All in all, Hindu-Muslim unity shone across cities, with shared prayers, gifts, and gestures of goodwill, showed India’s enduring tradition of communal brotherhood and respect

Amroha and Hardoi in Uttar Pradesh also echoed these sentiments with floral greetings during Eid processions, highlighting the nation’s collective spirit of brotherhood.

These acts of kindness, from offering water to Namazi’s to sharing festive meals, shows the enduring power of unity and mutual respect, painting a vivid picture of India’s diverse yet cohesive social fabric

Jaipur, Rajasthan

On March 31, Monday, a large gathering of people in Jaipur, who had observed the month-long Roza, came together at the Eidgah and various other locations to celebrate Eid-ul-Fitr. They performed sajda and offered prayers, united in their hopes for peace and harmony. After the namaz, joyful greetings and embraces were exchanged, highlighting the spirit of togetherness.

Near the Eidgah, located along Delhi Road next to Jaipur’s walled city, Hindu residents greeted the namaz-goers by showering them with rose petals. This thoughtful gesture symbolised the deep-rooted communal harmony that Jaipur is known for, a beautiful reflection of mutual respect and solidarity.

The celebration also carried on with the traditional giving of ‘eidee,’ where young people received gifts from their elders. Many took the opportunity to explore the city, visiting restaurants and cinemas. The joy of Eid was palpable, with people of all ages coming together in celebration after the namaz.

“It feels wonderful to be here, with roses showered upon us,” said Syed Sajjad Hussan, a 60-year-old who attended namaz at Karbala. “Jaipur is known for its communal harmony. We, the Muslim community, also share similar gestures when our Hindu brothers celebrate festivals like Diwali or Holi,” he added. His words echoed the unifying spirit that defines the city, a sentiment reported by the Times of India.

As the walled city of Jaipur saw an influx of visitors, many Muslim residents took time off to explore the city’s iconic attractions, including Nahargarh Fort, Jal Mahal, Jantar Mantar, and the City Palace. Mustaq Khan, a 32-year-old from Ramganj Bazaar, shared, “Now that Roza is over, it’s time for celebration. I’ve taken four days off to visit various places in Jaipur with my family.” The festive spirit was evident as the streets came alive with young people heading out to enjoy the city’s vibrant offerings, from popular eateries to cinemas, with many catching the new release Sikander starring Salman Khan.

The mosques and dargahs in the walled city were beautifully illuminated for the occasion, their lights adding a magical touch to the celebratory atmosphere. Amid this vibrant energy, a heart-warming gesture of communal unity stood out. In several localities, Hindu families offered water to the Namazis, showing a profound display of goodwill and respect.

 

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This simple yet meaningful act of kindness highlighted the deep-rooted harmony that defines the city, where people from different communities continue to celebrate and support each other during festive occasions. Such gestures are a testament to the long-standing tradition of peaceful coexistence and mutual respect in Jaipur, fostering a sense of unity that transcends religious boundaries.

The sense of togetherness in the city during Eid-ul-Fitr was truly remarkable, as Hindu and Muslim communities came together not just in spirit but through thoughtful and respectful acts that enriched the celebrations for everyone involved.

Mumbai, Maharashtra

In a different corner of the country, in Mumbai, Eid took on a special meaning this year. As the Namazis emerged from the masjid in the bustling Chirag Nagar area of Ghatkopar after finishing their Eid prayers, they were met with an unexpected gesture of goodwill. Five Hindus, dressed in white caps, stood waiting to greet them with red roses. The surprise greeting was met with warmth and curiosity, and the congregation, moved by the gesture, invited the Hindus into the mosque.

This initiative, a beautiful example of communal harmony, was led by 64-year-old Sharad Kadam, the former Mumbai president of the Rashtriya Sewa Dal, a youth organisation founded by Congress Socialists post-Independence. Inspired by Gandhian ideals, Kadam, with the suggestion of Wardha-based Gandhian Vijay Tambe, and with the help of local Muslim activist Kalubhai, decided to wear white caps—a symbol worn by both Warkaris and Gandhians—as markers of their Hindu identity.

Joining Kadam on this special occasion were members of the Andhashraddha Nirmulan Samiti, an organisation founded by the late rationalist Narendra Dabholkar. Kadam emphasised the importance of unity, saying, “All of us from different organisations work together. The atmosphere today cannot be countered by any single group, especially not by a social one. That’s why I invited members from all opposition parties, but unfortunately, none thought it was worth their while.”

Kadam, who resides in Bhatwadi, Ghatkopar, has a deep connection to the local communities around the masjid, including Parsiwadi and Yasin Mistry Chawal, areas that had witnessed severe rioting during the 1992-93 communal clashes. Despite the difficult past, the heartfelt gesture of unity left a lasting impression.

The Muslims present at the mosque were deeply moved by the act of kindness and committed to nurturing this newly-formed bond beyond the festive occasion. “We won’t confine it to Eid; we will make it an ongoing relationship,” they assured Kadam, as reported by Hindustan Times.

While Kadam had participated in Hindu-Muslim harmony meetings in mosques in Malwani and Malad, this was the first time he had celebrated Eid in such a unique, personal way. It was a poignant reminder that the spirit of unity and peace can flourish in even the most unexpected places, and that such gestures of goodwill, when rooted in mutual respect, can help heal old wounds and build lasting connections.

“We need to build trust and friendship with each other,” said Kadam. “Otherwise, we’ll be decimated by those who say ‘Batengey toh katengey’” reported the HT.

Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh

A similar heart-warming display of unity unfolded in Prayagraj, where social organisations and members of the Hindu community came together to shower rose petals on those exiting the mosques after offering their Namas. The generous gesture saw several kilos of rose petals being used, with each Namazi greeted with a rose, symbolising goodwill and communal harmony.

According to The Free Press Journal, Raziya Sultan, who was present at the event, remarked, “Prayagraj has always been a city that promotes the Ganga-Jamuni Tehzeeb,” reflecting the deep-rooted tradition of cultural and religious coexistence in the city.

A special Ramadan Iftar party was organised by the Hindu-Muslim Unity Committee, led by Manish Agarwal, at the Indira Bhawan Compound in Civil Lines. People from all communities participated in the event with enthusiasm and broke their fast in a harmonious atmosphere. Before the Iftar, prayers for peace, tranquillity, and brotherhood were offered. During the Iftar, those fasting broke their fast with dates, fruits, and sherbet. Attendees praised the initiative, stating that such events strengthen love and unity in society.

Manish Agarwal mentioned that the aim of the Iftar party was to spread the message of goodwill and brotherhood in society, as reported by Live Hindustan.

Seelampur, Delhi

Videos from Seelampur, Delhi, recently surfaced on social media, capturing touching moments of love and unity between Hindus and Muslims during Eid. One video showed Hindus showering flowers on Muslims as they made their way to offer Namaz for Eid-Ul-Fitr. This simple yet powerful gesture of solidarity reflected a spirit of respect and togetherness. It highlighted the deep, often overlooked bonds between the communities, offering a beautiful reminder of the peaceful coexistence that thrives amidst the more divisive narratives that often dominate the headlines.

 

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Another touching incident took place during the Ramadan Jumma (Friday Prayer), when Hindus once again demonstrated their support for the Muslim community. As Muslims gathered for prayers, Hindu locals could be seen sprinkling flowers over them, in a gesture of goodwill and mutual respect. This was not an isolated incident, as Seelampur also witnessed a heart-warming display of togetherness during the celebration of Holi. During the festival, despite the cultural and religious differences, Hindu locals spread flowers over the Namazis, further reinforcing the unity shared between the communities.

 

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Indore, Madhya Pradesh

A heart-warming incident in Madhya Pradesh’s Indore has once again demonstrated the spirit of communal harmony in India. In keeping with a 50-year-old tradition, a Hindu family continued the practice of respectfully transporting the city Qazi to the main Idgah for the Eid-ul-Fitr prayers. This remarkable act of unity saw Satyanarayan Salvadia, a resident of Indore, escorting Shahar Qazi Mohammad Ishrat Ali in a horse-drawn carriage from his Rajmohalla residence to the Idgah in Sadar Bazar.

This tradition, which began with Satyanarayan’s late father, Ramchandra Salvadia, over five decades ago, has been passed down in the family as a beautiful symbol of brotherhood. Satyanarayan, who took over this responsibility after his father’s death in 2017, expressed that through this gesture, his family hopes to spread the message of unity and harmony among the people of the city, as reported by NDTV.

Indore remains the only city in the country where a Hindu family continues to honour the Qazi with such respect during the Eid celebrations, further underscoring the unique Ganga-Jamuni Tehzeeb (culture of unity and tolerance) of India. Mohammad Ishrat Ali, the Shahar Qazi, reflected on this cherished tradition, urging young people to view the world from a social perspective, beyond the divisive lens of politics.

As Eid prayers were offered in the city, some participants wore black armbands to show solidarity with Palestinians facing oppression, highlighting the global connection to the spirit of Eid. Madhya Pradesh Congress president Jeetu Patwari also visited the Idgah, extending his wishes to the Qazi, and emphasised the importance of India’s tradition of communal harmony, stating that those who preach hatred cannot be true patriots.

This annual tradition in Indore serves as a powerful reminder of how small, respectful actions can foster a sense of community and help bridge divides, promoting love and understanding across cultures and faiths.

Amroha, Uttar Pradesh

The beautiful pictures from Amroha, Uttar Pradesh, following Rajasthan, have touched many hearts. In these videos, members of the Hindu community are seen showering flowers on Muslims who are on their way to offer prayers.

राजस्थान के बाद उत्तर प्रदेश के अमरोहा से आई खूबसूरत तस्वीरें. हिंदू समुदाय के लोगों ने नमाज़ पढ़ने जा रहें मुसलमानो पर फूल बरसाकर देशभर में भाईचारे का संदेश देने का काम किया. pic.twitter.com/OyFB9QxK3y

— ♡ ارمان شيخ ♡ (@arman_shaikhh) March 31, 2025

This heart-warming gesture has become a symbol of unity and brotherhood, sending a powerful message of harmony across the country.

Hardoi, Uttar Pradesh

In Sandi town, Hardoi district, Hindus warmly showered flowers on Muslims taking part in the Eid procession, with Municipal Council President Ramji Gupta present to witness the beautiful display of solidarity. According to Dainik Bhaskar, after the prayer, members of the Muslim community generously distributed charity to the poor and needy. Outside the Eidgahs and mosques, the atmosphere resembled a vibrant fair, with both children and adults enjoying sweets, sevai (vermicelli), and toys.

As the day unfolded, people greeted one another with embraces and exchanged heartfelt Eid wishes. Prominent city figures, administrative officers, and religious leaders joined in the celebrations, collectively sending a powerful message of unity and brotherhood within the community. The event served as a reminder of the harmonious spirit that binds people together, regardless of their faith.

Related:

Everyday Harmony: A Hindu temple that serves ‘Iftar’ to Muslims during Ramzan

Devotees are our guests: Sikhs, Muslims of Prayagraj serve Kumbh pilgrims with shelter, food, and love

A legacy of Unity: Stories of harmony across faiths and cultures

The post India’s Heartfelt Eid: where flowers & faith bridge divides appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Arbitrary detention and arrest

As per multiple media reports, Mozumdar was covering a protest organised by the youth wing of the Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP), which was demonstrating against an alleged recruitment scam at the Assam Co-operative Apex Bank (ACAB). The protest was directed at the involvement of key political figures, including Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who serves as the bank’s director, and BJP MLA Biswajit Phukan, the bank’s chairman.

While carrying out his journalistic duties, Mozumdar questioned the bank’s managing director, Dambaru Saikia, about the allegations. A video clip later released by The CrossCurrent shows Mozumdar attempting to engage Saikia, who then invited him to his office. However, once inside, Saikia allegedly asked him to convince the protesters to leave—a demand Mozumdar rightfully refused, asserting his role as an independent journalist. Shortly after exiting the bank premises, he received a call from the Pan Bazar police station, instructing him to report immediately. Upon arrival, he was detained without any explanation for nearly half a day.

During his detention, Mozumdar’s family had alleged that they were denied access to him, and his diabetic medication, along with iftar provisions during Ramadan, was initially withheld. It was only after repeated insistence from fellow journalists that his wife was allowed to meet him late at night. At around midnight, as per Hindustan Times, the police finally revealed that he had been arrested under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act based on an unspecified complaint. The arrest slip, given to his wife, lacked the complainant’s name and specific details of the alleged offence, further fuelling suspicions of a politically motivated crackdown.

Manufactured charges to suppress journalism

The police later claimed that a security guard at the bank, a member of the Bodo community, had lodged a complaint against Mozumdar for allegedly making derogatory remarks. The FIR reportedly cited a single sentence attributed to Mozumdar: “Boro jati hoi tumi besi kora” (being from the Bodo tribe, you do too much). This claim has been widely ridiculed as an excuse to criminalise a journalist for asking uncomfortable questions about alleged financial mismanagement at the bank.

The flimsy nature of the allegations, combined with the prolonged detention without justification, indicates that this is not about protecting any community but about intimidating the press. The selective application of the SC/ST Act in this case is particularly disturbing, as it appears to be a tool for silencing a journalist rather than ensuring justice for marginalised communities. This kind of misuse only serves to delegitimise important legal protections meant to safeguard oppressed groups.

Widespread condemnation and protests

Mozumdar’s arrest has sparked widespread outrage among journalists, civil society groups, and opposition political parties. The Guwahati Press Club held an emergency meeting condemning the arrest, with members wearing black badges in solidarity. Prominent journalists and activists have decried the Assam government’s actions as an egregious assault on press freedom.

Senior journalist Sushanta Talukdar pointed out that Mozumdar’s “biggest crime” was attempting to present a balanced report by seeking answers from the bank’s management. The Editors’ Guild of India issued a strong statement condemning the arrest, highlighting that such actions reinforce the growing perception that press freedom is under siege in India. The Press Club of India (PCI) also denounced the police’s refusal to inform Mozumdar’s family and colleagues about the reasons for his detention, calling it a grave infringement of constitutional rights under Article 19(1)(a).

Political leaders have also spoken out against the arrest. AJP president Lurinjyoti Gogoi called it an attempt to establish “Jungle Raj” in Assam, while the Assam Pradesh Congress Committee described it as a direct attack on press freedom. The North East Media Forum urged Chief Minister Sarma to intervene and prevent the misuse of the SC/ST Act to settle political scores.

A pattern of media suppression

Press freedom is not a privilege—it is a cornerstone of democracy, and its systematic erosion threatens the very foundation of civil liberties in India. The detention and arrest of Dilwar Hussain Mozumdar is a dangerous escalation in the Assam government’s hostility towards independent journalism. It sends a chilling message to other reporters: question the state at your own peril. If Mozumdar is not released unconditionally, it will set a troubling precedent where fabricated charges can be used to silence journalists, ultimately eroding democratic accountability.

The fact that Mozumdar had previously reported on irregularities at ACAB raises serious questions about whether this was a pre-planned action to silence a journalist who had become inconvenient for the government. Notably, earlier this month, the Assam Cooperation Department had ordered an inquiry into the bank’s alleged financial mismanagement following a complaint sent to the Central Vigilance Commission. Instead of addressing these allegations transparently, the government appears to be prioritising retribution against those who expose them.

Related:

‘High-Handed, violation of the SC orders’: Bombay HC pulls up Nagpur Civic Body for demolishing homes of accused in communal violence

Comedian Kunal Kamra faces state-sponsored intimidation over satirical remarks on Deputy CM Eknath Shinde

KIIT Suicide Case: Nepalese student’s harassment complaint ignored for 11 months before tragic suicide

The post Assam: Journalist Dilwar Hussain Mozumdar detained for 12 hours, arrested after covering protest against an alleged recruitment scam involving key BJP leaders appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The minister’s disclosure, made in response to a query from Congress MLA Dasarathi Gamango in the state assembly, has reignited scrutiny over KIIT’s handling of the case. Lamsal’s death on February 16, linked to alleged harassment by fellow student Advik Srivastava, triggered widespread protests by Nepalese students and diplomatic tensions between India and Nepal.

Nepal student had filed harassment complaint with KIIT authorities: Odisha minister

In a shocking revelation, Odisha’s higher education minister Suryavanshi Suraj stated on Friday that a 20-year-old student from Nepal, who tragically died by suicide at the KIIT campus in Bhubaneswar in February, had filed a “sexual harassment” complaint against the university authorities nearly eleven months prior. The minister’s statement came in response to a query by Congress MLA Dasarathi Gamango in the state assembly.

According to Suraj, in a written reply to the assembly, the woman had filed the harassment complaint on March 12, 2024. The minister further informed that a high-level committee formed by the state government is currently investigating the matter in detail. The university has confirmed the formation of an internal committee in line with UGC guidelines to address the issue.

Suraj also mentioned that the higher education department had not provided any grants to KIIT during the last financial year. As reported by The Indian Express, the investigation into the complaint is ongoing.

While KIIT formed an internal committee per UGC guidelines, critics, including the student’s father, Sunil Lamsal, accuse the university of negligence and mistreatment. The Odisha government has launched a high-level probe, and the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has ordered an on-spot inquiry, with a report due by March 10, 2025. As investigations deepen, questions loom over accountability and the safety of international students at KIIT.

NHRC to probe suicide case of Nepalese girl, ordered an on-spot inquiry into the death

The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) had ordered an on-spot inquiry into the death of a Nepalese girl student at KIIT University in Odisha and directed its officials to submit a report by March 10. The NHRC issued this order in response to a complaint stating that the 20-year-old student had died by suicide in her hostel room at KIIT University on the afternoon of February 16. The commission had specified that the investigation should be conducted in accordance with the provisions of the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993.

“Considering the seriousness of the matter, the commission directed the Registrar (Law) to proceed with an inquiry at KIIT University, Bhubaneswar, to conduct an on-spot investigation along with a team comprising two officers from the investigation division, one not below the rank of SSP, and one officer/official from the Law Division, and submit its inquiry report to the Commission by 10th March, 2025,” the NHRC order had stated.

As reported by Hindustan Times, the complainant, Ashutosh B, in his petition, had alleged that the Nepalese student at Kalinga Institute of Industrial Technology (KIIT) University had been harassed by her “ex-boyfriend” and that the university’s International Relations Office (IRO) had ignored her complaints, which he claimed ultimately led to her suicide.

Background

In February 2025, the Kalinga Institute of Industrial Technology (KIIT) in Bhubaneswar, Odisha, was thrust into controversy following the suicide of Prakriti Lamsal, a 20-year-old Nepalese BTech student. On February 16, Lamsal was found dead in her hostel room, an act linked to alleged harassment by a fellow student, Advik Srivastava, who was later arrested for abetment. Lamsal had filed a sexual harassment complaint with KIIT’s International Relations Office 11 months earlier, in March 2024, but no significant action was reportedly taken. Her death sparked outrage among the university’s approximately 1,000 Nepalese students, who staged protests demanding justice and accountability from the administration.

The situation escalated when KIIT authorities allegedly evicted protesting Nepalese students, forcing them to leave campus without prior notice, some dropped off at Cuttack railway station without tickets. This heavy-handed response drew widespread criticism, leading to diplomatic tensions between India and Nepal. Nepal’s government intervened, with Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba calling for an impartial probe and the removal of involved staff. The Odisha government formed a high-level committee, and the National Human Rights Commission began investigating. Amid the unrest, over 150 Nepalese students returned to Nepal, while KIIT claimed most later resumed studies.

Sent daughter for higher studies: father of student who died by suicide

The father of the Nepali student, whose body was discovered in her hostel at the KIIT campus in Bhubaneswar, Odisha, on February 18 (Tuesday), has accused the private engineering institute of “mistreating” undergraduates from Nepal. His statement follows allegations that KIIT had evicted a group of Nepali students from their hostel amid rising tensions on the campus following the tragic death of Prakriti Lamsal, a third-year B Tech student.

In response to the allegations, the Kalinga Institute of Industrial Technology (KIIT) issued an apology for the incident, asserting that it had “never done any disservice to its students” reported NDTV.

Related:

Tragedy at KIIT: The death of Prakriti Lamsal and the University’s controversial response

Academic Freedoms at Risk: Federalism and autonomy challenged by UGC’s VC appointment guidelines

Education for a Hindu Rashtra: UGC-NCERT pushing a divisive agenda

The post KIIT Suicide Case: Nepalese student’s harassment complaint ignored for 11 months before tragic suicide appeared first on SabrangIndia.

• Why did I use the term Islamist instead of Islamic?

My Response: The term Islamic is a broad, neutral adjective that refers to anything related to Islam—its religion, culture, civilization, and traditions. It applies to concepts like Islamic art (art influenced by Islamic culture) and Islamic law (Sharia, the ethical and legal framework derived from Islamic principles). This term does not carry any inherent political meaning.

Islamist, on the other hand, is a more specific term with political connotations. It refers to individuals, movements, or ideologies that seek to implement Islamic principles in governance and society, often advocating for a political order based on their interpretation of Islam. While some Islamists pursue their goals through democratic means, others adopt more radical or militant approaches. Importantly, Islamist does not equate to Islamic—not all Muslims are Islamists, and Islamism represents a distinct political ideology rather than the religion itself.

The choice of Islamist in my article was deliberate. It accurately reflects the political dimension of the subject being discussed, distinguishing it from the broader religious or cultural aspects of Islam. Precision in terminology is essential, especially when addressing political ideologies or movements within the Islamic world.

• Another criticism levelled at my work is that it merely presents others’ viewpoints without a clear, cohesive argument.

My Response: This critique misinterprets the article’s purpose. Far from lacking direction, my work deliberately highlights the diversity of perspectives on secularism and Islam—concepts that are inherently contested and open to multiple interpretations. The absence of a rigid, singular definition is not a flaw but a reflection of the discourse itself.

Contrary to the claim that my argument is unclear, I explicitly advocate for secularism as religious neutrality and Sarva Dharma Samabhava—equal respect for all religions. This framework stands in direct opposition to theocratic visions promoted by Islamist groups, which reject pluralism in favour of a monolithic religious order.

Rather than weakening my case, the inclusion of diverse perspectives strengthens it. By engaging with a spectrum of viewpoints, I demonstrate the complexity of the debate while reinforcing secularism as the most viable model for a pluralistic society like India. My article is not a passive compilation of opinions but a structured, purposeful defence of secularism—one that gains depth, not dilution, from the multiplicity of voices it engages.

• What we now call secular values—human rights, equality, compassion, and justice—are deeply rooted in religious morality. Modern secular societies did not emerge in isolation; rather, they evolved from centuries of religious teachings that laid the groundwork for these principles. Paradoxical as it may seem, secular values originate from religion itself, making secularism an inherent part of religious traditions rather than a departure from them.

My Response: I do agree. Secularism is not inherently anti-religious but can align with religious values by promoting neutrality, freedom, and equality. It ensures the state doesn’t favour any religion, protecting religious diversity and allowing all faiths to coexist peacefully. This aligns with religious principles like freedom of conscience (e.g., “no compulsion in religion” in Islam) and treating others with respect (e.g., “love thy neighbour” in Christianity). Secularism also fosters collaboration on shared goals like social justice, reflecting religious values of compassion and service. By separating religion from state power, it prevents extremism and respects moral autonomy, allowing individuals to practice their faith freely. In essence, secularism supports religious values by creating a fair, inclusive society where diverse beliefs thrive.

• The term “Islamism” originated in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Initially, it was used in European languages as a neutral synonym for Islam, much like “Christianism” for Christianity. Early Western writers, including Voltaire and Encyclopædia Britannica (first edition, 1771), used “Islamism” simply to refer to the religion of Islam.

My Response: Islamism and Islam are used interchangeably. Most Islamophobes adopts this method. This approach is wrong. This is equal to equating of Hindutva with Hinduism and Zionism with Judaism.

• Islam itself is however already an “-ism” – given this, why did European languages create “Islamism” instead of just using “Islam”?

My Response: The term “Islamism” was indeed coined in European languages to create a clear distinction between Islam as a religion and the political movements or ideologies that seek to implement Islamic principles in governance and society. While “Islam” refers to the faith, spirituality, and practices of Muslims, “Islamism” specifically denotes political ideologies that advocate for the implementation of Islamic law (Sharia) and the establishment of Islamic-based political systems. This distinction emerged in the late 20th century as a way to analyse the political dimensions of Islam separately from its spiritual and theological aspects, providing clarity in discussions about religion versus ideology.

However, the distinction between Islam and Islamism is not always clear-cut, and the term “Islamism” itself has been subject to debate. It can oversimplify the diversity of political movements within the Muslim world and may be used to stigmatize legitimate political expressions of Islamic identity.

The interpretation of Islamic values is a topic of ongoing debate, particularly between Islamists and those who prioritize Quranic values. Islamists often focus on implementing Sharia law, emphasizing legalistic interpretations over broader ethical values. In contrast, the Quran highlights values such as justice, mercy, compassion, and human dignity. One of the fundamental principles of the Quran is freedom of religion, as stated in verse 2:256, “There is no compulsion in religion.” However, some Islamist movements have been accused of imposing religious practices, undermining this principle.

The Quran also promotes fraternity and equality, envisioning the ummah (global Muslim community) as a brotherhood of equals. Nevertheless, some Islamist regimes have faced criticism for fostering sectarianism and discrimination. Individual self-determinism is another key value in the Quran, emphasizing personal responsibility and individual accountability. In contrast, Islamist ideologies often prioritize collective identity over individual freedoms. The Quran is clear in its advocacy for justice, fairness, and human rights, including those of women and minorities. However, some Islamist policies have been criticized for being discriminatory or unjust, particularly toward women and religious minorities. In addition, the Quran encourages coexistence and dialogue among diverse groups, promoting pluralism and diversity. Unfortunately, some Islamist movements reject pluralism, seeking to establish homogeneous Islamic states. The Quran promotes peace and reconciliation, yet some Islamist groups have been linked to violent extremism, contradicting these principles.

Finally, the Quran advocates for economic justice, prohibiting usury and mandating charity (zakat). While Islamist attempts to implement Islamic economic systems have had mixed success in achieving justice, the importance of economic fairness remains a core Islamic value.

• The term “Islamist” has developed a pejorative connotation, especially in modern political discourse. While Islamic governance has existed for centuries—without the need for a distinct label—”Islamism” emerged in Western discourse to specifically refer to political movements advocating for governance based on Islamic principles, with an implicit tone of disapproval.

My Response: You are right. The term “Islamist” has become a focal point in the broader issue of Islamophobia, reflecting and reinforcing deeply ingrained biases in Western discourse. Historically, the West’s engagement with the Islamic world—from colonialism to the Cold War and the post-9/11 era—has shaped a narrative that associates Islam with backwardness, violence, and authoritarianism. This narrative has been perpetuated through the pejorative use of “Islamist,” which is often applied indiscriminately to a wide range of Islamic political movements, from moderate reformers to extremist groups. By conflating these diverse movements under a single, stigmatized label, the term contributes to a perception that Islam itself is inherently incompatible with democracy or modernity. This framing not only delegitimizes legitimate political expressions of Islam but also fuels Islamophobia by portraying Muslims as a monolithic group prone to extremism. The lack of equivalent terms for religiously motivated movements in other faiths, such as “Christian democracy” or “Hindu nationalism,” underscores the double standard at play, further entrenching stereotypes and fostering fear and mistrust of Muslim communities.

• Your article is about “Why Quranic Principles Advocate Secular Democracy Over Theocracy” is not about “making a compelling case for secularism as the best model for a pluralistic society like India.” India is not even mentioned in the article and rightly so because what has India to do with Why Quranic Principles Advocate Secular Democracy Over Theocracy? You seem to have lost track of what the article is about.

My Response: My critique presents a theoretical and theological challenge to the imposition of Sharia within political Islam, examining its far-reaching implications for societal structures, governance frameworks, and individual liberties. At its core, my argument questions whether enforcing Sharia as state law aligns with fundamental principles of legal pluralism, human rights, and the separation of religion and state.

A critical analysis reveals that such enforcement poses significant risks, including marginalizing non-Muslim communities and silencing dissenting voices within Muslim societies. It also risks clashing with universal human rights standards, particularly in areas such as gender equality, freedom of religion, and freedom of expression.

From a theological perspective, my critique emphasizes that Sharia is not a monolithic entity, but rather a complex and dynamic system subject to diverse interpretations shaped by historical, cultural, and contextual factors. Rigid enforcement of Sharia within modern political systems disregards its inherent adaptability, distorting its original principles and fostering authoritarianism—where religious elites consolidate power, stifling intellectual and social progress.

Politically, my critique contests the exploitation of Sharia as a means of consolidating power and exerting control over populations, thereby exacerbating societal fractures and eroding social cohesion. A comprehensive review of historical precedents and comparative analyses demonstrates that imposing religious law often leads to the suppression of dissenting voices and the erosion of individual liberties.

Ultimately, my critique calls for a critical reassessment of Sharia’s role in modern governance. It advocates a framework that safeguards legal pluralism, human rights, and the separation of religion and state—fostering a more inclusive, tolerant, and equitable society.

• The (Iranian) regime is not corrupt; it is principled. It has prioritized principles over political compromises. It faces sanctions because it supports Palestine—ironically, as a Shia state, it is the only one backing Sunni Palestine. The suffering of its citizens is primarily due to sanctions and military spending for national defence. Iran remains the only Muslim state capable of standing up to the U.S. in conventional warfare, making it the last bastion that the U.S. and Israel seek to bring down.

My Response: While Iran adheres to a distinct ideological framework, its governance is driven by both principled and pragmatic considerations, with internal power struggles and instances of corruption undermining the system’s integrity. The significant economic influence wielded by the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) and political elites has raised allegations of nepotism and financial malfeasance. Moreover, prioritizing principles over pragmatic political compromises is not inherently virtuous if it results in widespread hardship for citizens.

A balanced approach is essential—one that upholds fundamental principles while carefully considering their impact on human welfare. Iran’s troubling human rights record, as seen in the case of Mahsa Amini, highlights the urgent need for such scrutiny.

While sanctions and military expenditures contribute significantly to economic difficulties, internal economic mismanagement and political repression also play substantial roles. Many Iranians hold their government accountable for economic struggles, citing corruption, lack of transparency, and crackdowns on dissent. The government’s resource allocation, such as funding regional militias versus domestic welfare initiatives, is a contentious issue debated among Iranians themselves. Rather than being merely a victim of external pressures, the Iranian regime actively shapes its domestic and regional realities, with consequences both positive and negative.

• “The notion that Islam requires the integration of religion and state is a historical development, not a Quranic mandate.” “Fight until there is no more oppression and injustice and the Law of Allah prevails.” (Q.8:39)

My Response: This verse can be interpreted in another way. A humanistic interpretation of Q.8:39 would focus on the broader ethical and moral principles it conveys, emphasizing themes of justice, freedom, and the pursuit of a harmonious society. From this perspective, the verse could be understood as a call to resist oppression and work toward a world where human dignity, equality, and fairness are upheld. The “Law of Allah” could be interpreted symbolically as a universal moral order that aligns with humanistic values such as compassion, justice, and the common good. The emphasis on ceasing hostilities if the opposition stops (“if they desist”) could be seen as a call for reconciliation and peace, highlighting the importance of resolving conflicts through dialogue and mutual understanding rather than violence. This aligns with humanistic ideals of nonviolence and the belief in the potential for positive change in human behaviour. The reading would focus on the underlying message of striving for a just and equitable world, where all individuals are free from oppression and can live in dignity and peace. It would encourage reflection on how these principles can be applied in contemporary contexts to promote social justice and human flourishing.

• Q. 5:44 clearly affirms that governance must align with divine law.

My Response: Q.5:44 emphasizes the importance of divine guidance in governance and justice, reflecting the principle that laws should align with moral and ethical values rooted in faith. From a Quranic perspective, this verse can be understood as a call for governance that upholds justice, compassion, and the dignity of all human beings. Divine law, in this context, is not merely a rigid set of rules but a framework that seeks to promote the well-being of individuals and society. It emphasizes accountability, fairness, and the protection of human rights, which are universal values shared across cultures and faiths. I interpret divine law as a means to foster a just and equitable society where the welfare of people is prioritized. It encourages leaders to govern with wisdom, mercy, and a deep sense of responsibility toward all members of society, regardless of their faith or background. This aligns with the broader Islamic principle of Rahmah (mercy) and the concept of Maqasid al-Shariah (the higher objectives of Islamic law), which include the preservation of life, intellect, faith, lineage, and property. In essence, governance aligned with divine law, from an Islamic humanistic viewpoint, is one that serves humanity, promotes justice, and ensures the dignity and rights of all individuals are respected and protected. It is a call to integrate spiritual and ethical principles into leadership, ensuring that power is exercised with humility and a commitment to the common good.

• Islamic governance, in both theory and practice, incorporated consultation, judicial impartiality, and legal pluralism—values that align with modern democratic ideals.

My Response: My critique of contemporary political Islamists centres on their deviation from the historical and ethical principles of Islamic governance, rather than an attack on Islam itself. Many modern political Islamist movements have distorted these principles, centralizing power, side-lining diverse voices, and imposing rigid, exclusionary interpretations of Sharia. These movements often prioritize ideological purity over practical governance, using religion as a tool for political control rather than a means to promote justice and welfare. For example, the concept of hakimiyyah (sovereignty of God) has been weaponized to justify authoritarian rule, while the dynamic and adaptive spirit of early Islamic law, exemplified by ijtihad (independent reasoning), is often ignored. This rigidity leads to the suppression of dissent, the marginalization of women and minorities, and a failure to address pressing socio-economic challenges. Moreover, the politicization of religion by these groups undermines the spiritual and ethical dimensions of Islam, reducing it to a mechanism for power consolidation. By rejecting democratic principles as “Western impositions,” many political Islamists alienate broader populations, particularly the youth, who seek inclusive and pragmatic solutions to modern problems. My critique targets the authoritarian, exclusionary, and rigid practices of contemporary political Islamists, which diverge sharply from the pluralistic, consultative, and justice-oriented spirit of early Islamic governance. By reclaiming these historical principles, it is possible to envision a form of governance that is both authentically Islamic and aligned with the aspirations of modern societies for fairness, inclusivity, and good governance.

(V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is an independent Indian scholar specializing in Islamic humanism. With a deep commitment to advancing Quranic hermeneutics that prioritize human well-being, peace, and progress, his work aims to foster a just society, encourage critical thinking, and promote inclusive discourse and peaceful coexistence. He is dedicated to creating pathways for meaningful social change and intellectual growth through his scholarship. He can be reached at vamashrof@gmail.com)

Courtesy: New Age Islam

The post The inherent problem with political Islam appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Contextualising the situation by flagging India’s dismal ranking of 159 out of 180 countries in the 2024 World Press Freedom Index (WPFI) by Reporters without Borders (RSF), a marginal improvement from 161 in 2023. Justice S Muralidhar was delivering the B G Verghese Memorial Lecture on ‘Media, Courts and Freedom of Expression’, and he stressed on the systemic issues plaguing India’s media ecosystem, from internet shutdowns to the safety of journalists and the role of the judiciary. The event was held at the India International Centre in Delhi last week, on March 21.

Safety of journalists, media persons: a major concern

The safety of journalists today remains a critical issue. Two years back, in 2023 alone, five journalists were killed, and 226 were targeted, with state actors responsible for 148 of these cases. Delhi emerged as the most dangerous region for journalists, with 51 targeted by state agencies. Recent incidents, such as the brutal attack on Odisha-based journalist Jyotiranjan Mohapatra and the beheading threat received by Nagpur journalist Vinay Pandey, highlight the perilous environment for press professionals. Journalists, especially those exposing or covering sensitive issues like environmental crimes or political corruption often face the brunt of violence and intimidation.

“Stopping journalists of them from travelling abroad, at the last minute, while they are set to board a plane, has also been happening with regular frequency. While Rana Ayyub could get the Delhi High Court to come to her rescue when she was set to travel to Europe to deliver talks on violence against women journalists, Sanna Irshad Mattoo, a Kashmiri photojournalist who won a Pulitzer Prize was in October 2022 stopped at the Delhi airport despite having a valid US visa and prevented from receiving the prestigious award in New York. No reasons were given. Fahad Shah, Sajad Gul, Aasif Sultan and Majid Hyderi are some of the other Kashmiri journalists who have faced arrests under draconian criminal law provisions including the Public Safety Act and have been released after long periods of incarceration,” he said.

Muralidhar focussed on the fact that, while the legal framework for media regulation exists, its effectiveness is questionable. The Press Council of India (PCI) and the News Broadcasters & Digital Association (NBDA) have been criticized for their lack of enforcement power. Commenting on the PCI, Muralidhar said: “The PCI exerts high moral authority but is sadly by and large an ineffective oversight body. When its website prominently displays the PM’s Pariksha Pe Charcha programme urging viewers to ‘join the event and get unique tips’ from him, it raises eyebrows.”

Although the NBDA does adjudicate complaints and pass orders, these are often not complied with, making self-regulation a meaningless term.

Media and judiciary require one another to be free and independent

Muralidhar emphasised the need for an independent judiciary to safeguard press freedom, noting that the judiciary itself relies on a free media to hold it accountable.

“In order to be truly free and independent, the media in a democratic polity needs an independent judiciary. For an independent judiciary to remain effective in a democracy, it requires a free media.”

Internet shutdowns and chilling impact on free speech

Muralidhar also raised the issue of the habitual and frequent use of internet shutdowns as a significant barrier to press freedom. The Supreme Court’s 2020 judgment in Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India, which ruled that internet shutdown orders must not be disproportionate, has seen little enforcement. Despite court directives, the government has continued to impose shutdowns, particularly in conflict-prone regions like Jammu and Kashmir, where journalists face severe restrictions on their ability to report.

“Internet shutdown orders are now almost routinely issued throughout the country. Farmers’ protests, Manipur violence, and even during exams!! These orders are not in the public domain and so remain inaccessible and unchallenged. India, Iran, Myanmar and Ukraine are among the countries with the highest number of internet shutdowns in 2022 and 2023. According to an Access Now report 2024 saw 294 internet shutdowns globally and India accounted for 84 of these at 28%.”

Government’s crackdown on dissent

The government’s intolerance of criticism was evident in its response to the BBC documentary on the 2002 Gujarat riots and the blocking of Tamil magazine Ananda Vikatan’s website for publishing a satirical cartoon of the Prime Minister. Muralidhar criticised the Madras HC order asking Vikatan to remove its Modi-Trump cartoon as a condition to lift the blocking of its website.. “This is totally contrary to the settled legal position that mere criticism of the government, even if ill-informed, is not anti-national. It cannot result in a chilling effect on free speech,” he said.

Mentioning these controversial actions, coupled with the use of draconian laws like the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) and the Public Safety Act (PSA) against journalists, have raised concerns about the shrinking space for dissent.

“The nation wants to know why in the times now, in our republic, in India today, it is so hard to tolerate a healthy sense of humour, the ability to laugh at oneself, or take a dig at the government?,” he asked.

He also lamented that take-down orders and gag orders by the State and by the courts, at all levels, have become commonplace. “Ironically, fact-checkers who call out fake news are accused of spreading harm!” he sighed.

Role of social media and misinformation/disinformation

Touching on a vital issue, Muralidhar spent time on the deleterious effect of social media, who’s rise has added another layer of complexity to India’s media landscape, Muralidhar stressed on the dichotomy. While social media does provide a platform for independent voices, it has also become a breeding ground for misinformation and disinformation. Muralidhar warned against the government’s attempts to control online content through take-down orders and gag orders, which could stifle genuine dissent. He cited the Bombay High Court’s ruling against the government’s move to become the exclusive fact-checker as a step in the right direction.

Finally, Muralidhar concluded by urging journalists to remain steadfast in their pursuit of truth, despite the challenges. He highlighted the importance of global coalitions like the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ), which have exposed corruption and illicit activities on a global scale.

“The media in India has had to fight for its independence and for its freedom. It is a fact though that much of the mainstream print and electronic media are either owned by large corporate houses or by political parties. Both print and electronic media operate on purely commercial lines dependent as they are on government advertisements, licences and permissions, corporate sponsorships, commercials. These very media houses also have their corresponding web versions. And as Joseph Pulitzer cautioned, once a publisher comes to regard the press as exclusively a commercial business, there is an end of its moral power. Self-censorship, paid news, advertorials, large self-promoting ads of governments on several front pages, vying for greater TRPs at the risk of fudging data, are all now passe. There is also the control through sponsorship of the independent press on the net by corporate philanthropies. The big challenge then is to keep the news free,” he said.

Despite the general decline in media independence, Muralidhar said that certain encouraging signs emerged occasionally, giving hope to the future of journalists.

“And occasionally, tucked away in the corners of the print and electronic media, there is space yet for the investigative and critically analytical pieces of fearless and independent reporters, some of whom are being honoured today. Their courage and conviction will undoubtedly inspire generations of reporters. They need not just our admiration, but importantly, our support. They are our hope for a free and independent press, an impartial and trusted media, in the India of the future.”

He also called on the judiciary to embrace criticism and uphold the principles of free speech, as articulated by Lord Denning: “We do not fear criticism, nor do we resent it. For there is something far more important at stake. It is no less than freedom of speech itself.”

Related:

Whenever there is a strong executive, there has been a visibly weak judiciary: Justice Dr. S Muralidhar

Why is the Centre stalling Justice Muralidhar’s transfer to Madras HC?

The post For us to be truly free & independent, both media & judiciary need one another: (Justice) S Muralidhar appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This year, on March 20, 2025, 98 years after, a unique act of solidarity took place, second year running, organised by the Indigenous Muslim Forum Organization of Pune along with the Muslim community brothers of Mahad: a Roja Iftar Party in honour of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar at the site!

While guiding this Roja Iftar program, during the month of Ramzan, the president of the native Muslim Forum Anjum Inamdar said that it is very important to engage the ideology of Prophet Muhammad, Sufi saints along with the great revolutionaries of society. Maharashtra, the land of Sahu-Phule-Ambedkar is today witnessing gross instances of discrimination causing schisms and even violence in society. With manipulated history as the tool, young persons are being misled through motivated cinema. The police and administration is complicit and inactive when hate speeches that provoke are being made by the powerful.

“Leaders” today are at work to cause divisions instead of unity. There is a need to connect with each other need to understand the true history of this holy land and Maharashtra. Inamdar challenged all members of his community and others to come together and establish equality, brotherhood to take the country and society forward.

Maulana Hasrat Mohani and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar performed Roja Iftar together in Delhi on October 13, 1949 to remember the moment and remind the community of that Roja Iftar party was organised for the second consecutive year at Chavdar Tale at Mahad at Chavdar Tale (lake).

On this occasion, at Mahad, the manager of the Babasaheb Ambedkar National Monument, Prakash Jamdade, literateur, Kalim Azim, President of Jamatul Muslimin Mohalla Charitable Trust Mohammad Ali Chiplunkar and member of the Revolution Bhoomi Social Organization Anant Kamble, along with senior social activist Mushtaq Qazi, Sadiq Sheikh, Mahad’s Jamate Islami Hind Officer Fasiuddin Falahi, Maqsood Sheikh Sir, Pune Municipal Corporation, former corporator Himali Navnath Kamble and Popat Kadam all participated. Dignitaries like Arbaz Khan, Fayyaz Rajnag, Syamud Khan, among others were also present.

Many women, mothers and sisters from many districts from Maharashtra participated in the Roja Iftar Party program. Senior women activist of a Buddha Vihar Mandal from Nagpur gave blessings to all the activists who were part of the Roja Iftar party. Dr. Many historical works of Muslim brothers along with Babasaheb Ambedkar were shared during the programme.

(The author of this post on Meta (Facebook) is President Indigenous Muslim Forum;
https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1BVC2ZoV5A/?mibextid=wwXIfr)

Related:

Chennai: A temple that feeds the faithful during Ramzan

Sikhs, Muslims of Prayagraj welcome Kumbh pilgrims with shelter, food, and warmth

The post Unique 98th Anniversary Mahad Satyagraha Observances: Samata Din with a Roja Iftar Party appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to CJP’s complaint, the broadcast in question by Zee News on March 16, 2025, titled “Taal Thok Ke LIVE: होली करेंगे ‘बदरंग’, ‘भाईजान’ कराएंगे सिर कलम! LIVE #WaqfvsHoli.” (Will they tarnish Holi… will ‘Bhaijaan’ have heads severed?) surrounded the call for protest against the proposed Waqf Amendment Bill, 2024, announced by the All-India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) and Jamiat-Ulema-e-Hind earlier on March 13, 2025, at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi. It is important to mention that the date of the peaceful protest against the Bill was initially set for March 10, 2025, but later rescheduled to March 13 due to administrative reasons.

Subsequently, with the Holi festival on March 14, 2025, AIMPLB, in a press conference at the Press Club of India on March 11, 2025, decided to defer the March 13 protest and scheduled it for March 17, 2025.

The Anchor misrepresented the Waqf protest, fabricated it as a threat to the Holi festival

According to the CJP’s complaint to the channel on March 16, the program “Taal Thok Ke” systematically compromised journalistic integrity through its biased presentation and inflammatory discourse. Host Chandan Singh orchestrated a narrative that deliberately conflated a legitimate protest concerning the Waqf Amendment Bill with a fabricated threat to the Hindu festival of Holi. The program’s reliance on sensationalist tickers and unsubstantiated claims, coupled with the host’s selective questioning and interruptions, created a hostile environment that undermined the principles of fair debate.

CJP stated in its complaint that, Singh’s conduct throughout the broadcast demonstrated a calculated effort to manipulate the narrative. He repeatedly ignored factual clarifications regarding the protest’s rescheduling, instead opting to perpetuate a false narrative of deliberate disruption. His leading questions, such as “Is it normal to start the protest just one day before Holi? Is this a coincidence? Is there a plan behind this?” (Time Stamp: 03:40-03:59), were designed to provoke suspicion and reinforce a predetermined agenda.

Singh’s abrupt interruptions and dismissal of panellists’ explanations, particularly those attempting to provide context for the date changes, revealed a clear bias and a refusal to engage with factual information.

“Moreover, his active endorsement of panellists’ inflammatory statements, like Pawan Bansal’s claim of a “larger conspiracy to turn Holi into chaos” (Time Stamp: 04:55-05:22), further underscored his role in promoting a divisive and misleading narrative. We are complaining because of the host’s deliberate misrepresentation of facts, biased moderation, and the creation of an environment conducive to communal discord” as per complaint

Problematic and misleading tickers used by channel in the show

CJP pointed out in its complaint to channel that, the host aired tickers on the screen with inflammatory sub-titles such as, “शाहीन बाग वाली धमकी: सरकार वक्फ बिल वापस लें,” (Shaheen Bagh threat: Government should withdraw the Waqf bill) “CAA से बड़ा इंकलाब होगा,” (A bigger revolution than CAA will happen) “NRC से बड़ा विरोध होगा,” (There will be a bigger protest than NRC) “एक शाहीन बाग दिल्ली में था, गली गली में शाहीन बाग होगा.” (There was one Shaheen Bagh in Delhi, now every street will have a Shaheen Bagh)

As per the CJP’s complaint, the given tickers such as “वक्फ के नाम पर सिर कटा लेने की धमकी क्यों?”, (Why the threat of beheading in the name of Waqf?), “वक्फ संसोधन के खिलाफ प्रदर्शन होली से पहले क्यों?” (Why the protest against the Waqf amendment before Holi?), “वक्फ संसोधन बिल से मुस्लिमों को क्यों ऐतराज?” (Why do Muslims object to the Waqf amendment bill?), and “हर कानून के खिलाफ भीड़ जुटाने वाला षड्यंत्र कब तक?” (For how long will the conspiracy to gather crowds against every law continue?) are deeply problematic because they sensationalize and polarize an important issue without providing factual clarity or context.

These statements frame the topic in a way that stirs fear, outrage, and confusion among viewers, rather than promoting understanding. By focusing on inflammatory and leading questions, the show manipulates public perception, potentially inciting hatred.

Panellist Bansal threatens Rizvi, Host remains mute spectator

Further, as per the CJP’s complaint, during the show, while discussing the CAA/NRC, panellist Pawan Bansal openly threatened Rizvi over the Waqf protest, making violent remarks. Despite Rizvi objecting, the host remained silent and did not intervene. This silence was concerning as panellist Pawan Bansal openly threatened Rizvi regarding the Waqf protest, saying, “मैं कहता हूँ कि अगर होली के दिन उत्पात किया! मैं चैलेंज कर रहा हूँ अगर होली के दिन उत्पात किया, अगर होली के दिन उत्पात किया! समझ लेना बहुत बुरा हस्र होगा.”( I’m saying, if you create chaos on Holi! I’m challenging, if you create chaos on Holi, if you create chaos on Holi! Understand that the consequences will be very severe). 

When Rizvi objected, urging Bansal not to issue threats, the host, rather than stepping in, remained a mute spectator, failing to uphold any responsibility as a moderator.

This silence was particularly troubling because Rizvi is linked to a specific community and the Waqf Bill, making him a direct target of Bansal’s threats. Even after Rizvi voiced his opposition, Bansal repeated, “ये दुस्साहस मत करना, ये दुस्साहस मत करना,” (Don’t you dare do this, don’t you dare do this) and continued questioning the validity of the protest, saying, “क्यूँ प्रदर्शन कर रहे हैं, कानून में क्या कमी हैं? आप कितना भी कुछ कर लीजिये कानून बन कर रहेगा” (Why are you protesting, what is lacking in the law? No matter what you do, the law will be enacted). Despite these inflammatory remarks, the host did nothing to intervene, CJP stated in its complaint to channel

Notably, CJP strongly mentioned in its complaint that during the CAA/NRC protests, as the world witnessed, Shaheen Bagh became a symbol of peaceful resistance. The key fact here is that there was no violence reported at the Shaheen Bagh protest site in Delhi. However, the host in this debate show deliberately invoked the Shaheen Bagh reference in a conspiratorial context. The statement “जगह-जगह शाहीन बाग़ बना देंगे” (We will create Shaheen Bagh everywhere) was used to symbolically refer to organizing protests against the Waqf Bill, drawing a parallel with how Shaheen Bagh was organized during the CAA/NRC protests.

This was not an indication of any conspiracy but rather a reference to a form of peaceful protest that had already been part of India’s democratic tradition.

Violations of NBDSA principles, penal laws and Supreme Court judgements

The CJP, in its complaint, highlighted multiple violations of the NBDSA’s principles by the Zee News broadcast. The channel failed to adhere to Fundamental Principles of professional journalism, as outlined by the NBDSA. These include seeking truth, reporting with integrity, and avoiding bias in selecting news (Principles 1 and 4).

The program violated Principles of Self-Regulation, especially the duty to ensure neutrality and avoid portraying allegations as facts (Principle 2), and it also breached Racial and Religious Harmony guidelines by propagating content likely to incite religious intolerance (Principle 9). Additionally, the program disregarded the guidelines for Anchors conducting Programs, as it allowed inflammatory and divisive statements without intervention (Specific Guidelines for Anchors).

The channel also violated the Cable Television Network Rules (Rule 6), which prohibit content promoting communal attitudes or encouraging violence. The inflammatory content presented on the show amounted to hate speech, an offence punishable under the Bharatiya Nyay Sanhita, 2023 (BNS), sections 196, 298, 302, and 356, as it promoted enmity between communities and maligned religious beliefs.

Furthermore, the Supreme Court’s ruling in Amish Devgan vs. Union of India (2020) emphasized the need to address content that fosters divisiveness, and the Pravasi Bhalai Sangathan v. Union of India (2014) case clarified the damaging societal impact of hate speech. The actions of Zee News align with the concerns raised by the court in these cases, as the show perpetuated a narrative that undermines the unity and integrity of the nation. Given the impact of such content, CJP urges the channel to remove the offending material, issue an apology, and adopt more responsible reporting practices to ensure that divisive rhetoric does not continue to harm communal harmony.

CJP’s complaint to channel on March 16, 2025 may be accessed here:

Related:

Broadcasting Bias: CJP’s fight against hatred in Indian news

NBDSA cracks down on biased anchors: Orders content removal from Times Now Navbharat and Zee News based on CJP’s complaints

Holding power to account: CJP’s efforts to combat hate and polarisation

The post CJP urges Zee News remove debate show “Taal Thok Ke” over divisive Waqf-Holi debate appeared first on SabrangIndia.

NEP 2020 and the three-language mandate

The NEP 2020 recommends that students learn three languages. According to the policy, at least two of these languages be indigenous to India, with the third language available for the student’s choice—often English or another language. This structure is meant to promote multilingualism while ensuring that regional languages are given due importance. Importantly, the policy emphasises that states and regions have the authority to decide on the specific languages taught, aiming to mitigate concerns about the compulsory imposition of Hindi.

Despite this intended flexibility, Tamil Nadu remains deeply sceptical. The state interprets the policy as a thinly veiled effort to introduce Hindi into its schools. Further complicating matters is the linkage between the three-language formula and eligibility for central funding schemes Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA). In effect, states are pressured to adopt the formula to secure critical financial support for their education systems. For Tamil Nadu, this conditionality is unacceptable; it feels that the central government is compromising state autonomy by tying funding to policy implementation.

Historical roots of Tamil Nadu’s language policy

Tamil Nadu’s resistance to the three-language formula is not a new phenomenon. The state’s history is marked by a long-standing commitment to preserving Tamil as a central pillar of its cultural and educational identity. The roots of this resistance can be traced back to the early 20th century and have evolved through several pivotal moments: 

Early resistance (1930s–1960s)

In 1937, the Madras government, under C. Rajagopalachari, attempted to introduce Hindi as a compulsory subject. This move triggered widespread protests led by the Justice Party and influential Dravidian leaders, including Periyar. The protests were so intense that the policy was revoked in 1940. This early confrontation with Hindi imposition laid the groundwork for Tamil Nadu’s future educational policies.

The Kothari Commission and the 1968 National Policy on Education (NPE)

The Kothari Commission (1964–66) played a pivotal role in shaping India’s education reforms, recommending the adoption of a three-language formula. The 1968 NPE incorporated this formula by prescribing Hindi, English, and a modern Indian language (preferably a southern language in Hindi-speaking states; a regional language in non-Hindi speaking states). However, Tamil Nadu opted out, preferring to maintain a two-language system centred on Tamil and English.

Political consolidation and the two-language policy

Under the leadership of Chief Minister C. N. Annadurai, Tamil Nadu formalised its two-language policy. The state rejected the addition of Hindi, emphasising that Tamil and English sufficiently met the needs of its students. This stance was reinforced during subsequent anti-Hindi agitations, notably in 1965 when a move to replace English with Hindi as the sole official language sparked massive protests. Such historical events have deeply ingrained the belief that language policy should reflect regional identity rather than central imposition.

Understanding the legal context and rationale behind Tamil Nadu’s opposition

While education is now a concurrent subject, it was a state subject before the Emergency. Therefore, there is a degree of autonomy that states once enjoyed. When the Indira Gandhi government, during the Emergency, moved Education from the state list to the concurrent list, the reasoning was to have a uniform education policy for all of India with Union taking the responsibility of framing such uniform policy.

However, prior to this change in the Constitution, the opposition to three language policy was an equal fight—with Centre armed with Article 351 which directs the Union to work for the spread of Hindi while the States being armed with education being in the State List. This balance was tipped in favour of centre when education was moved to Concurrent List via 42nd Constitutional Amendment Act of 1976.

The later governments did not put Education back in the State list—continuing the central control over the coveted education. This meant that the Union gave itself the way to implement its Article 351 directive at the cost of States’ power.  This enabled the Union to give directives from a position of legitimate authority. However, NEP is not a binding document, and it never has been. The Concurrent List’s character of giving the Centre made law primacy over a state made law does not arise here since NEP is not an act by the Parliament.

Despite NEP being non-binding, Centre using the 3-language formula to stall the funds naturally does not support the claims of it being bonafide.

TN’s reasoning in opposing the 3-language formula 

Tamil Nadu asserts that its education system is already successful, as recognised by the Central Government itself. Given this, the state questions the necessity of the three-language policy when its current two-language model has consistently produced strong educational outcomes.

Moreover, Tamil Nadu highlights the practical difficulties of implementing the NEP’s language requirements. The policy mandates two native languages and one foreign language in addition to English. Since Tamil Nadu already teaches Tamil and English, this leaves space for one more native language. The state argues that this requirement forces it to allocate resources for teaching an additional Indian language, which it sees as unnecessary.

The key concern is infrastructure. If a third language must be introduced, what resources exist to support various native languages? Tamil Nadu lacks the necessary infrastructure for most Indian languages, whereas the Centre has both the directive and the financial resources to promote Hindi. This makes Hindi the most easily implementable option, creating an indirect imposition.

Furthermore, Tamil Nadu sees the linking of Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) funds to compliance with the three-language policy as coercion. If funding is conditioned on language policy today, the state fears that future schemes will also come with similar mandates—potentially requiring Hindi as the second native language, further eroding state autonomy in education.

Tamil Nadu’s Education Minister has publicly accused the Union government of using funding as a bargaining chip—effectively forcing the state into conforming to the three-language policy. This funding dispute is not merely a financial issue; it reflects a broader struggle over the balance of power between the Union and the states in India’s federal system.

Broader implications for federalism and education policy

At its core, the controversy surrounding the three-language formula speaks to larger questions about state autonomy and cooperative federalism in India. Education is a concurrent subject—meaning that both the central and state governments have the authority to shape policy. However, Tamil Nadu’s experience demonstrates that financial dependency on central funds can force states to adopt policies that conflict with their own priorities and cultural values.

Proponents of the three-language formula argue that multilingual education has cognitive benefits, such as improved memory, enhanced attention, and better problem-solving abilities. They also stress that a multilingual approach is essential for preserving India’s vast linguistic heritage. Nonetheless, a one-size-fits-all approach is not appropriate in a country as diverse as India. Instead, there should be a more flexible framework that allows states to design language policies that best suit their local contexts. 

Conclusion

The debate over the three-language formula in NEP 2020, and Tamil Nadu’s enduring opposition to it, is emblematic of a broader struggle over cultural identity, state autonomy, and federalism in India. Tamil Nadu’s historical resistance to Hindi imposition is rooted in a deep commitment to preserving its linguistic heritage and tailoring education to its unique social and cultural needs. The state’s successful two-language policy—centring on Tamil and English—has delivered strong educational outcomes without the added burden of a compulsory third language.

The fiscal dispute that has arisen from the central government’s decision to withhold crucial education funds only deepens the divide. By linking funding to compliance with NEP guidelines, the Centre appears to be leveraging its financial resources to enforce a uniform policy across a diverse nation. This tactic not only undermines state autonomy but also raises serious questions about the equitable distribution of resources in India’s federal system.

The ongoing standoff serves as a reminder that the success of India’s education system depends not only on policies like the NEP 2020 but also on a balanced approach that honours the linguistic and cultural plurality of the nation. Moving forward, a collaborative framework that genuinely incorporates state perspectives will be key to ensuring that educational reforms benefit all regions and strengthen the very fabric of India’s diverse society.

(The author is a legal researcher with the organisation)

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The post Tamil Nadu’s opposition to NEP 2020’s three-language formula: a federal pushback against central imposition appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Prashant Koratkar and Rahul Solapurkar have insulted Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj terribly. The incompetence of the government and their utter negligence are being hidden behind the tomb of Aurangzeb. In reality, the government itself seems to be inciting riots. The ruling party is intentionally planning riots and arson in the state. When we see how Minister Rane speaks, we can’t help but wonder what’s going on in the minds of those in power. No one here respects Aurangzeb, and no one supports him. Muslims in this state, even during Shivaji Maharaj’s time, stayed loyal to the Chhatrapati, and today they still have faith in this land. Their loyalty has never been for sale. If it were, Muslims would never have been part of Shivaji Maharaj’s army. The Muslims here were loyal to the Chhatrapati then, and they are still loyal today. It was Anaji Pant and his descendants who betrayed Shivaji Maharaj and Swarajya. Not a single person in this state will support Aurangzeb. No one has recently constructed Aurangzeb’s tomb. So, why is the issue of his tomb being raised to disturb the atmosphere of the state? What is the real conspiracy behind this?

The Bahujan community needs to seriously consider this. We need to investigate whether the ruling party is more disturbed by Aurangzeb’s tomb or by the unparalleled valour of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. Those with a Peshwa mindset have never accepted Shivaji Maharaj’s greatness. They have always denied his greatness. Either they have tried to attribute his achievements to a divine source, or they have tried to link his greatness to a guru he never had. They have constantly tried to push the narrative that Shivaji Maharaj was great only because of people from their caste, like Dadoji Konddev and Ramdas, or because their intelligent and capable people supported him. Purandare has written some horrific things while elevating Baji Prabhu Deshpande. They fabricated stories that Shivaji Maharaj received his sword from Goddess Bhavani to systematically deny the strength of his own arm. Later, they tried to portray Shivaji Maharaj as an incarnation and denied his towering human personality. To do this, they devised temples and hymns. They have tried to systematically deny his greatness or present it as something that happened due to someone else. These manipulative tactics have been going on for years. During Shivaji Maharaj’s lifetime, they tried to poison him. Later, they spread the historical lie that he died due to a knee disease. No one in history has ever died from a disease called “knee disease.” This disease didn’t exist before or after Shivaji Maharaj. Just like before and after Sant Tukaram, no one was taken to Vaikuntha by a plane. Similarly, no one except Shivaji Maharaj died of this “knee disease.” Yet, these vile liars inserted this fabricated lie into history and convinced the people of it. After Shivaji Maharaj’s death, they even made multiple attempts to assassinate Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj. Eventually, they succeeded. Using Aurangzeb as a tool, these conspirators orchestrated the murder of Sambhaji Maharaj and later shifted the blame onto his own relatives. These crooks had the power of the pen and used it to deceive history. With their poisonous writings, they destroyed generations of the Bahujan community.

After the fall of the Shivshahi, Shivaji Maharaj’s samadhi was neglected. It was Mahatma Phule who found and cleaned it. After finding Shivaji Maharaj’s samadhi, Mahatma Phule was severely criticised by casteist Brahmins in Pune. They insulted him by calling him “the king of the Kunbant” (a derogatory term).

Later, when there was an effort to build a statue of Shivaji Maharaj in Pune, casteist elements in Pune’s Sadashiv Peth raised a major protest. They tried to stop the statue from being built. The Peshwa mindset’s hatred of Shivaji Maharaj is well-known. It is not something new. This hatred has been growing in their minds for the past 400 years. This hatred is still being propagated by the likes of Koratkar.

During Shivaji Maharaj’s lifetime, they denied his greatness. They even rejected his coronation, mocking him by saying, “Who is the king? How are you our king? You are just a Shudra!” Since then, they have consistently tried to diminish Shivaji Maharaj’s greatness by attributing it to other things or persons, using various falsehoods and miracles.

In the past 400 years, these conspirators have not succeeded. The kings have triumphed over them. Now, the cunning ravens are pretending to embrace Shivaji Maharaj’s legacy and are conspiring to destroy it. They are trying to create riots in his name and use them to gain political power. They are trying to brand Muslim hatred to further their narrow goals. They have ignored his remarkable achievements and historical policies for the people, and instead, they focus only on trivialities, trying to minimize his greatness. They have put in more effort to destroy Shivaji Maharaj than Aurangzeb ever did.

After Shivaji Maharaj’s death, Aurangzeb prayed for him in the court, but these Peshwa scoundrels have never abandoned their malicious plans. This brahmical mindset and their allies, have consistently belittled Shivaji Maharaj. Madhavrao Golwalkar’s remarks and what Savarkar spoke about, both expose the hate-filled minds of these people. From Golwalkar, Savarkar, James Lane, Sripad Chindam, the traitor who built a statue with a wound on its forehead, to Rahul Solapurkar and Koratkar – this long list of traitors has one common goal: to destroy Shivaji Maharaj’s legacy.

These casteist Peshwa traitors still haven’t given up their goal. Now, they want to remove Aurangzeb’s tomb, but their real plan is to erase the legacy of Shivaji Maharaj, his immense achievements, and his valour. The tomb of Aurangzeb and the grave of Afzal Khan are reminders of Shivaji Maharaj’s greatness. They are symbols of his bravery. If it were not for these, Shivaji Maharaj would never have built Afzal Khan’s tomb. Jijabai must have told Shivaji Maharaj to do so. This is something even the casteist Brahmins should consider. Who was their father? What did he do? What did his words and actions tell us? These are the questions the people must ask themselves. If they remove Aurangzeb’s tomb or Afzal Khan’s grave, what will they present as evidence of Shivaji Maharaj’s valour?

Those who claim to be descendants of Shivaji Maharaj have become so intoxicated with power that they’ve lost all sense of reason. The Bahujan community has become enslaved by these Peshwa traitors. Even if these traitors put excrement in their hands, they still take it as a gift. What has happened to their intelligence? It’s as if their sense of reasoning is either paralyzed or completely gone. How long will they keep accepting this deceitful nonsense?

Until recently, Nitesh Rane was criticizing the Sangh and Fadnavis, and now he’s the one teaching us about Shivaji Maharaj’s history and Hindutva? This is a puzzling question: What has the Bahujan community learned from Shivaji Maharaj’s history under the influence of such traitors? This remains an unsolved mystery.

(The author, based in Sangli, has written the original in Marathi: he is editor of Vajradhari, a YouTube Channel)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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The post “It’s not Aurangzeb’s grave, but a plot to uproot Shivaji Maharaj’s valour!” appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Distinguished Chairperson of this august gathering and Secretary of the Marx Memorial Library (MML) Professor Mary Davis, Her Excellency the Ambassador of Cuba to the UK Ismara Vargas Walter, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Britain (CPB) Robert Griffiths, Chairperson of the MML Alex Gordon, Treasurer of the MML Harsev Bains, distinguished representatives from the Embassies of China, Vietnam, Laos, Venezuela, Sri Lanka, leaders of various fraternal Communist and Workers’ Parties, and my dear comrades and friends,

At the outset, I profusely thank the leadership of the CPB and the MML for giving me this great honour and privilege of delivering the 2025 Marx Oration to mark the death anniversary of the greatest revolutionary thinker who ever lived, Karl Marx. On behalf of the one million members of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), and the 15 million members of the All India Kisan Sabha, I convey my warmest revolutionary greetings to you all.

On March 17, 1883, 142 years ago, the great Frederick Engels was here, at this very spot, paying homage at the fresh grave of his closest comrade and friend. Engels said, “Marx was before all else a revolutionist…His name will endure through the ages, and so also will his work.”

Seminal contribution of Marx  

How prophetic Engels was! The name and work of Marx has not only endured, but has greatly enhanced, through the ages. Marx wrote in his youth, “The philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point, however, is to change it.” His scientific, critical, and revolutionary method of the analysis of society has indeed changed the world, and there is no doubt that it will change it even more.

His discovery of the science of dialectical and historical materialism, the theory of surplus value which uncovers the reality of exploitation, and his stress on the necessity of a political class struggle to achieve revolution, liberation, and socialism, have been borne out by the actual experience of gigantic struggles. The historic saga of various socialist revolutions and their spectacular achievements, and of the iconic and victorious struggle of the former Soviet Union against world fascism, will always live on through the ages.

The state of the world today proves the relevance of Marx’ analysis. Let us take just three brief quotations from Marx and see how perfectly they apply today.

In ‘Capital’, Volume 1 (1867), Marx writes, “If money, according to Augier, ‘comes into the world with a congenital blood-stain on one cheek,’ capital comes dripping from head to foot, from every pore, with blood and dirt.” Here, Marx adds a footnote quoting T J Dunning, “With adequate profit, capital is very bold. A certain 10 per cent will ensure its employment anywhere; a certain 20 per cent will produce eagerness; 50 per cent, positive audacity; 100 per cent will make it ready to trample on all human laws; 300 per cent, and there is not a crime at which it will scruple, nor a risk that it will not run, even to the chance of its owner being hanged. If turbulence and strife will bring a profit, it will freely encourage both.”

In ‘Capital’, Volume 1, again, Marx writes, “Accumulation of wealth at one pole is, therefore, at the same time, accumulation of misery, agony of toil, slavery, ignorance, brutality, mental degradation at the opposite pole, i.e. on the side of the class that produces its own product in the form of capital.”

In the ‘Communist Manifesto’ (1848), Marx and Engels write, “The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere.” Marx and Engels in this prescient passage, hint at the globalization to come – a full 177 years ago!

With the development of capitalism, Lenin enriched this concept of Marx in his seminal work, ‘Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism’ (1917).

Relevance of today

What do we see in the world today, which underlines the relevance of Marx?

Gross and obscene inequalities abound, a direct result of economic exploitation and social oppression. The world’s richest 1 per cent own more wealth than the bottom 95 per cent of humanity. Since 2020, the richest 1 per cent have grabbed nearly 67 per cent of all new wealth – nearly twice as much as the bottom 99 per cent. Billionaire fortunes are rising by $2.7 billion a day, even as inflation outpaces the wages of 1.7 billion workers.

On the other hand, in 2023, 46 per cent of the world’s population, or over 3 billion people, are living under the global poverty line of $ 6.85 (2017 purchasing power parity) per day. Of these, 700 million people live in extreme poverty, surviving on less than $ 2.15 per day. 10.7 per cent of the world population (864.1 million) is affected by severe food insecurity, and of these 60 per cent who go hungry are women and girls.

The global unemployment rate today is 5 per cent, and the global youth unemployment rate is 13 per cent. Newer technologies and artificial intelligence are aggravating unemployment and exploitation, and leading to still greater super-profits for the large monopolies and corporate houses. Runaway inflation, and wages not keeping up with it, have led to a severe cost of living crisis in several countries, for both the working class and the middle class. In 2024, 54 countries were in a debt crisis, and net resource transfers from developing to developed countries have averaged $ 700 billion per year.

There is not a shadow of doubt that all the above stark facts are a direct result of the policies of neo-liberalism and imperialist globalization, which have intensified in the last four decades. These policies met with a rude shock in 2008 with the global financial crisis which began in the USA, spread to Europe and all over the world, and forced many capitalist world leaders to turn to none other than whom Engels described as the ‘best hated and most calumniated’ Marx to get a credible explanation for these events! What a poetic irony that was!

The rising social unrest as a result of these extreme global inequalities between the Global North and the Global South, economic and social inequalities within each nation, and the attacks of the ruling classes on the working people through ‘austerity measures’, is being broadly channelized in two directions, depending upon the concrete situation in each country.

One is the rightward shift in many countries, which sometimes takes the form of far-right and neo-fascist attacks on racial, religious, and other minorities, including immigrants. Ironically, this same policy of Hitler then is being faithfully copied by Netanyahu now, and also by some others. In many countries, the political-ideological bankruptcy of social democratic parties and their unprincipled compromises have helped the far-right to advance.

The opposite trend is the significant left victories in important countries like Venezuela, Bolivia, Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, Uruguay, and recently in Sri Lanka, where left forces could win over large sections of the people.

Donald Trump of the USA is the latest and classic example of the far-right, neo-fascist, authoritarian offensive. There is a method in his madness. It is a systematic last-ditch attempt to arrest the inexorable decline of the USA. This attempt is bound to fail. Under Trump, the likes of Elon Musk and other large corporate cronies are now directly calling the shots in the US government. This will make it even more plutocratic, neo-liberal, anti-people, and anti-democratic. Neo-liberalism thus creates the conditions for neo-fascism.

Trump’s ridiculous claims on Greenland, Canada, Panama Canal, and Gaza, and the tariff and trade wars that he has unleashed, are being strongly resisted all over the world. His decisions of the withdrawal of the US from the Paris Climate Accords, and also from the World Health Organisation of the United Nations, are also being opposed tooth and nail by many forces. His stand on the Ukraine war has now ranged the governments of Western Europe against him. But on the inhuman Imperialist-backed Zionist genocide by Israel against the courageous Palestinian people of Gaza, leading to the deaths of nearly 50,000 people, with 60 per cent of them being women and children, the entire imperialist camp is fully united behind Israel.

Rays of hope 

On this occasion, we salute the socialist countries like Cuba, China, Vietnam, Laos, DPRK, and the left-led countries of Latin America and Sri Lanka, who are working hard to ensure the rapid and just socio-economic progress of their people, and many are also boldly opposing Imperialism and Zionism. We give our special red salute to the people of Cuba led by their Communist Party, established by heroes like Fidel Castro, Che Guevara, and Raul Castro. The people are courageously fighting against the savage new attacks of the Trump administration.

In other countries too, struggles and resistance are increasing. In my country India, we saw in 2020-21 a truly iconic and united nationwide struggle by millions of farmers who blocked the national highways leading to the nation’s capital Delhi for a full one year and fifteen days. They were fighting against the three pro-corporate, anti-farmer Farm Laws imposed by the central government at the height of the Covid pandemic. Over 700 farmers were martyred. This struggle forced the government to repeal the three Farm Laws, leading to a historic victory.

Now the same central government in India is trying to implement the draconian four Labour Codes, which are equally pro-corporate and anti-worker. A massive united nationwide general strike by the working class, supported by a rural strike of the peasantry, in which several million workers and peasants will participate, is being planned for the month of May 2025 against this serious assault.

The World Social Forum (WSF) has an attractive slogan signifying hope: Another World is Possible! At the graveside of the towering revolutionary Karl Marx on his death anniversary, we need to modify it a bit to: A Socialist World is Possible! Socialism for the 21st Century is the only Alternative!

Marx and Engels concluded the Communist Manifesto with these resounding words, “The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.”

Comrades and friends: Let us all work unitedly to vindicate Marx yet again! Let us bend all our efforts to win over the minds and the hearts of our people! Let us fight with all our energy, strength, power, intelligence, and imagination, to win this world!

Thank you very much.

Down with Imperialism! Down with Neo-Fascism!

Down with Capitalism! Down with Feudalism!

Long Live Democracy! Long Live Socialism!

Long Live Revolution! Long Live Marxism!

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SKM-CTU Call for a countrywide united worker-peasant struggle for both regime change and policy change

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