“The lesson had been burned into public memory. The Emergency became more than a chapter in history. It became a warning. For Narendra Modi, it was not just a past event. It was part of his personal journey. As Prime Minister, he has often reminded the nation of those dark times…It was about imprisoning free thought, art, and expression. That period left behind not just scars, but reminders. It taught us that freedom is earned, not gifted.” [i]

Let us take first, examine the claim that the RSS-BJP rulers are/have been committed to the liberal democratic values as a faith. The most prominent ideologue of the RSS, MS Golwalkar, also known as the ‘Guru of Hate’ [whom PM Modi credits for grooming him into a political leader] while addressing the 1350 top level cadres of the RSS in 1940 declared, “RSS inspired by one flag, one leader and one ideology is lighting the flame of Hindutva in each and every corner of this great land.” [ii]

With such a philosophical love for totalitarianism the RSS has, always hated sharing of power. Proponents of the Sangh have stood in strong opposition to the federal structure of the constitution, a ‘Basic’ feature of the India polity. Golwalkar declared in 1961, “Today’s federal form of government not only gives birth but also nourishes the feelings of separatism… It must be completely uprooted, constitution purified, and unitary form of government be established.” [iii]

So far as the formally declared Emergency is concerned, the RSS claim of fighting against it needs to be evaluated in the light of contemporary narratives including documents from RSS archives. In this connection, two narratives one by a veteran thinker and journalist of India, Prabhash Joshi and the other by TV Rajeswar, former Intelligence Bureau [IB] chief who was the deputy chief of IB during the Emergency are of immense importance. They recounted the days of the Emergency (or state terrorism) when the RSS ‘surrendered to the repressive regime of Indira Gandhi’, ‘assured her and her son, Sanjay Gandhi to enforce faithfully the draconian 20-point programme announced by the Emergency regime.’ In fact, a large number of RSS cadres got themselves released from jails after mercy petitions (maafinaamas).

The account by veteran journalist, Prabhash Joshi appeared in the English weekly Tehelka n the 25th anniversary of the Emergency. [iv] According to him even during the Emergency “there was always a lurking sense of suspicion, a distance, and a discreet lack of trust” about RSS’ joining the anti-Emergency struggle. He went on to say that,

“Balasaheb Deoras, then RSS chief, wrote a letter to Indira Gandhi pledging to help implement the notorious 20-point programme of Sanjay Gandhi. This is the real character of the RSS…You can decipher a line of action, a pattern. Even during the Emergency, many among the RSS and Jana Sangh who came out of the jails, gave mafinamas. They were the first to apologize. Only their leaders remained in jail: Atal Behari Vajpayee [most of the time in hospital], LK Advani, even Arun Jaitley. But the RSS did not fight the Emergency. So why is the BJP trying to appropriate that memory?”

Prabhash Joshi concluded that “they are not a fighting force, and they are never keen to fight. They are basically a compromising lot. They are never genuinely against the government”.

TV Rajeswar, who served as Governor of Uttar Pradesh and Sikkim penned a book, ‘India: The Crucial Years” [Harper Collins] corroborated the fact that “Not only they (RSS) were supportive of this [Emergency], they wanted to establish contact apart from Mrs. Gandhi, with Sanjay Gandhi also”. [v] Rajeswar in an interview with Karan Thapar disclosed that Deoras,

“Quietly established a link with the PM’s house and expressed strong support for several steps taken to enforce order and discipline in the country. Deoras was keen to meet Mrs. Gandhi and Sanjay. But Mrs. Gandhi refused.” [vi]

According to Rajeswar’s book,

“Sanjay Gandhi’s concerted drive to enforce family planning, particularly among Muslims, had earned Deoras’s approbation.” [vii] Rajeswar also shared the fact that even after Emergency the “organization (RSS) had specifically conveyed its support to the Congress in the post-emergency elections.” [viii] It will be interesting to note that even according to Subramanian Swamy during the Emergency period, most of the senior leaders of RSS had betrayed the struggle against the Emergency. [ix]

Contemporary documents in the archives of the RSS validate the narratives of Prabhash Joshi and Rajeswar. The 3rd Supremo of RSS, Madhukar Dattatraya Deoras wrote the first letter to Indira Gandhi within two months of the imposition of Emergency. It was the time when state terror was running amok, crushing the human rights of thousands of Indians.

In letter dated August 22, 1975, Deoras began with the following praise of Indira:

“I heard your address to the nation which you delivered on August 15, 1975, from Red Fort on radio in jail [Yervada jail] with attention. Your address was timely and balanced so I decided to write to you”. [x]

Indira Gandhi did not respond to it. So Deoras wrote another letter to Indira on November 10, 1975. He began his letter with congratulating her on being cleared by the Supreme Court of disqualification which was ordered by the Allahabad High Court,

“All the five Justices of the Supreme Court have declared your election constitutional, heartiest greetings for it.” It is to be noted that opposition was firmly of the opinion that this judgment was reflective of executive pressure on the judiciary. Deoras also stated that “RSS has been named in context of Jaiprakash Narayan’s movement. The government has also connected RSS with Gujarat movement and Bihar movement without any reason…Sangh has no relation with these movements…” [xi]

Since Indira Gandhi did not respond to this letter either, RSS chief got hold of Vinoba Bhave who supported the Emergency religiously and was a favourite of Indira Gandhi. In a letter dated January 12, 1976, he begged that Acharya should suggest the way that ban on RSS was removed. [xii]  Since Acharya too did not respond to Deoras letter, the latter in another letter without date wrote in desperation,

“According to press reports respected PM [Indira Gandhi] is going to meet you at Pavnar Ashram on January 24. At that time there will be discussion about the present condition of the country. I beg you to try to remove the wrong assumptions of PM about RSS so that ban on RSS is lifted and RSS members are released from jails. We are looking forward for the times when RSS and its members are able to contribute to the plans of progress which are being run in all the fields under the leadership of PM.” [xiii]

[All these letters in Hindi are being reproduced from a publication of the RSS at the end of this article.]

Even a prominent Hindutva ideologue Balraj Madhok who as an RSS whole-timer founded Bhartiya Jana Sangh (1951) on RSS command confessed:

“Sarsanghchalak of the Sangh Shri Bal Saheb Deoras was a MISA prisoner in Pune’s Yervada Jail…his life was full of comforts. Therefore, he wrote two letters to the jailed Indira Gandhi on 22-08-1975 and 10-11-1975 to change her attitude towards the Sangh and lift the ban on it. He also wrote a letter to Shri Vinoba Bhave and requested him to try to remove the feeling of opposition towards the Sangh from Indira Gandhi’s mind. These letters were leaked by the government and they were published in many newspapers. This naturally had an adverse effect on the morale of the Sangh volunteers and the Satyagraha movement became almost dead.”

[Madhok, Balraj, Zindagi Ka Safar –3: Deendayal Upadhyay Ki Hatya Se Indira Gandhi Ki Hatya Tak (Journey of Life-3: From the Murder of Deendayal Upadhyay to the Murder of Indira Gandhi), Dinman Prakashan, 2003, pp. 188-189.]

Incidentally, another tidbit from history. Former President of the Indian Republic, Pranab Mukherjee was invited by the RSS chief, Mohan Bhagwat as the chief guest of the graduation ceremony of its new recruits who are fired to work towards their goal to convert India into a Hindu state. Pranab Mukherjee had been indicted as one of the top leaders of Congress for Emergency excesses.

It is shameful that despite these facts thousands of RSS cadres continue to get monthly pension for the persecution during Emergency. The BJP ruled states like Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Maharashtra have decided to award a monthly pension of Rs 20,000 to those who were jailed during the Emergency period for less than 2 months, and Rs 10,000 to those who were jailed for less than a month. These policy decisions by RSS-backed BJP states have taken care of the financial interest of those RSS cadres who (even) submitted mercy letters completing only one- or two-months’ jail term. For securing such a significant amount in pension, no condition was applied –to the effect that the beneficiary should have been in jail for the whole period of the Emergency!

Interestingly, in sharp contrast, in the case of anti-colonial (British) freedom struggle there has not been even a single person from RSS cadres to have claimed the freedom fighter pension. It may be noted that nobody remembers hundreds of Communist youths, branded as Naxals killed in fake encounters during the Emergency. Interestingly, Shiv Sena, the Hindutva co-traveller of the RSS also openly supported the Emergency.

Tavleen Singh, a senior journalist who had once welcomed Modi’s ascendancy to power in 2014 did not mince words while evaluating Indian democracy on the 50^th anniversary of declaration of Emergency,

 “Brutal repression of democratic rights can happen again, and the answer is that it can, but in a more dangerously subtle way. There are those who say that since Narendra Modi became prime minister, an ‘undeclared emergency’ has come into force. I hesitate to make sweeping judgements of that kind, but what has happened is that some freedoms we took for granted have become endangered. This has been done not by throwing Opposition leaders, journalists and dissidents into jail, but by tweaking the laws to make curbs on freedom legally possible.

“The law that is supposed to prevent sedition has been tweaked to widen the definition of that word. Laws meant to curb black money have been tweaked as well and if a dissident does not end up in jail for ‘anti-national activities’, he could end up rotting in some forgotten cell because the Enforcement Directorate charges him with money laundering. The Opposition leaders who have these charges thrown at them have fought back valiantly because they have political parties behind them, but dissidents and journalists have just learned to keep quiet. Is that good? Is that democracy?”

So, writing on the wall is clear. India had Emergency imposed using some Articles of the Indian constitution and same was rescinded. Presently without Indira Gandhi and Congress government we have perpetual ‘undeclared’ Emergency under Modi rule. It needs not to be withdrawn as was never declared!

[i] ‘National Emergency 1975: The murder of the Indian republic on June 25,  https://organiser.org/2025/06/24/298840/bharat/national-emergency-1975-the-murder-of-the-indian-republic-on-june-25/

[ii] Golwalkar, MS, Shri Guruji Samagar Darshan (collected works of Golwalkar in Hindi), Bhartiya Vichar Sadhna, Nagpur, nd., vol. I, p. 11.

[iii] Ibid. vol. III, p. 128.

[iv] http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main13.asp?filename=op070205And_Not_Even.asp

[v] https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/rss-backed-indira-gandhis-emergency-ex-ib-chief-264127-2015-09-21

[vi] Ibid.

[vii] https://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/ib-ex-chiefs-book-rss-chief-deoras-had-backed-some-emergency-moves/

[viii] https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/RSS-backed-Emergency-reveals-former-IB-chief/articleshow/49052143.cms

[ix] https://medium.com/@hindu.nationalist1/double-game-of-senior-rss-leaders-during-emergency-74abc07a4fa8

[x] Madhukar Dattatraya Deoras, Hindu Sangathan aur Sattavaadi Rajneeti, Jagriti Prkashan, Noida, 1997, 270.

[xi] Ibid., 272-73

[xii] Ibid. 275-77.

[xiii] Ibid. 278.

(The author is a former professor of Hindi, Delhi University and a scholar on recent Indian modern history)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

Related:

How RSS betrayed the struggle against the Emergency, from its archives

RSS had no role in the freedom struggle

We or Our Nationhood Defined – 1947 Edition

The Ideology of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is both Hate-Ridden and Supremacist – Part 1

‘Old Wine in New bottle’: Bhagwat on Caste

The Sangh’s Hypocrisy on Dalits, It’s Time to Read ‘Bunch of Thoughts’, Again!

The post On the 50th anniversary of India’s formal ‘Emergency’, how the RSS betrayed the anti-emergency struggle appeared first on SabrangIndia.

But we have now uncovered fresh evidence that suggests otherwise. In at least one case, YouTube stepped in to challenge ANI’s takedown notice and asked the agency to consider fair use, raising questions on how YouTube decides which disputes deserve scrutiny while leaving the rest to fight it out on their own.

Under YouTube’s rules, channels with three copyright violation claims in 90 days are terminated in seven days—forcing content creators to pay up large sums to ANI. Following The Collective’s expose, many prominent YouTubers went public, describing ANI’s business of copyright strikes as ‘extortion’ despite Indian copyright rules allowing content makers to use a tiny bit of copyrighted visual under fair-use doctrine for making something entirely new.

Mohak Mangal, one such YouTuber, claimed that ANI asked him to cough up Rs 48 lakh or face imminent shutdown of their channel. Others also went public with similar claims.

ANI had previously defended its actions. “It’s not extortion. It is lawful protection of property” the agency told The Collective during the initial investigation. (read here). YouTube, facing a rare blowback over its three-strike policy and its review mechanism in India, tried to claim it was playing an intermediary and not a judge.

Initially responding  to our investigation, it had told us, YouTube does not sit in judgment on such claims. It wrote to us, “We don’t adjudicate copyright ownership disputes or make legal determinations on the merits of fair use or other exceptions. Our role is to process copyright takedown notices that comply with applicable law.” (Read it here).

We have now found that YouTube’s claim that it just processes takedown notices significantly masks its internal review mechanism.

In a copyright case, YouTube actively mulled over claims of violation after a content maker pushed back against ANI, set off a chain mail seeking more information from ANI, and finally let the YouTuber retain the disputed content online.

However, it did not disclose the basis for its decision or why it changed its decision in the next.

During our investigation, we found YouTube had dealt differently with different content producers, pulling down some creators’ videos and letting off others. What was consistent in its policy was it did not tell the creators how it decided which material fell within the fair-use provisions of Indian copyright law and which didn’t, leaving them to live with the consequences of its decisions, and on several occasions, at the mercy of ANI.

This overwhelming and discretionary power that YouTube holds over the work of millions of creators has set off a heated debate since The Collective’s recent revelations.

Enter Ramit

Ramit Verma runs two popular satirical channels on YouTube: Official PeeingHuman and Kroordarshan. In June 2024, ANI began sending copyright violation notices to YouTube against 14 of his videos.

YouTube wrote back to ANI. “We are concerned that your copyright notification may not be valid for the video(s) listed below. Please keep in mind that in many countries, it is legal to use copyrighted works in specific ways without the owner’s authorization, particularly for transformative purposes such as news reporting, parody, commentary, or review.”

YouTube was referring to the ‘fair dealing’ provisions under the Indian copyright law.

It demanded more information from ANI for its claims.

Contrary to YouTube’s claim of not being an adjudicator, in this case it demanded details from ANI to find out if the videos had been made under fair dealing provisions of the law or not.

ANI then provided a detailed response for stated questions that YouTube reviewed and declined. It wrote to ANI, “We remain concerned that your removal request isn’t valid for the video(s) listed below. As a result the content will remain live on YouTube.”

YouTube wrote to Ramit, “We believe your content is protected by fair use, fair dealing, or a similar exception to copyright protection. We are writing to let you know we do NOT plan to remove your video(s) at this time.” YouTube had put the words in bold to add emphasis.

On the other two videos, YouTube agreed with ANI and blocked them. Ramit wrote back to YouTube that those too, were protected under the principle of fair dealing and were not in violation of copyright rules.

YouTube asked ANI if it had taken the dispute to court. ANI did not respond and YouTube unblocked these two videos as well.

ANI did not pursue any of its 14 notices further in court.

This case also shows that YouTube makes judgment calls on copyright disputes, and decides what is fair use of copyright material or what isn’t. When The Collective asked it to share its standards, tests and parameters for fair use on its platform, YouTube did not reply.

YouTubers have spoken against how this grey zone in YouTube’s policy has left a sword hanging over their heads, with ANI stepping up to use the opportunity to its advantage.

One of the prominent voices among them was Mohak Mangal, one of the largest current affairs creators in India on YouTube with over 4.6 million subscribers. On May 25, Mohak posted an 11-minute video on YouTube addressing ANI and what he claimed to be their “extortionary” tactics.

“This is their business model. Give a strike, get the channel deleted and use extortionary tactics to sell annual subscription plans. This is the state of the country,” he said.

In his video, Mohak claimed the media giant issued him two copyright strikes for using their clippings, one of which was as short as nine seconds. He furnished screenshots and emails, which he says are from ANI, stating the company initially demanded 48 lakh in penalties and licensing fees to remove the strikes. Otherwise, they threatened to issue more strikes to shut down his channel. Mohak also produced recordings of conversations that he says are negotiations between his team and an ANI official.

“On 20th May, I received my first copyright strike for my video on the Kolkata rape case. I made this video many months ago. Who sent the copyright strike, ANI. Why? Because in my 16 minute video I had used 11 seconds of their footage,” Mohak said in his video.

While Section 52 of the Indian Copyright Act establishes grounds for fair dealing, which includes criticism, comment, news, and reporting, it does not specify the exact duration of footage a YouTuber can use in their video.

Mohak said he had learned of other YouTubers facing similar challenges from The Collective’s report. 

We were unable to independently verify Mohak’s claims. He and his colleagues declined to speak to us. ANI, too, didn’t respond to our questions on his allegations or the evidence he shared. Its Editor in Chief, Smita Prakash has retweeted an article on May 26 whose headline read, “Piracy is not free speech. Why YouTubers must pay for ANI’s content.’

In less than two days, Mohak’s video clocked over 48 lakh views and stirred several creators to reveal their negotiations with the agency.

At least six YouTube creators—@peepoye, @OnlyNews 24×7, @samir_talks, @Thugesh, @DhaakadKhabarIN, and @rajatpawarr—spoke out in Mohak’s comment section, revealing that they had also received copyright strikes from ANI, in some cases along with demands for penalties exceeding Rs 18 lakh.

@rajatpawarr later uploaded a YouTube video in which he claimed that ANI issued a strike for a clip that does not necessarily belong to the company, “One of the clips maybe did not belong to the channel (ANI), only their mike was showing, but they issued a strike anyway,” he claimed.

The Collective was unable to independently verify the creators’ claims, but sought ANI’s response in a detailed questionnaire.

When The Collective first reported this story on May 19, we spoke to at least four creators and identified four more who had either signed or were in the process of signing expensive copyright deals with ANI, following threats to shut down their channels. At the time all the YouTubers preferred to stay off the record.

We followed up our first set of unanswered questions with a second set to YouTube and ANI. Neither responded by the time of publication despite repeated reminders. You can read the questions at the end of the story. We will update this developing story if and when either responds to our queries.

Popular journalist and YouTuber, Ravish Kumar, had told us, “How can three violations steal one’s means of livelihood and years of work?”

While ANI has directly and indirectly indicated before and after the revelations that it stands by its business methods, YouTube has preferred to remain quiet. So far.

Courtesy: The Reporters’ Collective

The post YouTube Says it Doesn’t Judge Claims of Copyright Violation. We Found it Does appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Division Bench of Justices M.S. Karnik and N.R. Borkar passed the stay order in a batch of petitions filed by several minority educational institutions, including prominent South Mumbai colleges like St. Xavier’s, Jai Hind, KC, and HR College, as well as institutions from Solapur. The Maharashtra Association of Minority Educational Institutions (MAMEI) also joined the petitioners in challenging the State’s move. The petitions contested a clause introduced through a Government Resolution (GR) dated May 6, 2025, issued by the School Education Department.

Clause 11 of the May 6 GR lies at the heart of the controversy. It permits unfilled seats under the minority quota to be surrendered for allotment through the centralised admission process, making them subject to applicable social and parallel reservations. The State government contended that this mechanism was devised to ensure optimal utilisation of seats and claimed it was introduced in response to requests made by the institutions themselves.

Historically, minority colleges in Maharashtra have followed a well-established formula: 50% of seats reserved for the respective minority community, 5% for the management quota, and the remaining 45% kept open and unreserved. However, for the academic year 2025–26, the centralized FYJC admission portal began reflecting the application of SC/ST/OBC reservations on this 45% open category, prompting the current legal challenge.

Arguments for the petitioner: Senior Advocate Milind Sathe, appearing for the petitioners, argued that the GR violates constitutional protections granted to minority institutions under Articles 15(5) and 30 of the Constitution. Article 15(5) specifically carves out an exception for minority educational institutions from the scope of affirmative action policies, including caste-based reservations, while Article 30 protects their right to establish and administer institutions without State interference. Sathe emphasised that even unfilled minority quota seats must revert to open category admissions, and not be diverted to socially reserved categories.

Arguments for the defence: The Government Pleader Neha Bhide submitted that the clause did not infringe on the autonomy or rights of minority institutions. She argued that once minority seats were voluntarily surrendered to the centralized pool, applying social reservations to those seats was a legitimate policy tool aimed at promoting social equity. “Social reservation is the obligation of the State,” she contended.

Order of the court: the Court found substance in the petitioners’ arguments and held that an earlier judgment of the Bombay High Court—which had quashed a similar attempt by Mumbai University to enforce social reservations in minority institutions—was directly applicable in this case. The Bench observed, as per the report in BarandBench “Prima facie, we find that there is substance in the submissions advanced by the petitioners for the grant of interim relief.”

Consequently, the Court directed that, for the purpose of FYJC admissions, the mandate of SC/ST/OBC reservation shall not be enforced in any seats of minority educational institutions. The State government has been directed to file its reply within four weeks. The matter is slated for the next hearing on August 6, 2025.

Related:

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Mumbai Walks for Peace | Citizens Unite Against Hate

The post Bombay High Court stays SC/ST/OBC reservations in minority-run junior colleges for FYJC admissions appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Compiled by New Age Islam News Bureau

URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/taliban-tried-employing-afghan-women/d/135873

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The Taliban Tried To Stop Lida Mangal From Employing Afghan Women

By Isabella Ross

15-06-2025

Lida Mangal says her Afghan garment business in Western Sydney is a form of “resistance and representation”. (ABC News: Jack Ailwood)

———

LidaMangal vividly remembers the “golden years” of her childhood in Afghanistan.

Decades on, Ms Mangal has found freedom in Australia — though her country of origin and the “very strong” women who remain there never leave her thoughts.

“I thought how could I provide a means of income to these women? They had experience in tailoring and textiles. Some were widowed or without a male companion … Afghan women deserve freedom.”

Photo shows A woman wearing a blue burqa covering shields her eyes from the sun and camera while she walks in the streetA woman wearing a blue burqa covering shields her eyes from the sun and camera while she walks in the street

Virtue laws introduced by the Taliban ban women from speaking or showing their faces in public as a senior UN official called it an extension of the “already intolerable restrictions” on Afghan women.

That same year, Ms Mangal founded her business, Ghan Fashion, where she brings traditionally designed dresses from Afghanistan to Australia.

Initially, she was able to openly hire women who were still working in Afghan textile factories, but in recent years, the “barbaric regime’s agenda” has made that effort extra difficult.

“I’ve got 20 women who are working now from home, because of the restrictions of the current regime. They have their own materials and equipment they use. I explain my designs … and they prepare and make it,” she said.

A former refugee and now Australian citizen, Ms Mangal works full-time in a separate occupation, as well as running her fashion business from her Western Sydney home.

The garment transportation process is a challenge — the Taliban use sharp tools to check packages for anything being smuggled out of Afghanistan, meaning some of Ms Mangal’s dresses arrive ripped and damaged.

“This new chapter has allowed me to reclaim my voice and write a story that I choose — one filled with hope, ambition and determination.”

Kabul Social is run predominantly by female refugees from Afghanistan, notes Shaun David-Christie (far right). (Supplied: Kabul Social/Kitti Gould)

Kabul Social, founded by Plate It Forward director Shaun Christie-David, is run by a team of predominantly female refugees from Afghanistan, bringing their country’s flavours to Sydney’s CBD.

It was predated by Colombo Social, which has the same intention of celebrating culture and cuisine while employing migrants and refugees.

“What truly humbles me is seeing our refugee workforce and their families thrive, building a legacy of generational change,”  Mr Christie-David said.

Mr Christie-David said his aim was to “give people a chance that wouldn’t get one otherwise”, given the challenges of having international qualifications recognised in Australia.

Marjorie Tenchavez is the founder and director of Welcome Merchant, a social enterprise that elevates refugee and people seeking asylum entrepreneurs.

“Often they [refugees] have family members relying on them in their home countries as well. Refugee merchants also don’t have mainstream access to much support, such as borrowing from the banks, given many are on bridging visas.”

“It’s now more important than ever to give them a platform because there has definitely been a waning interest in the refugee space.”

Adama Kamara, deputy chief executive officer of Refugee Council of Australia, said the event was a way to champion the resilient nature of many refugees.

“Refugees are among Australia’s most entrepreneurial newcomers … this incredible drive, often born out of necessity and a desire to contribute, adds significant economic and social value,” she said.

Later this year, the 1 millionth permanent refugee visa will be issued since Australia’s post-war resettlement program began in 1947, according to the Refugee Council.

Source: www.abc.net.au

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2025-06-15/former-refugee-helps-women-in-afghanistan-via-sydney-business/105365380

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‘I Wish I Weren’t A Girl’: 700,000 Women Struggle For Menstrual Hygiene In War-Torn Gaza

By Supratik Das

15 Jun 2025

Representational Image | Credit: Reuters

———–

At the centre of an relentless humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip, an often overlooked crisis is unfolding with quiet urgency, that is women’s and girls’ menstrual well-being. During Israel’s months-long siege and heavy shelling, close to 700,000 menstruating women and girls are finding it difficult to cope with their periods with dignity and safety. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) has cautioned that lack of access to essential hygiene products, clean water, and safe facilities has converted a normal biological process into a deep humanitarian and public health emergency.

According to UN global data, 1.8 billion people menstruate worldwide, but in conflict areas like Gaza, menstruation becomes far more than a monthly inconvenience, it becomes a human rights concern. In overcrowded displacement shelters and temporary tent camps, girls getting their first period are doing so in unimaginable conditions. They have no sanitary pads, no soap, and no private toilets. “I only had one pad, so I wrapped it in toilet paper to make it last. I couldn’t wash, and the pain was horrible. I sat in silence crying until the end of the day,” a displaced teenage girl told UNFPA. These stories are no longer isolated. Since March, the blockade of humanitarian relief has severely limited the introduction of hygiene material. While a partial suspension of the ban allowed for some relief, distribution of aid which is now organised by channels outside the UN system is still woefully insufficient. Current levels of delivery are far below the colossal demand, with only a small portion of more than 10 million sanitary pads needed monthly reaching Gaza’s displaced persons. “This crisis is not just about hygiene; it is about dignity, health, and the protection of basic human rights. “Food keeps us alive, but pads, soap, and privacy let us live with dignity,” a displaced woman from Khan Younis, said in a UNFPA statement.

With over 90 per cent of the region’s water and sanitation infrastructure destroyed and water pumping fuel out of reach, the hygiene crisis is assuming a deadly dimension. Women are resorting to makeshift substitutes such as worn-out clothing, used cloths, or sponges which are often unclean and unsuitable for prolonged use heightening the threat of urinary tract infections, reproductive disorders, and long-term health impairment. A father of four girl child from Jabalia recounted his sorrow, “I ripped my single shirt apart so my daughters could wear it as an alternative to pads,” he explained to UNFPA. Another girl admitted, “Every time my period comes, I wish I weren’t a girl,” she said to the UN agency. A local physician recounted how normal phenomena like menstruation, pregnancy, and giving birth are becoming traumatic because of the absence of essential materials. “These should be routine experiences. But now, I witness pain, humiliation, and desperation in women’s eyes on a daily basis,” she said to UNFP

While the health of menstruation has gone disastrous, the overall situation for women in Gaza is equally bleak. As per UNFPA, food insecurity is catastrophic, with one person out of every five starved. For approximately 55,000 pregnant women, every skipped meal increases the likelihood of miscarriage, stillbirth, and giving birth to underweight infants.

According to UN nearly 17,000 pregnant and breastfeeding women are projected to require urgent treatment for acute malnutrition in the coming months. Gaza’s already fragile health infrastructure is on the brink of collapse after prolonged bombardment of hospitals and healthcare facilities. Healthcare workers do not have the medicines and equipment they need.

Source: www.Thedailyjagran.Com

https://www.thedailyjagran.com/world/i-wish-i-was-not-a-girl-women-struggle-for-menstrual-hygiene-in-war-torn-gaza-heres-what-report-says-10245149

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TikTok Murder Sends Chill Through Pakistani Influencers: ‘Every Woman Knows This Fear’

15 Jun 2025

Since seeing thousands of comments justifying the recent murder of a teenage TikTok star in Pakistan, Sunaina Bukhari is considering abandoning her 88,000 followers.

“In my family, it wasn’t an accepted profession at all, but I’d managed to convince them, and even ended up setting up my own business,” she said.

Then last week, Sana Yousaf was shot dead outside her house in the capital Islamabad by a man whose advances she had repeatedly rejected, police said.

News of the murder led to an outpouring of comments under her final post – her 17th birthday celebration where she blew out the candles on a cake.

In between condolence messages, some blamed her for her own death: “You reap what you sow” or “it’s deserved, she was tarnishing Islam”.

Yousaf had racked up more than a million followers on social media, where she shared her favourite cafes, skincare products and traditional shalwarkameez outfits.

Source: Www.Scmp.com

https://www.scmp.com/news/asia/south-asia/article/3314505/tiktok-murder-sends-chill-through-pakistani-influencers-every-woman-knows-fear

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UN Human Rights Council to spotlight rights of Afghan women at 59th Session

by Milad Sayar

June 15, 2025

The United Nations Human Rights Council is set to open its 59th session on Monday, June 16, in Geneva, where delegates will consider an agenda that includes the worsening rights crisis in Afghanistan, particularly the treatment of women and girls under Taliban rule.

According to the Council’s official schedule, the session will run through July 9 and will feature reports and interactive dialogues addressing human rights violations in more than a dozen countries, including Sudan, Myanmar, Iran and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Among the most closely watched items will be a presentation by Richard Bennett, the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan.

Bennett’s report, titled “Access to Justice and Support for Women and Girls and the Impact of Multiple and Intersecting Forms of Discrimination,” concludes that the restrictions imposed by the Taliban on women and girls amount to a system of gender apartheid. It calls on the international community to recognize such policies as crimes under international law.

“The Council must take urgent and decisive action,” said Sima Nouri, a human rights activist who is among those calling for an independent fact-finding mission. “We need a mechanism to document the full scope of Taliban abuses — from gender-based discrimination and ethnic killings to the violent suppression of peaceful protests. Afghanistan’s case should be referred to the International Criminal Court.”

Since retaking power in 2021, the Taliban have barred most Afghan women and girls from work, education, and even freedom of movement without a male escort. MasoudaKohistani, another rights advocate, called the situation “a human rights emergency that demands global attention.”

Though Afghanistan will be discussed on the opening day, it is one part of a broader session that includes topics ranging from the human rights impacts of climate change to racial discrimination, digital rights, and the situations in Palestine, Venezuela and Belarus. No general debates are scheduled this session, but several high-level interactive dialogues will take place throughout the four weeks.

The Human Rights Council, which meets three times a year, is the UN’s primary intergovernmental body dedicated to the promotion and protection of human rights around the world. Its 59th session will include reports from special rapporteurs, commissions of inquiry and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

Rights advocates say they hope the international community will not lose focus on Afghanistan amid competing global crises. “This is a pivotal moment,” Nouri said. “The world must not abandon Afghan women.”

Source: amu.tv

https://amu.tv/180591/

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Pakistan names women’s squad for AFC qualifiers amid bid to elevate football’s profile

Arab News Pakistan

June 15, 2025

ISLAMABAD: The Pakistan Football Federation (PFF) on Saturday unveiled its squad for the AFC Women’s Asian Cup 2026 Qualifiers, as the country seeks to uplift its women’s football program and strengthen its profile in a sport where its men’s team has also struggled to gain traction.

Pakistan’s men’s national team, briefly competitive in regional tournaments in the decades following independence, has long languished near the bottom of Asian rankings amid administrative issues and lack of sustained investment.

In contrast, women’s football in Pakistan began to take shape in the early 2000s, with the formation of the country’s first women’s football clubs in 2002 and the launch of the National Women’s Football Championship in 2005.

“The Pakistan Football Federation has named a squad for the upcoming AFC Women’s Asian Cup 2026 Qualifiers, set to take place in Jakarta, Indonesia from June 29 to July 5,” said the PFF in a statement.

Placed in Group E, the team will open its campaign on June 29 against Chinese Taipei, confront host Indonesia on July 2 and conclude the group stage against Kyrgyzstan on July 5.

Athletes have recently expanded into Olympic swimming and achieved international success in javelin, demonstrating a broader ambition to elevate sports beyond one stronghold.

Pakistan will be seeking its first-ever Women’s Asian Cup appearance, while the men’s side continues to fight for relevance amid FIFA rankings that reached a historic low before recent suspensions were lifted.

Pakistan’s national women’s football team was officially formed in 2010 and has yet to qualify for a Women’s Asian Cup or World Cup, but played in multiple SAFF Championships and remained a bright spot in domestic football.

Source: Www.Arabnews.com

https://www.arabnews.com/node/2604523/pakistan

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‘Pakistan-born’ woman booked in UP’s Bareilly for procuring fake Aadhaar, ration card

by Manish Sahu

June 15, 2025

The Uttar Pradesh Police on Friday booked a 68-year-old woman of Pakistani origin in Bareilly for allegedly obtaining an Aadhaar card and ration card through fraudulent means. The woman has been residing in India for nearly six decades on a long-term visa.

The police said that during a campaign to spot Bangladeshi and Pakistani nationals staying illegally in the district, they received a tip-off about a Pakistan-born woman allegedly availing of benefits of government schemes using forged documents.

The case has been filed against the woman, identified as Farhad Sultana, under relevant sections of the Citizenship Act and for cheating at the Baradari police station, said a police officer.

The police learned that Sultana, born in Karachi, arrived in India in 1965 at the age of eight with her mother and sister, on a long-term visa.

Source: Indianexpress.Com

https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/lucknow/pakistan-born-woman-booked-in-ups-bareilly-for-procuring-fake-aadhaar-ration-card-10067350/

Courtesy: New Age Islam

The post The Taliban Tried To Stop Lida Mangal From Employing Afghan Women appeared first on SabrangIndia.

“We will not teach any part of Manusmriti in any form in the University of Delhi. This direction has been issued even earlier by the vice-chancellor’s office, and departments should adhere to it. The department should not have put it down in the first place following these directions,” said Singh, reported the Times of India and the Indian Express. Days earlier, the objective of the course stated that “ancient Indian society, in terms of whole and its parts, has been depicted in the texts compiled in Sanskrit known as Dharmashastra.”

Just before this announcement on X (formerly twitter), the introduction of Manusmriti was widely criticised for extoling and reinforcing social, economic and gender inequalities, had prompted in some sections of faculty members in the varsity to raise concern over the move.

University of Delhi will not teach Manusmriti text in any course of the University. ‘Dharamshastra Studies’, the DSC of the Sanskrit Department, where Manusmriti is mentioned as a “recommended reading” stands deleted. @narendramodi @PMOIndia @EduMinofIndia @dpradhanbjp

— University of Delhi (@UnivofDelhi) June 12, 2025

Interestingly, other Hindu religious texts such as Ramayana, Mahabharata and Puranas have also been included as part of the course. The paper has been introduced as a core course in the current academic session and carries four credits. It is open to undergraduate students with working knowledge of Sanskrit.

Texts such as Apastamba Dharmasutra, Boudhayana Dharmasutra, Boudhayana Dharmasutra, Vashistha Dharmasutra, Manusmriti, Yajnavalkya Smriti, Narada Smriti, and the Kautilya Arthashastra have been included as primary readings.

“The text has been removed from the Sanskrit department’s ‘Dharamshastra Studies’. In the future also, whenever it comes to our notice that the text has been suggested for studying, the administration will remove it,” V-C Singh told the Hindustan Times.

DU removes Manusmriti from Sanskrit course

New Delhi : On the day TOI reported that Delhi University’s Sanskrit department had included Manusmriti in the core curriculum of its ‘Dharamshastra Studies’ course, the university announced its removal on social media.
The official DU tweet stated: “University of Delhi will not teach Manusmriti text in any course of the university. ‘Dharamshastra Studies’, the DSC of the Sanskrit Department, where Manusmriti is mentioned as a ‘recommended reading’ stands deleted.” The post tagged several govt dignitaries. The inclusion of Manusmriti had sparked widespread criticism. TNN

This retraction by the university just two days after the announcement of a “new course” has led to conclusions that it was obviously widespread protests that led to the decision. On June 12, the Times of India (“Manusmriti, caste system & marriage benefits to be part of DU curriculum”) had reported how students in Delhi University will now be taught how the varna or caste system organises society, how marriage helps build a “civilised” social order, and how morals regulate individual behaviour. These lessons were to form the core of a new Sanskrit course titled Dharmashastra Studies, which has Manusmriti as a primary text.

The newspaper also said that “Manusmriti, whose proposal for inclusion in the law and history honours syllabus was earlier held back by the administration amid backlash, has made a comeback, this time as essential reading in this discipline-specific course. Alongside it, other Hindu religious texts that had drawn similar objections, such as Ramayana, Mahabharata, and Puranas, have also been included in this course.”

The paper, introduced as a core course under discipline in the current academic session, carries four credits and is open to undergraduate students with working knowledge of Sanskrit. Discipline Specific Core refers to courses within a student’s chosen field of study that are mandatory for their programme.

Related:

BHU students granted bail 17 days after Manusmriti protest arrests

13 BHU students arrested and interrogated by ATS over allegation of burning Manusmriti

The post Bowing to outrage, Delhi University V-C says that Manusmriti removed from curriculum, won’t teach in future appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Authority found that while both sides of the issue were presented in the broadcast — including denials by Madrasa authorities and a detailed interview with NCPCR Chairperson Priyank Kanoongo — the anchor failed to exercise necessary caution, particularly in a situation involving conflicting claims and sensitive subject matter. The Authority issued important observations and guidance, emphasising the need for responsible anchoring, verification of claims, and avoidance of presumptive or potentially polarizing narratives in future broadcasts.

Background of the complaint

On August 19, 2024, Times Now Navbharat aired two related segments in its flagship evening programme:

Programme 1: “Sankalp Rashtra Nirman Ka: कराची का लिटरेचर..भारत के मदरसों में क्या कर रहा ? | Hindi News”

Programme 2: “Rashtravad: भारत का मदरसा…पाकिस्तान का सिलेबस? | Priyank Kanoongo | Bihar Madarsa | Hindi News”

Both the shows are based on the statement made by Chairperson of the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights, Priyank Kanoongo, who had alleged that the government-funded madrassas in Bihar are teaching from so-called “Radical-curriculum” and using “Pakistan-Published books”.

Based on the above statement, both shows propagated allegedly harmful ideas through a distorted portrayal of madrasa education, emphasizing sensationalism over balanced reporting. The “Sankalp Rashtra Nirman Ka” show and the “Rashtravad” debate show both relied heavily on inflammatory language and selective framing, painting madrassas as centres of radicalism and anti-national sentiment. The use of provocative questions and visual imagery aimed to generate fear and suspicion among viewers.

In view of the same, CJP filed a complaint with the NBDSA on September 26, 2024, alleging that the programs:

• Used provocative, communal, and stigmatising language.
• Presented unverified and one-sided narratives.
• Violated the Code of Ethics and Broadcasting Standards and Specific Guidelines Covering Reportage, especially clauses relating to accuracy, neutrality, communal harmony, and the prohibition on fear-mongering.

Details of the complaint may be read here.

CJP’s contentions

CJP’s detailed submissions alleged that:

• The programs vilified Madrasas as a whole, implying they were inherently suspicious or linked to terrorism.
• The headlines and taglines like “Jihadi Sanskriti” are not only highly inflammatory, but also lacked any evidentiary basis.
• The selective use of visuals, interviews, and graphics sensationalised the topic and created an atmosphere of fear and distrust toward the Muslim community.
• The broadcaster failed to present the views of those running Madrasas, denying them a fair opportunity to respond, which violated the principle of balanced reportage.

CJP argued that such content endangered social harmony, contributed to religious polarization, and had a real-world impact, particularly on the already marginalized Muslim minority in Bihar and across the country.

Broadcaster’s response

Times Now Navbharat submitted that:

• The programming was based on ground-level reporting, including testimonies of teachers and students.
• The subject was of legitimate public interest, especially in light of reported links between radicalisation and certain educational institutions.
• The channel did not target any religion or community, and the intention was not to generalize all Madrasas but to expose certain problematic instances.

The broadcaster also claimed that the programs adhered to the tenets of free speech and journalistic inquiry, and that no direct allegations were made without basis.

NBDSA’s findings and reasoning

After considering the submissions of both parties and reviewing the footage, the NBDSA noted that the broadcaster had included views from both the NCPCR Chairperson and the Bihar Madrasa authorities-

• Priyank Kanoongo was given space to express his concerns regarding the textbook “Talimul Islam”.
• Abdul Salam Ansari, Deputy Director of the Bihar State Madrasa Board, as well as a teacher and students at a Madrasa in Patna, were interviewed and categorically denied that the textbook was part of their curriculum.

NBDSA held that had the broadcast been confined to these interviews and objective presentation, no objection could have been sustained, as the principles of impartiality, neutrality, and objectivity were adhered to in that part.

However, the issue arose with the conduct and framing by the anchor, who, in NBDSA’s view, failed to exercise due caution:

• Despite conflicting claims between NCPCR and the Bihar Madrasa authorities, the anchor proceeded on the presumption that Kanoongo’s version was correct, thereby shaping the program around that assumption.
• The NBDSA stressed that in the presence of such a serious allegation, especially involving potential hate teaching in religious institutions, the anchor had a duty to verify the claims further or maintain a neutral stance.

The Authority pointed out that Mr. Abdul Salam Ansari, like Mr. Kanoongo, is a responsible public authority, and the lack of further verification before drawing conclusions was inappropriate.

“However, the objection is with the questions raised by the anchors during the broadcasts. No doubt, Mr. Fri.yank Kanoongo had claimed that the contents of a certain textbook “Talimul Islam” was taught in Madrasas in Bihar. Again, no doubt, he is a responsible person being the Chairman, CPCR. At the same time, the anchor should have also kept in mind that the Deputy Director, Bihar State Madrasa Board as well as the teacher and students interviewed had denounced that the textbook was indeed being taught and had refused to comment on the same without receiving any information/ representation in this regard. In such a scenario, the anchor should have been little careful before proceeding with the presumption that all this was in fact happening. Even the Deputy Director, Bihar State Madrasa Board is also a responsible person and in view of conflicting claims, there should have been some verification by the anchor before accepting the version of one person and adopting a narrative in the programme on that premise,” the NBDSA observed in its order.

The Authority also made a broader constitutional observation, stating that if any educational institution teaches hatred or demeans other religions, such teaching would be clearly contrary to constitutional ethos and must be denounced. However, it emphasized that before such a conclusion is broadcast publicly, it must be verified with due diligence.

“It is reemphasized that in this secular country governed by the Constitution of India, such kind of teachings have to be denounced. However, it is equally important to verify that in fact there were teachings in certain Madrasas in Bihar of that nature.”

“In view of the aforesaid, NBDSA is of the opinion that the anchor should be more cautious in broadcasting such programmes which have, otherwise, tendency to create the feeling of hatred towards a particular community and broadcasting of these programmes should not be without proper verifications of the contents.”

Final decision

The NBDSA decided to close the complaint but concluded with a strong advisory observation:

• Anchors must be more cautious while hosting and framing programs that deal with religious or communal issues, especially where claims remain unverified or contested.
• Broadcasters should avoid presumptive narratives that could create feelings of hatred towards any community.

.The NBDSA’s order walks a nuanced line — while not indicting the broadcaster for the program as a whole, it takes issue with editorial judgment exercised during the broadcast, particularly by the anchor. It reaffirms the role of media in upholding constitutional values and avoiding communal polarization, especially in a context where both official and institutional versions of events were in direct conflict.

The decision sends a message that in a pluralist democracy like India, the journalistic duty to verify and maintain neutrality is not just ethical—it is constitutional.

The complete order may be read below.

Related:

NBDSA cracks down on biased anchors: Orders content removal from Times Now Navbharat and Zee News based on CJP’s complaints

CJP’s Landmark Victory Against Hate in Media | Times Now Navbharat Pulled Up by NBDSA

Championing Justice: CJP’s Guide to Filing NBDSA Complaints

NBDSA orders mainstream news channels to remove shows, fines imposed

The post NBDSA cautions Times Now Navbharat against presumptive anchoring in sensitive religious coverage in broadcast concerning “Madrasas Teachings” appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In an era where the click often holds more sway than the content, the gatekeepers of Indian broadcast news have issued a stark warning. The signposts must match the destination. The News Broadcasting & Digital Standards Authority (NBDSA) delivered a sharp rebuke on June 9, 2025, calling out news channels for a pervasive and troubling trend of using misleading tickers and thumbnails that twist the reality of their own reports. This move signals a potential turning point in holding media outlets accountable for the digital bait they use to lure viewers.

At the heart of this decision was a specific broadcast by Times Now Navbharat, which the NBDSA, led by Chairperson Justice (retd.) A.K. Sikri, found to be in clear violation. The panel observed that the pursuit of sensationalism often leads to a distorted version of the actual narrative, and the time for correction is now.

The controversial Shimla broadcast

The issue stemmed from a complaint filed by Indrajeet Ghorpade regarding a September 6, 2024, report by Times Now Navbharat. The broadcast, which focused on the Sanjauli mosque in Shimla, was promoted with incendiary thumbnails. One read, “अवैध मस्जिद पर महिलओं ने मुसलमानों पर खुलकर सब बता दिया!” (Women openly tell everything about the illegal mosque), while another featured visuals of women with provocative, incomplete speech bubbles like “मुसलमान लड़के हमे….” (Muslim boys us…) and “जुम्मे के दिन तो…” (On Fridays…).

According to complaint against the channel, the reporter’s line of questioning to four local women was pointed, “Has the number of Muslims visiting the mosque increased?”, “What is the change in the atmosphere with the rise in the population of Muslim persons in Shimla?”, and the direct “Kya Dar Ka Mahaul hai?” (Is there an atmosphere of fear?).

Yet, according to the complaint, none of the women interviewed recounted any personal negative experiences with the Muslim community or visitors to the mosque.

Leading questions, loaded thumbnails

The complainant, Mr. Ghorpade, argued that the reporter’s leading questions were designed to elicit a particular response, creating a narrative of fear. This effect, he contended, was dangerously amplified by the malicious thumbnails. He pointed out the absurdity of using fragmented and suggestive speech bubbles like “musalman ladke hume…” when the women interviewed never made such statements or flagged any safety issues. The clear insinuation, he argued, was designed to ignite communal tension.

A deluge of videos

While highlighting the channel’s relentless focus on the issue, the complainant submitted that Times Now Navbharat had uploaded nearly 150 videos on the Shimla Mosque within a 48-hour period. Thumbnails for these videos continued the provocative theme, with one stating, “Avaidh Masjid ko lekar Shimla ke Hinduon ne Musalmano par kya kaha” (What Shimla’s Hindus said about the illegal mosque), accompanied by an image of a woman with a speech bubble suggesting she said “yaha se hathaya jaye” (it should be removed from here). The complainant asserted that this pattern demonstrated a clear and ill-intentioned agenda.

The channel’s defence

In its submission, Times Now Navbharat positioned the broadcast as a report on civic issues like overcrowding and women’s safety in Shimla, denying that it singled out any community. The channel maintained that the four women interviewed were independent-minded adults whose responses were not influenced. It argued that their concerns about verifying newcomers were general and not aimed at any specific group.

The broadcaster urged the NBDSA to view the program in its entirety, set against the backdrop of an allegedly illegal multi-story construction at the mosque. They contended that discussing the impact on the local atmosphere was legitimate journalism. Invoking the right to freedom of speech under Article 19(1)(a), the channel defended its editorial discretion in how it presented the story, arguing that isolating certain elements from their context was unfair. When pressed on the misleading thumbnails, the channel stated that a full statement cannot be carried in a thumbnail and no motive should be attributed to it.

NBDSA’s verdict: a clear misrepresentation

The NBDSA panel was not persuaded. It observed that the thumbnail text was glaringly inconsistent with the actual statements made by the women in the broadcast. The authority concluded that the text, particularly phrases like “Musalman ladke hume… Jumeh ke din toh…”, gave the false and damaging impression that Muslim men were harassing women. The NBDSA deemed this not only misleading but also detrimental to communal harmony, constituting a clear violation of its guidelines.

NBDSA’s advisory to all broadcasters

Finding that the thumbnails failed to project a correct version of the interviews, the NBDSA issued a decisive advisory to all broadcasters. It emphasised that tickers and thumbnails are not exempt from journalistic ethics and must faithfully conform to the actual content of the report.

The authority directed Times Now Navbharat to immediately edit or remove the offending thumbnails from the video of the broadcast, wherever it may exist online, and confirm its compliance in writing within seven days. With this order, the NBDSA closed the complaint, but opened a new chapter in the fight for digital news integrity.

The NBDSA order dated 09.06.2025 can be read here:

CJP: In solidarity with those resisting hate

This NBDSA ruling is more than a penalty for one channel; it’s a victory in the wider fight against digital misinformation; a battle being fiercely waged by citizen-led groups. At the forefront is Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP), an organisation that has moved beyond merely complaining to building a network of empowered citizens capable of fighting back themselves.

CJP’s research, detailed in reports like “The Cost of Clicks,” has dissected how channels, facing scrutiny for overt hate, have pivoted to a more insidious strategy. They now leverage sensational thumbnails as clever clickbait, transforming the quest for engagement into a perilous game of division and fear for profit. This psychological appeal exploits curiosity and apprehension to hook viewers.

The distinction between the themes of thumbnails and the actual content of video is stark, often serving merely as a trigger to provoke viewers into clicking on sensational videos. This tactic exploits ongoing, contentious issues that evoke curiosity and generate excitement among audiences. Thumbnails designed to capture attention ask questions like, “What will happen next?” This psychological appeal plays into a fundamental human tendency to seek out information about impending developments (and often, accompanied by a sense of apprehension, or doom).

CJP’s detailed research on “The Cost of Clicks: how thumbnails encourage misleading and hate news consumption” can be read here

Notably, the disturbing phenomenon was meticulously examined by the CJP Hate Watch team in its long-form analysis, “From government cheerleaders to agent provocateurs: the (mis) use of thumbnails on YouTube.” The analysis details how major Indian television channels, already positioned as mouthpieces for the powerful, are evolving their tactics. Faced with a credibility crisis and reined in by citizen-led complaints to the NBDSA, these channels have shifted their strategy.

Where overt hate in broadcasts once led to take-down orders, they now cleverly leverage misleading thumbnails as their primary weapon. This calculated use of provocative visuals and text is a persistent effort to barter on a politics of division, jeopardizing communal harmony while attempting to dodge direct regulatory scrutiny—a trend CJP has documented through numerous NBDSA orders obtained against these channels between 2022 and 2024.

Related

The Cost of Clicks: how thumbnails encourage misleading and hate news consumption

From government cheerleaders to agent provocateurs: the (mis) use of thumbnails on YouTube

From ‘Ab Hoga Khel’ to ‘Kuch Bada Hone Wala Hai’: the trap set by thumbnails

The post NBDSA issued advisory to all broadcasters, tickers and thumbnail should conform to the actual of the discussions appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Local journalists, those best positioned to tell the truth, face displacement and starvation. To date, nearly 200 journalists have been killed by the Israeli military. Many more have been injured and face constant threats to their lives for doing their jobs: bearing witness. This is a direct attack on press freedom and the right to information.

The entire text of the Open letter released on June 5 may be read here:

We, the undersigned, call for immediate, independent, and unrestricted international media access to Gaza and for full protection of journalists who continue to report under siege.

For 20 months, the Israeli authorities have refused to grant journalists outside of Gaza independent access to the Palestinian territory – a situation that is without precedent in modern warfare. Local journalists, those best positioned to tell the truth, face displacement and starvation. To date, nearly 200 journalists have been killed by the Israeli military. Many more have been injured and face constant threats to their lives for doing their jobs: bearing witness. This is a direct attack on press freedom and the right to information.

We understand the inherent risks in reporting from war zones. These are risks that many of our organisations have taken over decades in order to investigate, document developments as they occur, and understand the impacts of war.

At this pivotal moment, with renewed military action and efforts to resume the flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza, it is vital that Israel open Gaza’s borders for international journalists to be able to report freely and that Israel abides by its international obligations to protect journalists as civilians.

We call on world leaders, governments, and international institutions to act immediately to ensure this.

Signed by:

1. cd, Patient Ligodi, Founder (Democratic Republic of Congo)
2. Agence France-Presse, Phil Chetwynd, Global News Director (France)
3. Agência Pública, Natália Viana, Executive Director (Brazil)
4. Al Araby Al Jadeed, Hussam Kanafani, Director of Media Sector
5. Al Jazeera Center of Public Liberties & Human Rights, Sami Alhaj, Director (Qatar)
6. Al-Masdar Online, Ali al-Faqih, CEO (Yemen)
7. Alternative Press Syndicate (Lebanon)
8. Amazônia Real, Kátia Brasil, Director (Brazil)
9. Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism (ARIJ), Rawan Daman, Director General

10. ARTICLE 19
11. Asia Pacific Report, David Robie, Editor (New Zealand)
12. Associated Press, Julie Pace, Executive Editor and Senior Vice President (USA)
13. Association of Foreign Press Correspondents, Nancy Prager-Kamel, Chair (USA)
14. Bahrain Press Association (Bahrain)
15. Bianet, Murat İnceoglu, Editor in Chief (Turkey)
16. BirGun Daily, Yasar Aydin, News Coordinator (Turkey)
17. Brecha, Betania Núñez, Journalistic Director (Uruguay)
18. British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Deborah Turness, CEO, BBC News (UK)
19. Bulatlat, Ronalyn Olea, Editor-in-Chief (Philippines)
20. CamboJA, Nop Vy, Executive Director (Cambodia)
21. Casbah Tribune, Khaled Drareni, Editorial Director (Algeria)
22. Cedar Centre for Legal Studies (CCLS) (Lebanon)
23. Center for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro (CIN-CG), Milka Tadić Mijović, Editor-in-Chief
24. Churchill Otieno, Executive Director, Eastern Africa Editors Society & President, Africa Editors Forum (Kenya)
25. CNN, Mike McCarthy, EVP & Managing Editor (USA)
26. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Jodie Ginsberg, CEO
27. Community Peacemaker Teams (CPT) (Iraqi Kurdistan)
28. digital, Carlos F. Chamorro, Director (Nicaragua, in exile)
29. Connectas, Carlos Eduardo Huertas, Director (The Americas)
30. Daraj Media, Hazem al Amin, Editor-in-Chief, Alia Ibrahim, CEO and Diana Moukalled, Managing Editor (Lebanon)
31. Dawn newspaper, Zaffar Abbas, Editor (Pakistan)
32. De Último Minuto, Hector Romero, Director (Dominican Republic)
33. CR, Diego Delfino Machín, Director (Costa Rica)
34. Deník Referendum, Jakub Patocka, Editor in chief and publisher
35. Digital Radio-télévision DRTV, William Mouko Zinika Toung-Hou, Assistant Director of Information (Congo-Brazzaville)
36. Droub, Murtada Ahmed Mahmoud Koko, General Director (Sudan)
37. Efecto Cocuyo, Luz Mely Reyes, Director (Venezuela)
38. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR) (Egypt)
39. El Ciudadano, Javier Pineda, Director (Chile)
40. El Diario de Hoy, Óscar Picardo Joao, Editorial Director (Salvador)
41. El Espectador, Fidel Cano Correa, Director (Colombia)
42. El Faro, Carlos Dada, Co-founder and Director (El Salvador)
43. El Mostrador, Héctor Cossio, Director (Chile)
44. El Sol de México, Martha Citlali Ramos, National Editorial Director (Mexico)
45. El Universal, David Aponte, Directeur général éditorial (Mexico)
46. elDiarioAR, Delfina Torres Cabreros, Journalistic Director (Argentina)

47. ENASS, Salaheddine Lemaizi, Director (Morocco)
48. Équipe Média, Mohamed Mayara, General Coordinator (Western Sahara)
49. European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), Ricardo Gutiérrez, General Secretary
50. European Broadcasting Union, Liz Corbin, Director of News
51. European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), Ena Bavčić, EU Advocacy Officer (Germany)
52. Eyewitness Media Group, Patrick Mayoyo, Director Editorial Innovations
53. Financial Times, Roula Khalaf, Editor (UK)
54. Forbidden Stories, Laurent Richard, Founder (France)
55. Foreign Press Association, Deborah Bonetti, Director (London)
56. Foreign Press Association, the board (Israel and the Palestinian Territories)
57. Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ), Fisayo Soyombo, Founder and Editor (Nigeria)
58. France 24, Vanessa Burggraf, Director (France)
59. Free Press Unlimited, Ruth Kronenburg, Executive Director
60. Front Page Africa, Rodney Sieh, Editor in Chief and Editor (Liberia)
61. info, Randy Karl Louba, Director, (Gabon)
62. Geneva Health Files, Priti Patnaik, Founder
63. Geo News, Azhar Abbas, Managing Editor (Pakistan)
64. Global Investigative Journalism Network (GIJN), Emilia Diaz-Struck, Executive Director
65. Global Reporting Centre, Sharon Nadeem, Producer and Head of Partnerships
66. com, Nouhou Baldé, Founder and administrator, (Guinea)
67. Haaretz, Aluf Benn, Editor in Chief (Israel)
68. 7amleh, The Arab Center for the Advancement of Social Media, Nadim Nashif, Executive Director (Palestine/Israel)
69. Hildebrandt en sus trece, César Hildebrandt, Director, (Peru)
70. HuMENA for Human Rights and Civic Engagement, Mostafa Fouad, Executive Director
71. Independent Television News, Rachel Corp, Chief Executive (UK)
72. Inkyfada, Malek Khadhraoui, Director of publication (Tunisia)
73. International News Safety Institute (INSI), Elena Cosentino, Director (UK)
74. International Press Institute (IPI), Scott Griffen, Executive Director
75. iPolitics, Marco Vigliotti, Editor-in-Chief (Canada)
76. IWACU, Abbas Mbazumutima, Editor in Chief (Burundi)
77. Joliba, Birama Konaré, Director General (Mali)
78. ba, Semir Hambo, Editor in Chief (Bosnia-Herzegovina)
79. L’Alternative, Ferdinand Ayité, Publishing Director (Togo)
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83. Le Jour, Haman Mana, Publication Director, (Cameroun)
84. Le Monde, Jérôme Fenoglio, Director (France)

85. Le Reporter, Aimé Kobo Nabaloum, Publishing Director (Burkina Faso)
86. Le Temps, Madeleine von Holzen, Editor-in-Chief ((Switzerland)
87. Lebanese Center for Human Rights (CLDH) (Lebanon)
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89. Mada Masr, Lina Atallah, CEO (Egypt)
90. Magnum Photos, Giulietta Palumbo, Global editor director (France)
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102. National Public Radio (NPR) Edith Chapin, SVP & Editor in Chief (USA)
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110. Plan V, Juan Carlos Calderón, Director (Equador)
111. Prachatai, Mutita Chuachang, Executive Editor (Thailand)
112. Premium Times, Musikilu Mojeed, Editor-in-Chief/Chief Operating Officer (Nigeria)
113. Pressafrik, Ibrahima Lissa Faye, Publishing Director (Senegal)
114. Prospect Magazine, Alan Rusbridger, Editor (UK)
115. Public Media Alliance, Kristian Porter, CEO (UK)
116. Pulitzer Center, Marina Walker Guevara, Executive Editor (USA)
117. Radio Bullets and war reporter, Barbara Schiavulli Director (Italy)
118. Rádio Ecclesia, Gaudêncio Yakuleingue, Directeur (Angola)
119. Radio Universidad de Chile, Patricio López, Director, (Chile)
120. Radio France Internationale (RFI), Jean-Marc Four, Director (France)
121. Radio France, Céline Pigalle, Director of Information (France)
122. Reporters Without Borders (RSF), Thibaut Bruttin, Director General
123. RETE #NOBAVAGLIO, Marino Bisso, coordinator (Italy)

124. Reuters, Alessandra Galloni, Editor-in-chief
125. Rory Peck Trust, Jon Williams, Executive Director (UK)
126. Sikha Mekomit (Israel)
127. SMEX (Lebanon)
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132. Taz – die tageszeitung, Barbara Junge, Editor in Chief (Germany)
133. Tempo Digital, Wahyu Dhyatmika, Chief Executive Officer (Indonesia)
134. The Arab and Middle Eastern Journalists Association (AMEJA), Aymann Ismail, President, (USA)
135. The Globe and Mail & President, World Editors Forum (WAN-IFRA), David Walmsley, Editor-in-Chief, (Canada)
136. The Independent, Geordie Greig, Editor-in-Chief (UK)
137. The Intercept Brasil, Andrew Fishman, President & Co-Founder (Brazil)
138. The Legal Agenda (Lebanon)
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140. The Nairobi Law Monthly, Mbugua Ng’ang’a, Editor-in-Chief (Kenya)
141. The New Arab, Hussam Kanafani, Director of Media Sector
142. The Point, Pap Saine, Publishing Director, (Gambia)
143. The Reckoning Project, Janine di Giovanni, CEO
144. The Samir Kassir Foundation, Ayman Mhanna, Executive Director (Lebanon)
145. The Shift, Caroline Muscat, Founder (Malta)
146. The Wire, Seema Chishti, Editor (India)
147. The World Association of News Publishers (WAN-IFRA), Vincent Peyrègne, CEO, Andrew Heslop, Executive Director Press Freedom
148. TV Slovenia, Ksenija Horvat, Director (Slovenia)
149. info, Lyas Hallas, Publication Director (Algeria)
150. news, Lkhagvatseren Batbayar, Editor-in-Chief (Mongolia)
151. Vikalpa – Sampath Samarakoon, Editor (Sri Lanka)
152. VRT NWS, Griet De Craen, Journalistic Director (Belgium)
153. Wattan Media Network, Muamar Orabi, Director General (Palestine)
154. Woz – die Wochenzeitung, Florian Keller, Daniela Janser, Kaspar Surber, Editorial Board (Switzerland)
155. +972 Magazine, Ghousoon Bisharat, Editor-in-chief (Israel/Palestine)

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A cursory look at the book Caste of Merit: Engineering Education in India, by Ajantha Subramanian, may help us understand how conditions that reproduce merit are shaped by caste. But being critical of oppression is not expected from someone who is trying to portray Brahmins as oppressed. Recently, Tiwari flaunted images of Brahmin-Gene-stickers as signs of wisdom, strength and pride—seeking Brahminical solidarity.

After hoarding a huge share of social advantages, the Brahminical-Gene is still so insecure. Even after sharing a miniscule percentage of high-stake jobs, the Brahminical-Gene needs to reassert its identity to secure jobs. Even after maintaining a complete monopoly over knowledge in the pre-colonial era, the Brahminical-Gene calls for a ‘fight-back’. And even after living out of other people’s alms and services for centuries—the privileged Brahminical-Gene is suspecting some disadvantage, because of what the caste census may reveal: the disproportionate nature power and privilege.

Why is the Brahminical-Gene so obsessed with ‘quota-people’? Why do they think that these underserving ‘quota-people’ have been snatching all their jobs and seats since the past seven decades? Can we even compare 70 years of affirmation against hundreds of years of hoarding resources and privileges?

A simple fact-check should be sufficient to shut the flawed upper caste phobia regarding ‘undeserving’ candidates getting everything on a platter while the general candidates ‘work harder’, yet fail to make the cut because of ‘quota’. Such an upper caste mentality seems to have forgotten the dismal number of government jobs and reserved seats that come under the ambit of reservation, if compared with the magnitude of private jobs along with the ocean of unorganised sector that constitutes over 95% of employment opportunities and remains outside the range of reservation. But the Brahminical-Gene loves to remain indifferent to such basic facts.

There is no other social institution that is so vehemently against the modern egalitarian agenda as much as the Brahminical caste system. It legitimised social inequality through ascriptive roles, endogamy, and everyday mutual repulsion. As an utterly oppressive system, it is heavily prejudiced in favour of those who belong to the upper and middle layers of the hierarchy, and invariably those who traditionally own land and other resources.

The upper castes are also the ones who have also successfully converted their caste-capital into clean livelihoods and modern skills, as sociologist Satish Deshpande has argued in his essay ‘Biography of General Quota’. But when others are still in the process of claiming their fair share of power, resources and opportunities, the Brahminical-gene is anguished. We need ‘Brahmin-Gene’-stickers to show who we are. Is that not how the Brahminical-Gene behaved for ages—with display of all kinds of marks on the bodies to demarcate themselves from the others?

Delegitimising the Other and Denial of Resources

The playing fields were never equal; and even now, they are far from being equal. Merit, like any other acquired commodity, is not meant for free distribution. Merit is designed to discredit the ‘others’. For example, Bharti’s character in Gilli Pucchi, a Hindi short film, directed by Neeraj Ghaywan, is a touching portrayal of how a Dalit blue-collar worker is considered absolutely incapable of making a transition to the white-collar segment—even though she possesses all the necessary qualifications. In comparison, an upper caste woman, with no proven qualification, is considered more suited. A Dalit’s claim on clean work faces social delegitimisation. Dismissing the ‘other’ is integral to the Brahminical-Gene.

The Brahminical-Gene is not confined to Brahmins alone. It is a genetic disorder of feeling superior, which is structurally embedded in the caste system. Myths and economic resources are often deployed to claim that “we are superior to our equals and equal to our superiors,” as sociologist Dipankar Gupta has argued.

The structure of caste system does not permit sharing of resources. If we turn to contemporary Tamil popular cinema, violent assertion of the marginalised is repeatedly premised on contestation over resources, which have been traditionally denied to them. Conflicts arise when such resources, such as land or educational rights, are demanded.

For instance, Tamil film, Asuran (2019), directed by Vetrimaaran, begins with a fight over water. Dominant castes, who have installed an electronic pump for irrigation, are oblivious to the fact that ground water is a shared resource and installation of the pump will reduce the water level. Contestation over water is temporarily resolved by compelling the ‘lowly lives’ (as they are addressed by the upper castes) to enter into an unfair compromise. The ‘lowly’ has to take his slipper off and beg and plead in front of all the upper caste households. Towards the end, there is a profound statement from the suffering protagonist, who advices his son to take up education. “Land can be seized; money can be snatched but education cannot be taken away,” he says. Therefore, it is in the Brahminical-Gene to make education less accessible.

Another Tamil film, Pariyerum Perumal (2018), written and directed by Mari Selvaraj, opens with an elaborate punishment scene, where a dog belonging to the Dalits is tied to the railway track to be squashed. The idea is to show ‘them their place’ for entering into the fields that originally belong them, but have been misappropriated by the upper castes. Here, too, education is seen as emancipatory. It is the only path to emerge out of the vicious cycle of subordination and denial.

But the educational system favours the privileged castes, making it difficult for a first-generation Dalit to complete a degree. If education is a legitimate means to be upwardly mobile, no wonder that it such a contested terrain. To maintain status-quo and restrict mobility—rights to admission must be reserved only for the inheritors of ‘merit’. Discrimination must be reasserted at every stage to make things difficult for others. The suffering protagonist utters with regret at the end that “as long as you are the way you are and expect me to be the dog, noting will change.” Expecting others to be subservient is an important component of the Brahminical-Gene.

In Maamannan (2023), another Tamil film by Mari Selvaraj, Dalit children are punished to death by inflicting stones on their heads because they were taking bath in a well that is reserved for upper castes. Later in the narrative, one of the survivors gets into a feud, when his father is denied the right to sit by the side of a leader from the dominant caste.

The symbolic contestations take a different dimension in Tamil fil, Karnan (2021), again directed by Selvaraj, where the male protagonist explains the actual reason for atrocities against them. He says that the upper castes are not irked because they demanded a bus stop in their village. Their dignity was ‘robbed’ because Dalits have decided to walk with their head held high and fight. It is that resistance, that irritates the upper caste egos more than the act of appropriating upper caste names. Conscious of hierarchy, the fragile Brahminical-Gene is prone to getting offended when others do not bow down.

‘A Different Kind of Justice’

The most nuanced and subtle expression of the distance between castes—paradoxically arrives after consensual sexual intimacy between a male Dalit police officer and a daughter of a higher ranked officer in the Hindi film, Bheed (2023) by Anubhav Sinha. The officer says: “My hands tremble while touching you. Justice is always in the hands of the strong; if it’s transferred to the hands of the weak, it’ll be a different kind of a justice”.

The distance, the denial, the difference, the demarcation, the deprivation, the dominance, and the dehumanisation has been so internalised over generations that the touch ‘trembles’, even after attaining some power and status guaranteed by the Constitution. It is the touch of the lower caste, after all. Justice is still not served by these hands even though it is allowed to touch.

At this point, it is relevant to cite a question that the Hindi film Article 15 (2019) throws at us: Do ‘they’ even exist in the definition of the nation? It is the nation that hides its deficiency of not providing safety equipment to Dalit drainage plumbers, and then accusing a social activist for writing content that instigates manual scavengers to commit suicide (Marathi film, Court, 2014)! To be dismissive of petty demises, defines the Brahminical-Gene.

The privileged Brahminical-Gene despises anything that would quantify their accumulated privilege at the cost of others. Disparities and disproportionate arrangements would be validated by numbers. There will be legitimate demands to extend and expand the scope of reservation. Hence, the Brahminical-Gene is averse to caste census.

Serving social justice is not in the DNA of the Brahmin-Gene. It wants to own ‘merit’ and disown the ethical baggage of social justice. Therefore, the constitution of the Brahminical-Gene is essentially un-constitutional.

Courtesy: The AIDEM

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Most children from poor and marginalised families study in these government-aided schools. In fact, a large number of school-going children from families living in the worsening socio-economic situation are not entering the field of education.

The point is that education for the poor has reached rock bottom. What will be the consequences of this state of affairs?

The state government’s apathetic attitude toward education has created an atmosphere of fear. Not only the general public and guardians, but also officials in state and Union ministries discussed the education scenario in West Bengal at the end of April 2025. Both sides reportedly expressed “deep” concern over the dwindling number of students at the primary and upper primary levels.

The Basis for ‘Deep’ Concern

The number of mid-day meals that students partake is being considered a criterion at the government level. The decline in the number of students receiving mid-day-meals is a picture of decline among students in government-sponsored primary and upper primary schools. Students of both these levels receive mid-day meals.

In addition, parents seem reluctant to admit their children to government schools. Although there are exceptions, but this is broadly a state phenomenon, several school teachers this writer spoke to, said. Why?

During the last Left Front regime in Bengal from 2006-2011, about 50,000 teachers and non-teaching staff were recruited through specific examination (District Primary School Councils took the exam for primary teachers, and four regional School Service Commissions arranged for high and higher secondary teachers and non-teaching staff). A large portion of these recruitments were of primary school teachers.

“ The district primary school councils used to recruit teachers through examinations within a specific period of time”, Jyansankar Mitra, former Chairman of Bankura District Primary School Council, told this writer.

“The West Bengal School Service Commission (WBSSC) was constituted in November 1997 under the West Bengal School Service Commission Act. The Act was enacted on April 1, 1997, and came into effect on the same day. The Commission is responsible for recruiting teaching and non-teaching staff in government- aided schools in West Bengal.  Since then, teachers have been recruited to high and higher secondary schools through examination almost every year” said Professor Biswanath Koyal, first Chairman of Western Zone of WBSSC, whose jurisdiction was Bankura, Purulia, undivided Pashchim Medinipur, and Purbo Medinipur.

According to the Right to Education Act 2009, the Ideal student-teacher ratio should be 30: 1. In 2008, this ratio was 35: 1

Biman Patra, district secretary of All Bengal Primary Teacher Association, Bankura district committee, the largest primary teachers’ organisation of Bengal and Panab Mahato, his counterpart in Purulia, said due to the severe shortage of teachers, the current ratio had risen to 70:1.

After the Trinamool Congress came to power in 2011, the government recruited primary teachers in 2014 and 2016.  There are allegations of widespread corruption in recruitment of those who were appointed in 2017 after the 2016 exams. The matter is sub judice in the Calcutta High Court.

As of now, the jobs of over 32,000 primary teachers are hanging in uncertainty. Significantly, On April 3, the Supreme Court, having reached the conclusion that there was multiple corruption in the recruitment of teachers and non-teaching staff in high and higher secondary schools through WBSSC in 2016, cancelled the entire panel. As a result, 25,752 teachers and non-teaching staff lost their jobs.

There are similar allegations in the primary recruitment sector. In fact, many schools do not have enough teachers against the requirement. On the other side, a large portion of those who are in teaching positions are uncertain about the continuity of their jobs.

“Overall, it can be said that there has been an institutional crisis in the education sector in the state. This is having a devastating impact on students, teachers and parents in the area”, Panab Hazra, a librarian at Sidhu-Kanhu University of Purulia and Subikash Choudhury, former head of the department of economics, Bankura Christian College, told this writer.

“Despite financial difficulty, I have admitted my son to a private school, because I do not know when the government schools will close. The teachers are not adequate. I do not know if those who are  there, will continue”, said Mainuddin Mandal, a bread hawker in Vhikurdihi village of Bankura district. He hawks bread brough from Chandigarh in Punjab.

His wife, Rehena Bibi, said “We are struggling to run our family only for our children’s future. We have to somehow survive. We spend Rs 3,000 a month (in a private school) for my child in Class 4.” She said many parents were opting for this instead of government schools for the future of their children.

In Bagmundi area of Purulia district, this writer met a migrant worker, Ramesh Sardar. When asked, he said, “What will happen if my son completes his schooling? Will he get a job? Is there any job here? Several educated youths are sitting idle, counting their days. They are highly frustrated.”

He said he had admitted his son, Bachhu, in a high school. He studied up to Class 7. “There is only one teacher, how can this teacher manage four classes? What will students learn? Nothing. It is better to learn some manual labour skill from an adolescent age and find work in other states. At least, he will be able to eat and survive, and look after the family in the near future”.

A few days ago, some male and female agricultural labourers, along with their school- going children from Bankura, Purulia and Jhargram districts, were seen waiting at the Bankura bus stand under the scorching sun for buses to return home after harvesting boro paddy from various villages in Hooghly and East and West Bardhaman districts.

“There is no work in the area, matikatar kaj (MGNREGA work) has been closed for four years, and panchayats do not respond regarding our work. We have to survive somehow, so we go wherever we find work. Who do we leave our sons and daughters with? So, we take them along,” Urmila Lohar from Tilaboni village in Purulia, said.

When asked, all of them said that “education of our children are no longer on our minds. We have to survive first, then study.”

“This painful picture is common among jobless poor and marginalised families across West Bengal”, said Amiya Patra, leader of the Khetmajur Union and Sagar Badyakar, assistant secretary of the union’s Bengal unit.

Teachers Trying Hard to Bring Children to School

During the Left Front regime, there was a Village Education Committee (VEC) in every area. That committee consisted of an elected representative from the local panchayat/municipality, a member of the Opposition party, ICDS (Integrated Child Development Scheme) workers, an education expert of the area and teachers. The committee would discuss the ongoing situation of education in the area and take necessary measures.

“After the Trinamool Congress came to power, that VEC was dissolved. There is no discussion on education issues of the area even in the education standing committee at the block level. Only one meeting is held a year, that too related to school annual sports,” said Patra.

Rupak Mondal, district secretary of ABPTA, Jhargram district, along with several male and female teachers from Bankura, Purulia and Jhargram, confirmed that the two years of school closure during the Covid pandemic was still having a major impact. In families, where children did not attend school after it re-opened in 2022, the younger brothers and sisters have been following suit.  Many of them have left government schools and have enrolled in private ones. That trend is continuing.

It is a fact there is severe shortage of teachers as well as of officials in the education department, who are responsible to monitor the condition of schools. In this situation, several teachers have been visiting the homes of villagers and are trying to bring their children back to school.

“We go to different houses in the village and look for expectant mothers. We tell them in advance that when the child is born, he/she should be admitted to our government school. We observed that if a child takes admission in a private school his/her brother and sister will follow that path. But the fact is that in many families, the youth are not getting married because they don’t have jobs. As a result, the number of child births is decreasing” said Amit Goswami, headmaster of Kenjakura Primary school. Bankura.

“There is reluctance among parents to admit their children to government schools. The shortage of teachers is a big reason. Child birth is also decreasing in remote areas. We have asked the government to think deeply about this issue and take proper needful measures”, said Tuhin Banerjee, a primary teacher in Dubraji village of Bankura and district leader of Trinamool’s Shikhsha cell.

The District Information System of Education (DISE), which records all information regarding a school, according to the RTE Act, regarding meeting of specific criteria or if an educational institute is not given the DISE code number. During the Left Front regime, private schools did not get that code. Now it is being given to private schools in large numbers. As a result, the number of private schools is increasing.

Despite struggling to support their families, many low-income people are sending their kids to private schools, which has turned into a status symbol, said several teachers and guardians. Many parents also complained that the syllabus of government schools was not “good” and “up to date”. Also, there are fewer teachers in government schools.

On the other hand, private schools offer opportunities to study many subjects, including computers. Several parents feel this is one the key reasons for low enrolment in government schools.

Significantly, many government school teachers also are admitting their children to private schools. This is also having an impact on the people’s mind. As a result, students from financially backward families study in private schools till the primary level, but when they enter high school, they face problems in adapting to the environment. Not all families are able to afford the high cost of private education. Hence, many are forced to drop out midway.

Situation in Upper Primary Schools

Upper primary schools were built during the Left Front regime considering the geographical location of the area so that children do not have to go to high schools located far away to study from Class 5. They could study in the local area up to Class 8. After reaching Class 9, the boys and girls could travel to a distant high school.

“The Madhyamik Shiksha Kendra (MSK) that are built for grades five to eight are provided with adequate teachers”, said Fatik Goswami, former headmaster of Radhamadhab Madhyamik Shiksha Kendra of Kumidya village in Bankura. After TMC came to power, new teachers were not appointed in upper primary schools. As a result, the number of students kept decreasing.

Six MSKs have already been closed in Ranibandh of Bankura district. On January 7 this year, the Bankura district administration issued an order for shutdown of seven more MSKs. This includes Kumidya Radhamadhab MSK School.

“Had the government appointed adequate teachers in this school, students would have continued their education”, lamented Mrityunjoy Banerjee, headmaster of the school. He and a  teacher, Ramsankar Patra, appealed for saving the school at any cost.

“There have been no adequate teachers for years. How can we send our children to a school that lacks educators? Many have already dropped out,” said Bulu Dasmohonto of Kumidya village.

The newly established upper primary schools, which are called new set-ups, do not have the necessary number of teachers. Therefore, the number of student admissions is low, said a teacher in-charge of a newly set up a girls school in Indpur block.

Several guardians said after studying there were no job opportunities here. Several boys who studied in upper primary are already realising this and have dropped out of school to try other jobs. Several are already registered as migrant labourers.

Number of Students Taking Mid-Day-Meals

To meet the nutritional needs of students, the Left Front government in West Bengal was among the first to introduce mid-day meals in the country in primary and upper primary levels. Later, it was introduced across the country.  In this context, the number of students receiving mid-day meals has become a definitive indicator of enrolment.  During Left Front rule, in the 2010-11 academic year, 72,40,341 students received mid-day meals. After 14 years under the TMC regime, only 46,83,053 students are receiving mid-day meals.  This indicates a decline of 26,57,288 students in primary education — a 35% decrease compared with 2010-11.

The number of students has dramatically decreased at Shibarampur Primary School in Bankura .

The situation is even worse at the upper primary level. In the last academic year, 40,41,666 students were admitted to upper primary in the state. As per state government figures, 23,66,232 students are receiving mid-day meals in upper primary schools. This means enrolment at the upper primary level has decreased by 42%.

When asked, Jagabandhu Banerjee, the District Inspector of School, admitted that the number of students admitted to primary schools had decreased. A section of people was moving to urban areas, he said, adding that therefore, the number of students in villages was decreasing. Efforts are being made to solve this crisis, he added.

The writer covers the Jangalmahal region for ‘Ganashakti’ newspaper in West Bengal.

(All pictures by Madhu Sudan Chatterjee)

Courtesy: Newsclick

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