This order came after a month-long crackdown by the state, during which over 136 madrasas were sealed for operating without proper affiliation and for failing to meet the standards set by the madrasa board. Furthermore, Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami initiated an inquiry into the funding sources of these institutions.

The madrassa owners contested the state’s actions, asserting that their institution was a religious school run by a registered society. They argued that the sealing of their premises lacked legal authority and proper sanction. The court, in turn, questioned the state’s adherence to the required legal procedures when sealing the petitioner’s property.

Advocate General S.N. Babulkar, representing the state, defended the sealing, claiming the madrasa was operating in violation of regulations. However, the petitioners contended that even if the society had overstepped its objectives, the sealing of the property was unjustified without following due process, as reported by The Hindu

In its order dated April 1, the High Court pointed out that the property had been sealed without a show-cause notice or an opportunity for the petitioners to be heard. As an interim measure, the court ruled that the madrasa be unsealed until the next hearing, provided the petitioners agreed not to operate the madrasa or school without the necessary recognition from the State government, in compliance with the relevant laws and regulations.

136 illegal Madrasas sealed in Uttarakhand in the last month

The Uttarakhand government has escalated its crackdown on unregistered madrasas, sealing a total of 136 such institutions across the state, with a particular focus on newly established seminaries near the Uttar Pradesh border. In a notable move on Monday, the district administration of Dehradun sealed a madrasa in Sahaspur after discovering it had illegally constructed an additional floor without prior approval.

Recent intelligence reports have flagged a surge in unregistered madrasas in towns along the Uttar Pradesh border, sparking the state’s intensified actions. Of the madrasas sealed, 64 were in Udham Singh Nagar, 44 in Dehradun, 26 in Haridwar, and 2 in Pauri Garhwal. Government records indicate that while Uttarakhand has approximately 500 illegal madrasas, there are only about 450 registered ones.

According to Times of India, many of these unregistered institutions are operating in towns such as Jaspur, Bajpur, Kichha, Kashipur, Rudrapur, Gadarpur, and areas within Haridwar district. As a result, these locations have been prioritised for action. Additionally, district administrations have been tasked with gathering information about the funding and donations received by both registered and unregistered madrasas. Registered institutions are now required to submit detailed documents, including bank account statements and financial records.

As per report, several of these madrasas are failing to meet the standards set by the Ministry of Minority Affairs and the Uttarakhand Madrasa Board. In response, the Dhami government has ramped up efforts, instructing district administrations to verify the legitimacy of madrasa operators, track student enrollment, and scrutinise funding sources.

This crackdown comes on the heels of statements from Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami, who has vowed to continue taking strict action against illegal madrasas. Dhami stressed that those involved in unlawful activities will not be spared, signaling the government’s unwavering stance on the issue.

Uttarakhand CM Dhami orders probe into alleged funding

Notably, the state government estimates suggest that Uttarakhand is home to roughly 450 registered madrasas, alongside around 500 unregistered ones. In response to the recent sealing of 136 madrasas, Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami has ordered a thorough investigation into the funding of these institutions. The crackdown, which began in March, specifically targets madrasas that are neither registered with the education department nor the Madrasa Board.

Reports of the Indian Express indicate that many of these unregistered madrasas operate under the Societies Registration Act. Khurshid Ahmed, the state secretary for Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind, has called the operation unlawful, arguing that the madrasa administrators were not given proper notices before their institutions were sealed. He also highlighted the timing of the drive, which coincided with Ramadan and the end of exams, leaving children displaced and questioning whether they would be able to adjust to the curricula of other schools once transferred, as reported

Mufti Shamoom Qasmi, the Chairperson of the Madrasa Board, reassured the public that students from the sealed madrasas would be moved to nearby schools and madrasas. He emphasised the importance of upholding the right to education, insisting that the administration must ensure no child’s education is disrupted. On the issue of curriculum alignment, Qasmi noted that the education department would work to address this, similar to how Uttar Pradesh has granted equivalence to the Munshi and Maulvi courses for classes 10 and 12, as reported the Indian Express

While a state-wide inspection of madrasas has been completed, the findings have not yet been made available to the public.

Recognised madrasas in Uttarakhand are governed by state boards for madrasa education, while unregistered madrasas typically follow curricula established by larger institutions like Darul Uloom Nadwatul Ulama and Darul Uloom Deoband.

Supreme Court agrees to examine petition from Jamiat against sealing of Madrasas

Meanwhile, on April 3, 2025, the Supreme Court agreed to review a plea filed by Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind concerning the sealing of madrasas in Uttarakhand. The case was heard by a bench of Justices M.M. Sundresh and Rajesh Bindal, with Senior Advocate Kapil Sibal and Advocate Fuzail Ahmad Ayyubi representing the Muslim body, as reported ETV Bharat

The bench acknowledged that there was no issue with the government seeking information on the quality of education, adherence to the Right to Education Act, or the funding of madrasas. However, it suggested that the petitioner could address its concerns with the jurisdictional High Court. Sibal, however, disagreed, referencing an order from October 21, 2024, by a bench led by Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud, which had stayed actions against government-funded madrasas that were not in compliance with the Right to Education Act.

After hearing the arguments, the bench decided to tag Jamiat’s plea with the main case filed in October last year for further consideration.

In October 2024, the Supreme Court had stayed a recommendation by the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR), which had called for the closure of unregistered madrasas. The Court also put on hold subsequent actions by both the central and state governments. Additionally, it stayed similar directives from the Uttar Pradesh and Tripura governments that mandated the transfer of students from unrecognised madrasas to government-run schools, as reported

Related:

Uttarakhand High Court orders security, condemns hate speech over Uttarkashi Mosque
Demonising the Madrasa is insulting India’s freedom fighters

Madrasas: Islamic or Sectarian?

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Since March, action has been taken against 136 madrasas that were ‘not registered with the education department or the Madrasa Board.’ Reports suggest that, according to government estimates, the state has around 450 registered madrasas while 500 are operating without the recognition of these two departments. However, these institutions are being run under the Societies Registration Act.

A statement put out by the state reportedly said, “Action against illegal madrasas, unauthorised shrines, and encroachments will continue. Unregistered madrasas have been reported in towns bordering Uttar Pradesh, and such unauthorised institutions pose a serious security concern.”

In January 2025, the CM had first directed ordered a ‘verification drive’, and the district administrations have been surveying madrasas to ascertain various aspects, including their financial sources. In Udham Singh Nagar, the government has sealed 64 madrasas; in Dehradun, 44; 26 in Haridwar; and two in Pauri Garhwal, officials said.

Khurshid Ahmed, the state secretary for Jamiat ulema-i-Hind, claimed that the exercise is illegal as the managers of these institutions are not given notices before they are closed. “For a large-scale drive like this, the government needs to pass an order, but that has not happened. The sealing is taking place during Ramadan when the children are away at their homes. Several institutions had closed after the year-end exams. What needs to be seen is if the children will be able to assimilate with other schools and curriculum when they get transferred,” he said.

Madrasa Board chairperson Mufti Shamoom Qasmi said that the children from the sealed madrasas will be transferred to schools and madrasas nearby, and urged the administration to initiate this action. “We will look into how many children study here after the report on the drive is submitted. The children are entitled to the right to education and we will make sure it is not violated,” he said.

The issue of inequitable comparisons between educational qualifications in a madrasa and a school, Qasmi said the education department will try to resolve this. It may be recalled that, in Uttar Pradesh, the government has awarded equivalence to Munshi and Maulvi curricula in class 10 and Alim in class 12. “A set of guidelines have been formed, which will bring the congruence. The Education Board headquartered in Ramnagar will resolve this and accord recognition,” he said.

In Uttarakhand, it was the DMs (Collectors) who conducted the state-wide inspection in all 13 districts, yet, the findings are not public. Recognised madrasas come under the state boards for madrasa education, while unrecognised ones follow the curriculum prescribed by the bigger seminaries such as the Darul Uloom Nadwatul Ulama and Darul Uloom Deoband.

Related:

Uttarakhand: Six Muslims killed after demolition of Madarsa, Haldwani MLA says officials rushed the process

Lucknow demolition drives resume a day after central government’s oath taking ceremony

Demolitions as retributive state policy used against minorities in India: Amnesty

Historic 600 year old Delhi mosque demolished without notice

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This decision by the Dhami government came shortly after the Yogi Adityanath government in Uttar Pradesh also implemented similar strict guidelines. In the name of preventing contamination of food by saliva (thook) and human waste, a new regime of surveillance is being put in place. Reports from Uttar Pradesh indicate that the Yogi government has vowed to take strict action against any eatery worker found to be an “intruder” or “illegal foreign citizen.”

At a function held on October 13 in Kichha, Udham Singh Nagar district, Uttarakhand Chief Minister Dhami stated, “Religious conversion, encroachment, land jihad, and thook jihad will not be allowed in Devbhoomi Uttarakhand.” Two days later, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath announced that strict measures would be implemented to prevent food adulteration. As he put it, “Recent incidents involving contamination of food items such as juice, lentils, and bread with human waste or other dirty substances have been disturbing and adversely affect public health. These incidents also harm social harmony and are utterly unacceptable.” Their statements were reported in The Organiser (October 16, 2024), the English weekly and mouthpiece of the RSS.

According to media reports, Yogi Adityanath held a high-level meeting with officials on October 15 to discuss these proposed laws. While supporters of these guidelines claim they aim to prevent any form of food contamination and ensure consumer safety, growing concerns suggest that these measures are likely to be misused against marginalized communities, particularly Muslims and Dalits.

These fears are not unfounded when considering the larger campaign surrounding a newly created pejorative term, “spit jihad.” Supremacist Hindutva-led campaigns around purity and pollution have further entrenched existing social prejudices, exacerbated stigmatisation, and fuel racism. Moreover, this deliberately and politically created frenzy around “spit jihad” threatens to weaken the broader movement towards equality and non-discrimination by legitimising casteist and communal reactionary forces.

The very term “spit jihad” itself reveals the underlying anti-Muslim prejudice driving these campaigns. There is no logical connection between the act of spitting and the concept of jihad. The deliberate choice of the word “jihad” by right-wing forces suggests a sinister agenda, as it perpetuates harmful stereotypes against Muslim and Islam and promotes communal divisions.

Islamic scholars provide a nuanced definition of the term jihad and the debates surrounding it, but the broader consensus is that the term refers to making efforts for a just cause. It has nothing to do with violence, nor is it directed against non-Muslims or a threat to the safety and well-being of Hindus. There is no historical record of Muslims, as a community, declaring jihad against Hindus. In simple terms, jihad means striving for a legitimate and just cause. In other words, it is a struggle against injustice and oppression. In a catholic sense, jihad has two primary dimensions. There is the outward jihad, which may be waged for a just and noble cause, but there is also the inner jihad—a personal struggle against the self. It is widely accepted that this inner jihad, aimed at purifying one’s character and conduct, is the “greater” jihad. Reforming oneself, striving to be a good human being, and purifying the heart is considered a far more difficult and noble pursuit than the external jihad.

However, today, in India’s vitiated political landscape, the misuse of the term jihad has been twisted to mean an unholy conspiratorial assault by Muslims and through that, by Islam. The Taliban and Islamists have not helped matters (recall the Bamiyan Buddha destruction in March 2001 following a February 26 order by Taliban leader Mullah Mohammad Umar)

Political Islam and Islamists have assisted in extenuating a growing Islamophobia world over. Some hawkish scholars declared the Muslim world a threat to the West, fear of Muslims began to spread among non-Muslims. With the help of a powerful propaganda machinery, myths were ingrained in the minds of many that Muslims are preoccupied with waging violent jihad against “infidels.” False claims such as Muslims increasing their population through polygamy, converting non-Muslims by force or deceit, or harbouring “nefarious” plans to revive the Caliphate by dismantling democratic and secular institutions have been repeated endlessly. Lies, when told often enough, can start to be perceived as truth. This is why even some liberals have developed an unfounded fear of Muslims.

The truth, however, is far different. For a vast section of silent, worshipful Muslims, the ideal figure for Muslims is the Prophet Muhammad, whose life is filled with examples of friendship and cooperation with non-Muslims. He often entered into treaties with them, and the Holy Quran emphasizes that His message is for all of humanity, not just Muslims. The Quran repeatedly underscores the importance of serving humanity, regardless of faith. It frequently mentions worship of God and service to both Muslims and non-Muslims in the same breath. History also bears witness to the peaceful coexistence of non-Muslims under Muslim rule, where they were allowed to freely practice their religious beliefs. Even Jewish communities, often persecuted elsewhere, lived peacefully during Muslim rule.

It needs to be stressed however that a violent and supremacist version of political Islam, spread in the Middle East and many other countries in which Islam is the accepted official religion has extenuated both the prejudice and the real divide. Besides, the misinterpretation and manipulation of religious concepts are not unique to Islam. Sections of Muslims, do exploit religious symbols to serve their own selfish interests. There are even instances of upper-caste Muslim men denying rights to lower castes or women within their own community. Similarly, there are Muslims who might misuse Islamic concepts and commit acts of violence. However, such anti-social behaviour is not confined to Islam. For instance, the Hinduism espoused by Mahatma Gandhi and that practiced by his assassin, Nathuram Godse, were starkly different. This shows that any religion can be misused, and it is unfair to view Muslims through a narrow, prejudiced lens as a monolithic community stuck in medieval practices.

Even before the rise of the RSS and BJP to political dominance they have been ideologically wedded to a Hindu civilization, a Hindu nation based on supremacy and the notion of the “the other.” These outfits, now in power have long since not only absorbed global anti-Muslim propaganda but have also redefined and weaponised it, making it even more dangerous. The global fear of Muslims, which began intensifying after the Cold War in the 1990s, was skilfully exploited by right-wing forces in India. Instead of challenging this harmful narrative, they embraced it to further their anti-Muslim agenda. Hindutva ideologues drew from the writings of Western anti-Islamic and anti-Muslim figures, repackaging these prejudices for an Indian audience.

The relentless injection of anti-Muslim rhetoric by the commercial and big media has proven to be equally troubling. Even a rational mind, once exposed to this toxic content over time, can become infected with hatred towards Muslims. Media, dominated by the upper castes, has played an alarmingly irresponsible role in perpetuating this hate. A case in point is a special show aired by a prominent Hindi news anchor, which distorted the concept of jihad to suit a Hindutva narrative. The anchor claimed that Muslims were waging jihad in numerous domains—economy, education, history, media, music, and even by influencing secular intellectuals. Additionally, the anchor alleged that Muslims were deliberately increasing their population to change India’s demographic balance and trap non-Muslim women in what has come to be known as “love jihad.”

The underlying message from such rhetoric is clear: Hindus are being told to “wake up” to the supposed danger posed by Indian Muslims –who could be neighbours even– who are accused of weakening the Hindu community in every sphere of life. The recent spit jihad campaign is just another extension of this ongoing narrative, which portrays Muslims as a threat to Hindu identity and culture.

This divisive strategy has found various outlets, including the repeated targeting of food-related practices. Take, for example, the Muzaffarnagar police’s recent order requiring shopkeepers and food vendors to display their names to avoid “confusing” Hindu pilgrims. While authorities claim there is no communal motive behind such measures, Yogi Government minister Kapil Dev Agarwal openly revealed the true agenda. Speaking in Agra before the Kanwar Yatra, he said, “During the yatra, some Muslims run their shops under the names of Hindu gods and goddesses. We have no objection to them running their shops, but they should not name them after Hindu deities because devotees sit there and drink tea and water.”

Although the Supreme Court stayed this order, declaring such policies inappropriate in a secular state, the underlying communal agenda persists. The spit jihad campaign, purportedly designed to prevent food contamination, is nothing but another attempt to deepen religious and social divisions. By pushing the idea that contamination comes specifically from Muslims, the campaign fuels long-standing anti-Muslim and anti-Dalit prejudices. In most of the viral videos accusing people of spitting or contaminating food, the perpetrators are invariably portrayed as Muslims.

For years, Hindutva forces have circulated rumours among Hindus that Muslims deliberately spit in food before serving it to Hindus. Ironically, in northern India, especially Uttar Pradesh, Sunni Muslims have also been brought up with prejudices of a similar kind vis a vis Shias! These divisive tactics have now today got a powerful supremacist state backing. Used to discredit the practice of inter-dining, a critical aspect of building communal harmony and the overall secularisation of society. Rather than countering such harmful biases, current communal forces are further demonizing inter-dining—a practice that Dr. B.R. Ambedkar had strongly emphasized as essential for bridging societal divides. By attacking inter-dining, which could help foster unity, the Hindutva forces are undermining efforts to build an inclusive society, promoting division instead.

Finally, the spit jihad narrative is less about food safety and more about deepening religious and caste divisions. By creating an atmosphere of suspicion and prejudice, these campaigns undermine the very foundations of India’s pluralistic and secular fabric.

The issue of “spit jihad,” often framed as primarily targeting Muslims, actually has far-reaching consequences for both Muslims and Dalits, as it taps into deeply entrenched social prejudices that affect both communities. Historically, the notion of purity and pollution, which is central to the caste system, was first imposed upon Dalits. The practice of untouchability, grounded in the belief that Dalits were impure, was justified by upper-caste Hindus through the lens of caste segregation. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar critiqued this social hierarchy, noting that the caste system fosters contempt, especially for those at the bottom. For Ambedkar, this was why Hinduism lacked the feeling of fraternity and community bonding, prompting him to convert to Buddhism as a form of protest.

In independent India, the practice of untouchability was outlawed, and the state was tasked with implementing measures to uplift Dalits, Adivasis, and other marginalized groups. However, campaigns like “spit jihad” represent a counter-revolution to these democratic gains. By justifying social segregation and reinforcing the idea of “purity” in the name of food safety, these measures indirectly revive old forms of untouchability, especially in relation to Dalits and Muslims.

This modern version of the purity-pollution binary is being repurposed by communal forces to deepen divisions, not just against Muslims but also Dalits. The upper-caste Hindu perception of pollution—historically linked to caste—now manifests in their reluctance to share food or dine in eateries owned by Muslims. This phenomenon is not new for Dalits, who have long faced similar discrimination. Many Dalit business owners conceal their caste to avoid losing customers, and the same applies to Muslim-owned businesses today, where communal forces push for a clear division between “Hindu” and “Muslim” food establishments.

Even today, upper-caste-owned food chains and eateries are more widely accepted, while those owned by Dalits or Muslims are viewed with suspicion. As a result, Dalits and Muslims often have to hide their identities in business dealings to avoid losing customers from upper-caste Hindus, reinforcing both caste-based and religious discrimination.

In this context, the “spit jihad” campaign is not just an attack on Muslims but a reaffirmation, negatively, of the social prejudices and hierarchies that have oppressed Dalits for centuries. Both groups are treated as impure and “othered” by the dominant caste and religious forces, perpetuating the same exclusionary logic. The division between “Hindu” and “Muslim” food shops today echoes the historical exclusion of Dalits from spaces and resources.

Recently, I visited the old city areas of Lucknow, specifically the old city area. I needed to purchase sweets for my relatives. When I asked my Muslim friends to help me with the purchase, one of them mentioned a sweet shop called “Maulana Sweets,” known for its reasonable prices and good quality. However, they cautioned that my relatives might not accept sweets from there. When I responded that it could be possible, my friend suggested taking me to a nearby Hindu-owned shop, named after a Hindu god, to avoid any potential issues.

This communal and caste-based discrimination in the food industry is an extension of the broader socio-economic marginalization of these communities. By reinforcing social distancing and fostering a sense of distrust, these campaigns aim to erode the gains made towards social equality, targeting the economic livelihoods of Muslims and Dalits alike. Such policies and campaigns don’t just seek to control hygiene or safety; they represent an insidious attempt to deepen societal divides along both religious and caste lines.

If we truly want to build a secular India based on the principle of fraternity, we must combat social prejudices. However, reactionary forces are moving in the opposite direction, with a vested interest in further dividing society along religious lines. Their measures aim to benefit upper-caste businessmen by excluding Muslims and Dalits from competition. This is why it appears that the true motive behind the BJP government’s decision to disclose the names of hotel owners and staff is to exploit the reactionary sentiments prevalent in society, ultimately benefiting their financial backers. Therefore, I contend that these laws are not primarily designed to protect consumer health or prevent food contamination. Instead, they are intended to economically weaken the already vulnerable Muslim and Dalit communities.

There is a striking irony here. While the BJP governments are so proactive in ensuring food safety for consumers, they make little effort to secure the rights of workers in eateries. Across the country, the conditions in hotels are deplorable. Visit any dhaba, and it is likely you’ll see a child working there. Child labour is rampant in many hotels and dhabas. Why doesn’t the government take serious steps to address these issues? Even more troubling is that most of the workers cleaning utensils are Bahujans. Their fingers rot from constant exposure to water, they are paid meagre wages, and they are forced to work long hours under inhumane conditions. Why is there no initiative from the BJP government to improve the welfare of these workers?

In conclusion, I would like to reiterate that the primary aim of these guidelines against so-called “spit jihad” is reactionary. Their main objective is not to ensure consumer safety or protect food from contamination. Instead, these policies are designed to economically marginalize Muslims and Dalits while intensifying the regime of surveillance. Not long ago, a campaign against halal food was launched by Hindutva forces to exclude Muslim businessmen, and these new regulations are a continuation of the Hindutva agenda. Secular-democratic and social justice forces must unite to oppose these divisive policies.

(Dr. Abhay Kumar is an independent journalist. Email: debatingissues@gmail.com)

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Given that the government has decided to be a prying power, let us become aspirational now in terms of what we want government to do. In pursuance of such aspirations, we have listed 10 things that the government should do, to make our lives absolutely better.

1. Compulsory “Delight” Days (CUDD):

• The world is a sad and bad one. Sometimes, when we find a Rs. 100 in a shirt pocket or safely placed in a book, on a random Wednesday, we would feel delighted. “I did not know this money existed we would tell ourselves and be happy about it. However, that seems to be far fetch given how useless Rs.100 is in today’s inflation ridden market. Therefore, states should introduce a planned surprise! Something for all married people to do so that there are something in life to look forward to, on a random Wednesday.
• An SMS-guided by algorithm developed in association with a leading Indian IT Company of course- should schedule a state-assigned activity: mandatory museum visits, a jaunt to try a new state- approved cuisine, or go to a nearest temple-designed to keep life just unpredictable enough (while staying safely within acceptable limits).
• Missing the CUDDs 2 consecutive times should attract a heavy penalty and missing it a 3rd consecutive time should attract a punishment of simple imprisonment

2.  State-Sanctioned Swipe Sessions: 

• Forget random dating apps’ algorithm deciding which profile to show you. All romantic profiles must be submitted for scrutiny. The states should establish a Compatibility Bureau that will curate your daily selection of state-approved potential partners based on subservience to the government, religion and other such factors.
• A central repository of those who ghost after a few messages should be created and they shall be fined after 3 ghosting incidents (Ghosting means-not replying to a message for days or weeks, or months or years or sometimes forever. For example, if you ask the government about when they will conduct the decennial census, you will be ghosted). 

3. Intimacy Bureau

• The government should establish the Intimacy Bureau which will deal with applications to engage in acts of intimacy such as sex, cuddling etc.
• Want to get intimate with someone? File an application with the Bureau outlining what you have in mind. The Bureau, in their infinite wisdom, will notify your parents (because who knows better, right?) Parents get to weigh in, and the Bureau makes the final decision – approve or deny! No more heartbreak! No more confusion! Just state-sanctioned romance under watchful parental eyes.

4. Pre-Approved Jokes

Comedians going to jail for cracking and sometimes, not cracking a joke is no more surprising. To avoid these incidents and also to support the art form, the government should establish Central Joke Repositories where jokes in least 7 languages apart from English are readily available. Comedians can choose from the repository to perform at any registered venue across the country. If the comedians think the jokes are getting repetitive, they could say the same jokes in another language. If jokes in Tamil are boring in Chennai due to repetition, they could make the same joke in Marathi, while in Chennai. Some might call it a circus and we agree. It is far better for comedians to be in a Circus rather than to be in a Jail.  

5. Ministry of Mandatory Hobbies (MoMH): 

• Many of us have always wanted to join the gym but never did because there is no one powerful enough to push us to make that decision. Therefore, the all-powerful government should make a mobile application ‘e-LIFE’-without any legislative backing or as such like it did with the Arogya Setu app-where people can register themselves against a hobby/activity and failure to engage in that activity will result in lowering of Citizen Points-which can be redeemed to get a government approved to get a paid holiday on optional holidays.

• Citizen Points can be made a part of Digital Public Infrastructure to ensure discipline and consistency in behaviour of people so that public order can be maintained. 

6. Department for Promotion of Bland Attires 

• Since the government is already at a stage where it can pass a law disallowing certain attires for students, it should — keeping in mind the national aims of social cohesion and constitutional goals of Equality—prescribe a common bland colour for all Indian nationals who go to study or work. Exceptions could be made for people from the film industry on the basis of how much nationalism their film espoused while being a mediocre piece of art.
• The colour dyes and textiles for such massive exercise should be sourced from an Indian producer without a tender-given how much time it takes for a tender process.

7. Re-Educate, Reform and Rejuvenate (RRR)

Rebellion starts at home. Teenagers talk back to their parents, and they (Teens) realize that authority can falter when confronted with and carry in into their youth to become citizens who ask for accountability and transparency. To avoid these radical notions, Parents should be given an opportunity to put their Children from ages 14-17 through intensive training camps run by third party certified organizations to unlearn the knowledge of such attitudes that ask for accountability or fairness. 

8. Clean Language before Clean Ganga 

• River Ganga can be cleaned up anytime if the government wants to— but a more pressing issue is the use of foul language/improper language in the most casual form by people across the Country.
• Citizen Points should be used to reign in the usage of such language wherein an honest national would report the usage of foul language by taking a video and uploading it to the e-LIFE On the basis of such person’s face and such face’s mapping with Aadhaar or such identification mechanisms, the Citizens points should be decreased. This will improve the general civic sense in the Society.
• This mission also can be a pilot project for using Citizen Points for schemes other than redeeming them for paid leaves.

9. Anti-Negative News Department

Optimism is for the Brave and Pessimism is for the Puny. While negative news like deaths of influential people, deaths of loved animals, national sports teams losing should be allowed, negativity in news space damages the morale of people leading them to think their country is not good. Therefore, a high-powered committee should be empowered with powers to issue show cause notices to all news and current affairs organizations for spreading negativity, and investigate their deeds. This committee should also be vested with powers to impose fines if negativity shown is not justified or necessary or has a disproportionately detrimental impact on morale of people.

10. Universal Alarm Scheme

In order to boost productivity and make sure maximum people are working at the same time, the government should mandate that all households install an alarm device- sold by the same person who manufactures dyes for the Bland Clothes Scheme under a subsidy by the government-and they all should ring at 5:00am. This will not only ensure that everything gets an early start but will also boost the health of society in general. People should be given an opportunity to opt out of this scheme, at the cost of losing a significant number of Citizen Points.

For a developed nation, the government will have to take into account the aspirations of people. Let us hope that the government takes note of these if it does not have these in pipeline already.

Hail Viksit Bharat!

(The author is a legal researcher with the organisation)

[1] Section 378, UCC of Uttarakhand, 2024.

[2] Section 387(3), UCC of Uttarakhand, 2024

[3] Section 385, UCC of Uttarakhand

The post 10 Suggestions to government for achieving Viksit Bharat from “Delight Days” (CUDD) to an “Intimacy Bureau” to Ministry of Mandatory Hobbies (MoMH) appeared first on SabrangIndia.

By August 2023, the Uttarakhand government had strengthened its attempts to deal with ‘unauthorised’ religious structures and encroachments on forest land in the state.

A government official told The Print that about “465 mazars (mausoleums), 45 temples, and two encroachments by the gurudwara committee” had been demolished.

In February earlier this month, protests took place after a mosque and madrasa, whose status was still sub-judice as per reports, was sealed and subsequently demolished by the authorities in Banbhoolpura. Six people were killed as unrest took place at the sight of demolition. The incident left 5 Muslims shot dead, many more injured, and hundreds of Muslim families having to flee the area due to the threat of police brutality and violence.

Haldwani’s Banbhoolpura however has faced threats and demolition before as well. In 2022, the railways made the claim that over 4365 houses have been built on railway land and now, needed to be removed for railway expansion. This led to widespread protests by the residents, as 50,000 of them were facing the threat of homelessness and displacement. The locals argued that they had lived in the area for over a 100 years. A majority of these residents who faced the threat of being displaced were reportedly Muslims. However, a Supreme Court order from January 2023 stayed the high court order for demolishing the houses.

Are Muslims being selectively targeted? As per a report by Scroll, even local news media have confirmed that it is Muslims whose properties, places of worship and graves are being disproportionately targeted in this ‘anti-encroachment’ drive by the government. Scroll’s report also details that some temples and other Hindu structures had also been issued notices for encroachment, located near Muslim sites, were not demolished, and people on ground suggest that this is a pattern throughout the state. Scroll spoke to a resident, Sarawast Joshi who said, “Barring a few small and secluded ones, virtually no encroached temple was touched by the administration. On the other hand, other than Kalu Sayyed mazar, almost all the mazars in Ramnagar, Kashipur and Haridwar have been demolished. The administration has selectively demolished only the mazars in the whole state of Uttarakhand.”

What is Nazul land? Government officials claim that these structures are built on Nazul land. According to Section 29 of The Hindu Succession Act of 1956, Nazul land means government-owned land allocated for diverse purposes, which is mostly non-agricultural in nature. The Land includes land which is designated for construction, road development, industry, playgrounds, and other civic amenities. Additionally, the government can also grant the land on lease to people on a temporary basis through extended or short term agreements.

Interestingly, in the midst of these encroachment drives, the state has been promoted as a hub for industry. The chief minister has stated that Uttarakhand is modelled after Gujarat, as the theme of the Global Investment Summit was ‘Destination Uttarakhand’ which was similar to the conclave held in Gujarat. Right before the Global Investment Summit held in Dehradun where the chief minister promoted the state as one which welcomes investment, the state signed a 20,000 crore memorandum of understanding with 50 + industries.

Related:

Destroying the basic standards of legislation- the Uttarakhand Model of UCC

Uttarakhand: Six Muslims killed after demolition of Madarsa, Haldwani MLA says officials rushed the process

Uttarakhand: Women’s groups reject UCC say provisions are unconstitutional, criminalises constitutional behavior, Muslims

Hate Speeches on the rise in UP and Uttarakhand

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Uttarakhand’s now ex-chief minister Pushkar Singh Dhami achieved a rare feat when he lost to the Congress’s Bhuwan Chandra Kapri from Khatima constituency, even as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won a record second consecutive term in the state winning 48 of the 70 assembly seats. 

Pushkar Singh Dhami was booted out by Kapri by a margin of 6,951 votes from Khatima constituency which had been considered ‘safe’ for the ex-CM who got 40,675 votes while Kapri got 47,626 votes. Dhami was the frontrunner for the BJP’s chief ministerial candidate, as he had been handpicked and sworn in as the 10th Chief Minister of Uttarakhand on July 3, 2021, after Tirath Singh Rawat was made to resign from the post. Rawat himself was Chief Minister of Uttarakhand only from March 2021 till July 2, 2021.

It was under Dhami’s nose that the Hindutva hate conclave, a.k.a the Dharam Sansad was held in Haridwar between December 17 and 19, 2021, where hate speech after hate speech was made by religious leaders, right-wing activists, hardline fundamentalist speakers and several calls were made for a Muslim genocide. According to news reports, Dhami is likely to remain the Chief Minister, even after his defeat. He is also close to many Hindutva leaders.

आज मुख्यमंत्री आवास में महामंडलेश्वर स्वामी कैलाशानन्द गिरी जी महाराज ने भेंट की। pic.twitter.com/TwIouGD4aO

— Pushkar Singh Dhami (@pushkardhami) March 11, 2022

In the run up to elections, Dhami told the media that if re-elected the BJP government will form a panel to prepare a draft of the Uniform Civil Code saying, “Soon after its swearing-in, the new BJP government will form a committee to prepare a draft of Uniform Civil Code in the state. This Uniform Civil Code will provide for the same laws regarding marriages, divorce, land-property and inheritance for all people, irrespective of their faith.” 

Now that the BJP has won, Dhami who lost, has reportedly vowed to constitute a high-level committee in a bid to implement the Uniform Civil Code. He said, “We will form a high-level committee after forming the government to implement the Uniform Civil Code. The committee will prepare a draft and we will implement it in Uttarakhand as we’ve promised to the people of the state.”

Khatima has 119,980 voters and according to caste equations, Khatima has 25% Thakur voters, 5.17% Brahmin, 24% scheduled tribe, 18% scheduled caste, 6.5% Sikh and Punjabi, 4% Bengali, and 7.5% Muslim voters stated news reports, Dhami is a Thakur, in a state that also has regional and sub classifications such as Pahari, Punjabi, Tharu, SC, Purabiya, and Bengali. 

In the past four assembly elections, the Congress has won the Khatima seat twice in the first two polls, and Dhami has won in the last two elections. The last time in 2017, he had defeated the Congress candidate, Bhuwan Kapri, by 2,709 votes. 

According to news reports, Dhami who was CM for seven months “failed to connect with the general public in his area” and failed to resolve the peoples demands such as “employment, setting up higher educational institutions,” reported HT. It is also important to note that he failed to connect with the Punjabi and Sikh farmers, who had also been a part of the nationwide protest of farmers who denounced the now repealed farm laws and demanded Minimum Support Price (MSP) for their crops.

On Friday, Dhami submitted his resignation to the governor Lieutenant General (R) Gurmit Singh at Raj Bhavan. He will continue as the caretaker CM till the new government is sworn in. 

Related:

BJP likely to retain power in Uttarakhand, but who will be CM?
Assembly elections: Over 67 percent voter turnout in Haridwar, Saharanpur
Uttarakhand CM Pushkar Singh Dhami’s UCC talk, a sign of pre-poll jitters?

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Uttarakhand’s incumbent Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami played his biggest pre-poll card on Saturday. He announced that if it is voted back to power, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government will implement the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) in the state. In the Assembly polls of 2017, the BJP had won 56 seats in the 70-member house and the Congress had won 11 seats. Traditionally, in Uttarakhand, no party has managed to retain power and change is the norm. The state will go to polls on February 14 in a single phase and votes will be counted on March 10. Dhami has the massive task to ensure that the BJP retains power.

Dhami on Saturday told the media that if re-elected the BJP government will form a panel to prepare a draft of the Uniform Civil Code, “Soon after its swearing-in, the new BJP government will form a committee to prepare a draft of Uniform Civil Code in the state. This Uniform Civil Code will provide for the same laws regarding marriages, divorce, land-property and inheritance for all people, irrespective of their faith.” 

Dhami had been sworn in as the 10th Chief Minister of Uttarakhand on July 3, 2021, in the face of a political crisis after the resignation of Tirath Singh Rawat from the post. Rawat himself was Chief Minister of Uttarakhand only from March 2021 till July 2, 2021. It was under Dhami’s nose that the Hindutva conclave was held in Haridwar between December 17 and 19 2021, where hate speech after hate speech was made by religious leaders, right-wing activists, hardline fundamentalist speakers and several calls were made for a Muslim genocide.

Global outrage had followed and questions asked about how the state government and police did not shut down the Hindutva hate conclave ironically named the ‘Dharma Sansad’ or ‘Religious Parliament’ at Haridwar. The hateful videos of the “event” are still viral. The three-day event was a platform for hate speech that repeatedly called for violence, especially against-Muslims. Dhami’s response to the hate speech event as it unfolded and the aftermath has been most guarded to say the least.

Now he says, the UCC is a part of the BJP’s plan “and will be fulfilled as soon as the new BJP government is formed. To keep the culture and heritage of ‘Devbhoomi’ intact is our prime duty, we are committed to this.” He claimed that the “implementation of the law” in the state “at the earliest” will boost equal rights for everyone, “It (Uniform Civil Code) will enhance social harmony, boost gender justice, strengthen women empowerment and help protect the extraordinary cultural-spiritual identity and environment of the state.” Dhami told the media that “this will also be an impactful step towards Article 44 that provides for UCC for all citizens.” 

However, Dhami now needs to explain how he hopes to implement the proposed Uniform Civil Code which he has announced just two days before the state goes to polls. Congress leader Kapil Sibal called him out and said this was a sign of “BJP is losing in Uttarakhand” adding that Dhami needs “some legal advice”.

Pushkar S Dhami

Please don’t embarrass your party and yourself when you make announcements about implementing the Uniform Civil Code in Uttarakhand if BJP comes to power

This shows your party is losing in Uttrakhand
and that
You need some legal advice

— Kapil Sibal (@KapilSibal) February 12, 2022

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