Sanjeev Sonpimpare, an artist based in Mumbai, reflects on the bias in reportage about the Dalit community and observes what big media tactically refuses to cover. “Atrocities against Dalits are happening every day, everyone is aware about this. Every person from the community experiences it. What is worse is the mainstream media’s response, which is completely biased.  For instance, it will not cover Bahujan’s events and celebrations, such as the Mahaparinirwan Diwas (on December 6), or Ambedkar Jayanti on April 14. My work as an artist is based on Ambedkarite thought and ideology. Through my work, I deal with social issues surrounding caste and capitalism, basic rights, and social justice.”

Similarly, it seems that India’s esteemed institutes are also not immune or completely sensitised from preventing violence against Dalits. Jyoti, name changed, is a young student from a government university reflects on these questions, and says “Caste system pretty much exists in all spaces, even the so called political and progressive spaces. For instance, I know of a student at my university, a doctoral student, who was discriminated against for drinking water in the hostel. She was not allowed to use the water cooler. Even a simple, fundamental part of life, such as drinking water becomes laden with caste. Even Babasaheb was prevented from drinking water…” When asked about everyday violence, “yes, this is an issue. Our social media are saturated with everyday violence, especially against Dalit women; it is an endless barrage of statistics, that is all that one sees in the media, endless violence against Dalit bodies. It is exasperating and can be overwhelming. Furthermore, what is interesting is that the media often prefers to focus on these violent incidents as well and reduces Dalits to that, as if Dalit persons are defined by nothing but violence. This is a propaganda, I feel, which is casteist in nature.”

Thus, from Jyoti’s narratives we can see that caste continues to function in the everyday with taboos, based on notions of purity and pollution, as it is seamlessly woven in everyday practices from universities to media houses. Structural barriers provided by caste not only impede access to justice but also exacerbate existing social and economic disparities, perpetuating a cycle of disadvantage for Dalit communities.

A survey conducted by the SC/ST Students’ Cell at the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Bombay was reported by the Indian Express, highlights caste as a “central reason” behind the mental health challenges faced by students from reserved categories on campus. The survey was conducted in June of 2022 and revealed that nearly one-fourth of the SC/ST students involved experienced mental health issues. Additionally, 7.5% of them grappled with “acute mental health problems and exhibited a tendency for self-harm.”

How do intersectional identities such as gender and caste interact? CJP spoke to an Uttar Pradesh based activist named Mamta who has been working as an activist for many years. Prior to this she worked as a teacher for several years, too. She proudly states that now she is known as a Dalit mahila activist. Talking about her work, she narrates, “I take up issues of people who are often from the most vulnerable of social groups.” Discussing the particular vulnerability women from marginalised communities face, she says, “If your economic condition is not great you will face even more issues and problems.” Many of these affected people are women, who face issues at home with domestic violence and other issues. Many of these women,” she says, “are forced to work jobs day in and out and in that process, their children end up alone and neglected at home.” On asked how she herself managed having a family while at the same time working as an activist,  “It is very difficult. I am often told that I am on my own. Especially if there are emergency cases where I may have to venture out at night after receiving a call, I am told that I have chosen this so I have to do this on my own.”  Life is not easy for Mamta who, in her own words, argues that she faces the double burden of gender and caste as she navigates her life.

Structural violence against Dalit people and other marginalised groups puts them at vulnerable spots where they are prone to violence. CJP Mr Sumedh Jadhav, a Maharashtra based anti-caste activist and trade unionist who has worked with the Dalit Panthers for over 50 years, delved into the vision and ideals that have centred, talked about Maharashtra has been plagued with Casteism, from riots and violence in every village to large scale anti-Dalit violence in 1974.

The Dalit Panthers was a revolutionary social and political movement which emerged in Maharashtra. In 1974, Mumbai saw the Worli Riots where those who attended bore the brunt of police repression in assaulting Dalits. On January 10, 1974, during a protest rally, a stone was flung from a building by Shiv Sainiks in the vicinity of Parel Railway workshop. This incident took the life of Mr Jadhav’s brother, Shaheed Bhagwat Jadhav, and he became a martyr. Mr Jadhav talks about how he lost his brother, Shaheed Bhagwat Jadhav. Mr Jadhav details how the organisation focussed on providing legal assistance to victims of anti-Dalit violence in the state, “After an act of violence, the family is left emotionally derailed, and morally lost, to take up legal hurdles. This is where our work became pivotal, as we would step in and assist those families who faced violence and provide them legal help in courts and beyond. The work of the casteist and communal forces over the years has been to divide the nation and its social fabric, this is something we fight against.”

Asked about whether in 2023, how he looks back to the changes that have come about, Mr Jadhav states that not much has changed. However, he stands resolute in his stance that he will continue to struggle and fight against casteist forces. With a vision towards the future, Mr Jadhav talks about how on January 10, 2024 would be his brother Shaheed Bhagwat Jadhav’s 50 years death anniversary, “We will be organising a grand programme with politicians from across the spectrum. We operate with the vision of Babasaheb’s constitution and its values and firmly believe in the fight against the forces that seek to weaken the constitution.”

Instances of reported violence against ST/SC persons have reportedly increased over the years. While viewers hear of it mostly from their screens or through newspaper, Advocate Dular who spoke to CJP provides a closer view at the harrowing reality about how existing mechanisms for justice are not functional for Dalit people as those that implement these provisions often belong to the same caste and ideology as those individuals who attacks Dalits. Identifying as Dalit human rights defender Advocate Ram Dular has been working for human rights in Uttar Pradesh for the past 20-25 years. He is currently based in Varanasi. “The situation for Dalits is extremely grave. There are mass attacks on Dalits. You can see about the latest incident in Kanpur.” Adv. Dular is referring to the incident where a group of upper castes came and attacked people celebrating Buddha Katha in Kanpur. “Why can’t one celebrate Buddha Katha, or the religion they want? It is a fundamental right.”

Drawing light to the media, he highlights that the media does not “follow up” on these cases, and covers a limited number of incidents related to Dalits. “It only covers issues tagged as “Hindu-Muslim” violence, including Dalits under those they consider as Hindu – although ST/SCs have never been Hindu in reality. Casteist fundamentalism is really fuelled by the soch and vichaarhara (ideology) where upper castes think they can do anything to Dalit people. Now, these actions are being done openly. They have become nidar (fearless) in their actions. The government is not doing anything to curb it. Just recently, I heard of a case where a minor Dalit boy was beaten so badly and received internal injuries. He was brought home but he didn’t speak or do anything. Later when he was taken to the hospital, he died of the injuries he sustained by the attack. The boy’s family filed an FIR but the FIR was not registered for murder, it was only registered under section 506 of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 which is only a complaint against having received threat to murder. So in these cases we see that the survivors even face various hurdles in filing FIRs and getting justice. So you can see the police also participate in this, and they do so because they share the same soch, background and ideology as the attackers. This is an issue of the system which is biased. ”

Citing an incident, Adv. Dular narrates how he tried to diligently make the process of accessing a lawyer easier for survivors of anti-Dalit violence by trying to make sure that provisions by the Prevention of Atrocities Act were implemented at the local level, “I sent over 25-30 applications to the Zila Parishad, SDM, Tehsil officers for the implementation of the provision that states that any private lawyer hired by the family of the victim can be turned into a public prosecutor by the District Magistrate.” This implementation, he says, would ensure that the family does not have to make ends meet to pay lawyers’ fees and the lawyer they hire would be adequately compensated, however, he says, “No action was taken. He even sent letters to officials higher up urging them to ensure the district level administration takes action, but they instead replied saying that he should approach the district level,” and putting the request at a seemingly endless loop. This serves to illustrate his words that there really is a systemic apathy and biased demeanour of the justice system (against Dalits).”

These words remind us of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s final address to the Constituent Assembly on November 25, 1949. He talked about the necessity for a social democracy rather than confining efforts solely to political dimensions, “Political Democracy cannot last unless their lies at the base Social Democracy.” Ambedkar’s commitment to social democracy remains a guiding and relevant sight, especially in light of the fact that despite India functioning as a democracy, Dalits, even those in the higher echelons of power, face discrimination and injustice. For instance, in September this year, Kerala’s Minister for SC/ST Welfare, K Radhakrishnan, shared his personal experience of encountering caste discrimination during a temple function in the Kannur district of Kerala. Aghast and shocked, he spoke to the media and emphasised the urgent need for a profound shift in the mind-set that perpetuates such discriminatory practices. This incident reveals that even Dalits in positions of power are not immune to the pervasive impact of structural violence.

According to a report by Deccan Herald, a survey by OXFAM-Newslaundry reported the dismal representation of Dalit and marginalised castes in India and detailed that 90% of the leadership positions in “mainstream” media are occupied by General caste individuals.

Thus, narratives of power, discrimination and strength seem to persevere. CJP spoke to Meena Kotwal, one of India’s foremost journalists who is the founding editor of The Mooknayak, who talked to us about her role as a journalist in bringing change and instituting a new media platform, Mooknayak, to bring change into people’s lives, and being “too vocal” a Dalit for existing media houses. Referring to her time and subsequent departure from BBC India, Kotwal had spoken in public and highlighted the casteism she had faced on account of being a Dalit woman. She talks to CJP, narrating about having worked as a freelance journalist in various media outlets after leaving the BBC, saying that the position of Dalit journalists in media publications as freelancers especially is extremely precarious. “They have very difficult future prospects, they are not included in decision-making processes, and if anyone is a vocal Dalit, like me, they will not be given a job at all.  Following my time as a freelancer, I even started working without remuneration,”

However, that did not bode well for the journalist, she narrates how she faced vulnerabilities on account of gender and caste both. However, she argues that her heart did not want to settle, “Mann nahi lag raha tha. Existing media did not want to accept the kind of stories I would want to do. This made me very angry. It was January of 2020, and in my anger and fury, I formed The Mooknayak, on 31st January 2021. Dr Ambedkar too, seeing how ignorant Indian media was at the time to concerns and issues of the Dalit people, had formed The Mooknayak on the very same day. So, it got me thinking, why should I not revive it again? I decided to form The Mooknayak which would focus on caste and gender in particular. Initially I started it alone. But gradually, we were 5 people, then more, and more joined.”

Talking about the toil put in the work of journalism, she says, “I was working very hard. I thought then, why not work hard for stories I believe are necessary. In India, despite it being the place where caste has originated, there is not enough work done on caste. Research and journalism on caste is happening in countries such as the US and UK, but not India.”

On being asked what is rewarding about her pioneering efforts in media, she says, “I don’t find this being rewarding in the sense that we should have had these initiatives long back. People are celebrating the Amrit Mahotsav of Azadi, it’s been 75 years, but we still lag so far behind. There has not been an Indian Dalit woman editor in India ever,” until of course, Kotwal took up the helm herself, marking a shift in what it means to be Dalit in media, “This should be a source of sharmindagi that we have had to wait for so long. There is nothing rewarding about this. It is something we lack.” Further discussing how international media has covered and been in contact with The Mooknayak more than domestic media, a fact that can be attributed to casteism, Kotwal talks about how domestic media fails to pay attention.

Talking about the momentous impact of The Mooknayak, she narrates that, “Our stories bring change. Due to coverage and reportage, if a person is getting access to electricity or water, improves food quality – or even is able to file an FIR, because it is become extremely dangerous and difficult for survivors to file an FIR in cases of SC/ST atrocities, I would say that is monumental impact by The Mooknayak. I am not here to change the government. Governments come and governments go, the situation of Dalits continues to remain the same even as time passes across decades. I believe small issues constitute a big change. If Mooknayak is able to bring these changes, it is something, I believe, that has a lasting, long term impact.”

Citing NCRB statistics, Kotwal states that crimes against Dalits have risen, “These are only the instances that are reported.” Thus, she observes how the condition of caste persists despite government promises over the years, thereby reiterating her belief in bringing changes in everyday experiences to be a source of lasting change. Meena Kotwal herself was subjected to casteist violence and even faced initial difficulty in filing an FIR against these instances after she released a photo on Twitter, now X, of burning the Manusmriti on December 25. Babasaheb Ambedkar had also burned the Manusmriti on December 25, Kotwal reminded us during the conversation, during the Mahad Satyagraha which was a struggle for Dalits to achieve access to public drinking water. He strongly believed that the Manusmriti was an anti-social text and thus the day he burned it is regarded as the Manusrmiti Dahan Diwas, he has explained the burning of the text saying that he was convinced that the Manusmriti did not even remotely support the idea of social equality.

While the nation continues to stand in the shadow of the horrifyingly brutal rape and murder of a young Dalit girl in Uttar Pradesh’s Hathras, the reality is that these incidents are the norm. The notion of “contamination” and the stigmatisation of Dalits in the name of scriptures have perpetuated deeply ingrained prejudices. Golwalkar’s speech in Ahmedabad in December 1960, as reported in Organiser in January 1961, reflects the far-right Hindutva’s use of ideological justifications for violently enforcing hierarchical norms.

The RSS seeks to unite India to a pan-Hindu nation-state, but scholars, writers, and activists have questioned the attempts by RSS to include it in its ambit of Hindu. Bhanwar Meghanshi, spoke to CJP in his eloquent but clear manner of speaking, putting to words his journey as an author offering a Dalit perspective from within India’s largest organisation, the parent organisation of India’s ruling party in power, the BJP. Hailing from Bhilwara, Rajasthan, Meghwanshi has published the now famous memoir of the times he worked in the RSS as a Swayamsevak, titled ‘I could not be a Hindu: the story of a Dalit in RSS.’ “I was compelled to write on my experience after the 2002 Godhra massacre. I initially started writing on Facebook, where I wrote about 54 episodes about my experience, much of which today have become a part of the book. This was how the book initially started. The responses to the posts were very welcoming. However, the book took time. It was in 2017, that it actually came about, in Hindi.”

Speaking about how his words unsettled people, he narrates, “However, the publishers were…apprehensive. They seemed to want to make some changes, reduce the teekhapan, and change the language which constituted a direct attack. However, another publication came, Navarun Prakashan, which published my book in 2019, and later on Navayana also took it forward with an English translation a year later. Now, it has been translated to several languages including Marathi, Malayalam, and a Punjabi version is also forthcoming. The response to the book was also great. However, there was absolutely no response from those I criticised, the RSS. Even though they respond and make an uproar about a single Tweet, for which people are often sent to jail, they did not respond to my book.” Meghwanshi terms it as a strategic silence, “They did not wish to give my book, and my perspective, any attention so that it might attract more readers. I have heard that some members of the organisation have certainly read my book but they have not responded, in fact, and have acted like the book does not exist. There has been violence or intimidation.”

Meghwanshi details how he came to write the book, “In the early 2000s, I used to work in the Mazdoor Kisan Sangathan following which I worked in village camps in affected areas in Gujarat post the 2002 massacre. This really struck me, and was the point that moved me to write about my experiences. I could see that Dalit and Adivasi communities were also involved in the violence, in the looting. I wanted them to have ‘another face’. I wanted them to know they are being used for politics.” “Furthermore, when the BJP came to power in 2014, I noticed that people were increasingly becoming silent. I felt that I should break the silence, who knows whether I might too be silenced in the coming years.”

While, he states that he did not face violence to his book, he did face comments from people at home. “From people in Bhilwara, there were mixed responses. Because the people I interact and meet with on a daily basis in the city are the characters that are featured in the book. About 80% of the people, the incidents, the place are all from the area, people I see drinking chai at a shop, catching a bus, or train or going about their work. However, there was no violent response. They would certainly give some comments, “Arey Meghwanshi ji, kya likh diya.” But it was limited to that.”

CJP asked him about the impact of his writing, and what propelled him to write, “What was different with me was that I wrote. Many people have such experiences, but not many write. The written word always presents a pramanikta (authenticity). Written word can be put to test of truth by court, thereby written words have credibility, and they also ensure the writer is accountable and responsible to what he writes.” On the RSS response, Meghwansi shares his understanding, “It seems that the RSS officials have decided that there would be no reaction to my book. When the book started selling copies in Bhilwara, I had heard from someone that a Dalit parshad was going to burn my book in public. However, the burning never took place. The plan was swiftly, it seems, done away with. I asked one acquaintance why this was happening. One of them told me it is because I am not a communist or Muslim or Christian, they do not wish to bring attention to the question of Dalits within the RSS that an attack on me would bring.”

After the book was published, Bhanwar Meghwanshi states that he was contacted by a working professional who was with the RSS for many years who contacted Meghwanshi saying that he had some questions and doubts about the book. The individual, who belongs to a marginalised background, told Meghwanshi that after he heard of the book, he bought it from Amazon, but it ended up lying in his home, unread, for quite some time. Meghwanshi asked the person why, who told him he was not sure he wanted to read it. However, once he did read it, he had even greater curiosity about the book and its contents, and thus he sought answers from RSS officials about Meghwanshi’s part in the RSS. He called up the official, and asked them about the book and its author, he was met with no refrain, the official mentioned that Meghwanshi was a good old Swayamsevak, and that these days he was naraaz with the organisation. Meghwanshi and this individual had a lengthy conversation about the book and their experience in the organisation.

Meghwanshi reflects on the impact of his book, “I think when you speak, well within your rights, your life and your life’s truth come out, and this may guide someone who’s lost their way, it may give someone hope … One incident struck me. Moolchand Rana has mentioned me in his book. He told me that he has worked in the RSS for 49 years, and left it after 49 years. However, he was inspired by my writing and encouraged to write by it. That’s what it is, writing breaks silence, I think, that is important. One mustn’t be silent, one must speak up no matter how much darkness there is.”

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Photo credit: Newsclick

A petition challenging Parliament’s decision to pass the amendment to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, was filed yesterday by two advocates, Prathvi Raj Chauhan and Priya Sharma. The amendments had come following the controversial Judgement of the Supreme Court on March 20 this year, which restricted the Act’s provisions. The Judgement was seen as regressive, and was followed by widespread protests across the country, mostly led by the Scheduled Caste (SC) community.

On August 9, the Rajya Sabha passed the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Bill, 2018. The Lok Sabha had passed it three days earlier. The amendment introduced section 18A into the Act;

18 A.  i) For the purpose of this Act, –                              
Preliminary enquiry shall be required for registration of a First Information Report against any person; or
The investigating officer shall not required approval for the arrest, if necessary, of any person,
Against whom an accusation of having committed an offence under this act has made and no procedure other than that provided under this Act or the code shall apply.
ii) The provisions of section 438 of the code shall not apply to a case under this Act, notwithstanding any judgment or order or direction of any court.
This amendment was made necessary as the Supreme Court in the matter of Dr. Subhash Kashinath Mahajan v. The State of Maharashtra and Anr.had made it mandatory for preliminary investigations to be conducted before the First Information Report could be recorded. The decision had laid down extensive guidelines adding an extra layer of procedure which would hamper the objectives of the Act.

The petitioners alleged throughout the petition that the amendments were the result of the Union Government’s ‘vote bank politics’. In this regard, they used the Shah Banocase as an example of how Parliament undoes the decisions of the Supreme Court. In 1985, the Supreme Court had made it mandatory for the man to pay maintenance to his divorced wife under section 125 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. However, some sections of the Muslim community were incensed by what they perceived to be ‘interference’ in their personal law. The then government quickly passed a law exempting Muslims from complying with this legal provision.

Perhaps the part of the petition which best summarises its general trajectory is:

“In some part one community is at the helm in social structure while in another part another community enjoys the higher status, The general community of this country is living in this country as second grade citizen which don’t have any rights for last 800 years, when Muslim rule came in power for over almost 600 years, all Hindu’s were treated like second grade citizen. It doesn’t matter whether they are of high caste or low caste, in the same manner as the Britishers did with us over 200 years. so on an average general community have also faced the same problem as the other’s faced, after the independence of country it was in mind that those are having progressive mindset would be allowed to live in batter environment but the government has failed to secure equality before law instead to take onus of failure the government stated appeasing some sects of the communities which resulted in cast, religion or region based politics. The impact of this politics is the innocents are suffering. Not a single policy exists in this country for the betterment or rehabilitation of the weak sections of general community, however many laws are here those already presumed the guilt of general category person. Although we general caste people are now habitual of all these discriminatory acts made by the Legislature, moreover after amendment in SC/ST act, this government also tried to snatch the fundamental rights provided by the constitution of India.”

The petition alleged that the Act is misused, and has become an instrument of blackmail. To buttress this claim, the petitioners referred to Rule 12(4) of the Rules framed under the Act which provides for monetary compensation to the victim upon registering a complaint under the Act.

They stated that restricting anticipatory bail violates the right to life and personal liberty. This contention is not quite right, as there are multiple laws under which anticipatory bail can be denied. As these laws pertain to serious offences, one can see how seriously the offences under the Act have been taken.

They also claimed that the principle of ‘innocent until proven guilty’ is violated, as arrest carries social implications. The problem with this argument is that it is based on social perceptions. The petitioners stated that most people do not know the difference between being detained in either police or judicial custody, and serving a prison sentence. However, a person, who has been accused of murder, could also be detained until acquitted by a court. 

In this regard, they asserted that prior scrutiny, proper investigation, credible information and reasonable procedure is required before an arrest. The problem here is that due to the existing power asymmetry between members of the SC and ST communities on one side and the ‘others’, there is a likelihood of the accused influencing the investigation. This would become more apparent when the investigating officers belong to the same community as the accused.

he petitioners cited low conviction rates as proof of the Act’s misuse. However, low conviction rates reflect equally poorly on the investigation. For example, rape has a poor conviction rate. Does it mean that the provisions against rape have been misused?

The petitioners also questioned why there were no penal provisions provided in the Act against its misuse. This particular question becomes a non-issue once again when the power asymmetry is considered. A botched investigation could as easily result in a judge dismissing the case as frivolous. When the local investigators are likely to continue holding on to caste prejudices, it is not improbable that the conviction rate is low, add to this penal provisions for ‘frivolous’ cases, and the Act can be turned into a weapon against the very class of people it is purported to protect.

This story was first published on Newsclick. Read the original here.
 

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Photo Credit: Indiatimes.com

Data released by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Tribes

Data shows crimes against Dalits more than trebled in 2015 in Gujarat, Chhattisgarh. Statistics released by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes to media persons in Delhi show that crimes against Dalits in Gujarat went up from 27.7% in 2014 to 163.3% in 2015 and in Chhattisgarh from 32.6% in 2014 to 91.9% in 2015.

Incidentally, this data also showed that such crimes increased by almost 40% across the country between 2011 and 2014, and that Gujarat, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan had the highest rates of crimes against scheduled castes in 2015. All three states are ruled by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) currently.

Gujarat reported 6,655 cases of crimes against Dalits in 2015, Rajasthan 7,144 cases, Bihar 7,121 cases and Uttar Pradesh 8,946 cases, reports The Economic Times. The statistics were shared at a meeting held by the NCSC in Delhi on Thursday on 'Monitoring the implementation of constitutional safeguards for Scheduled Castes'. The NCSC highlighted the need to pay attention to the states of Rajasthan, UP, Bihar, Gujarat and Chhattisgarh and emphasised the sudden increase in crimes against scheduled castes in BJP-ruled Gujarat and Chhattisgarh, stating: "The anomaly and sudden increase in respect to Gujarat and Chhattisgarh are abnormal and are being highlighted so that these states can provide actual data in case there was a mistake in reporting."
 
 

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In a powerful 26 minute speech in Parliament today, senior and veteran leader of the Janata Dal United (JDU), Sharad Yadav demanded a ban on ‘Gau Rakshaks’ who are taking lives into their own hands attacking innocents, Dalits and Muslims. He also strongly condemned the shameful remarks against BSP leader, Mayavati by BJP leader Dayashankar Singh. Singh has since been removed from influential party posts in Uttar Pradesh.

Sharad Yadav also said that ‘Dalits are being attacked with impunity and Government is using cow activism as a political tool for a Dalit Mukt Bharat’. He condemned the incident of Rohith Vemula where a young and bright intellectual and researcher was forced to commit suicide because of the humiliation suffered made worse by the university administration under Vice Chancellor Appa Rao, suspended and re-instated.

The Indian Parliament should discuss the Taliban like atrocities perpetuated in the name of caste. He strongly condemned the suicide of a youth in Junagadh, a Dalit youth. He demanded a full fledged issue on Caste Atrocities and Caste Order in Parliament, Sharad Yadav demanded.

He strongly condemned the remarks against Mayawati, leader of the Bahujan Samaj Party by a senior BJP leader in Uttar Pradesh and said we need to condemn and examine where this caste prejudice and hatred comes from.

He recalled  how in 1974, India’s 5^th Lok Sabha when he had first entered Parliament, there had been a ghastly incident near Latur of a young Dalit man’s eyes being gauged out.

In a far reaching statement that gave statistics on continuing Dalit atrocities, Sharad Yadav presented these: Murders on the increase  —Dalit murders increased from 570 in 2010, to  673 in 2011, 661 in 2012, 676 in     2013, and  744 in 2014. As far as rapes of Dalit women are concerned 1349 rapes in 2010, to 2011 1557, 2012 1576, 2013 2073, 2014 –you tell us –2014 half of Modi : 2252 sharp increase. Total atrocities against Dlits have seen a 19 per cent increase in atrocities since 2010: there were total 33,712 total Dalit atrocities in 2010; there were 33719 Dalit atrocities in 2011; there were 33655 Dalit atrocities in 2012; there were 39,408 Dalit atrocities in 2013 and a shocking 47,064   of Dalit atrocities in 2014.

One fourth of our population is living facing violence, discrimination and humiliation, he said. Dr Babasaheb’s Ambedkar stands vindicated in his demand for separate electorates, said Sharad Yadav..

Who are these Gau Rakshaks, Ban them, said Sharad Yadav. The Government Must Ban them. Mayawati was right next to Sharad Yadav when he delivered this historic speech. This could signal a unique opportunity of opposition unity.

Watch this Video where he makes a powerful speech, hear the full speech on the spiralling anti-Dalit violence spreading in Gujarat.

The Speech Can be Heard Here

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References:

1. Two days after upper caste Rajputs allegedly set fire to the home of a Dalit family in Sunpedh, killing two young children aged two years and nine months (Vaibhav and Divya) sleeping within, the minister of state for external affairs made remarks that invited widespread condemnation. The incident took place at a village near Faridabad barely an hour’s drive from Delhi, India’s capital  Singh who was in Ghaziabad at the time was quoted by The Indian Express on October 23 as saying, “ “To har cheez par, ki wahan par pathar maar diya kutte ko to, sarkar jimmewaar hai. Aisa nahi hai. (For everything…like if somebody throws a stone at a dog, then the Central Government is responsible…it is not like that)”. http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/if-someone-stones-a-dog-govt-not-responsible-gen-v-k-singh-on-dalit-killings/#sthash.E1VWdjtB.dpuf
2. Copies of American scholar Wendy Doniger's book 'The Hindus: An Alternative History' were ordered to be withdrawn and pulped in India after Penguin succumbed to this demand in April 2014. A copy of a settlement agreement between Penguin and an organisation called Shiksha Bachao Andolan ensured this destruction. Shiksha Bachao Andolan is headed by Dinanath Batra whose texts, based on an irrational and un-tested vision of the past are now being officially used as compulsory supplementary texts in the Gujarat and Haryana governments. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Penguin-to-destroy-copies-of-Wendy-Donigers-book-The-Hindus/articleshow/30225387.cms
3.  Prime minister in waiting, Narendra Modi’s comments to Reuters in July 2014 had drawn a storm of protests. http://www.telegraphindia.com/1130713/jsp/frontpage/story_17112818.jsp#.VlVlbE-zk_s

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