“Where society is cut asunder, marriage as a binding force becomes a matter of urgent necessity. The real remedy for breaking caste is intermarriage. Nothing else will serve as the solvent of caste,” Dr. B. R. Ambedkar wrote this in his speech ‘Annihilation of caste’.

For better or worse, these words by Ambedkar remain relevant in 2022, albeit the forms of these “intermarriages” are fast overlapping.

At the start of this year on January 22, an interfaith couple got married near Hyderabad. The husband Billipuram Nagaraju intended to convert to Islam as a way of convincing wife Syed Sultana’s family. However, this was not to be as in May the media reported how Nagaraju was allegedly killed by the family. The case was called an instance on honour killing wherein a Dalit man was murdered by the Muslim wife’s family.

The case became more gruesome as media reports (acknowledged even by the National Human Rights Commission) called the husband a Dalit. The victim of the brutal murder, 25-year-old B Nagaraju had married 23-year-old AshrinSulthana a.k.a. Pallavi on January 22 this year, after having known each other for years, stated news reports.

While the incident led to many heated discussions on whether Sultana’s brother allegedly killed Nagaraju due to his caste or religion, the incident also raises the question of whether caste does influence an interfaith marriage more than faith does.

Role of caste in interfaith unions

When asked her views on the issue, Muslim feminist writer Ghazala Wahabagreed that the two social elements of caste and faith hugely impact marriage. Further, she said a Dalit person is likely to be more at-risk of honour killings in such a situation particularly because of two layered aspects of Indian society.

“One is patriarchy. If you bring a woman from another background, the girl will convert her caste/ religion. But if a woman marries someone independently, it shows a will to exercise her opinion. Families can’t accept this move. So, if a girl marries without permission, then the couple is in danger. And if the person is Dalit then that risk increases manifold because of the overall social vulnerabilities of caste,” she said.

Taking the example of the Hyderabad incident, she talks about how the woman later tried to dismiss the cause of the killing being entrenched in caste. However, Wahab stressed that the person’s caste and religion are still equally important, especially considering the boy was willing to convert.

“Mostly conversion settles the issue. But here even that did not placate the family. So, the problem must be the caste. The reason may be that Muslims do not like to accept or acknowledge the caste reality. Muslims caste system is not pronounced as compared to Hindus. But in marriage this is often seen (and opposed) because marriage is a rigid system.”

Dhanak of Humanity Co-Founder Asif Iqbal emphasised that caste has an even greater role after marriage. For nearly 17 years, the organisation has been working on helping couples overcome social barriers, be it relating to caste, faith, stigma related to the LGBTQIA+ community. During this time, they have helped many people ensure a civil marriage via the Special Marriages Act (SMA).

However, of the 400 runaway cases the organisation received directly annually, at least 32 percent involve inter-caste unions. The rest are only inter-faith marriages.The organisation ensures that those seeking help follow due procedure under the SMA in availing a marriage certificate. Further, members ask people to remain in contact with Dhanak after marriage to ensure the family remains safe.

However, more often than not, Iqbal said that inter-caste couples lose contact with the organisation after marriage. As an inter-caste marriage is eligible for a religious marriage, many couples opt for that rather than waiting for the longer administrative procedure.

This is a cause for concern because the issue of caste is much more prominent in post-marriage situations where families either oppose the union or accept the couple but ask about caste.

“After marriage, a fear for life remains in both situations. Honour killings are common in inter-caste marriages especially in rural areas where the practice is less permissible than inter-faith marriages,” he said.

Generally, the issue is also female-centric where a woman’s caste is more important than the man’s caste. In such situations, the husband also has to be proactive about the family’s enquiries, said Iqbal.

Reforms to protect SMA unions

Wahab pointed out that while there are already laws to protect inter-caste and inter-faith marriages, the SMA still requires reform in certain aspects. For example, under the SMA there is a public notice issuance that threatens people’s anonymity.“Majority SMA couples have run away from home. So their information being on the public domain puts them in more danger,” she said.

Wahab also pointed out how there are biases in both Hindu and Muslim communities that people should only marry within their religion. Due to this, when SMA is not feasible, couples try religious marriages and temporary conversion. This further complicates matters for the young couples, she said, with questions of who will convert.

Love is most important

Dalit feminist writer Urmila Pawar said that more than anything, what determines the impact of these social differences are the persons involved in the marriage.

“Love does not see caste. But we live in a jaati-pradhan country. To an extent, it is true that each caste has a unique behaviour lifestyle. The success of a marriage depends on their resolve as well. A subconscious bias is always there. But people have to move forward believing humanity is the dharma,” said Pawar.

She pointed out that there are many issues that people face in marriage other than caste. However, a person believing in such an “unnatural system” will not be able to sustain the marriage.

Regarding the idea that people consciously marry outside their community, Wahabdimissed it saying such a thinking would support love jihad.“People marry for love. There are many cases like Hyderabad. One thing to consider is whom you can access. Some ask why do Muslim girls marry inside the community. This is because Muslim boys can meet non-Muslims at work and colleges. Girl Muslims do not have this exposure. School education is lesser, college education is lesser. The same logic applies with Dalits as well,” she said.

Related:

Hyderabad: Interfaith couple attacked, man stabbed to death!
Sheath the swords, while there is still time!
Should Arya Samaj unions come under the Special Marriages Act?
Conversion will not change caste of a person: Madras HC

The post The interplay of caste and faith appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The sky and mood in Doloo tea estate, Assam have been overcast since the demolition of part of the plantation on May 12, 2022. Even as late as May 19, workers accused security personnel of surrounding living quarters to keep them from protesting against the allegedly illegal Greenfield airport project.

Since April, T.E. workers of Lalbag and Moinagarh divisions of the estate, have been agitating against an MoU giving up around 2,500 bigha of plantation land. Signed by three major trade unions of the area, the owner and concerned government authorities insisted that the project was sanctioned with due considerations of workers.

Yet, latest reports from the region suggest that police and security personnel, far out-numbering workers, continue to patrol the labour-line even after the demolition. Section 144 has also been announced in the area. Speaking to Sabrang India, the District Superintendent of Police  said, “The personnel are deployed until the demarcation work continues. There are a standard number of people for the same.”

However, the New Trade Union Initiative-affiliated (NTUI) Asom Majuri Shramik Union (AMSU) pointed out that the force far out-numbers the workers in the two divisions. RTherefore such, it accused authorities of trying to supress workers’ protest. The Wire estimates around 1,900 T.E. workers in the entire Doloo tea estate.

Photo-Credits:  Manas Das

What is the airport project controversy?

On March 7, the Barak Cha Shramik Union (BCSU), the Akhil Bharatiya Chah Mazdoor Sangha (BCMS) and the Barak Valley Cha Mazdoor Sangh (BVCMS) signed the MoU with the Doloo Tea Company India Ltd.

According to BVCMS Working President Rajib Nath, the project details ensure zero retrenchment of workers and due compensation to workers. He even went so far as to suggest that the project will help with the connectivity of the region.

However, multiple accounts state that concerned workers had no idea about the project until mid-April. Ensuing protests resulted in two public hearings wherein over 2,300 people signed a demand stating that workers should be regulated before any project work is taken up.

Photo-Credits:  Manas Das

As the AMSU pointed out, the estate is built on leased government land, meaning there will be no compensation. Moreover, while the MoU was made public around April 25 the AMSU is yet to learn about the social and environmental audit for the project.

As per the Right To Fair Compensation And Transparency In Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation And Resettlement Act, 2013, the government must undertake a Social Impact Assessment study effect of the project on various components such as livelihood of affected families, public and community properties among other things. Compensation is determined based on such reports. Further it says any person, who contravenes such compensatory provisions shall be liable to a punishment of six months which may extend to three years or with fine. Still, the union is yet to confirm such an assessment.

“We do not know if the audit report exists. We will soon move the High Court. The workers were not taken into confidence for this airport plan,” said AMSU District President Mrinal Kanti Shome, who outright called the May 12 demolition “evictions”.

As for Nath’s claims of development, Doloo is the largest tea estate in South Assam. As per its own estimates on social media, it produces 2.4 million kgs of black tea. Far from helping workers, the handing over of land is likely to create a surplus of labour that will lead to down-sizing of workers, said AMSU.

On Thursday, AMSU submitted a letter to the Silchar Deputy Commissioner about the “tremendous economic hardship” faced by Lalbag and Moinagarh divisions’ T.E. workers. After the 30 lakh tea bushes and thousands of trees were uprooted, workers have lost their main source of income.

“Due to promulgation of Section 144, they are confined to their labour-line and the inclement weather and flood situation has also exacerbated their confinement without any daily earning,” said the AMSU in the letter.

The Union talked about how parents are hard-pressed to provide food for their children due to their “helplessness”. It appealed to the authorities to allow a team of union leaders and/or organisers with vehicles loaded with relief materials to visit workers and distribute relief as emergency measures against the humanitarian crisis.

It also stressed that the district administration must find work for them immediately after the ban against gathering of people is lifted.

Related:

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Dhinkia: A story of perseverance against administrative oppression

The post Doloo tea estate workers protest Greenfield Airport project appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Uttar Pradesh’s local news outlets such as Jagran, News 18 Hindi and even News NCR recently reported the state government’s intentions to waive loans of over 33,000 farmers amounting to ₹ 200 cr. However, wisened by their previous encounters with the regime, local farmer leaders accused the administration of making tall claims.

According to News NCR, the Agriculture Department is sending a detailed proposal to Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath to waive the loans of 33,408 farmers who have been waiting for such relief for five years. If approved, the loan waiver will provide relief for farmers in 19 districts. The same will be implemented under the State Government Crop Loan Redemption Scheme 2017 started on July 9, 2017. The scheme waives loans upto ₹ 1 lakh for small and marginal farmers.

Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU-Shamli) leader Ompal Malik told SabrangIndia that at the time nearly 3,000 farmers in Lucknow were excluded from the list of eligible candidates. “Farmers who in 2017 had loans less than ₹ 1 lakh continued to receive interests. Now some of their loans exceed 1 lakh,” said Malik. As for the latest update, he said no BKU farmer has received any update regarding this announcement. He accused the state government of repeatedly making such announcements without a proper plan of action.

Similarly, another SKM leader of the UP unit, Manish Bharti, said that no farmer, regardless of the size of farmland, has received any information on loan waivers for many years. Instead, many farmers are being asked for loan payment recoveries in Meerut. “They mention 19 districts but don’t specify which regions. All of this shows that they only want to give speeches to placate us. This government is making fun of farmers,” said Bharti.

Is loan waiver truly beneficial?

A NABARD research study ‘Farm Loan Waivers in India’ published on April 22 stated that ‘indebtedness’ is a result of distress and not the immediate cause. An inability to earn enough income indebts a farmer. Recurrent losses and falling margins results in defaults which leads to a vicious cycle of debt- distress- further debt.

“Farm loan waivers (FLW) were designed as a reaction to acute agrarian distress and to ensure the continuity of future credit, but it has tacitly evolved to emerge as a political tool that is strategically used by political parties to influence rural voters,” concludes the study by Shweta Saini, Siraj Hussain and Pulkit Khatri.

It observed that the year wherein an FLW is implemented, the government reduces capital expenditure. Similarly, financial institutions reduce lending and there is worsened credit discipline among farmers in the medium to long run.

Moreover, researchers saw that FLWs only address indebtedness and not the original causes of distress like lack of remunerative prices. As a result, the schemes serve as temporary relief during which farmers incur more debt.

“In such a scenario, a farm loan waiver only proves to be a ‘jury-rigged expedient’ — a quick fix that requires recurrent application,” says the study.

Seeking to understand the political impact, the study said that only 4 out of 21 political parties in the last 30 years lost the election following promises of FLW implementation. These parties included the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh in 2017.

A related study by Phadnis and Gupta in the report said that all political parties, left-wing, right-wing and centrist parties alike, announce FLWs. Moreover, most waiver schemes were announced by states who could afford the waiver fiscally. After 2016, high fiscal debt did not deter several states from announcing waivers. Another observation was that waivers were announced regardless of droughts in the area, a proxy for farmer distress.

“The timing of waivers was found to be an important factor determining the correlation between waivers and electoral wins – proximity to elections mattered. The closer the announcement of waiver was to elections, the greater was the political mileage gained by parties,” says the study.

Related:

SKM breaks down demand for MSP to masses

Jal Satyagraha as part of farmers’ MSP week protests

No MSP committee until Centre clarifies mandate: SKM

UP Assembly Elections: Farmers dealt a mighty blow to the BJP in some constituencies

The post UP may waive loans of over 33,000 farmers, but is that the way to go? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The Supreme Court on April 25, 2022 relieved more than a lakh workers at Gujarat’s Anganwadi centres when a Bench acknowledged workers’ right to gratuity payment. The verdict concludes around 16 years of legal proceedings by local Anganwadi workers and helpers. More importantly, the judgement gives weightage to the protests by anganwadi groups against recent budget allocations.

Around March 15, Delhi’s anganwadi workers (AWWs) demanded increased Budget allocation under Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS), and minimum wages, pension for AWWs and Anganwadi Helpers (AWHs).

At the time, All India Federation of Anganwadi Workers and Helpers (AIFAWH) General Secretary A R Sindhu pointed out that 26 lakh AWWs and AWHs provide food and health services to rural households. During Covid-19, AWWs and AWHs alongside ASHAs and midday meal workers, soldiered through all three waves of Covid-19, often without adequate protection; some even lost their lives.

“AWWs, AWHs and midday meal workers have delivered door-to-door service to [ICDS, MDM and NHM] beneficiaries. The government has not paid any risk allowance and not even provided any safety gear to them. Scores of ASHAs, AWWs and AWHs have been martyred fighting Covid-19 for the government,” said Sindhu.

As per the AIFAWH, over 20 crore children under 14 years and around 3-5 crore women get the basic right to food and health through these schemes. However, in the 2021-22 Union Budget, the NDA-led government reduced the ICDS allocation by 30 percent. Similarly, the MDM scheme suffered a cut of ₹ 1,400 cr and then another ₹ 1,200 cr this year. Due to such fiscal reductions, even the meagre remuneration is not paid to the employees for months together.

Acknowledging anganwadi contribution

In its judgement, Justices Ajay Rastogi and Abhay S. Oka recognised the “all-pervasive duties” assigned to AWWs and AWHs. These include identification of beneficiaries, cooking nutritious food, serving healthy food to beneficiaries, conducting preschool for 3-6 year-old children and making frequent home visits for various reasons. For all this, Gujarat’s AWWs earn ₹ 7,800 monthly and AWHs earn only ₹3,950 monthly. In mini-Anganwadi centres, AWWs earn ₹ 4,400 per month.

“Considering the nature of duties specified thereunder, it is full-time employment. In addition, there is a duty to render pre-school education. For all this, they are being paid very meagre remuneration and paltry benefits under an insurance scheme of the Central Government. It is high time that the Central Government and State Governments take serious note of the plight of AWWs and AWHs who are expected to render such important services to the society,” said the court order.

More than independent studies, Lok Sabha questions-answers qualify this argument all the more.

Anganwadi centre budget

On February 11, MP Mahesh Sahoo asked about the budgetary allocation made to Anganwadi centres during the last five financial years. Accordingly, the Women and Children Development Minister Smriti Irani said that budget estimates increased from ₹ 14 cr in 2016-17 to 20,532. 38 cr in 2020-21.

The budget showed an increasing trend from ₹16,334.88 cr in 2018-19, ₹19,834.37 cr in 2019-20 and ₹20,532.38 cr in 2020-21. However, the revised estimates showed a declining trend with ₹17,879.17 cr in 2018-19, 17,704.50 cr in 2019-20 and ₹17,252.31 cr in 2020-21. This implies that money not spent in the previous year is being added the next while the allocation may in fact have declined.

Further, Mahila Anganwadi Karamchari Sangh Uttar Pradesh President told SabrangIndia that additional schemes for adolescent children’s education have been included in this budget. For example, under PM POSHAN scheme 2.0 the government of India allocated another ₹9,315.26 lakhs to India’s Anganwadi centres for maintenance. Around March 25, the government said that 10,000 Anganwadi centres out of 13,99,697 centres are not operational. Among the 1,89,309 operational centres in Uttar Pradesh, as many as 1,47,725 centres do not have their own building.

Even under the ICDS funds, only 8,70,160.16 lakhs funds were utilised for supplementary nutrition (SNPs) out of the approved fund of 10,10,636.16 lakhs. In reality this only increases the workload for the workers while doing precious little about their wages.

“Scheme workers are in continuous struggles for improving their working conditions and schemes. Even before the budget, we had approached Ministers and MPs from all political parties but in vain,” said Sindhu.

Unions of ASHAs, AWWs and AWHs and MDM workers demand for increased budget allocation to ensure proper healthcare, quality ECCE services to the children and Covid-risk allowance of ₹ 10,000 per month, minimum wages of ₹ 26,000 per month, pension and social security to the workers. This is also in line with the recommendations of the 45th Indian Labour Conference.

Yet, the Centre and state governments continue arguments like the ones made by the Gujarat administration regarding “substantial financial burden” on the State exchequer. Meanwhile, unions said that increased salaries and monetary security to the women ensures better healthcare and nutrition for citizens.

Even the apex court agreed to this considering the six major responsibilities of AWWs and AWHs: Supplementary Nutrition (SNP) Pre-school Non-formal Education, Nutrition & Health Education, Immunization, Health Check-up, and Referral Services.

“It is high time that the central government and state governments take serious note of the plight of AWWs and AWHs who are expected to render such important services to the society – They are being paid very meagre remuneration and paltry benefits under an insurance scheme of the central government,” said the court.

Related:

Anganwadi workers, helpers entitled to gratuity payment: SC

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Over 20 cr estimated participants in workers General Strike

UP: Insufficient nutrition packages cause rift between anganwadis and community

The post Just gratuity not enough: Anganwadi workers appeared first on SabrangIndia.

“Everyone knew something will happen during this year’s Ram Navami procession, but we could do nothing,” said ex-Municipal Councillor Musavvir Yamani told SabrangIndia on April 11, 2022 after visiting various places in Khambat, Gujarat where communal conflicts took place. Although clashes and injuries reigned supreme across India on Sunday amidst various Ram Navami rallies, people of Gujarat condemned the government for taking zero initiative to curb such communal conflagration.

Speaking specifically of Khambat, the three-time elected MC said the yatra is an annual event in the region. However, in sight of upcoming elections, organisers asked for the procession to tour the whole of Khambat town in Anand district. “Ideally, they should not have been given this permission. But the police did and did not arrange for security,” said Yamani.

According to the Indian Express, one person was found dead after incidents of stone pelting and arson. Yamani added that another person is hospitalised aside from the 100 to 150 houses of people from minority communities whose homes were stoned. Further, he alleged that shops and houses of Muslims were robbed and set on fire by people as soon as the procession reached the Sardar tower. Many minority folk live in that region.

Having worked as an MC and a reporter, Yamani received many distress calls from people in the locality. Some even complained about the miscreants brandishing swords, lathis and similar weapons. Anguished he asked, “Where did these people get these weapons and even petrol? If it was simply a religious procession, how did they suddenly get weapons and fuel necessary for this arson?”

Yamani squarely blamed the incident on local politics in light of upcoming Gujarat elections in the summer. Two days before the incident, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) conducted a similar rally in the region. A thousand people and a local MLA joined this rally that set a tense environment in the area. He accused the party of riling up such hate because it “has nothing to say on real issues.”

As for the police, locals told Yamani that houses and shops outside police stations were torched at the time. Yet, the police did little to assist people. The chaos finally ended when the police resorted to lathi-charge and tear-gassing.

Unfortunately, the aggressions had already spread to other regions like Himmatnagar where two successive rallies resulted in stone-pelting between two communities that injured many including police officials. Despite all this, police are yet to confirm an FIR regarding the whole ordeal.

In Vadodara, the Ram Navami procession stopped outside mosques. While no physical violence broke out, local Hamid Khatri said that even when right-wing members try to create trouble, the police look the other way.

What’s worse, certain news media also sympathised with the groups organising the rally that was interrupted, rather than the impact of the violence of injured people from the minority community, and those whose properties were destroyed by rally participants. Some even glossed over pertinent facts of the story such as provocation via communal slogans. Ahmedabad Mirror’s headline “Ram Navami procession targetted in 3 districts, one person loses life” conveniently glosses over the possible provocation factor via communal slogans. The article talked about stone-pelting on the rally “near a Muslim-dominated area” owing to reasons like “high volume”. However, the article neither mentioned the injured among the minority community, nor about the minority-owned shops that were burnt down, or even the fact that fuel to set properties on fire was readily available to participants of a religious procession.

Similarly, persistent supporters of the right ideology, OpIndia and India TV also used titles like “Ram Navami procession attacked in Howrah, several participants injured” and “Ram Navami processions attacked in Gujarat, Jharkhand, Bengal; vehicles set on fire, shops damaged”.

As state elections and the summer heat draws closer, communal confrontations in Gujarat appear to be reaching a boiling point.

Related:

Communal confrontations mar Ram Navami celebrations in five states

Sheath the swords, while there is still time!

Rajasthan: All you need to know about the Karauli violence

Bajrang Muni Das openly threatens Muslim women with sexual assault

Right-wing’s dangerous obsession with mosques and dargahs peaks during Ramzan

Gujarat:  Antarashtriya Hindu Parishad is stage for anti-Muslim abuse, trident distribution

The post Gujarat: Locals blame election politics for Ram Navami violence appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Disappointed by police inaction, four social activists from Bengaluru alleged on April 9, 2022, that the Karnataka police are unable to carry out their duties due to political pressure. The criticism came during a press meeting regarding the delay in registering an FIR against hate-monger Hindu Janajagruti Samiti Coordinator Chandru Moger.

Since April 6, activists Khizer-e-Alam, Waseem Raja, Zia Nomani and another person have been trying to register an official FIR against Moger, who claimed the community monopolised the fruit vending business, and were allegedly spitting on products as a form of “spitting Jihad”.  The man reportedly called for an economic boycott against Muslim fruit vendors.

However, the police have only responded with a Non-Cognisable Report on Friday. This, despite meeting the Commissioner of Police, the Assistant Commissioner of Police and DCP North; the department is yet to register the formal document.

“We believe this is due to tremendous political pressure under which the police department has been functioning over time. We call upon the department, concerned officers to ensure independence of its force which is extremely vital to maintain law and order and to ensure a safe environment for citizens,” said Raja.

The activists called the allegations by Moger “a brazen attempt to malign and defame the Muslim community with the sole purpose of creating hate and divide between the communities in the state of Karnataka.”

Observing that the state government had left the issue unaddressed, activists approached the Sanjay Nagar police station to lodge an FIR against the prima facie cognisable offences. However, Sanjay Nagar Inspector Balraj said that there was a confusion about certain details like where the event took place and when. “We are trying to proceed with this,” he told SabrangIndia. He further assured that the delay with the FIR should be resolved by the end of the week.

Meanwhile, the activists called upon citizens to recognise and seek an independent and transparent police force, free from any political interference. Referring to the Supreme Court and various High Courts, Nomani said “Unity in Diversity” is the ideal way of life considering that India is a unification of people from diverse cultures, religions and races. He also cited the apex court in Tehseen Poonawala Vs Union of India & others that laid down guidelines to check the spread of hate speeches, provocative statements and fake news. In it, the court directed state governments to designate a senior police officer to take preventive measures.

Recently, Karnataka has become a hotbed of hate speech against the Muslim community. Right-wing elements are calling for an economic boycott of businesses owned by Muslims after demanding a ban on hijabs inside classrooms. Zomani said all of this has created an atmosphere of communal divide, mistrust within the state that is quickly spreading to other parts of the country.

“This is a direct attack on the peace and harmony of our society, which requires necessary, quick and strict actions by the law enforcement authorities against the fringe elements, in order to maintain peace and harmony between the communities of our society,” he said.

Related:

Karnataka police allegedly delays FIR against claim of “spitting jihad”
Are increasing calls for economic boycott of Muslims a sinister precursor to something worse?
How Halal is your harassment?
Bajrang Dal smells an opportunity in stirring the halal pot, pastes boycott posters

The post Activists claim Karnataka police under tremendous political pressure appeared first on SabrangIndia.

‘The Kashmir Files’ hit theatres on March 11, 2022 and Hindutva-driven hate followed its wake, spreading on social media with cries of India’s Hindus to open their eyes. While it is not surprising that right-wing extremist elements would resort to such actions, what is shocking is that this time BJP ministers and government officials are going out of their way to make the movies accessible to the masses. There are no boundaries left to be crossed, it seems.

A day after the release of the movie supposedly narrating the exodus of Kashmiri Hindus during the Kashmir insurgency BJP Union Minister, state officials and other right-wing organisations set to work promoting the film from their own social media accounts.

Chief among them was Women and Child Development Minister SmritiIrani who asked people to watch the movie “history soaked in the blood of innocents may never repeat itself”.

Watch …so that this history soaked in the blood of innocents may never repeat itself #TheKashmirFiles pic.twitter.com/LWObd3kSdw

— Smriti Z Irani (@smritiirani) March 13, 2022

Then there’s Madhya Pradesh Home Minister Narottam Mishra who asked that state police personnel be allowed a holiday to go watch the movie. Mishra said that it is important that officers watch this movie especially considering a person from Bhopal plays an important role in this film.

MP Police force will be given a holiday to watch #TheKashmirFiles : Madhya Pradesh’s Home Minister Narottam Mishra pic.twitter.com/rl6BQUy9gP

— Ashish (@aashishNRP) March 14, 2022

This request came after Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh governments on March 13 allowed the movie to be tax-free. Accordingly, news reports on Sunday said Maharashtra BJP MLA NiteshRane wrote to Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray requesting that the government also make ‘The Kashmir Files’ free of entertainment tax.

He wrote that this will allow people to see “for the first time the correct and true depiction of atrocities inflicted by Muslim terrorists on the Hindu community” in Jammu and Kashmir, said the Free Press Journal. Even Karnataka Chief Minister B.S. Bommai exempted the movie from taxation.

Kudos to @vivekagnihotri for #TheKashmirFiles, a blood-curdling, poignant & honest narrative of the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits from their home land.

To lend our support to the movie & encourage our people to watch it, we will make the movie tax-free in Karnataka.

— Basavaraj S Bommai (@BSBommai) March 13, 2022

It is interesting here that Ministers are encouraging people to watch a movie that reportedly provides a gory narrative of the incident. According to The Hindu by Anuj Kumar, ‘The Kashmir Files’ manipulates facts and half-truths and uses scenes of bloodshed and torture to induce reactions. In the movie, the media has been condemned for hiding the reality of Kashmiri Pandits while the previous government led by Congress has been squarely blamed for the sufferings. However, critics condemn the movie for either intentionally or inadvertently cherry-picking historical facts to cater to the right-wing ideology.

The result of this skewed perspective was a low rating on sites like the IMDB. Yet, instead of addressing this problem on the website in question, the IT Cell used this situation to condemn Muslims for “trying to hide” the reality of Kashmir.

The arguments even reached Wikipedia where people from both sides tried to manipulate the information of ‘The Kashmir Files’ page to address their concerns.

Media reports of people exiting the theatre showed how people were moved by the performances on the screen regardless of the facts used to tell the tale. Some people said that Indian Hindus must watch the movie that has told a truth hidden by the liberal groups.

However, the mood was more violent inside the theatre halls where goons resorted to violent language to decry Muslim. One Twitter used RohitBishnoi shared a video clip where people yelled “Deshkegaddaroko, golimaarosaalonko” (shoot down the traitors using bullets) inside the hall, reiterating the words of hate-offender and BJP leadear C.T. Ravi.

When another Twitter user retweeted this with the caption ”this is terrifying”, Bishnoi replied by saying “Gaddaronko terrify honachahiye. Aavashyakhai. (Traitors should be terrified. It is necessary)”

Public reaction in theatre after watching #TheKashmirFiles .
“Desh ke gaddaro ko goli maro salo ko”#KashmirFiles #TheKashmirFilesreview @vivekagnihotri @AnupamPKher pic.twitter.com/abEwwnwbmD

— Rohit.Bishnoi (@The_kafir_boy_2) March 11, 2022

In another instance, a man lashed out at the AAP-leader Arvind Kejriwal after watching the movie. In a fit of rage, the man claimed a man died a similar (like those portrayed in the movie) death during the North-East Delhi riots. He went on to call the movie “a message” rather than a mere film.

This movie is awakening Hindus
Thank you @vivekagnihotri #TheKashmiriFiles #TheKashmirFiles pic.twitter.com/b63DNTkdaz

— Upma Sharma (@ShekharUpma) March 14, 2022

Even those accused in the Delhi riots showered praises on the movie. One of the alleged perpetrators of the violence Kapil Mishra also shared a caricature where a person wrapped in a shawl marked “Hindu” ‘comes to life’ on seeing the movie poster. The four people carrying the body are labelled “Jihadi”, “Congress-Left”, “Lutyens media” and “Bollywood gang”.

In yet another place, people entered the theatre hall and demanded if not screamed at people not to watch ‘Shahrukh-Salman-Amir-and-Saif movies’, targeting the four Khans well-known in the film industry.

The Kashmir Files is a Nazi propaganda..

This movie was made to spread hatred and violence against Indian Muslims and Kashmiri Muslims.

See how audience in movie theater spewing venom against Muslims.#JournalismMatters

#indianmuslim #islamophobia #islamophobia_in_india pic.twitter.com/PAoKDhsYNq

— Mohd Fasiuddin (@MohdFasiuddin10) March 14, 2022

Others to spew hate under the garb of promoting the movie were BJP Telangana President Bandi Sanjay Kumar, Bengal BJP Vice-President Rathindra Bose – who claimed the Congress was supporting militant jihadis by criticising the movie – and others like Kangana Ranaut.

Another loyal right-wing supporter to support the movie was former Rajya Sabha member and ex-editor of Panchajanya, the RSS weekly, Tarun Vijay and Central Waqf Council member and Minority Affairs’ Planning and Finance Committee Chairperson Rais Pathan.

On Sunday, BhagwaKrantiSena President, VHP leader and RSS member Dr. PrachiSadhvi made a swingular statement saying that those criticisng the movie had a “jihadi mentality”. She demanded that the movie be shown tax-free and even in colleges, claiming that the movie showed the reality of Hindu Pandits.

My Statement On #TheKashmirFiles Movie .

Thank You @vivekagnihotri Ji @AnupamPKher Ji For This Movie

It’s Not A Movie , It’s Reality What Happened In Kashmir pic.twitter.com/jT7R7larD5

— Dr. Prachi Sadhvi (@Sadhvi_prachi) March 13, 2022

While the tussle between the two ideologies continue, the movie benefits with more exposure on both sides.

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The post Hate floods in the wake of ‘The Kashmir Files’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.

While western Uttar Pradesh’s farmers resisted voting for the ruling regime of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Adivasi (indigenous tribal) regions of the state voted overwhelmingly for the party. Of the 46 seats in the 10 districts – Basti, Chandauli, Chitrakoot, Deoria, Gonda, Laliitpur, Maharajganj, Mirzapur, Siddharthnagar and Sonbhadra – the BJP bagged as many as 32 seats. However, an interesting trend seen in these regions is that the BJP lost seats in areas that reported lower voter turnout.

Generally, a voter turnout of 65 percent or more indicates a strong anti-incumbency factor, suggesting that the ruling party is likely to lose its seat in areas with a higher voter turnout percentage. However, this trend appeared to have been reversed in tribal areas where districts with lower voter turnout reported less votes for the BJP.

For example, both the seats of Lalitpur district went to the BJP party. This area is nearer to Madhya Pradesh and reported an overall voter turnout of 71.27 percentage. Yet, it voted for the BJP with a margin of at least 10 thousand votes.

Meanwhile, Basti district that reported 56.93 percent voter turnout gave only 1 out of 5 seats to BJP. Three seats of Basti Sadar, Kaptanganj and Rudhauli went to the Samajwadi Party (SP) with a victory margin between 1,779 votes to more than 24,000 votes. One seat of Mahadewa went to the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP) with a victory margin of 5,495 votes. Similarly, Siddharth Nagar that had a 51.56 percent overall voter turnout gave only two of its seats to BJP. One constituency of Shohratgarh that had a 52.60 percent voter turnout voted for regional party Apna Dal (Soneylal) or AD(S) with an overwhelming margin of more than 24,000 votes. Whereas Domariyaganj and Itwa seats went to SP.

It may be noted that these two constituencies had the lowest voter turnout. Yet where Domariyaganj had a higher voter turnout (50.15 percent) than Itwa (49.37 percent), the former had a lesser margin (771 votes) than the latter (1,662 votes). The area therefore reflected the reverse trend.

However, Deoria, Gonda and Sonbhadra that reported voter turnouts within a range of 56 percent to 59 percent overwhelmingly voted for the BJP. Yet barring Obra, individual constituencies in Sonbhadra reported voter turnouts around 60 percent and above. Further, Deoria and Gonda districts are surrounded by more city areas that have favoured the BJP and other allied parties.

Again in Mirzapur, constituencies with poorer voter performance (barring Mirzapur city) like Chhanbey and Majhawan with lesser voter turnout voted for non-BJP parties. The Chhanbey seat went to the AD(S) whereas the Majhawan seat was won by another regional party Nirbal Indian Shoshit Hamara Aam Dal (NISHAD) party with a victory margin of more than 33 thousand votes.

The same pattern persists in Maharajganj (62.34 percent voter turnout) where Pharenda constituency with a 60.07 percent voter turnout elected the Congress party and Nautanwa with a 61.25 percent voter turnout voted for NISHAD. However, the Congress won by a narrow margin of 1,246 votes whereas NISHAD won by more than 15 thousand votes.

Chandauli’s Sakaldiha was another outlier that despite a relatively decent voter turnout (63.15 percent) compared to the rest of the region voted for SP with a margin of over 16 thousand votes.

Finally, Chitrakoot district with 62.88 percent voter turnout gave both its seats to non-BJP parties. The namesake constituency went to the SP with a margin of over 20 thousand votes whereas the AD(S) won the Manikpur constituency with a narrow margin of 1,048 votes.

With over 255 seats won across the state, the BJP will continue to govern UP for the next five years.

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The post UP’s tribal belts show unusual voter activity appeared first on SabrangIndia.

As counting progressed over March 10, 2022 for Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, it certainly seemed as though farmers’ Mission UP campaign had failed to deliver the ‘vote ki chot’ to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). However, final results show that western UP farmers continue to stay loyal to the farmers body Sanyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) that leads the farmers’ struggle in India.

The SKM launched Mission UP in a bid to replicate Bengal election results and punish the BJP for not following through on its written assurances regarding Minimum Support Price (MSP), compensation and withdrawal of FIRs. A delegation travelled to various places in the state and urged residents not to vote for the anti-farmer-dubbed party. On counting day, this effort appeared futile as the party won with an overwhelming majority. However, a closer look at the western region shows that the farmers did in fact answer the call to ‘punish the BJP’.

Farmers impact in phase 1

Among the 58 constituencies that went to polling on February 10, as many as 12 constituencies responded to Mission UP. Among the districts going to poll, Shamli, Muzaffarnagar and Baghpat farmers actively participated in the farmer’s struggle. It is no surprise that the BJP lost as many as 8 seats here. Especially in Shamli, that includes constituencies Kairana, Shamli and Thana Bhawan, not a single BJP candidate came to power. In Muzaffarnagar, the party only got Khatauli and Muzaffarnagar, losing out on two-thirds of the district. In Baghpat, the BJP did win 2 of the 3 seats. But the margin of victory in Baraut constituency was a measly 313 votes.

Similarly, the BJP lost more than half of Meerut district as 4 out of its 7 seats went to non-BJP parties. Of the four seats, one constituency voted for the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) while the rest opted for the Samajwadi Party (SP). This relative success was also hinted in the voter turnout data when these districts reported 65 percent or higher voter turnout – an indicator of the incumbency factor.

Farmers impact in Phase 2

On February 14, the second phase of the election began and nine districts went for polling, including Amroha, Saharanpur, Moradabad, Bareilly, Rampur, Sambhal and other farmer-influential areas. Among these, Moradabad district showed an overwhelming non-BJP sentiment with the party winning in only 1 out of 6 constituencies, that too with a close margin of 782 votes. Similarly, BJP won only 1 out of 4 seats in Sambhal. The other three seats went to Samajwadi Party (SP).

In Rampur, BJP only won 2 out of 5 seats, of which it won Bilaspur with a narrow margin of 307 votes. Out of Amroha district’s 4 seats, 2 seats went to BJP and SP each. However, the SKM campaign did not seem to have much impact on Saharanpur and Bareilly. In the former, BJP won 5 out of 7 seats of which Nakur reported a margin of only 315 votes. In Bareilly, the BJP won 7 out of 9 seats with SP getting the remaining seats.

While Bareilly had a voter turnout of only 62 percent, Saharanpur reported a 71.34 percent voter turnout.

Relative success in other areas

Aside from the western region, farmer leaders also held press conferences in Jhansi, Allahabad, Varanasi, Jaunpur, Azamgarh, Ambedkar Nagar, Gorakhpur among other areas. Again, there was relative success in these areas too. For example, BJP lost all 5 seats of Ambedkar Nagar district, as well as Azamgarh and Ghazipur constituencies. However, in all other aforementioned regions, BJP prevailed.

In a few other areas where a vote against the BJP was expected, like Lakhimpur in Kheri district and Hathras, the BJP won the election. However, it is important to remember that these regions suffered severe administrative and police repression over the years, and fear of retaliation cannot be ruled out.

Regardless of the Assembly results, farmer leaders said that their goal was to punish the BJP for deceiving farmers. In December 2021, farmers protesting at Delhi borders vacated the premises after promises that the Centre will form a committee for Minimum Support Price (MSP), compensate the families of farmers, who died during the struggle, withdraw FIRs against protesting farmers, among other demands. When the government failed to deliver on these assurances, the farmers observed a Vishwasghat Diwas on January 31 and then launched Mission UP. Leaders said they will continue the struggle for farmers’ demands.

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The post UP Assembly Elections: Farmers dealt a mighty blow to the BJP in some constituencies appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Angered by false promises, farmers had resolved to give the ruling regime Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) ‘vote ki chot’ or an electoral body blow, after stating that the party only understands the language of vote. Yet, despite widespread campaigns and press conferences at Jhansi, Allahabad, Gorakhpur and many other cities by the Sanyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM), the BJP seems to have retained its power in the state.

As of 2 PM on March 10, 2022, the Election Commission of India (ECI) reports that the BJP leads in 246 seats while the Samajwadi Party (SP) trails behind, leading with 124 seats. The Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) , another supposed favourite of the farming community, garnered a lead of only 9 seats.

While farmer leaders have not put up an official statement, members of the SKM like Yogendra Yadav said that the farmers’ umbrella body never assured BJP’s defeat but only urged people not to vote for an “anti-farmer” political party. While trends so far certainly do not hint at a great impact by the SKM, the mobilisation seems to have left an effect in the western region.

Dubious impact of SKM campaign

Perhaps the biggest shock to farmer leaders was the trend that showed the BJP leading in Lakhimpur Kheri. Farmers have time and again raged against the violent massacre of farmers at Tikonia village on October 3, 2021. The anger worsened when the main accused Ashish Mishra, son of Union Minister Ajay Mishra, received bail from the Allahabad High Court. Even though the Special Investigation Team (SIT) looking into the alleged massacre declared that the incident was a planned attack, Mishra was granted bail.

As such, it seemed likely to the general public that this constituency would be lost to the BJP. However, on Thursday, people saw BJP candidate Yogesh Verma leading with a margin of over 8,000 votes. The news is even more shocking considering Lakhimpur reported 65.18 percent voter turnout indicating an incumbency factor.

However, when speaking to SabrangIndia, farming residents of the area reported fear on hearing about Mishra’s bail. Survivors speaking to SabrangIndia said they did not receive any witness protection or compensation and so were shocked to hear about Mishra’s bail. During the incident, farmers were mowed down by an SUV vehicle. The fear was enough among the people to ask reporters to withhold their name. This was around the first phase of polling whereas Lakhimpur went to polls around phase 4. The news delivered a huge blow to their morale.

Shamli district with BJP leading in two of its constituencies was another major blow to farmers’ campaign. Kairana that had reported a whopping 75.01 percent voter turnout and Shamli constituency show leads switching often between SP and BJP. Earlier, Kairana farmers reported much frustration with the state government. People voiced anger regarding stray cattle, rising fuel prices, and failed sugarcane procurements. Yet, only the Thana Bhawan constituency came through on the vote ki chot slogan and showed a lead for the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD).

Similarly, of the top four voter turnout constituencies in Meerut, another farmer-dominated area, three areas reported a BJP lead. Ghazipur, Jhansi, Allahabad (Allahabad South showed an SP lead), Etah and Varanasi were further blows with BJP leading there.

Small victories in specific constituencies

While the Lakhimpur Kheri trends appear to dismiss any effective impact of farmers, other districts show relative success. For example, two of the five constituencies in Muzaffarnagar report RLD in the lead. This is the same district where the Muzaffarnagar mahapanchayat was held by the SKM. Farmers from various parts of India gathered there to show a unity discarding communal sentiments.

Similarly, in the sugarcane belt, half of Amroha’s district, Amroha and Naugawan Sadat show SP lead. 60 percent of this district population belongs to the farming community. Similarly in Saharanpur, Nakur and Behat show SP lead with only Saharanpur constituency showing BJP in the lead. In Moradabad Rural, SP again takes the lead. Rampur Khas was an outlier that showed the Congress party’s lead rather than the SP-RLD alliance.

Further, Ambedkar Nagar also shows a non-BJP trend in its constituencies. Towards the end of the SKM campaign, leaders visited this area to discourage people from voting for BJP.

With BJP showing an overall lead in UP as well as Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur, the farmers failed to repeat its success in West Bengal. However, leaders during previous conferences asserted that they will continue the struggle until the government comes through on the written assurances made to protesting Delhi-border farmers in 2021.

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The post Farmers fail to deliver “Vote ki chot” to BJP in UP appeared first on SabrangIndia.