The Ministry attributes this freeze to the lack of clearance from the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA), a high-level body chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. A July 1 government communication cited by the newspaper stated: “Provisional award letters to the remaining candidates (from serial number 41 to 106) in the selected list may be issued in due course, subject to availability of funds.”

Established in 1954–55, the NOS scheme offers financial assistance to students from historically disadvantaged and oppressed communities, including Scheduled Castes (SC), De-notified and Nomadic Tribes (DNTs), semi-nomadic tribes, landless agricultural labourers, and traditional artisan families, with an annual household income cap of Rs 8 lakh. It enables them to pursue postgraduate and doctoral studies abroad.

In previous years, all selected candidates received provisional letters without delay. This year, however, the Ministry has adopted what it describes as a “phased approach” that hinges on funding availability—a move that has left many scholars in limbo just weeks before international admissions deadlines.

Speaking to The Hindustan Times, an unnamed ministry official pointed squarely to bureaucratic red tape at the highest levels: “It is an issue with the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs not approving the money allocated to these scholarship schemes. We have the money, but we also need the green signal from above to give it out.”

Government Says no funds, but spends over ₹500 crore on PM’s Foreign Trips

The claim of “lack of funds” for the National Overseas Scholarship stands in stark contrast to the significant public expenditure on Prime Minister Modi’s own overseas travel. According to data provided by the Ministry of External Affairs in response to a parliamentary question raised by MP Fauzia Khan, over ₹517 crore was spent on PM Modi’s foreign visits between 2014 and 2022 alone. This includes costs for chartered flights, accommodation, logistics, and security. The expenditure on a single foreign trip often exceeds the annual budget for the NOS scheme. The contrast has drawn serious concern among student groups, academics, and civil society organisations, who view this disparity as a reflection of the state’s shifting priorities—away from inclusive education and toward high-profile statecraft.

Broader pattern of scholarship disruptions

This isn’t an isolated instance. A series of scholarship schemes targeting marginalized students have faced similar bottlenecks, delays, and arbitrary exclusions in recent months—raising questions about systemic withdrawal of support for higher education among Dalit, minority, and backward-class students.

Take the Maulana Azad National Fellowship (MANF), for instance. This fellowship, awarded by the Ministry of Minority Affairs to research scholars from six notified minority communities (Muslim, Christian, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, and Parsi), has left over 1,400 PhD candidates without stipends for months. According to a Wire investigation published in June 2025, payments to most scholars have been stalled since December 2024. Some have not received their stipends even prior to that period. (Detailed report may be read here and here.)

Similarly, the National Fellowship for Scheduled Castes witnessed chaos during its June 2024 cycle. Initially, the National Testing Agency (NTA) released a list of 865 selected candidates in March 2025. However, just a month later, a revised list slashed the number to 805—removing 487 previously selected scholars without explanation or transparency, triggering anguish and confusion across research institutions.

Political Pushback and Declining Numbers

On June 10, Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha and INC leader, Rahul Gandhi, wrote to Prime Minister Modi, raising alarm over what he described as the “deplorable” condition of hostels, malfunctioning portals, and erratic disbursement of scholarships across the country. He particularly highlighted the case of Bihar, where the state’s scholarship portal allegedly remained defunct for three consecutive academic years, effectively denying all aid to eligible students during 2021–22.

As per the report of The Wire, Gandhi noted a steep decline in the number of scholarship recipients: “The number of Dalit students receiving scholarships fell by nearly half, from 1.36 lakh in FY23 to just 69,000 in FY24.” He also criticised the quantum of scholarship disbursals, stating that many students complain the amounts are “insultingly low” and insufficient to cover basic expenses.

A larger crisis of educational access?

The government’s repeated invocation of “fund constraints” and committee approvals, despite existing budgetary allocations, has sparked outrage among students and education rights advocates, who say that the current delays are not mere administrative lapses but indicative of a broader policy shift away from targeted educational equity. For many first-generation learners from SC, OBC, EBC, and minority backgrounds, these scholarships represent their only pathway to higher education, especially abroad or at the doctoral level. As things stand, the fate of 66 National Overseas Scholarship awardees remains suspended in uncertainty, and with it, their long-cherished hopes of studying abroad.

Related:

Union scraps Maulana Azad Scholarships for Research Scholars from Minority Communities

Why has the Union govt pulled the plug on minority education schemes?

AISHE survey shows enrolment of Muslim students in higher studies falls significantly compared to other communities

Maulana Azad Foundation terminated by Centre as government cuts down on minority schemes

The post Funds Withheld, Futures on Hold: Dalit, OBC, Minority students face scholarship crisis amidst delays and cuts appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Every design choice that social media platforms make nudges users toward certain actions, values and emotional states.

It is a design choice to offer a news feed that combines verified news sources with conspiracy blogs – interspersed with photos of a family picnic – with no distinction between these very different types of information. It is a design choice to use algorithms that find the most emotional or outrageous content to show users, hoping it keeps them online. And it is a design choice to send bright red notifications, keeping people in a state of expectation for the next photo or juicy piece of gossip.

Platform design is a silent pilot steering human behavior.

Social media platforms are bringing massive changes to how people get their news and how they communicate and behave. For example, the “endless scroll” is a design feature that aims to keep users scrolling and never reaching the bottom of a page where they might decide to pause.

I’m a political scientist who researches aspects of technology that support democracy and social cohesion, and I’ve observed how the design of social media platforms affects them.

Democracy is in crisis globally, and technology is playing a role. Most large platforms optimize their designs for profit, not community or democracy. Increasingly, Big Tech is siding with autocrats, and the platforms’ designs help keep society under control.

There are alternatives, however. Some companies design online platforms to defend democratic values.

Optimized for profit

A handful of tech billionaires dominate the global information ecosystem. Without public accountability or oversight, they determine what news shows up on your feed and what data they collect and share.

Social media companies say they are in the business of connecting people, but they make most of their money as data brokers and advertising firms. Time spent on platforms translates to profit. The more time you spend online, the more ads you see and the more data they can collect from you.

This ad-based business model demands designs that encourage endless scrolling, social comparison and emotional engagement. Platforms routinely claim they merely reflect user behavior, yet internal documents and whistleblower accounts have shown that toxic content often gets a boost because it captures people’s attention.

Tech companies design platforms based on extensive psychological research. Examples include flashing notifications that make your phone jump and squeak, colorful rewards when others like your posts, and algorithms that push out the most emotional content to stimulate your most base emotions of anger, shame or glee.

Optimizing designs for user engagement undermines mental health and society. Social media sites favor hype and scandal over factual accuracy, and public manipulation over designing for safety, privacy and user agency. The resulting prevalence of polarizing false and deceptive information is corrosive to democracy.

Many analysts identified these problems nearly a decade ago. But now there is a new threat: Some tech executives are looking to capture political power to advance a new era of techno-autocracy.

Optimized for political power

A techno-autocracy is a political system where an authoritarian government uses technology to control its population. Techno-autocrats spread disinformation and propaganda, using fear tactics to demonize others and distract from corruption. They leverage massive amounts of data, artificial intelligence and surveillance to censor opponents.

For example, China uses technology to monitor and surveil its population with public cameras. Chinese platforms like WeChat and Weibo automatically scan, block or delete messages and posts for sensitive words like “freedom of speech.” Russia promotes domestic platforms like VK that are closely monitored and partly owned by state-linked entities that use it to promote political propaganda.

Over a decade ago, tech billionaires like Elon Musk and Peter Thiel, and now Vice President JD Vance, began aligning with far-right political philosophers like Curtis Yarvin. They argue that democracy impedes innovation, favoring concentrated decision-making in corporate-controlled mini-states governed through surveillance. Embracing this philosophy of techno-autocracy, they moved from funding and designing the internet to reshaping government.

Techno-autocrats weaponize social media platforms as part of their plan to dismantle democratic institutions.

The political capture of both X and Meta also have consequences for global security. At Meta, Mark Zuckerberg removed barriers to right-wing propaganda and openly endorsed President Donald Trump’s agenda. Musk changed X’s algorithm to highlight right-wing content, including Russian propaganda.

Designing tech for democracy

Recognizing the power that platform design has on society, some companies are designing new civic participation platforms that support rather than undermine society’s access to verified information and places for public deliberation. These platforms offer design features that big tech companies could adopt for improving democratic engagement that can help counter techno-autocracy.

In 2014, a group of technologists founded Pol.is, an open-source technology for hosting public deliberation that leverages data science. Pol.is enables participants to propose and vote on policy ideas using what they call “computational democracy.” The Pol.is design avoids personal attacks by having no “reply” button. It offers no flashy newsfeed, and it uses algorithms that identify areas of agreement and disagreement to help people make sense of a diversity of opinions. A prompt question asks for people to offer ideas and vote up or down on other ideas. People participate anonymously, helping to keep the focus on the issues and not the people.

Taiwan used the Pol.is platform to enable mass civic engagement in the 2014 democracy movement. The U.K. government’s Collective Intelligence Lab used the platform to generate public discussion and generate new policy proposals on climate and health care policies. In Finland, a public foundation called Sitra uses Pol.is in its “What do you think, Finland?” public dialogues.

Barcelona, Spain, designed a new participatory democracy platform called Decidim in 2017. Now used throughout Spain and Europe, Decidim enables citizens to collaboratively propose, debate and decide on public policies and budgets through transparent digital processes.

Nobel Peace Laureate Maria Ressa founded Rappler Communities in 2023, a social network in the Philippines that combines journalism, community and technology. It aims to restore trust in institutions by providing safe spaces for exchanging ideas and connecting with neighbors, journalists and civil society groups. Rappler Communities offers the public data privacy and portability, meaning you can take your information – like photos, contacts or messages – from one app or platform and transfer it to another. These design features are not available on the major social media platforms.

Tech designed for improving public dialogue is possible – and can even work in the middle of a war zone. In 2024, the Alliance for Middle East Peace began using Remesh.ai, an AI-based platform, to find areas of common ground between Israelis and Palestinians in order to advance the idea of a public peace process and identify elements of a ceasefire agreement.

Platform designs are a form of social engineering to achieve some sort of goal – because they shape how people behave, think and interact – often invisibly. Designing more and better platforms to support democracy can be an antidote to the wave of global autocracy that is increasingly bolstered by tech platforms that tighten public control.

Lisa Schirch, Professor of the Practice of Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

The post Social media can support or undermine democracy – it comes down to how it’s designed appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On this occasion the Union Cabinet passed a resolution condemning that period and praising those who sacrificed opposing this event. It was resolved to “commemorate and honour the sacrifices of countless individuals who valiantly resisted the Emergency and its attempt at subversion of the spirit of Indian Constitution, a subversion which began in 1974 with a heavy-handed attempt at crushing the Navnirman Andolan and Sampoorna Kranti Abhiyan.” The BJP is putting heavy emphasis on its great role during the 21 months of that period. This matches with the claims of RSS that it was they who were the major force opposing the emergency. Like most of the outfit’s other claims this one is also devoid of any element of truth.

Some work in independent media tells a different tale. Prabhash Joshi, one of the doyens of journalism wrote, “Balasaheb Deoras, then RSS chief, wrote a letter to Indira Gandhi pledging to help implement the notorious 20-point program of Sanjay Gandhi. This is the real character of the RSS…You can decipher a line of action, a pattern. Even during the Emergency, many among the RSS and Jana Sangh who came out of the jails gave mafinamas (mercy petition). They were the first to apologise… Atal Bihari Vajpayee was [most of the time in hospital]… But the RSS did not fight the Emergency. So why is the BJP trying to appropriate that memory?” He concludes that “they are not a fighting force, and they are never keen to fight. They are basically a compromising lot. They are never genuinely against the government”.

TV Rajeswar, who served as Governor of Uttar Pradesh and Sikkim penned a book, ‘India: The Crucial Years” [Harper Collins] corroborated the fact that “Not only they (RSS) were supportive of this [Emergency], they wanted to establish contact apart from Mrs. Gandhi, with Sanjay Gandhi also”.

While many socialists and communists were undergoing the prison sentence, the RSS cadres were restless to get released from jail. Subramanian Swami of BJP in an article in The Hindu narrated the emergency story. (June 13, 2000) he claimed that RSS chief Balasaheb Deoras and former Prime Minister AB Vajpayee betrayed the anti-Emergency movement by writing letters of apology to India Gandhi. “It is on the record in the Maharashtra Assembly proceedings that the then RSS chief, Balasaheb Deoras, wrote several apology letters to Indira Gandhi from inside the Yerawada jail in Pune disassociating the RSS from the JP-led movement and offering to work for the infamous 20-point program. She did not reply to any of his letters.” (The 20-point program and Sanjay Gandhi’s five-point are cited by the Congress regime to justify the imposition of the Emergency, in its endeavour to Regenerate India).

One of my friends, Dr. Suresh Khairnar, ex-President of the Rashtriya Seva Dal was also in jail during this time. When he saw the RSS cadres signing the mafinama (mercy petition), he was furious at this act of betrayal and confronted them. As per their style they said what they are doing is as per the path which was taken by Tatyarao (V D Savarkar). So true of the strategies of the Hindu nationalists!

One also remembers that when A.B.Vajpayee was arrested in Bateshwar near Agra while overlooking the procession participating in Jungle Satyagraha, which pulled down the Union Jack from the government building and hoisted tricolor. Vajpayee immediately wrote a letter and disassociated from the 1942 Quit India Movement. He got his release immediately. The followers of this ideology have been well characterized by Prabhash Joshi above.

While the verbal aggressive language of theirs is so loud, their practice is different. When Vajpayee led the NDA Government in 1998, human rights activists did feel the difference. Until then, several committed human rights workers had regarded Congress and BJP as two sides of the same coin. The Vajpayee’s period, however, opened the eyes of many to the fact that BJP is a party with a difference. That was despite the fact that BJP on its own did not have the full majority that time.

Now Modi has been in the saddle for nearly eleven years. In 2014 and 2019 he got full majority. And with this full majority; the true colours of their credentials are loudly apparent. While the Emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi followed a laid down procedure in the Constitution, however manipulated, what we are now witnessing an ‘undeclared emergency’. In 2015, in an interview with Shekhar Gupta of Indian Express, none other than Lal Krishna Advani said, “Today it has been 40 years since the declaration of Emergency at that time. But for the last one year, an undeclared Emergency has been going on in India. (‘Indian Express’ dated 26-27 June 2015.)

Freedom of expression has been totally muzzled. Many have been imprisoned for daring to speak the truth.  Freedom of religion is going for a freefall. Justice is being overtaken by bulldozer justice. The intimidation and torture of minorities on the pretext of love jihad, cow-beef is abominable. Many eminent social activists have been put behind the bars in the Bhima Koregaon case. Muslim activists like Umar Khalid, Gulfisha Fatima are incarcerated even though their cases are not coming up for hearing. Corporate controlled media is ever ready to plead for the government’s policies and suppress the dissenting voices.

While the Union Cabinet and RSS and other linked organisations are taking all the credit for resisting the emergency of 1975, the present regime has been imposing the same by other means. The index of democracy on the global scale is constantly on the decline. There is a need to introspect and overcome the undeclared emergency which India is undergoing at present.

Related:

On the 50th anniversary of India’s formal ‘Emergency’, how the RSS betrayed the anti-emergency struggle

How RSS betrayed the struggle against the Emergency, from its archives

RSS as worshippers of brute power did not oppose 1975 Emergency

The post Emergency regime and the role of RSS appeared first on SabrangIndia.

While writing my previous blog on how and why Narendra Modi went out of his way to promote English when he was Gujarat chief minister — despite opposition from people in the Sangh Parivar — I came across an interesting write-up by Aakar Patel, a well-known name among journalists and civil society circles.

Titled “How Gujarat ignores the English language”, with a subheading “Exploring clichés about Gujarat’s English and education system”, the piece was published in the online edition of the Hindustan Times’ business daily, Mint. It is now 12 years old — one reason why I decided to review what Aakar had written.

While quickly going through the article, I found Aakar — who served as the head of Amnesty International India between 2015 and 2019, and currently chairs its board — was grossly mistaken in stating that the Congress in Gujarat “has supported introduction of English earlier but the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) reject this.”

Traditional Indian spices

As my two previous pieces on this site suggest (click here and here), poor English in Gujarat is actually a Congress legacy — one that sections of the Sangh Parivar wanted to continue. Modi, however, made efforts to reverse this by crafting policies and programmes supporting the teaching of the language.

That said, much of what Aakar wrote in his article — published online in Mint on October 18, 2013 — still holds true. Written after attending a function at a school in Surat where he had studied 25 years earlier, Aakar states he “was struck” to find school teachers speaking “an embarrassingly-broken English, sprinkled with errors and without felicity.”

I don’t know how much teachers’ knowledge of English has changed since then, but Aakar’s quotation from the Gujarat education department website suggests that Modi’s efforts to promote English seem to have failed — at least at the official level. The web address quoted by Aakar may have changed, but the gibberish English written on it remains stuck in time.

Indeed, the two long quotes from the website that Aakar reproduced in 2013 remain unchanged. They appear verbatim today as they did then — serving, as he called them, “an evidence on display” of the poverty of English in a department meant to support Modi’s language promotion policies through such grand programmes as SCOPE, or Society for Creation of Opportunities through Proficiency in English.

Let me now reproduce the two long quotes from the Gujarat State Education Department website which Aakar copied in 2013 to “explain” how the department puts together its textbooks — and which remain as incoherent today as they were back then.

The first appears under the “Overview” section (screenshot here) of Gujarat textbooks. It states (quoted verbatim, without correcting grammar):

“Establishment

“Gujarat state Textbook Mandal was established in AD 1969 on 21st October. Since 38 year mandals main target. High quality textbooks are published and to Gujarat students they are easily available at reasonable prices.

Through Mandal Std. 1-12 Gujarati Medium textbooks are published. Thereafter in Hindi, English, Marathi, Sindhi, Urdu, Sanskrit and Tamil Language also text books are published.

Board Committees

Mandals whole management is done properly; it decided objectives are fulfilled for that Board Committee is formed as below.

(1) General Board (2) Director Board (3) Working committee (4) Educational committee (5) Production committee (6) Research committee.

Above mentioned all committee’s administration works properly regarding that advise suggestions are given.

Aakar Patel

 

Mandal distribution related works

Printed textbooks are distributed in whole Gujarat at Government level working organizations through them with district distributor textbook are sold in retail for that work distributors are hired. Retailers registration is done in mandal. In Ahmedabad also Ahmedabad has its own selling centre. (Sale Depot, Godown no. 9 below Asarva Bridge, Ahmedabad – 380016, Ph. 22133920) is there. At any institute or personal level to any student from this sale centre textbook can be availed at retailing std. from outside Gujarat through money order or bank draft also textbooks can be obtained.

Mandals research related work

Textbook mandal by publishing textbook is not satisfied. Textbooks quality improves continuously for that research related work is also done. From primary teacher to university professors knowledgeable persons are joined in evaluation programme and other educational programme. Textbooks writers, advisers, translators etc. for them work of finding genius is done.

Mandal’s work in new sector

Basic subject’s textbook – AD 1999 to Std. 11-12, basic subject 26 textbooks publishing being done Mandal for general exam additional subjects through textbook relevant sectors students are provided basic literature. Due to this in village and Kurshi sector also Mandal human research development important work could give own contribution.”

The second is what the department calls a “Disclaimer” (screenshot here):

“Gujarat Government Education Department related information is easily available to people from one place only with that aim this website is developed. Regarding this matter if you have any opinion then you are requested to contact us. To keep this site latest and the mistake that come our consideration to correct those mistakes all efforts will be done. In this site document information created by people and private organizations is there. The information available for outside, on its exactness, co ordination latest or completion we have no control or we can give any promise, this matter has to be kept in mind.

The information of this web site is for the benefit of general public and from it any legal right or responsibility is not created. For over sight or any mistake of typing this department is not responsible.

If any information is not true or some corrections are needed in it, if this is known then the steps to solve it opinions can be given. This web sites documents/samples (PDF file) soft copy and hard copy thus from both they are taken. While conversion certain documents formatting may change that can happen for conversion raised mistakes efforts are done of correcting it. In spite of that now also there can be any mistake in it. If regarding this matter you have any questions then original documents respective copies have to be brought or you are requested to contact us. Moreover for linked sites policy or method we are not responsible.”

Established in 2007–2008, the site has had a whopping 19,816,644 visitors. Yet it hasn’t been updated since 2014 — the year Modi left Gujarat to become the country’s Prime Minister. On Google, interestingly, the site is labelled as “Not secure or Dangerous,” with its identity marked as “not verified” (screenshot here).

Courtesy: CounterView

The post Whither SCOPE? Twelve years on, Gujarat’s official English remains frozen in time appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Brahmdev Maharaj temple, was also where the Muslim caretaker w lived alone after separating from his family. For more than 35 years, Mohammad has quietly tended to the temple, a place he also called his home. On most days, he has fed animals, cleaned the temple grounds, assisted during aarti, and found quiet moments to pray, yes offer namaz.

However, something he has done for years, the namaz, discreetly offered near a tree on the premises, became a matter of public controversy when someone filmed it — reportedly around two months ago — and uploaded the video online on June 28.Within hours, Ali found himself behind bars for “defiling a place of worship with intent to insult religion”. This act is symptomatic of the street vigilantism encouraged by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) be it in Uttar Pradesh where the incident happened, Haryana, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat or Maharashtra. Local police also immediately tend to bend to the will of these mobs on the prowl, influenced by the fact that they enjoy political patronage.

In this case, Ali Mohammad had reportedly earlier apologised to some local villagers when questioned about the prayer, and the matter had initially subsided until the clip resurfaced. Paramanand Das told TOI he was taken aback by the arrest of the man who had served the temple faithfully since the days of his late mentor, Radheshyam, in 2002 and promised to personally arrange help for Ali’s bail if his family were unable to do so. “What happened to Ali Mohammad was wrong and unexpected,” Das said, adding that the village panchayat would “punish” the individual responsible for circulating the video. “The unidentified man who slyly shot and posted the video has committed a greater offence than Ali. If the police take our statement, we will support Ali. Humanity is above religion,” he added. However, Das also said, “Whatever he did here was wrong. “Das added that the temple is a place of devotion for people from all faiths. “On Diwali, people of different religions come to offer prayers at the feet of Brahmdev Maharaj. Ali respected every religion, committed no crime, and never harboured any religious hatred. He worked with dignity and respect, maintaining the temple’s sanctity.”Dataganj circle officer K K Tiwari said, “An FIR has been registered against Ali. He has been arrested. Investigation has so far revealed that Ali was living for decades near the Brahmdev Maharaj temple complex. Someone recorded a video of him offering a prayer supposedly near a tree inside the premises and shared it online. Police force was deployed at the temple premises as soon as we received information in this regard.” Ali himself, in a video released by police, seemed utterly bewildered by the stringent charges slapped on him. He said, “The temple is my sanctuary, the place I found peace. I left my family to serve here. I received meals three times a day from the temple, sometimes even clothes. I did not commit any crime – I would not even think of defiling a place that is home for me.”

Related:

Mumbai Walks for Peace | Citizens Unite Against Hate

Pahalgam Attack: Kashmir unites in heroic resilience amid terror attack, proving humanity’s strength against hate narrative

Faith Knows No Religion: Banke Bihari Temple again rejects boycott call against Muslim artisans and businesses

The post ‘What happened to Ali Mohammad was wrong’: UP temple’s Muslim caretaker held for offering namaz; Hindu priest to arrange bail, says he served with dignity for 35 years reports TOI appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The directive was passed by Shafeeq Ahmed, Sub-Judge and Special Mobile Magistrate, Poonch, in response to an application filed by local advocate Sheikh Mohammad Saleem. As per the report in Bar&Bench, the complainant alleged that the media outlets, in a series of live broadcasts aired in May, wrongly identified Qari Mohammad Iqbal, a religious teacher at Jamia Zia-ul-Uloom, one of the most prominent Islamic seminaries in Poonch, as a “notorious Lashkar-e-Tayyeba commander” allegedly involved in the 2019 Pulwama terror attack.

Iqbal, who was killed on May 7 while out purchasing food supplies for his students, was among civilians who died during intense Pakistani shelling along the Line of Control. Despite his clear identity as a local religious figure and civilian casualty, the news channels broadcast his name, photograph, and a fabricated terrorist profile, falsely claiming that he was eliminated by Indian forces in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.

The court strongly rebuked the claim made by the Poonch police during the hearing that territorial jurisdiction did not lie with the local court since the broadcast originated from New Delhi. Citing Section 199 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), 2023, the Court held that when defamatory consequences occur at a location different from where the act originated, jurisdiction vests in both places. The Court emphasised that the reputational and emotional damage caused by the broadcast was suffered in Poonch, where the deceased lived, worked, and ultimately lost his life.

A case of journalistic irresponsibility and public harm

In scathing observations on the role of the media, the Court declared that the conduct of the news outlets amounted not only to defamation but also to a deliberate and dangerous act of public mischief and incitement. It held that the telecast violated multiple provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023, including:

• Section 353(2) – Public mischief
• Section 356 – Defamation
• Section 196(1) – Promoting enmity between religious groups

In addition, the Court invoked Section 66 of the Information Technology Act, 2000 for the dishonest and misleading use of digital media.

While some channels issued public apologies after widespread outrage—including local protests and a J&K police advisory warning of legal action—the Court observed that “An apology may have mitigating value at the stage of sentencing but does not preclude the statutory duty of police to register an FIR once a cognizable offence is disclosed,” as per the report of The Wire. It further stressed that the press, while enjoying freedom under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution, is bound by reasonable restrictions under Article 19(2), particularly in matters concerning defamation, public order, decency, and communal harmony.

“In the present act, the act of branding a deceased civilian teacher of a local religious seminary as a ‘Pakistani terrorist’ without any verification, particularly during a period of Indo-Pak hostilities cannot be dismissed as a mere journalistic lapse,” the court said, according to The Wire report.

Media conduct under scrutiny

The court emphasised that press freedom is not a license to defame, mislead, or cause harm. Media organisations, especially those with national reach, are constitutionally and ethically bound to ensure accuracy, fairness, and verification in their reporting—particularly in conflict zones like Jammu and Kashmir. The order noted that the coverage caused immense distress to the bereaved family, tarnished the reputation of the seminary, and inflamed religious sentiments within the local Muslim community.

The Station House Officer (SHO), Poonch Police Station, has been directed to register an FIR against the accused news networks and their editorial staff within seven days, and to submit a compliance and progress report to the court. The SHO has also been instructed to conduct a fair, impartial, and time-bound investigation, with a copy of the order being forwarded to the Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP), Poonch for supervisory monitoring.

Public outrage and CJP complaint

The misleading reportage drew widespread condemnation from the local community in Poonch, many of whom personally knew Qari Iqbal and described him as a humble and well-regarded religious educator. Protests erupted after the false broadcast, prompting a rare advisory from the J&K police warning news channels against “unverified and inflammatory” reporting that disrespects the dead and incites communal tension.

In a related development, Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) had also filed a detailed complaint with the broadcasting channels, on May 14, 2025, for broadcasting false and defamatory content during its coverage of Operation Sindoor. The complaint focused on News18’s segment aired on May 7, which falsely claimed that Maulana Qari Mohammad Iqbal, a religious scholar from Poonch, was a “top Lashkar-e-Taiba commander” killed in an Indian airstrike.

The broadcast, titled “India’s air strike Pakistan: Operation Sindoor में मारा गया आतंकी Mohammad Iqbal | India-Pak War”, referred to Iqbal—who had no criminal record or militant ties—as a “most-wanted terrorist” allegedly neutralised during military operations. CJP called the segment a gross act of defamation and dangerous communal profiling, especially given that the deceased was in fact a civilian teacher who had died in cross-border shelling.

In its complaint, CJP submitted verifiable evidence contradicting the false narrative, including public clarifications by the Poonch police, testimony from Iqbal’s family, and fact-checks from independent media outlets. The organisation pointed out that Iqbal was a teacher at Jamia Zia-ul-Uloom, a respected religious seminary in Jammu & Kashmir, and had no links to terrorism. His image, originally shared in a condolence message by the seminary’s administration, was misused by the channel in its coverage.

CJP cited the May 10, 2025 Alt News fact-check titled “His name was Qari Mohammad Iqbal. He was not a terrorist”, which established that the claims made by News18 were factually incorrect and defamatory. The fact-check also traced the image to social media tributes shared by family members, including Iqbal’s brother Qari Mohammad Farookh and brother-in-law Ishaq Khayan, who condemned the false reporting as a traumatic assault on the dignity of the deceased and his grieving family.

Calling the coverage an egregious example of Islamophobic misreporting, CJP demanded a formal on-air correction, public apology, and removal of the defamatory content from all digital platforms. The group noted that such broadcasts, made during a period of heightened Indo-Pak tensions, were not only unethical but posed serious risks to communal harmony, public order, and social trust.

CJP has also filed related complaints against five other national broadcasters—Aaj Tak, ABP News, Times Now Navbharat, NDTV, and India TV—for airing outdated foreign footage, falsely depicting it as real-time coverage of Indian military action under Operation Sindoor, thereby spreading misinformation and manufacturing a war narrative. Detailed report of the same may be read here.

Related:

CJP files complaint with six news channels for spreading misinformation, making false terror links: Operation Sindoor

Broadcasting Bias: CJP’s fight against hatred in Indian news

NBDSA cracks down on biased anchors: Orders content removal from Times Now Navbharat and Zee News based on CJP’s complaints

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“The lesson had been burned into public memory. The Emergency became more than a chapter in history. It became a warning. For Narendra Modi, it was not just a past event. It was part of his personal journey. As Prime Minister, he has often reminded the nation of those dark times…It was about imprisoning free thought, art, and expression. That period left behind not just scars, but reminders. It taught us that freedom is earned, not gifted.” [i]

Let us take first, examine the claim that the RSS-BJP rulers are/have been committed to the liberal democratic values as a faith. The most prominent ideologue of the RSS, MS Golwalkar, also known as the ‘Guru of Hate’ [whom PM Modi credits for grooming him into a political leader] while addressing the 1350 top level cadres of the RSS in 1940 declared, “RSS inspired by one flag, one leader and one ideology is lighting the flame of Hindutva in each and every corner of this great land.” [ii]

With such a philosophical love for totalitarianism the RSS has, always hated sharing of power. Proponents of the Sangh have stood in strong opposition to the federal structure of the constitution, a ‘Basic’ feature of the India polity. Golwalkar declared in 1961, “Today’s federal form of government not only gives birth but also nourishes the feelings of separatism… It must be completely uprooted, constitution purified, and unitary form of government be established.” [iii]

So far as the formally declared Emergency is concerned, the RSS claim of fighting against it needs to be evaluated in the light of contemporary narratives including documents from RSS archives. In this connection, two narratives one by a veteran thinker and journalist of India, Prabhash Joshi and the other by TV Rajeswar, former Intelligence Bureau [IB] chief who was the deputy chief of IB during the Emergency are of immense importance. They recounted the days of the Emergency (or state terrorism) when the RSS ‘surrendered to the repressive regime of Indira Gandhi’, ‘assured her and her son, Sanjay Gandhi to enforce faithfully the draconian 20-point programme announced by the Emergency regime.’ In fact, a large number of RSS cadres got themselves released from jails after mercy petitions (maafinaamas).

The account by veteran journalist, Prabhash Joshi appeared in the English weekly Tehelka n the 25th anniversary of the Emergency. [iv] According to him even during the Emergency “there was always a lurking sense of suspicion, a distance, and a discreet lack of trust” about RSS’ joining the anti-Emergency struggle. He went on to say that,

“Balasaheb Deoras, then RSS chief, wrote a letter to Indira Gandhi pledging to help implement the notorious 20-point programme of Sanjay Gandhi. This is the real character of the RSS…You can decipher a line of action, a pattern. Even during the Emergency, many among the RSS and Jana Sangh who came out of the jails, gave mafinamas. They were the first to apologize. Only their leaders remained in jail: Atal Behari Vajpayee [most of the time in hospital], LK Advani, even Arun Jaitley. But the RSS did not fight the Emergency. So why is the BJP trying to appropriate that memory?”

Prabhash Joshi concluded that “they are not a fighting force, and they are never keen to fight. They are basically a compromising lot. They are never genuinely against the government”.

TV Rajeswar, who served as Governor of Uttar Pradesh and Sikkim penned a book, ‘India: The Crucial Years” [Harper Collins] corroborated the fact that “Not only they (RSS) were supportive of this [Emergency], they wanted to establish contact apart from Mrs. Gandhi, with Sanjay Gandhi also”. [v] Rajeswar in an interview with Karan Thapar disclosed that Deoras,

“Quietly established a link with the PM’s house and expressed strong support for several steps taken to enforce order and discipline in the country. Deoras was keen to meet Mrs. Gandhi and Sanjay. But Mrs. Gandhi refused.” [vi]

According to Rajeswar’s book,

“Sanjay Gandhi’s concerted drive to enforce family planning, particularly among Muslims, had earned Deoras’s approbation.” [vii] Rajeswar also shared the fact that even after Emergency the “organization (RSS) had specifically conveyed its support to the Congress in the post-emergency elections.” [viii] It will be interesting to note that even according to Subramanian Swamy during the Emergency period, most of the senior leaders of RSS had betrayed the struggle against the Emergency. [ix]

Contemporary documents in the archives of the RSS validate the narratives of Prabhash Joshi and Rajeswar. The 3rd Supremo of RSS, Madhukar Dattatraya Deoras wrote the first letter to Indira Gandhi within two months of the imposition of Emergency. It was the time when state terror was running amok, crushing the human rights of thousands of Indians.

In letter dated August 22, 1975, Deoras began with the following praise of Indira:

“I heard your address to the nation which you delivered on August 15, 1975, from Red Fort on radio in jail [Yervada jail] with attention. Your address was timely and balanced so I decided to write to you”. [x]

Indira Gandhi did not respond to it. So Deoras wrote another letter to Indira on November 10, 1975. He began his letter with congratulating her on being cleared by the Supreme Court of disqualification which was ordered by the Allahabad High Court,

“All the five Justices of the Supreme Court have declared your election constitutional, heartiest greetings for it.” It is to be noted that opposition was firmly of the opinion that this judgment was reflective of executive pressure on the judiciary. Deoras also stated that “RSS has been named in context of Jaiprakash Narayan’s movement. The government has also connected RSS with Gujarat movement and Bihar movement without any reason…Sangh has no relation with these movements…” [xi]

Since Indira Gandhi did not respond to this letter either, RSS chief got hold of Vinoba Bhave who supported the Emergency religiously and was a favourite of Indira Gandhi. In a letter dated January 12, 1976, he begged that Acharya should suggest the way that ban on RSS was removed. [xii]  Since Acharya too did not respond to Deoras letter, the latter in another letter without date wrote in desperation,

“According to press reports respected PM [Indira Gandhi] is going to meet you at Pavnar Ashram on January 24. At that time there will be discussion about the present condition of the country. I beg you to try to remove the wrong assumptions of PM about RSS so that ban on RSS is lifted and RSS members are released from jails. We are looking forward for the times when RSS and its members are able to contribute to the plans of progress which are being run in all the fields under the leadership of PM.” [xiii]

[All these letters in Hindi are being reproduced from a publication of the RSS at the end of this article.]

Even a prominent Hindutva ideologue Balraj Madhok who as an RSS whole-timer founded Bhartiya Jana Sangh (1951) on RSS command confessed:

“Sarsanghchalak of the Sangh Shri Bal Saheb Deoras was a MISA prisoner in Pune’s Yervada Jail…his life was full of comforts. Therefore, he wrote two letters to the jailed Indira Gandhi on 22-08-1975 and 10-11-1975 to change her attitude towards the Sangh and lift the ban on it. He also wrote a letter to Shri Vinoba Bhave and requested him to try to remove the feeling of opposition towards the Sangh from Indira Gandhi’s mind. These letters were leaked by the government and they were published in many newspapers. This naturally had an adverse effect on the morale of the Sangh volunteers and the Satyagraha movement became almost dead.”

[Madhok, Balraj, Zindagi Ka Safar –3: Deendayal Upadhyay Ki Hatya Se Indira Gandhi Ki Hatya Tak (Journey of Life-3: From the Murder of Deendayal Upadhyay to the Murder of Indira Gandhi), Dinman Prakashan, 2003, pp. 188-189.]

Incidentally, another tidbit from history. Former President of the Indian Republic, Pranab Mukherjee was invited by the RSS chief, Mohan Bhagwat as the chief guest of the graduation ceremony of its new recruits who are fired to work towards their goal to convert India into a Hindu state. Pranab Mukherjee had been indicted as one of the top leaders of Congress for Emergency excesses.

It is shameful that despite these facts thousands of RSS cadres continue to get monthly pension for the persecution during Emergency. The BJP ruled states like Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Maharashtra have decided to award a monthly pension of Rs 20,000 to those who were jailed during the Emergency period for less than 2 months, and Rs 10,000 to those who were jailed for less than a month. These policy decisions by RSS-backed BJP states have taken care of the financial interest of those RSS cadres who (even) submitted mercy letters completing only one- or two-months’ jail term. For securing such a significant amount in pension, no condition was applied –to the effect that the beneficiary should have been in jail for the whole period of the Emergency!

Interestingly, in sharp contrast, in the case of anti-colonial (British) freedom struggle there has not been even a single person from RSS cadres to have claimed the freedom fighter pension. It may be noted that nobody remembers hundreds of Communist youths, branded as Naxals killed in fake encounters during the Emergency. Interestingly, Shiv Sena, the Hindutva co-traveller of the RSS also openly supported the Emergency.

Tavleen Singh, a senior journalist who had once welcomed Modi’s ascendancy to power in 2014 did not mince words while evaluating Indian democracy on the 50^th anniversary of declaration of Emergency,

 “Brutal repression of democratic rights can happen again, and the answer is that it can, but in a more dangerously subtle way. There are those who say that since Narendra Modi became prime minister, an ‘undeclared emergency’ has come into force. I hesitate to make sweeping judgements of that kind, but what has happened is that some freedoms we took for granted have become endangered. This has been done not by throwing Opposition leaders, journalists and dissidents into jail, but by tweaking the laws to make curbs on freedom legally possible.

“The law that is supposed to prevent sedition has been tweaked to widen the definition of that word. Laws meant to curb black money have been tweaked as well and if a dissident does not end up in jail for ‘anti-national activities’, he could end up rotting in some forgotten cell because the Enforcement Directorate charges him with money laundering. The Opposition leaders who have these charges thrown at them have fought back valiantly because they have political parties behind them, but dissidents and journalists have just learned to keep quiet. Is that good? Is that democracy?”

So, writing on the wall is clear. India had Emergency imposed using some Articles of the Indian constitution and same was rescinded. Presently without Indira Gandhi and Congress government we have perpetual ‘undeclared’ Emergency under Modi rule. It needs not to be withdrawn as was never declared!

[i] ‘National Emergency 1975: The murder of the Indian republic on June 25,  https://organiser.org/2025/06/24/298840/bharat/national-emergency-1975-the-murder-of-the-indian-republic-on-june-25/

[ii] Golwalkar, MS, Shri Guruji Samagar Darshan (collected works of Golwalkar in Hindi), Bhartiya Vichar Sadhna, Nagpur, nd., vol. I, p. 11.

[iii] Ibid. vol. III, p. 128.

[iv] http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main13.asp?filename=op070205And_Not_Even.asp

[v] https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/rss-backed-indira-gandhis-emergency-ex-ib-chief-264127-2015-09-21

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] https://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/ib-ex-chiefs-book-rss-chief-deoras-had-backed-some-emergency-moves/

[viii] https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/RSS-backed-Emergency-reveals-former-IB-chief/articleshow/49052143.cms

[ix] https://medium.com/@hindu.nationalist1/double-game-of-senior-rss-leaders-during-emergency-74abc07a4fa8

[x] Madhukar Dattatraya Deoras, Hindu Sangathan aur Sattavaadi Rajneeti, Jagriti Prkashan, Noida, 1997, 270.

[xi] Ibid., 272-73

[xii] Ibid. 275-77.

[xiii] Ibid. 278.

(The author is a former professor of Hindi, Delhi University and a scholar on recent Indian modern history)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

Related:

How RSS betrayed the struggle against the Emergency, from its archives

RSS had no role in the freedom struggle

We or Our Nationhood Defined – 1947 Edition

The Ideology of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is both Hate-Ridden and Supremacist – Part 1

‘Old Wine in New bottle’: Bhagwat on Caste

The Sangh’s Hypocrisy on Dalits, It’s Time to Read ‘Bunch of Thoughts’, Again!

The post On the 50th anniversary of India’s formal ‘Emergency’, how the RSS betrayed the anti-emergency struggle appeared first on SabrangIndia.

But we have now uncovered fresh evidence that suggests otherwise. In at least one case, YouTube stepped in to challenge ANI’s takedown notice and asked the agency to consider fair use, raising questions on how YouTube decides which disputes deserve scrutiny while leaving the rest to fight it out on their own.

Under YouTube’s rules, channels with three copyright violation claims in 90 days are terminated in seven days—forcing content creators to pay up large sums to ANI. Following The Collective’s expose, many prominent YouTubers went public, describing ANI’s business of copyright strikes as ‘extortion’ despite Indian copyright rules allowing content makers to use a tiny bit of copyrighted visual under fair-use doctrine for making something entirely new.

Mohak Mangal, one such YouTuber, claimed that ANI asked him to cough up Rs 48 lakh or face imminent shutdown of their channel. Others also went public with similar claims.

ANI had previously defended its actions. “It’s not extortion. It is lawful protection of property” the agency told The Collective during the initial investigation. (read here). YouTube, facing a rare blowback over its three-strike policy and its review mechanism in India, tried to claim it was playing an intermediary and not a judge.

Initially responding  to our investigation, it had told us, YouTube does not sit in judgment on such claims. It wrote to us, “We don’t adjudicate copyright ownership disputes or make legal determinations on the merits of fair use or other exceptions. Our role is to process copyright takedown notices that comply with applicable law.” (Read it here).

We have now found that YouTube’s claim that it just processes takedown notices significantly masks its internal review mechanism.

In a copyright case, YouTube actively mulled over claims of violation after a content maker pushed back against ANI, set off a chain mail seeking more information from ANI, and finally let the YouTuber retain the disputed content online.

However, it did not disclose the basis for its decision or why it changed its decision in the next.

During our investigation, we found YouTube had dealt differently with different content producers, pulling down some creators’ videos and letting off others. What was consistent in its policy was it did not tell the creators how it decided which material fell within the fair-use provisions of Indian copyright law and which didn’t, leaving them to live with the consequences of its decisions, and on several occasions, at the mercy of ANI.

This overwhelming and discretionary power that YouTube holds over the work of millions of creators has set off a heated debate since The Collective’s recent revelations.

Enter Ramit

Ramit Verma runs two popular satirical channels on YouTube: Official PeeingHuman and Kroordarshan. In June 2024, ANI began sending copyright violation notices to YouTube against 14 of his videos.

YouTube wrote back to ANI. “We are concerned that your copyright notification may not be valid for the video(s) listed below. Please keep in mind that in many countries, it is legal to use copyrighted works in specific ways without the owner’s authorization, particularly for transformative purposes such as news reporting, parody, commentary, or review.”

YouTube was referring to the ‘fair dealing’ provisions under the Indian copyright law.

It demanded more information from ANI for its claims.

Contrary to YouTube’s claim of not being an adjudicator, in this case it demanded details from ANI to find out if the videos had been made under fair dealing provisions of the law or not.

ANI then provided a detailed response for stated questions that YouTube reviewed and declined. It wrote to ANI, “We remain concerned that your removal request isn’t valid for the video(s) listed below. As a result the content will remain live on YouTube.”

YouTube wrote to Ramit, “We believe your content is protected by fair use, fair dealing, or a similar exception to copyright protection. We are writing to let you know we do NOT plan to remove your video(s) at this time.” YouTube had put the words in bold to add emphasis.

On the other two videos, YouTube agreed with ANI and blocked them. Ramit wrote back to YouTube that those too, were protected under the principle of fair dealing and were not in violation of copyright rules.

YouTube asked ANI if it had taken the dispute to court. ANI did not respond and YouTube unblocked these two videos as well.

ANI did not pursue any of its 14 notices further in court.

This case also shows that YouTube makes judgment calls on copyright disputes, and decides what is fair use of copyright material or what isn’t. When The Collective asked it to share its standards, tests and parameters for fair use on its platform, YouTube did not reply.

YouTubers have spoken against how this grey zone in YouTube’s policy has left a sword hanging over their heads, with ANI stepping up to use the opportunity to its advantage.

One of the prominent voices among them was Mohak Mangal, one of the largest current affairs creators in India on YouTube with over 4.6 million subscribers. On May 25, Mohak posted an 11-minute video on YouTube addressing ANI and what he claimed to be their “extortionary” tactics.

“This is their business model. Give a strike, get the channel deleted and use extortionary tactics to sell annual subscription plans. This is the state of the country,” he said.

In his video, Mohak claimed the media giant issued him two copyright strikes for using their clippings, one of which was as short as nine seconds. He furnished screenshots and emails, which he says are from ANI, stating the company initially demanded 48 lakh in penalties and licensing fees to remove the strikes. Otherwise, they threatened to issue more strikes to shut down his channel. Mohak also produced recordings of conversations that he says are negotiations between his team and an ANI official.

“On 20th May, I received my first copyright strike for my video on the Kolkata rape case. I made this video many months ago. Who sent the copyright strike, ANI. Why? Because in my 16 minute video I had used 11 seconds of their footage,” Mohak said in his video.

While Section 52 of the Indian Copyright Act establishes grounds for fair dealing, which includes criticism, comment, news, and reporting, it does not specify the exact duration of footage a YouTuber can use in their video.

Mohak said he had learned of other YouTubers facing similar challenges from The Collective’s report. 

We were unable to independently verify Mohak’s claims. He and his colleagues declined to speak to us. ANI, too, didn’t respond to our questions on his allegations or the evidence he shared. Its Editor in Chief, Smita Prakash has retweeted an article on May 26 whose headline read, “Piracy is not free speech. Why YouTubers must pay for ANI’s content.’

In less than two days, Mohak’s video clocked over 48 lakh views and stirred several creators to reveal their negotiations with the agency.

At least six YouTube creators—@peepoye, @OnlyNews 24×7, @samir_talks, @Thugesh, @DhaakadKhabarIN, and @rajatpawarr—spoke out in Mohak’s comment section, revealing that they had also received copyright strikes from ANI, in some cases along with demands for penalties exceeding Rs 18 lakh.

@rajatpawarr later uploaded a YouTube video in which he claimed that ANI issued a strike for a clip that does not necessarily belong to the company, “One of the clips maybe did not belong to the channel (ANI), only their mike was showing, but they issued a strike anyway,” he claimed.

The Collective was unable to independently verify the creators’ claims, but sought ANI’s response in a detailed questionnaire.

When The Collective first reported this story on May 19, we spoke to at least four creators and identified four more who had either signed or were in the process of signing expensive copyright deals with ANI, following threats to shut down their channels. At the time all the YouTubers preferred to stay off the record.

We followed up our first set of unanswered questions with a second set to YouTube and ANI. Neither responded by the time of publication despite repeated reminders. You can read the questions at the end of the story. We will update this developing story if and when either responds to our queries.

Popular journalist and YouTuber, Ravish Kumar, had told us, “How can three violations steal one’s means of livelihood and years of work?”

While ANI has directly and indirectly indicated before and after the revelations that it stands by its business methods, YouTube has preferred to remain quiet. So far.

Courtesy: The Reporters’ Collective

The post YouTube Says it Doesn’t Judge Claims of Copyright Violation. We Found it Does appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Division Bench of Justices M.S. Karnik and N.R. Borkar passed the stay order in a batch of petitions filed by several minority educational institutions, including prominent South Mumbai colleges like St. Xavier’s, Jai Hind, KC, and HR College, as well as institutions from Solapur. The Maharashtra Association of Minority Educational Institutions (MAMEI) also joined the petitioners in challenging the State’s move. The petitions contested a clause introduced through a Government Resolution (GR) dated May 6, 2025, issued by the School Education Department.

Clause 11 of the May 6 GR lies at the heart of the controversy. It permits unfilled seats under the minority quota to be surrendered for allotment through the centralised admission process, making them subject to applicable social and parallel reservations. The State government contended that this mechanism was devised to ensure optimal utilisation of seats and claimed it was introduced in response to requests made by the institutions themselves.

Historically, minority colleges in Maharashtra have followed a well-established formula: 50% of seats reserved for the respective minority community, 5% for the management quota, and the remaining 45% kept open and unreserved. However, for the academic year 2025–26, the centralized FYJC admission portal began reflecting the application of SC/ST/OBC reservations on this 45% open category, prompting the current legal challenge.

Arguments for the petitioner: Senior Advocate Milind Sathe, appearing for the petitioners, argued that the GR violates constitutional protections granted to minority institutions under Articles 15(5) and 30 of the Constitution. Article 15(5) specifically carves out an exception for minority educational institutions from the scope of affirmative action policies, including caste-based reservations, while Article 30 protects their right to establish and administer institutions without State interference. Sathe emphasised that even unfilled minority quota seats must revert to open category admissions, and not be diverted to socially reserved categories.

Arguments for the defence: The Government Pleader Neha Bhide submitted that the clause did not infringe on the autonomy or rights of minority institutions. She argued that once minority seats were voluntarily surrendered to the centralized pool, applying social reservations to those seats was a legitimate policy tool aimed at promoting social equity. “Social reservation is the obligation of the State,” she contended.

Order of the court: the Court found substance in the petitioners’ arguments and held that an earlier judgment of the Bombay High Court—which had quashed a similar attempt by Mumbai University to enforce social reservations in minority institutions—was directly applicable in this case. The Bench observed, as per the report in BarandBench “Prima facie, we find that there is substance in the submissions advanced by the petitioners for the grant of interim relief.”

Consequently, the Court directed that, for the purpose of FYJC admissions, the mandate of SC/ST/OBC reservation shall not be enforced in any seats of minority educational institutions. The State government has been directed to file its reply within four weeks. The matter is slated for the next hearing on August 6, 2025.

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The post Bombay High Court stays SC/ST/OBC reservations in minority-run junior colleges for FYJC admissions appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Compiled by New Age Islam News Bureau

URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/taliban-tried-employing-afghan-women/d/135873

—–

The Taliban Tried To Stop Lida Mangal From Employing Afghan Women

By Isabella Ross

15-06-2025

Lida Mangal says her Afghan garment business in Western Sydney is a form of “resistance and representation”. (ABC News: Jack Ailwood)

———

LidaMangal vividly remembers the “golden years” of her childhood in Afghanistan.

Decades on, Ms Mangal has found freedom in Australia — though her country of origin and the “very strong” women who remain there never leave her thoughts.

“I thought how could I provide a means of income to these women? They had experience in tailoring and textiles. Some were widowed or without a male companion … Afghan women deserve freedom.”

Photo shows A woman wearing a blue burqa covering shields her eyes from the sun and camera while she walks in the streetA woman wearing a blue burqa covering shields her eyes from the sun and camera while she walks in the street

Virtue laws introduced by the Taliban ban women from speaking or showing their faces in public as a senior UN official called it an extension of the “already intolerable restrictions” on Afghan women.

That same year, Ms Mangal founded her business, Ghan Fashion, where she brings traditionally designed dresses from Afghanistan to Australia.

Initially, she was able to openly hire women who were still working in Afghan textile factories, but in recent years, the “barbaric regime’s agenda” has made that effort extra difficult.

“I’ve got 20 women who are working now from home, because of the restrictions of the current regime. They have their own materials and equipment they use. I explain my designs … and they prepare and make it,” she said.

A former refugee and now Australian citizen, Ms Mangal works full-time in a separate occupation, as well as running her fashion business from her Western Sydney home.

The garment transportation process is a challenge — the Taliban use sharp tools to check packages for anything being smuggled out of Afghanistan, meaning some of Ms Mangal’s dresses arrive ripped and damaged.

“This new chapter has allowed me to reclaim my voice and write a story that I choose — one filled with hope, ambition and determination.”

Kabul Social is run predominantly by female refugees from Afghanistan, notes Shaun David-Christie (far right). (Supplied: Kabul Social/Kitti Gould)

Kabul Social, founded by Plate It Forward director Shaun Christie-David, is run by a team of predominantly female refugees from Afghanistan, bringing their country’s flavours to Sydney’s CBD.

It was predated by Colombo Social, which has the same intention of celebrating culture and cuisine while employing migrants and refugees.

“What truly humbles me is seeing our refugee workforce and their families thrive, building a legacy of generational change,”  Mr Christie-David said.

Mr Christie-David said his aim was to “give people a chance that wouldn’t get one otherwise”, given the challenges of having international qualifications recognised in Australia.

Marjorie Tenchavez is the founder and director of Welcome Merchant, a social enterprise that elevates refugee and people seeking asylum entrepreneurs.

“Often they [refugees] have family members relying on them in their home countries as well. Refugee merchants also don’t have mainstream access to much support, such as borrowing from the banks, given many are on bridging visas.”

“It’s now more important than ever to give them a platform because there has definitely been a waning interest in the refugee space.”

Adama Kamara, deputy chief executive officer of Refugee Council of Australia, said the event was a way to champion the resilient nature of many refugees.

“Refugees are among Australia’s most entrepreneurial newcomers … this incredible drive, often born out of necessity and a desire to contribute, adds significant economic and social value,” she said.

Later this year, the 1 millionth permanent refugee visa will be issued since Australia’s post-war resettlement program began in 1947, according to the Refugee Council.

Source: www.abc.net.au

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2025-06-15/former-refugee-helps-women-in-afghanistan-via-sydney-business/105365380

—–

‘I Wish I Weren’t A Girl’: 700,000 Women Struggle For Menstrual Hygiene In War-Torn Gaza

By Supratik Das

15 Jun 2025

Representational Image | Credit: Reuters

———–

At the centre of an relentless humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip, an often overlooked crisis is unfolding with quiet urgency, that is women’s and girls’ menstrual well-being. During Israel’s months-long siege and heavy shelling, close to 700,000 menstruating women and girls are finding it difficult to cope with their periods with dignity and safety. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) has cautioned that lack of access to essential hygiene products, clean water, and safe facilities has converted a normal biological process into a deep humanitarian and public health emergency.

According to UN global data, 1.8 billion people menstruate worldwide, but in conflict areas like Gaza, menstruation becomes far more than a monthly inconvenience, it becomes a human rights concern. In overcrowded displacement shelters and temporary tent camps, girls getting their first period are doing so in unimaginable conditions. They have no sanitary pads, no soap, and no private toilets. “I only had one pad, so I wrapped it in toilet paper to make it last. I couldn’t wash, and the pain was horrible. I sat in silence crying until the end of the day,” a displaced teenage girl told UNFPA. These stories are no longer isolated. Since March, the blockade of humanitarian relief has severely limited the introduction of hygiene material. While a partial suspension of the ban allowed for some relief, distribution of aid which is now organised by channels outside the UN system is still woefully insufficient. Current levels of delivery are far below the colossal demand, with only a small portion of more than 10 million sanitary pads needed monthly reaching Gaza’s displaced persons. “This crisis is not just about hygiene; it is about dignity, health, and the protection of basic human rights. “Food keeps us alive, but pads, soap, and privacy let us live with dignity,” a displaced woman from Khan Younis, said in a UNFPA statement.

With over 90 per cent of the region’s water and sanitation infrastructure destroyed and water pumping fuel out of reach, the hygiene crisis is assuming a deadly dimension. Women are resorting to makeshift substitutes such as worn-out clothing, used cloths, or sponges which are often unclean and unsuitable for prolonged use heightening the threat of urinary tract infections, reproductive disorders, and long-term health impairment. A father of four girl child from Jabalia recounted his sorrow, “I ripped my single shirt apart so my daughters could wear it as an alternative to pads,” he explained to UNFPA. Another girl admitted, “Every time my period comes, I wish I weren’t a girl,” she said to the UN agency. A local physician recounted how normal phenomena like menstruation, pregnancy, and giving birth are becoming traumatic because of the absence of essential materials. “These should be routine experiences. But now, I witness pain, humiliation, and desperation in women’s eyes on a daily basis,” she said to UNFP

While the health of menstruation has gone disastrous, the overall situation for women in Gaza is equally bleak. As per UNFPA, food insecurity is catastrophic, with one person out of every five starved. For approximately 55,000 pregnant women, every skipped meal increases the likelihood of miscarriage, stillbirth, and giving birth to underweight infants.

According to UN nearly 17,000 pregnant and breastfeeding women are projected to require urgent treatment for acute malnutrition in the coming months. Gaza’s already fragile health infrastructure is on the brink of collapse after prolonged bombardment of hospitals and healthcare facilities. Healthcare workers do not have the medicines and equipment they need.

Source: www.Thedailyjagran.Com

https://www.thedailyjagran.com/world/i-wish-i-was-not-a-girl-women-struggle-for-menstrual-hygiene-in-war-torn-gaza-heres-what-report-says-10245149

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TikTok Murder Sends Chill Through Pakistani Influencers: ‘Every Woman Knows This Fear’

15 Jun 2025

Since seeing thousands of comments justifying the recent murder of a teenage TikTok star in Pakistan, Sunaina Bukhari is considering abandoning her 88,000 followers.

“In my family, it wasn’t an accepted profession at all, but I’d managed to convince them, and even ended up setting up my own business,” she said.

Then last week, Sana Yousaf was shot dead outside her house in the capital Islamabad by a man whose advances she had repeatedly rejected, police said.

News of the murder led to an outpouring of comments under her final post – her 17th birthday celebration where she blew out the candles on a cake.

In between condolence messages, some blamed her for her own death: “You reap what you sow” or “it’s deserved, she was tarnishing Islam”.

Yousaf had racked up more than a million followers on social media, where she shared her favourite cafes, skincare products and traditional shalwarkameez outfits.

Source: Www.Scmp.com

https://www.scmp.com/news/asia/south-asia/article/3314505/tiktok-murder-sends-chill-through-pakistani-influencers-every-woman-knows-fear

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UN Human Rights Council to spotlight rights of Afghan women at 59th Session

by Milad Sayar

June 15, 2025

The United Nations Human Rights Council is set to open its 59th session on Monday, June 16, in Geneva, where delegates will consider an agenda that includes the worsening rights crisis in Afghanistan, particularly the treatment of women and girls under Taliban rule.

According to the Council’s official schedule, the session will run through July 9 and will feature reports and interactive dialogues addressing human rights violations in more than a dozen countries, including Sudan, Myanmar, Iran and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Among the most closely watched items will be a presentation by Richard Bennett, the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan.

Bennett’s report, titled “Access to Justice and Support for Women and Girls and the Impact of Multiple and Intersecting Forms of Discrimination,” concludes that the restrictions imposed by the Taliban on women and girls amount to a system of gender apartheid. It calls on the international community to recognize such policies as crimes under international law.

“The Council must take urgent and decisive action,” said Sima Nouri, a human rights activist who is among those calling for an independent fact-finding mission. “We need a mechanism to document the full scope of Taliban abuses — from gender-based discrimination and ethnic killings to the violent suppression of peaceful protests. Afghanistan’s case should be referred to the International Criminal Court.”

Since retaking power in 2021, the Taliban have barred most Afghan women and girls from work, education, and even freedom of movement without a male escort. MasoudaKohistani, another rights advocate, called the situation “a human rights emergency that demands global attention.”

Though Afghanistan will be discussed on the opening day, it is one part of a broader session that includes topics ranging from the human rights impacts of climate change to racial discrimination, digital rights, and the situations in Palestine, Venezuela and Belarus. No general debates are scheduled this session, but several high-level interactive dialogues will take place throughout the four weeks.

The Human Rights Council, which meets three times a year, is the UN’s primary intergovernmental body dedicated to the promotion and protection of human rights around the world. Its 59th session will include reports from special rapporteurs, commissions of inquiry and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

Rights advocates say they hope the international community will not lose focus on Afghanistan amid competing global crises. “This is a pivotal moment,” Nouri said. “The world must not abandon Afghan women.”

Source: amu.tv

https://amu.tv/180591/

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Pakistan names women’s squad for AFC qualifiers amid bid to elevate football’s profile

Arab News Pakistan

June 15, 2025

ISLAMABAD: The Pakistan Football Federation (PFF) on Saturday unveiled its squad for the AFC Women’s Asian Cup 2026 Qualifiers, as the country seeks to uplift its women’s football program and strengthen its profile in a sport where its men’s team has also struggled to gain traction.

Pakistan’s men’s national team, briefly competitive in regional tournaments in the decades following independence, has long languished near the bottom of Asian rankings amid administrative issues and lack of sustained investment.

In contrast, women’s football in Pakistan began to take shape in the early 2000s, with the formation of the country’s first women’s football clubs in 2002 and the launch of the National Women’s Football Championship in 2005.

“The Pakistan Football Federation has named a squad for the upcoming AFC Women’s Asian Cup 2026 Qualifiers, set to take place in Jakarta, Indonesia from June 29 to July 5,” said the PFF in a statement.

Placed in Group E, the team will open its campaign on June 29 against Chinese Taipei, confront host Indonesia on July 2 and conclude the group stage against Kyrgyzstan on July 5.

Athletes have recently expanded into Olympic swimming and achieved international success in javelin, demonstrating a broader ambition to elevate sports beyond one stronghold.

Pakistan will be seeking its first-ever Women’s Asian Cup appearance, while the men’s side continues to fight for relevance amid FIFA rankings that reached a historic low before recent suspensions were lifted.

Pakistan’s national women’s football team was officially formed in 2010 and has yet to qualify for a Women’s Asian Cup or World Cup, but played in multiple SAFF Championships and remained a bright spot in domestic football.

Source: Www.Arabnews.com

https://www.arabnews.com/node/2604523/pakistan

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‘Pakistan-born’ woman booked in UP’s Bareilly for procuring fake Aadhaar, ration card

by Manish Sahu

June 15, 2025

The Uttar Pradesh Police on Friday booked a 68-year-old woman of Pakistani origin in Bareilly for allegedly obtaining an Aadhaar card and ration card through fraudulent means. The woman has been residing in India for nearly six decades on a long-term visa.

The police said that during a campaign to spot Bangladeshi and Pakistani nationals staying illegally in the district, they received a tip-off about a Pakistan-born woman allegedly availing of benefits of government schemes using forged documents.

The case has been filed against the woman, identified as Farhad Sultana, under relevant sections of the Citizenship Act and for cheating at the Baradari police station, said a police officer.

The police learned that Sultana, born in Karachi, arrived in India in 1965 at the age of eight with her mother and sister, on a long-term visa.

Source: Indianexpress.Com

https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/lucknow/pakistan-born-woman-booked-in-ups-bareilly-for-procuring-fake-aadhaar-ration-card-10067350/

Courtesy: New Age Islam

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