They could not defeat the BJP. In the initial analysis within 48 hours of the declaration of results in the state, two of the reasons for the Congress-Left Front are looming large. Many in Tripura consider these two factors to be one of the most influential factors in the outcome. Of these two, the first is the absence of one in the Tripura elections, and the second is the overwhelming presence of the other. Before going into the analysis of these two issues, let’s take a look at the statistical aspect.

Both the main parties BJP and CPI(M) (Communist Party of India—Marxist) have lost both votes and seats compared to the last 2018 elections in Tripura state. On the other hand, Congress has gained little. And Tipra Motha, the new party of Pradyot Devavarman, son of the royal family, had made incredible gains and rise. Before moving on to Tipra, let’s look at the loss of BJP and CPI(M).

In 2018, the BJP’s 36 seats and 43.5 percent vote share have reduced by four seats to 32 seats and a little less than 39 percent vote share. This time, in addition to reducing their four seats, the vote has decreased by 4 and a half percent. Their ally, the tribal party Indigenous Front of Tripura (IPFT), saw its vote fall by 6 percent and its seats from 8 to 1. It is clear that the people of Tripura have voted against the establishment i.e. BJP. That is why BJP got only 1 seat as opposed to the required 31 seats to get a majority.

There are various explanations for the BJP’s poor performance—from the administrative negligence and disorganisation of previous Chief Minister Biplap Kumar Dev to deep corruption and factionalism. Due to the many controversies surrounding the revolution, it seemed that the Left-Congress alliance had a good chance of winning. But they could not turn that possibility into votes.

On the other hand, the votes of the CPI(M) dropped from 42 percent to 24 percent in 2018. The Left Front’s vote dropped from 44 percent to 26.16 percent. Senior journalist Jayant Bhattacharya felt that the 2016 West Bengal elections will be repeated in Tripura state in 2023.

In West Bengal, Seva’s Left Front and Congress agreed on seats. The results of the election show that the votes of CPI(M) have decreased by 10 percent compared to 2011. On the other hand, Congress votes increased by almost 4 percent.

In Tripura too, it is seen that the votes of the left parties have decreased but the votes of the Congress have increased. Congress vote has increased from 1.80 (2018) to 8.5 percent. Five years ago the Congress won no seats in the state assembly, this time it won three seats. Like West Bengal, the votes of the Left went to the Congress, but the votes of the Congress did not go to the Left, but went to the BJP.

How did the alliance work?

Journalist Jayant Bhattacharya was saying that even when this alliance survey did not work in West Bengal, questions would arise within the party as to why an alliance was formed in Tripura in the same manner. 

Another senior journalist and editor of Tripura, Pradeep Dutta Bhowmik, also roughly agrees with Jayant’s statement. He said, “it goes without saying that the coalition did not work in this election. If you analyse seat by seat, it can be said more specifically whether the two parties have been able to ‘transfer’ the votes of one to the other or not.”

The Left Front’s organisational weakness in conducting elections, taking decisions based on actual conditions, implementing those decisions on the ground, lack of money – put the Left Front and Congress in danger. Of course, there is no denying that in Indian politics these words are easy to say, but finding solutions to problems is a difficult task. Especially the Left Front and the Congress—both parties who are the Center and the states are nowhere in power.

However, the vote was not ‘transferred’, Congress and Left Front leaders-activists-supporters do not fully agree with this statement. Their statements are different. They think that the vote has been ‘transferred’, but it may not have been as smooth as it should have been.

Rahul Gandhi did not come to campaign in Tripura. This enabled the BJP to label the Left-Congress alliance as an ‘immoral’ alliance. Even the top Congress leadership did not issue a statement asking for support. A senior journalist of a left-wing newspaper in Tripura said, “Everyone knows that Congress means the Gandhi family.” But when they finally did not come or even give a statement, it naturally favoured the BJP.

After the end of the ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra‘ in January, Rahul Gandhi took a long vacation. He shared the picture on Twitter in mid-February, just in time for the Tripura elections. In the picture, he was seen playing in snow with sister Priyanka Gandhi on the streets of Gulmarg in Kashmir. BJP spread these pictures all over India for the benefit of social media. The picture was also spread in the constituency state of Tripura.

And Rahul was in the UK when the election results were out. He was giving a speech on Indian democracy. But when the democratic process was going on in Northeast India, he did not set foot there – this is a regret among the leaders and workers of his party.

A top leader of the Tripura state Congress said that even if Rahul Gandhi had campaigned, he would have been blamed if the alliance lost. However, a section of the state Congress leadership has a different view. As another leader said, “Narendra Modi has come twice in a row right before the elections. BJP’s top leadership, including Amit Shah, have repeatedly visited and stayed in the state, campaigned and seen the work of the organisation. A section of the top leadership of the Left Front also campaigned in the state. But Rahul Gandhi did not come. No matter how you explain it, in the end it will be a fact.”

Congress leaders and workers alleged that by sending young leaders like Mukul Wasnik or Alka Lambad, who are completely unknown to Tripura, Rahul Gandhi has given a clear indication that he and the Congress do not value elections in Northeast India.

In other words, the most important political leader of the Gandhi family has recently become an electoral issue within a party in three states of Northeast India including Tripura.

Wide spread campaign of the Tipra Motha

Pradyot Devavarman, the most important member of the Tripura royal family and Rahul’s friend, became an issue by being present all the time. In his sickness, he ploughed almost all over the state, campaigning. Now it is being said that BJP has won because of his vigorous campaigning and fielding candidates in 42 out of 60 seats in the state.

Out of 60 seats in Tripura, 20 are reserved for Scheduled Tribes and 10 for Scheduled Tribes. Remaining 30 seats are open for all. Out of the 13 seats won by the Tipra Motha party, its candidates won 12 seats reserved for tribals.

People who keep a close eye on the politics of Tripura say that the anti-BJP vote (i.e. alliance vote) would not have been slashed if Pradyot Devbarman had not fielded one candidate each in 40 constituencies. Even in seats reserved for sub-castes, there is a 10-30 percent tribal vote. They voted for Tipra Motha instead of the Left-Congress alliance. It appears that Tipra got more votes than the Left-Congress alliance in at least 15 seats.

According to Jayant Bhattacharya, “it is generally believed that the CPI(M) has a lot of votes among the tribal community. Tipra got this vote in the reserved seats. There, the tribal votes of the CPI(M) also went to them. But the alliance is in jeopardy as the vote of the tribals in sub-caste areas went to Tipra instead of CPI(M). BJP has benefited from this.”

Jayant Bhattacharya also gives an example. He said that the state secretary Jitendra Chowdhury Joy is the candidate of CPI(M) party in Sabroom constituency of South Tripura. There are several thousand tribal votes in that centre. But Tipra did not put a candidate there. As a result, Chowdhury won by 400 votes in that seat. The Left Front leadership seems to have gotten it wrong. Before the elections, they thought that BJP would lose votes to Tipra. After the declaration of results, it was seen that Tipra has benefited the BJP by cutting the votes of the Left Front.

In a multi-party democracy, any party has the right to nominate candidates for any seat. So you can nominate any seat like Tipra. But like Jitendra Chowdhury told us before the elections, “it would have been better to have an alliance with Tipra Motha.” Leaders-supporters of the Left-Congress alliance are realising the importance of Chowdhury’s speech after the announcement of the election results.

BJP has won the required seats in this election, alone. In this situation, the Left Front and Congress members will have to sit on the opposition bench in the Legislative Assembly for another five years.

The Left-Congress leaders understand that it will not be easy to stand against Narendra Modi in India and BJP in Tripura in the next phase of 2024. Standing in Agartala after the elections, they admitted that the opportunity that came before them due to the disorganisation and internal conflicts of the BJP, may not come in the 2028 assembly elections. Because parties like BJP will learn from past mistakes and change themselves.

Presumably, the prospective Chief Minister Manik Saha will not repeat the mistakes of his predecessor Biplab Dev. In that case, in Tripura as in other states, the work of the opposition will be tougher in the coming days. Massive backlash against the opposition has already started in Tripura.

To survive the fight in this situation, the whole country, especially West Bengal, will be watching what policies the Left Front will adopt. Even after an era of losing power in this state, CPI(M) and the Left Front have not found a solid ground under their feet.

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Tripura: CAA and the rise of Tipra Motha

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The post Tripura Elections: The root causes of the BJP-IPFT win  appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Tripura is a small state in Northeast India. Voters are a little over 28 lakhs. Voters in West Bengal are about 7.5 crore and in India about 100 crore. Despite this, there has been a lot of interest in the Tripura elections across India, including various states in East India. A few such politically significant events have taken place in Tripura before the elections.The results of Tripura elections can have an impact on national politics due to various reasons. 

For example, Tripura is the only state in India at this time, where there is a stark rivalry between two ideologies—the Left and the Right. Although the Left Front is in power in southern India’s Kerala, its main opponent there is the Congress-led alliance, not the BJP. If the Left Front wins in Tripura, it will be the first time that the Left will defeat the Right in a state.It is expected to boost the morale of the entire secular coalition in India, including the Left-Socialist-Centre. 

Second, after the BJP came to power in 2014, the Congress-Left alliance did not gain anything substantial. The alliance failed in West Bengal in 2016. Those who have allied with the Congress are in danger in most cases. But according to the congress party, even though they were almost wiped out in various states, the Congress could win a large number of seats in alliance with non-Congress parties. At a state level, they still consider themselves a powerful party. In Tripura, the Congress contested in as many seats (13 out of 60) as the Left Front, its alliance partner, gave them. 

There can only be one explanation for this. If the Left-Congress alliance wins in Tripura, it will be an overall positive development for opposition politics. It is important to remember that in 2023 elections will be held in nine states in India and possibly in Jammu and Kashmir. Lok Sabha elections will be held after a year. Congressional flexibility is important at this point.

After this, if the Left Front and Congress does win in Tripura, it will be a massive change in the political environment within the state. But before that the Left-Congress alliance has to win the elections in Tripura. That task is not easy. In fact, in a word, practically impossible. After the organisational strength the BJP has shown in the elections and the amount of money it has spent, it is almost impossible for an anti-BJP alliance to win in Tripura.

Thirdly, CPI(M) state secretary Jitendra Chowdhury has emerged as the face of the opposition alliance in Tripura. He is a tribal leader. If he and his party win with votes from non-tribals, especially Bengalis and tribal communities in some seats, he will emerge as an important face in Northeast Indian politics. Political leader of ‘Upper’ Assam and Chief Minister of Assam, Himanta Biswa Sharma of BJP has emerged as the main political representative of Northeast India. But he does not belong to the two major societies of North-East India. These two societies are the Christian community and the tribal societies. Vishwasharma is a Hindu Brahmin. Right now, no one is discussing this as it is sensitive, but with the victory of Jitendra Chowdhury, it may emerge as the new ‘narrative’. 

A fourth important point is the incredible rise of the Tipra Motha, a tribal group in Tripura. In just two years, the party has grown so much in the hill country of Tripura that many newspapers are now writing that Rajbari’s son Pradyot Devabarman is the future Chief Minister of Tripura. That possibility is slim because of the 60 seats in Tripura, twenty (one-third) seats are reserved for Scheduled Tribes. The remaining seats are dominated by non-tribals. It can be assumed that they will not vote for tribal parties. Nevertheless, the rise of tribal parties is expected to encourage other tribal and tribal alliances in Northeast India.

Fifth, the Tipra Motha uprising has made it clear that India’s 2019 Citizenship Act has not been accepted by tribal people. All parties in Tripura acknowledge that the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) has increased the fear of tribal communities losing their land. The Tribals and tribal communities fear that if CAA is implemented, non-tribal people will come and settle on their land. This fear has led to the uprising of the Tipra Motha. 

One more thing is important in this context. With the rise of Tipra Motha, the two main organisations, the BJP and the Left Front, have written that they will give more power to the tribals of the state in various fields if they come to power. BJP has written in its election promise, ‘TTAADC (Tripura Autonomous Tribal Council) will be given greater autonomy within the framework of the proposed 125th Constitutional Amendment Bill. The council will be reconstituted to provide additional legislative, executive, administrative and financial powers.’ That is, the BJP has practically accepted Tipra Motha’s demand for ‘greater’ powers. But Radhacharan Debvarma, a tribal candidate of the Left Front, has said that the powers given to the Autonomous Tribal Council have become obsolete. If the necessary constitutional reforms are not given more power to the tribals, the problems in Tripura will increase in the future. 

In this context, the Left Front writes, “In accordance with the 125th Constitutional Amendment Bill, there will be a vigorous struggle for the tribals’ land, language, economic-socio-cultural and public life of the tribals with the highest powers.” 

If the Left-Congress alliance can pull off the impossible to win the elections in Tripura, it will be considered the most politically significant event in India before the election season begins. Because of these reasons, the Tripura assembly election is extremely important.

This story is turned around from Bangla, first published by Prothom Alo. Reporter: Suvojit Bagchi

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The post Why the Tripura election is so important for India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On the afternoon of February 11, Tarit Deb Barman, a BJP candidate of West Tripura’s Mandai constituency was driving around in a convoy of SUVs in a village called Raktia. About twenty five men and women, old and young, were brought from the nearby villages by the BJP workers to attend Deb Barma’s Patha Sabha (street-corner meeting). After speaking to me and my companion, an ace local journalist Vishnu Debnath, Deb Barma drove off deeper into his constituency Mandai. 

A middle aged man watched the convoy disappear in the hills. He is Gautam Rupini, a trader. He said that the BJP will not get many votes from the Mandai constituency, reserved for Scheduled Tribes (STs). Mr Rupini explained that the people in autonomous tribal areas are worried about the Citizenship Act (2019). “No one will talk about it openly because people have obligations. Like my brother works in the Central Government. But that has not reduced his anxiety,” he said.

The concern about the 2019 Act in the North East in general and Tripura in particular is historical and complex. At the core of this story – how the indigenous communities of Tripura slowly became a minority – is a deep fear of defeat in the number game. 

While indigenous people constituted over 50 percent of the population in the 1901 census in Tripura, today only one-third (30 percent) of the population are from the community. That is, they are a minority which was the main cause of militancy in Tripura in the 1990s. The sentiment behind that 1990s movement to expel ‘Bengali immigrant-settlers’ seems to have returned to the tribal areas of Tripura bordering the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Tipraha Indigenous Progressive Regional Alliance (TIPRA), a social organisation turned political party in 2021, gave a call for a separate homeland – Tipraland – for the Tripuris, indigenous population, STs and general category residents to stop further loss of tribal land.

Radhacharan Deb Barma, CPI(M) Candidate

The main reason for this separate homeland call – politicians believe – is the passing of Citizenship (Amendment) Act of 2019 or CAA. CPIM’s long-time tribal leader, former chief executive member of the tribal council and Mandai constituency candidate Radhacharan Deb Barma said, “more than how reasonable or unreasonable the demand of TIPRA is, the point is BJP has managed to bring back the old fear of further loss of land.”

Precisely this fear had triggered both militant movements in the past and steered mainstream indigenous political parties to contest the polls in Tripura. 

The Tripura Tribal Youth Association was formed in the 1970s, as the number of Bengali refugees multiplied. Since then, almost in every decade, new indigenous parties have emerged in Tripura. They win seats by contesting elections independently and then merge with major non-tribal mainstream parties. Usually, within half a decade of coming to power in alliance with non-tribal parties, the tribal parties fade away and a new front emerges, like BJP’s 2018 ally Indigenous Peoples Front of Tripura (IPFT) is now fading to make space for TIPRA. This phenomenon occurs in many hill areas and underscores a cardinal truth about the politics in tribal areas. It indicates people’s sentiment to protect identity and land remains in place for decades but the parties – which are often purchased – are replaced depending on the depth of their commitment to the cause. 

In 2023 the commitment was delivered by TIPRA, led by Tripura’s royal family chief Maharaja Pradyut Deb Barman. Tipra Motha Party (TMP) was floated was floated earlier in 2021. 

All the election posters of Tipra Motha are of Pradyut Deb Barman

Tipra Motha’s rise changed equations

The pressure that TMP’s rapid rise has put on the BJP on the one hand and the Left Front on the other, is evident from their respective poll promises. The BJP has practically accepted the TMP promise to form or at least move a few steps forward to form Greater Tipraland for the indigenous population. BJP promised in its manifesto: ‘Within the framework of the proposed 125th Constitutional Amendment Bill, we will restructure the TTAADC (Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council) to provide greater autonomy and additional legislative, executive, administrative and financial powers.’ 

Radhacharan Deb Barma said that the power given to the Autonomous Tribal Council is bereft of necessary constitutional reforms. Moreover, it is limited and partly ‘worn out’. Therefore the Left Front made its own promises. In a wall poster distributed in the tribal areas, the Left Front writes, “In the 125th Constitution Amendment Bill, there will be a strong fight for the supreme power of the Constitution for tribals’ land, language, economic-socio-cultural and public life of the tribals.” There is considerable doubt as to whether mainstream political parties in Tripura would have expressed their desire to reform the constitution and empower the Autonomous Council without TMP’s rise. This is the first major success of TMP weeks before the poll. 

Jitendra Chowdhury, the state secretary of the CPI(M) party in Tripura, said that there is no major difference between the Left and the TMP on the fundamental issues. “We have a difference of opinion on only one issue. That is, we do not support their demand for the creation of a new region or (state) division of Greater Tipraland. There is no difference of opinion with them on other issues, including social, development, employment related demands.”

However, the politics of Tripura like everywhere is connected to its history. Thus if any promises are made to the indigenous people of the land, it will be discussed threadbare among the non-tribals in the plains, especially the Bengalis. The promise has raised an eyebrow or too in the plains.  

Various aspects of Bengali-tribal politics in elections

BJP focussed on traditional Tripuri-Bengali divide in the polls.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah have tried to address the sentiment of the Bengalis in the plains during their campaigns. The Prime Minister said, without naming TMP, that it was backing the Left Front-Congress alliance. Shah went a step further to say, “Congress and CPI(M) have done nothing for tribals. And now to get the votes of the tribals, an Adivasi has been put forward as a chief ministerial contender.” He was referring to the CPI(M) secretary Jitendra Chowdhury, a tribal leader. Tripura’s first and only indigenous chief minister was Dasarath Deb Barma, a legendary tribal-peasant front leader of first CPI and then CPI-M.

TMP leader Pradyut Deb Barman retaliated without naming the BJP. In a public meeting, he said, “Bengali-tribal, Hindu-Muslim – these differences do not exist in Tripura. The leaders are creating this divisions for their own benefit.” This – however – is not entirely correct. There is a latent tension between Bengali and indigenous population, but it rarely emerges as a major issue. 

A senior journalist of Agartala made an observation, perhaps worth remembering. 

The journalist said, “It is very much like the Hindu-Muslim politics of West Bengal, which is not always visible but exists under the surface. But when it comes to elections, a controlled brand of communal politics has been on the fore in West Bengal for years. So in Tripura, a Bengali-Tribal divide silently surfaces,” he said.

“But a big difference between here and West Bengal is that Tripura is a tribal state, which has become a Bengali one in the last 50 years. There is an anger among the tribals here and that anger has turned into fear due to the introduction of CAA,” he said. 

At the same time, “it cannot be argued with all confidence that TMP is not lending support to the Left-Congress alliance. TMP has not fielded a candidate against Jitendra in Sabrum (south Tripura seat), although there is a large tribal population there. Tipra has fielded a weak candidate against the CPI(M) in Mandai too,” the journalist argued. Both the Left-Congress and TMP oppose the Citizenship Act. TMP has also openly indicated that the BJP should not be ‘allowed to benefit’ by the division of votes. The opposition to CAA possibly has brought Left-Congress and TMP closer. 

The united opposition to the CAA is a cause of concern for the BJP

Indigenous people fear that if this law is implemented, the ‘settlers’ will get a right to buy land and settle in tribal areas. Radhacharan indicated, while tribal land cannot be purchased by the non-tribals, yet the fear has its basis. “If non-tribals purchase land next to a tribal one, the pressure on tribal land and population will increase. This is the fear,” he said. 

The Mandai candidate of BJP did not want to comment on the matter. 

“CAA is a national factor. Our national leadership and central government are looking into the issue. Besides, CAA was once an issue. The issue now is development. People want development, and the BJP has told us that larger tribal councils will be created to focus on the problems of the residents. As a result, the speed of development will increase,” said Tarit Deb Barma. The candidate was escorted by a central envoy of the BJP, Kiran Pal Singh from Uttar Pradesh. 

Mr Singh was seen coaching Deb Barma about ‘do’s and don’ts’ during a campaign. Mr Singh said, “the tribals are very simple minded people, they are being divided, people are trying to take advantage of their simplicity.” Mr Singh said that local inhabitants are ‘confused’ by the opposition who are pushing CAA as an issue. 

BJP is not at ease in the 2023 assembly elections in Tripura. In states where the BJP comes to power, they usually do not lose within the first five years, rather they consolidate. In Tripura, BJP appears to be way more wobbly than in other states. BJP’s state officials were candid to indicate that ‘crude in-fighting and appalling four years of former Chief Minister Biplab Kumar Deb’ are responsible for the apparent set back. If BJP loses in Tripura, it will be a historic turnaround of the Left Front and Congress alliance. 

Nonetheless, a week before the results on March 2, it is supremely difficult to predict the results in Tripura. BJP has spent an outstanding amount of money, the poll process was overseen and managed by Assam Chief Minister Himanata Biswa Sharma, a leader with an enviable record of managing elections, and BJP’s national leadership. It will thus be an inordinately difficult task to defeat BJP in Tripura. 

TMP, however, expects to bag a dozen out of 20 ST seats. If so, Maharaja Pradyut Deb Barman will emerge as a new face of the indigenous people of the North East and pose a challenge to BJP’s Himanta Biswa Sharma, who is now considered as the main face of both the indigenous and the non-indigenous people of the North East.

This story is turned around from Bangla, first published by Prothom Alo. Reporter: Suvojit Bagchi’.

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The post Tripura: CAA and the rise of Tipra Motha appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The state of Tripura has two parliamentary constituencies; Tripura East and Tripura West. The latter is where re-polling will take place. Tripura West has a total of 1679 polling stations. Tripura East too has had a bumpy ride this election season with violence marring polls. In fact the EC had to defer polls in East Tripura from April 18 to April 23. In fact, even on that day there were reports of EVM glitches.

Earlier, leaders of CPI (M) had written to the EC alleging rigging of polls at hundreds of booths in West Tripura. The party’s veteran leader Nilopat Basu had expressed “deep sense of disappointment and anguish” over the manner in which Election Commission has presided over the elections held in Tripura West constituency on April 11, adding that such a level of subversion has rarely taken place in the country.

Shankar Prasad Datta, the CPI (M) candidate from Tripura West had written to the Returning Officer of Tripura West parliamentary constituency demanding re-polling 846 polling booths. He drew attention to the fact that their complaints stand vindicated as the District Magistrate and Collector of West Tripura district announced the lodging of an FIR against the people responsible for the reported rigging in certain booths which happened with the alleged involvement of polling agents and even polling officials.

Even local leaders of the Congress party had raised concerns that the EC is being pressurised by the BJP. Tripura Congress vice president Pijush Kanti Biswas had told Indian Express, “We have got information that PM Modi and ruling BJP is trying to influence the ECI and pressuring the poll body to ensure repolls in as few polling stations as possible. If the ECI failed to perform its duties under pressure by the Prime Minister, we shall move the Supreme Court seeking legal recourse.” They too had demanded repolling in over 850 seats, saying they would move Supreme Court if their request was not granted.
 

The post EC orders Re-polling in 168 booths in Tripura appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The same Chief Minister, almost with bated breath, in his exultation of new found discovery goes on to say that the Buddha traversed countries like Burma and Japan. What is history for, if we are creating it every moment, without research and reading? Do they they think that it can be created out of the magic wand of a jinn? The same leader’s views on self employment are so jejune and infantile I think they are not worth commenting upon. True there are not enough government jobs, but does that mean the youth will not attempt in trying to get them?

That is one section of the present dispensation of our leaders. The others are the more iniquitous ones. What’s in a rape says one? Amidst all this professed love for Harijans the ruling party asks its members to go into one Harijan house and have a meal. Apart from such bizarre tokenism, as Tavleen Singh would call it, the Minister orders food from outside! This is flagrant disrespect and brutal insensitivity.

The professed love is untrue. The love is for the ballot. It is now more than academic interest whether this ballot box would remain in the clutches of the present dispensation, at least those pertaining to the Harijans, who must have seen the kick ass of such petty games.

So Ministers Chief or whatever, do some reading, and do not gambol with ideas which even the worst fantasist would not deign to speak. In your love for the past and history, do not destroy them by building totally false tabernacles of an already vilified past.

Spare the past please. Look to the present. Don’t take recourse to CBI inquiries ( the latest dogma) after heinous crimes have been created. Go, by the laws of the land. See what is happening in Kashmir. If some of the politicians can campaign for elections, in a state not theirs why can’t they go to Kashmir and offer services there? The other fad is saying something abominable and then defended by: ” that is his personal view”, So you can say anything without thinking of their political and social ramifications.

So we will come back to that ruthless and indiscriminate arbiter: history. It will tell its truths for the future, based on its inexorable laws. Those who quarrel with it now are already paying a heavy price, and may pay heavier ones in future.

This article was first published on https://indiaresists.com/

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