad (infertile) land, cessation of blockage at roads connecting Alwar and Bansur, abolition of begar, permission to kill wild animals destroying crops.

In response, the Alwar government began confiscating grain stocks from the Biswedars, a move that deeply angered Rajput cultivators across the region. Many of these farmers were veterans of the First World War and began collecting weapons in anticipation of armed confrontation. They began organizing in Neemuchana. On May 14, 1925, Neemuchana was surrounded by State forces. As per official figures, 156 farmers were killed, while non-official figures claim much higher numbers. The public outrage that followed enabled the British to force Raja into exile, although the extent of accountability faced by the minister N L Tickoo remains far less clear.

Tiladi Movement of Tehri Garhwal State

The region of Uttarakhand — Garhwal and Kumaon— was ruled by three Rajput dynasties for thirteen centuries: the Katyuris of Khas origins who united the entire region in the 8th century, the migrant Panwar dynasty who replaced them in Garhwal and the Chand dynasty who replaced them in Kumaon. Unlike Rajasthan, both the Garhwal and Kumaon states were established through the gradual consolidation of numerous hill chieftaincies, forts, and clan-based polities.

After the Gurkha invasion and Anglo-Gurkha war, the Kumaon state was permanently annexed by the British and the Garhwal state was divided into British Garhwal and the smaller Tehri-Garhwal, which was retained by the Panwar dynasty.

When the Tehri ruler Kirti Shah died, his minor son Narendra Shah ascended the throne. By the late 1920s, Narendra Shah had largely withdrawn from day-to-day governance and was living comfortably in Europe, leaving the administration in the hands of his Diwan, Chakradhar Juyal. Acting in the name of an absentee and politically inexperienced ruler, the Juyal administration embarked upon an ambitious project to construct a new capital, while simultaneously facing growing pressure from the British owing to the rapid expansion of railway infrastructure in the Himalayan region.

To finance these projects and strengthen state control over resources, the administration introduced a series of deeply unpopular measures in the Rawain region. These included a grazing tax of ₹1 per head on sheep and goats, restrictions on grazing rights, fodder collection, and fuelwood harvesting, as well as bans on local forest-based festivals and customary rituals. Such policies directly undermined the subsistence economy and customary rights of local communities, fuelling widespread resentment against the Tehri State.

Author and Human rights activist Vidyabhushan Rawat notes, “Access to forests, fishing, and even keeping cattle became restricted or criminalized. Local people were prohibited from collecting minor forest produce, while British settlers such as Frederick Wilson enjoyed vast forest leases, exporting pine and chir timber to Britain”

Bhoon Singh and Heera Singh of Nagaon; Ludhar Singh, Jaman Singh, and Dalpati of Barkot; Dayaram of Kanseru , Dhoom Singh of Chakargaon started organizing the farmers of Rawain valley. On May 20, 1930, four farmer leaders were arrested and presented before the SDM (sub-divisional magistrate) Surendra Dutt. To protest the arrests, the farmers gathered in huge numbers prompting the Divisional Forest Officer Padamdutt Raturi to open fire, killing three farmers. However, the protesters managed to forcefully, free their leaders.

On May 30, 1930, the protesters gathered in huge numbers in Tiladi Sera on Yamuna bank. Diwan Juyal ordered Colonel Sundar Singh to fire. Sundar Singh refused and was suspended. Natthu Sajjwan was appointed the next army chief and ordered to fire, killing at least eighteen protesters (as per official), although local accounts put the fatality at 60-80. Around 194 farmers were arrested and sixteen more died in custody.

Conclusion

The histories of Neemuchana and Tiladi complicate, rather nuance, over-simplistic understandings of princely India by revealing deep internal tensions between the elite classes emerging within princely capitals — royalty, bureaucratic elites, and wealthy mercantile interests — and rural farming communities, both landed and landless, amid mounting colonial economic pressures. The histories of Neemuchana and Tiladi ultimately undermine the very premise of colonial labels such as the “Rajput State”.

They highlight the growing alienation of largely uneducated Rajput farmers and the increasing dominance of Brahmin and Khatri bureaucratic elites and Bania capitalist classes within the centres of princely power. Questions of taxation, forests, customary rights, and administrative centralisation frequently produced conflict between ruling establishments and the very communities in whose name political legitimacy was claimed..

Recovering, rather re-discovering, these movements is therefore essential not merely for regional history but for understanding the changing nature of power in late colonial India. They remind us that the politics of princely India cannot be understood through simplified dynastic or communal frameworks alone. Beneath the formal authority of princely cabinets existed complex struggles over land, resources, administration, and political representation — struggles that continue to remain insufficiently remembered in mainstream accounts of Indian history.

(The author is a mechanical engineer and an independent commentator on history and politics, with a particular focus on Rajasthan. His work explores the syncretic exchanges of India’s borderlands as well as contemporary debates on memory, identity and historiography; he can be contacted on adityakrishnadeora@gmail.com)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

Related:

Hindutva’s Rajasthan Project: Brahmin-Bania Power, not just Muslim baiting

September of Fear: Targeted Violence against Christians in Rajasthan exposes pattern of harassment after Anti-Conversion Bill

Rajasthan: Civil Society demands arrests, rule of law and end to minority targeting under anti-conversion law

PUCL slams recently passed Rajasthan anti-conversion bill as “draconian and unconstitutional”

The post Rethinking the ‘Rajput State’: The Neemuchana & Tiladi agrarian movements appeared first on SabrangIndia.

[Allahabad High Court judgement delivered on May 15, 2026]

“A group of dacoits clad only in undergarments allegedly carried out multiple robberies in Mustafabad and Sithauli villages [Uttar Pradesh]…Armed intruders reportedly scaled the wall of farmer Nizakat’s house in the early hours of Wednesday [May 20, 2026] and held his family hostage… When resisted, they assaulted the inmates, critically injuring six people…According to the police, the robbers beat women also for keeping a chicken dish at home, and told them to eat only vegetables.”

[The New Indian Express, May 21, 2026]

With RSS cadres in full control of the Indian State, June 2014 onward, the country has become a laboratory for a major dietary fabrication:  that vegetarianism is Sanatan to Hinduism. It is not that prior to Modi’s coming to power the concept did not exist, a substantial and powerful section of the ruling elite including Gandhi were vociferous believers in it. However, it was not a project for which Indian State worked vehemently.

The neo-zealots of vegetarian Hinduism argue that diet was not just nourishment for the body. It was a matter of spiritual realm which shaped “our thoughts, emotions, and karmic vibrations… The Vedas say, ‘Yad annam, tad manas’ which means ‘As is the food, so is the mind’ …Vegetarian food is considered sattvik-pure, calm, and balanced. It nurtures peace, compassion, and mental clarity. Non-vegetarian food, on the other hand, is tamasic- heavy, aggressive, and rooted in destruction. It dulls our spiritual perception and increases lower (read base) tendencies like anger, fear, and restlessness.”

[https://www.adityavastu.in/post/eating-non-veg-and-its-impact-on-karmikta]

With the beginning of Modi era, it became normal to ban sale and consumption of non-veg eatables for long periods during many religious festivals and many areas permanently declared out of bound for selling/consuming it. The issue of food was weaponized and both seller as well as consumers of non-veg cuisine were declared to be evil elements, a threat to Hinduism and society. Another sinister dimension added was that meat consumers were also attacked for indulging in beef-eating. There are countless incidents in public domain when non-veg consumers were attacked, lynched, their houses bulldozed, even burnt.

The zeal of RSS-BJP rulers in enforcing vegetarian Hinduism is to be seen and believed in dealing with foreign dignitaries. President of Russia Vladimir Putin visiting India in 2025 was chief guest at a lavish dinner thrown by India President on December 6, 2025) where only vegetarian cuisines were served. It was no different when EU delegation was State Guest on January 29, 2026, Seychelles President Patrick Herminie was chief guest at State dinner on February 9, 2026 and Vietnamese PM To Lam on May 6, 2026).

Only vegetarian menu of the banquet hosted by President Murmu for Seychelles President. For other dignitaries too it was only vegetarian menu with different dishes. As per a report in NDTV.

Across India, across educational institutions, businesses, railways and social-religious gatherings non-veg food has been banned. Debarshi Dasgupta (Strait Times, May 18, 2026) lamented the fact that in “Uttar Pradesh, a state also governed by the BJP, curated a list of local cuisines from each of its 75 districts and released it in May. It is a list that includes over 200 dishes, but, again, not a single one of them is meat-based. What makes this ludicrous is that more than half of the state’s population (53.6 per cent), according to a government survey, confirmed eating fish, chicken or other kinds of meat. It is also a state celebrated for its meat-based cuisines, particularly its capital, Lucknow, whose kebabs are legendary.”

Interestingly, the kebab “even found specific praise from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), when it added Lucknow to its ‘Cities of Gastronomy’ list in 2025. But when Minister of Culture and Tourism Gajendra Singh Shekhawat feted this decision on social media, he disingenuously used a poster of food items that were – no surprise here – entirely vegetarian”.

Pushpesh Pant, a renowned Indian academic and food historian as quoted by Dasgupta stated: “It is also a thinly disguised persecution of Muslims, many of whom are perceived to be butchers and vendors of meat and who supposedly are the beef-eaters.” As per a report in Asia News Network.

Varanasi Iftar-on-Boat Arrests

If we want to understand the gravity of weaponization against non-veg consumers and surrender of the State including judiciary, the case known as Varanasi Iftar-on-Boat Arrests needs to be taken note of. According to a detailed report by Shinjinee Majumdar in The Wire (March 27, 2026), the controversy started with a video of March 15 “in which 14 men — Azad Ali, Aamir Kaiki, Danish Saifi, Mohd. Ahmad, Nehal Afridi, Mahfooz Alam, Mohd. Anas, Mohd. Awwal, Mohd. Tahseem, Mohd. Ahmad alias Raja, Mohd. Noor Ismail, Mohd. Tausif Ahmad, Mohd. Faizan, and Mohd. Sameer — were seen breaking their Ramzan-month fast on a boat, allegedly consuming chicken biryani”.

The video was uploaded by one of the group members and soon went viral.  According to The Wire report: “A complaint filed on March 16 by Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM)’s Varanasi president Rajat Jaiswal accused them of hurting religious sentiments by consuming non-vegetarian food on the river and disposing of waste into it. The police subsequently arrested 14 men under multiple charges, including hurting religious sentiments, public nuisance and polluting water. Days later, more serious charges — including extortion — were added, significantly raising the legal stakes.”

Jaiswal’s complaint on which Varanasi police took immediate action stated that eating non-veg while riding a boat at Ganga Mother was a grave sin. Moreover, after eating they washed their hands, dumping the waste, thus hurt the religious sentiments of Hindus.

The initial charges against the accused included: Section 298 BNS — Defiling a place of worship with intent to insult a religion, Section 299 BNS — Deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings, Section 196(1)(B) BNS — Promoting enmity between groups on religious grounds, Section 270 BNS — Public nuisance, Section 279 BNS — Fouling water of a public spring or reservoir, Section 223(B) BNS — Disobedience of an order by a public servant and Section 24, Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974.

Later two more serious charges were added, Section 308(5) BNS — Extortion under threat of death or grievous hurt and Section 67, Information Technology Act — Publishing or transmitting obscene material (linked to the viral video).

With these additions, the potential punishment increased significantly — from a maximum of around six years (under the Water Act) to up to 10 years due to the extortion charge.

According to The Wire report, a Varanasi court had denied bail to the accused on March 23. They had earlier been remanded to 14 days of judicial custody on March 19, until April 1.

However, Allahabad High Court Single Bench of Justice of Rajiv Lochan Shukla granted bail with some conditions to the incarcerated Muslims on May 15. The Judge’s words in the judgement, however, amplified the majoritarian and politicized Hindutva construct of vegetarian Hinduism: “members of the Muslim community having a Roza Iftar party, and during the said Iftar party, while partaking of food, non-vegetarian food is said to have been consumed by the members of the Muslim community, who are then alleged to have thrown the remains into the River Ganges. This fact in the dispassionate opinion of the Court could rightly be said to hurt religious sentiments of the Hindu community.”

[]

The far right propaganda machine of “vegetarian Hinduism” is currently running amok in India belying contents of both scriptures and historical study.

Manusmriti for Meat-eating

According to Hindutva ideologue, VD Savarkar Manusmriti is the go-to scripture after the Vedas for Hindus.

[Savarkar, V.D., ‘Women in Manusmriti’ in Savarkar Samagar (collection of Savarkar’s writings in Hindi) volume IV, Prabhat, Delhi, 2000, p. 416.]

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak sangh, an organisation that is the organizational and ideological fountainhead of the present regime ruling India, made demands that it is the Manusmriti that needs must be declared as the Constitution of India—this at a time when the Indian Constituent Assembly was enacting the Constitution.

[Editorial, RSS English organ, Organiser, ‘The Constitution, November 30, 1949.]

This scripture –Manusmriti–that has been substantively critiqued by Dr BR Ambedkar among many other scholars– glorifies the eating of flesh as we will see in the following.

*That land where the black antelope naturally roams, one must know to be fit for the performance of sacrifices; (the tract) different from that (is) the country of the Mlechas. (II/23)

*[A Brahmin should not eat] food given without due respect, nor (that which contains) meat eaten for no sacred purpose, nor (that given) by a female who has no male (relatives), nor the food of an enemy, nor that (given) by the lord of a town, nor that (given) by outcasts, nor that on which anybody has sneezed. (IV/213);

*‘The consumption of meat (is befitting) for sacrifices,’ that is declared to be a rule made by the gods; but to persist (in using it) on other (occasions) is said to be a proceeding worthy of Rakshasas. (V/31)

*He who eats meat, when he honours the gods and manes, commits no sin, whether he has bought it, or himself has killed (the animal), or has received it as a present from others. (V/32)

*A twice-born man who knows the law, must not eat meat except in conformity with the law; for if he has eaten it unlawfully, he will, unable to save himself, be eaten after death by his (victims). (V/33)

*After death the guilt of one who slays deer for gain is not as (great) as that of him who eats meat for no (sacred) purpose. (V/34)

*But a man who, being duly engaged (to officiate or to dine at a sacred rite), refuses to eat meat, becomes after death an animal during twenty-one existences. (V/35)

*A Brahmana must never eat (the flesh of animals unhallowed by Mantras; but, obedient to the primeval law, he may eat it, consecrated with Vedic texts. (V/36)

*A twice-born man who, knowing the true meaning of the Veda, slays an animal for these purposes, causes both himself and the animal to enter a most blessed state. (V/42)

[This selection of Manu’s Codes is from F. Max Muller, Laws of Manu (Delhi: LP Publications, 1996; first published in 1886). The bracket after each code incorporates number of chapter/number of code according to the above edition.]

Kautilya’s Arthashastra and Meat-Eating

The Arthsastra of Kautilya (Chanakya) is the second go-to book of governance for RSS-BJP rulers and cadres. How dear this treatise is to them can be gauged by the fact that the Modi 3.0 government while organising the Sadhna Saptah (April 2-8, 2026) and Mission Karmayogi declared it to be a basic book  for training Indian administrators along with the Vedas.

Interestingly, the Arthsastra has 67 references decreeing flesh eating. The amazing part is that it has a specific chapter titled ‘Superintendent of Slaughter House’.

[R Shamasastry (trans), Kautilya’s Arthsastra, Mysore Printing and Publishing house,     Mysore, 1915, Pgs 149-53]

According to the rules of the slaughter house, “of beasts of prey that have been captured, the Superintendent shall take one-sixth; of fish and birds (of similar nature), he shall take one-tenth or more than one-tenth; and of deer and other beasts (mrigapasu), one-tenth or more than one-tenth as toll…(Butchers) shall sell fresh and boneless flesh of beasts (mrigapasu deer or wild animal) just killed. If they sell bony flesh, they shall give an equivalent compensation (pratipákam)” [P. 138].

There is no ban on slaughter of cows, however, “cattle such as a calf, a bull, or a milch cow shall not be slaughtered…The flesh of animals which have been killed outside the slaughter-house (parisúnam), headless, legless and boneless flesh, rotten flesh, and the flesh of animals which have suddenly died shall not be sold. Otherwise, a fine of 12 panas shall be imposed [Pgs. 138-39]”.

People are allowed to keep stock of dried flesh, skins, tendons (snáyu)…in such quantities as can be enjoyed for years together without feeling any want. Of such collection, old things shall be replaced by new ones when received. [P. 55]

Referring to different kinds of animals, Arthsastra decrees: “When an animal dies a natural death, they shall surrender the skin with the brand mark, if it is a cow or a buffalo; the skin together with the ear (karnalakshanam) if it is a goat or sheep; the tail with the skin containing the brand mark, if it is an ass or a camel; the skin, if it is a young one; besides the above, (they shall also restore) the fat (vasti), bile, marrow (snáyu), teeth, hoofs, horns, and bones. They (the cowherds) may sell either fresh flesh or dried flesh.” [P. 147]

Kautilya’s cities were not inhabited by vegetarian folks as we find that the chapter ‘Building within the Fort’ allots sites for flesh traders; “To the south, the superintendents of the city, of commerce, of manufactories, and of the army as well as those who trade in cooked rice, liquor, and flesh, besides prostitutes, musicians, and the people of Vaisya caste shall live.” [P. 54]

The chapter titled ‘Superintendent of Store-House’ [p. 101] assigns a duty of collecting taxes/recovery of past arrears to the superintendent from dealers of ‟Clarified butter, oil, serum of flesh, and pith or sap (of plants, etc.)…Dried fish, bulbous roots (kándamúla), fruits and vegetables form the group of edibles (sakavarga)”. [Pgs. 102-103]

The same chapter while dealing with the contents of each meal of an ARYA, low Castes, women and children states: “For dressing twenty palas of flesh, [1000 palas make one tula] half a kutumba of oil, one pala of salt, one pala of sugar (kshára), two dharanas of pungent substances (katuka, spices), and half a prastha of curd (will be necessary). For dressing greater quantities of flesh, the same ingredients can be proportionally increased. For cooking sákas (dried fish and vegetables), the above substances are to be added one and a half times as much. For dressing dried fish, the above ingredients are to be added twice as much.” [P. 105]

Under the head ‘Superintendent of Cows’ the boss has the authority of classifying “cattle as calves, steers, tamable ones, draught oxen, bulls that are to be trained to yoke, bulls kept for crossing cows, cattle that are fit only for the supply of flesh…” [P. 146] According to Chanakya, “When an animal dies a natural death, they shall surrender the skin with the brand mark, if it is a cow or a buffalo; the skin together with the ear (karnalakshanam) if it is a goat or sheep; the tail with the skin containing the brand mark, if it is an ass or a camel; the skin, if it is a young one; besides the above, (they shall also restore) the fat (vasti), bile, marrow (snáyu), teeth, hoofs, horns, and bones. They (the cowherds) may sell either fresh flesh or dried flesh.” [P. 147]

It may be shocking for many animal lovers that the feed for bulls apart from including grass one tulá (100 palas) of oil cakes, 10 ádhakas of bran, 5 palas of salt (mukhalavanam), one kudumba of oil for rubbing over the nose (nasya), 1 prastha of drink (pána) added one tulá of flesh in the daily diet. [P. 148] Daily diet for horse included “50 palas of flesh”. [P. 150]

Likewise, the rations for an elephant (of a specific height) includes “50 palas of flesh” and elephant, watchmen, sweepers, cooks and others shall receive apart from cooked rice, a handful of oil, sugar and salt 10 palas of flesh. [Pgs. 155-158]

The chapter dealing with ‘Remedies against National Calamities’ prescribes a non-vegetarian remedy by stating “Persons acquainted with the rituals of the Atharvaveda, and experts in sacred magic and mysticism shall perform such ceremonials as ward off the danger from demons. On full-moon days the worship of Chaityas may be performed by placing on a verandah offerings such as an umbrella, the picture of an arm, a flag, and some goat’s flesh”. [P. 239]

The Arthashastra makes it clear that tax was collected on flesh. “They (the king’s employees) may demand of cultivators one-fourth of their grain, and one-sixth of forest produce (vanya) and of such commodities as cotton, wax, fabrics, barks of trees, hemp, wool, silk, medicines, sandal, flowers, fruits, vegetables, firewood, bamboos, flesh, and dried flesh.” [P. 274]

The animal flesh/serum was used as medicines/remedies also. “When the body of a man is smeared over with the serum of the flesh of a frog, it burns with fire (with no hurt)…When the body of a man is smeared over with the above serum as well as with the oil extracted from the fruits of kusa (ficus religiosa), and ámra (mango tree), and when the powder prepared from an ocean frog (samdura mandúki), phenaka (sea-foam), and sarjarasa (the juice of vatica robusta) is sprinkled over the body, it burns with fire (without being hurt). When the body of a man is smeared over with sesamum oil mixed with equal quantities of the serum of the flesh of a frog, crab, and other animals, it can burn with fire (without hurt)…paste prepared from the roots of páribhadraka (erythrina indica), pratibala , vanjula (a kind of ratan or tree), vajra (andropogon muricatum or euphorbia), and kadali (banana), mixed with the serum of the flesh of a frog, can walk over fire (without hurt). Oil should be extracted from the paste prepared from the roots of pratibala, vanjula and páribhadraka, all growing near water, the paste being mixed with the serum of the flesh of a frog. Having anointed one’s legs with this oil, one can walk over a white-hot mass of fire as though on a bed of roses. The paste prepared from the powder of the rib-bone of náraka (?), a donkey, kanka (a kind of vulture), and bhása (a bird), mixed with the juice of water-lily, is applied to the legs of bipeds and quadrupeds (while making a journey). The fat or serum derived from roasting a pregnant camel together with saptaparna (lechites scholaris) or from roasting dead children in cremation grounds, is applied to render a journey of a hundred yojanas easy. [Pgs. 458-60.]

Restrictions

“King should prohibit the slaughter of animals for half a month during the period of Cháturmásya (from July to September), for four nights during the full moon, and for a night on the day of the birth-star of the conqueror or of the national star. He should also prohibit the slaughter of females and young ones (yonibálavadham) as well as castration. Having abolished those customs or transactions which he might consider either as injurious to the growth of his revenue and army or as unrighteous, he should establish righteous transactions.” [P. 449.]

Beef Eating Essential for Brahmins in ancient (early) India

Swami Vivekananda, regarded as a philosopher of Hindutva by the RSS, while addressing a meeting at the Shakespeare Club, Pasadena, California, USA (February 2, 1900) on the theme of ‘Buddhistic India’, declared:

“You will be astonished if I tell you that, according to old ceremonials, he is not a good Hindu who does not eat beef. On certain occasions he must sacrifice a bull and eat it.”

[Vivekananda, The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda, vol. 3 (Calcutta: Advaita Ashram, 1997), P. 536.]

He further stated that without eating beef, “no Brahmin could remain a Brahmin; you read in the Vedas how, when a Sannyasin [a Hindu religious mendicant], a king, or a great man came into house, the best bullock was killed…” [Ibid., P. 174.]

This is corroborated by other research works sponsored by the Ramakrishna Mission established by Vivekananda. According to C. Kunhan Raja, a prominent authority on the history and culture of the Vedic period:

“The Vedic Aryans, including the Brahmanas, ate fish, meat and even beef. A distinguished guest was honoured with beef served at a meal. Although the Vedic Aryans ate beef, milch cows were not killed. One of the words that designated cow was aghnya (what shall not be killed). But a guest was a goghna (one for whom a cow is killed). It is only bulls, barren cows and calves that were killed.”

[Raja, C. Kunhan, Vedic Culture‟, cited in the series, Suniti Kumar Chatterji and others (eds.), The Cultural Heritage of India, vol. 1 (Calcutta: The Ramakrishna Mission, 1993), P. 217.]

Kunhan Raja countering the myth of vegetarian Hinduism stated:

“The Grhya Sutras prescribe different kinds of meat to be given to be given to children at the first feeding ceremony, for different results. Mutton, flesh of different kinds of birds, and other forms of meat were freely eaten by the higher Castes in those days, and still they were the most spiritual nation in the world.” [Ibid.]

One of the greatest researchers, scholar and an authority on Indian politics, religions and culture Dr. BR Ambedkar produced a brilliant essay on the subject titled ‘Did the Hindus Never Eat Beef?’

All those who are really interested in understanding the ‘Hindu Past’ must read this monumental work of Dr. Ambedkar. After studying a large number of Vedic and Hindu scriptures, he arrived at the conclusion that,

“when the learned Brahmins argue that the Hindus not only never ate beef but they always held the cow to be sacred and were always opposed to the killing of the cow, it is impossible to accept their view”.

[Ambedkar, B. R., ‘Did the Hindus never eat beef?’ in The Untouchables: Who Were They and Why They Became Untouchables? in Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches, vol. 7, (Government of Maharashtra, Bombay, 1990, first edition 1948) Pgs 323-328.]

Also see the scholarly work by Professor DN Jha, The Myth of the Holy Cow, link: https://archive.org/details/TheMythOfHolyCowJha]

Interestingly, the findings of Ambedkar were that cows were sacrificed and beef consumed because COWS were HOLY.

According to Ambedkar:

“It was not that the cow was not sacred in Vedic times, it was because of her sacredness that it is ordained in the Vajasaneyi Samhita that beef should be eaten.” (Dharma Shastra Vichar in Marathi, Pg. 180). That the Aryans of the Rig Veda did kill cows for purposes of food and ate beef is abundantly clear from the Rig Veda itself. In Rig Veda (X. 86.14) Indra says: ‘They cook for one 15 plus twenty oxen’. The Rig Veda (X.91.14) says that for Agni were sacrificed horses, bulls, oxen, barren cows and rams. From the Rig Veda (X.72.6) it appears that the cow was killed with a sword or axe.”

Ambedkar concluded this essay with the following words:

“With this evidence no one can doubt that there was a time when Hindus, both Brahmins and non-Brahmins, ate not only flesh but also beef.”

[Ibid., Pgs 323-328.]

Anandmath: Sanatan/Hindu Sena consuming flesh

Bankim Chandra Chatterjee is also a Rishi (Holy Teacher) for the RSS-BJP combine. This writer’s otherwise his pro-British novel, Anandmath, is another important (read holy) treatise for votaries of Hindu nationalism. A leader of Santan or Hindu army, Jivananda comes to visit her sister, Nimi who serves him, “some clean, jasmine-white rice, some tasteful dal, a curry of wild figs, some fish netted  [sic] from her own tank and some milk”.

[Sen-Gupta, Nares Chandra (translator Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’s Anandamath), Abbey of Bliss, Padmini Mohan Neogi, Calcutta, P. 65.]

India as a global beef exporter/powerhouse under Modi

India has quietly emerged as global beef powerhouse. The country now ranks as the world’s second-largest beef exporter earning nearly 3.8 billion dollars or around 34,177 crore rupees worth of this meat, annually. Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra,, and Andhra Pradesh account for the bulk of these exports with Uttar Pradesh alone contributing nearly 60% of India’s beef shipments.”

[“India Becomes World’s Second-Largest Beef Exporter Amid Cow Vigilante            Violence”, Jan 02, 2026, https://www.deshabhimani.com/deshabhimani-english -/national-76192/india-beef-exports-cow-vigilante-violence-48452]

Fisheries export

Vegetarian India is making great strides in exporting seafood too, to the world.

According to a Government of India (GOI) press release dated April 3, 2026

“India’s seafood exports have recorded strong and sustained growth, expanding at an average annual rate of 7% over the past 11 years. Marine product exports have more than doubled during the period, rising from ₹30,213 crore in 2013‑14 to ₹62,408 crore in 2024‑25, driven largely by shrimp exports valued at ₹43,334 crore. India’s seafood exports span a wide and diversified basket, with over 350 varieties of products shipped to nearly 130 global markets.” [https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2248721&reg=3&lang=1]

Unholy use of the waters of the Holy Ganga

Hindutva’s claim vis a vis Holy Mother Ganga must be taken not just with a pinch, but fistfuls of salt. According to Government of India data Ganga water is supplied to Delhi, Patna, Rajgir, Gaya, Bodhgaya, Bhagalpur, and Nawada (Bihar), Kanpur, Allahabad, Varanasi and several cities in Western UP, Haridwar (Uttarakhand), and Kolkata (West Bengal). This supply is not for fulfilling some religious duties but for all kinds of cleaning, washing and sanitary purposes.

How is this tolerated? Is it not high time for the courts to intervene?

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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