• At the age of 26 a youth from the poorest landless community took it upon himself to do the impossible task of breaking a huge mountain to the extent of carving out a life-saving path that thousands of villagers needed urgently.
• He toiled tirelessly for 22 years, yes 22 (1960-82), no less, and finally succeeded in his objective.
• Acclaim followed, but instead of just basking in glory he undertook an 800 km journey on foot to Delhi to mobilise efforts for resolving various problems of his village ad nearby areas.

This brief summary of the work of Dashrath Manjhi, also called the Mountain Man, may give an indication of his deep determination and social commitment which won admiration at the highest levels in India, but by itself this does not do full justice to the nobility of his ideas and life, as this writer discovered during a recent visit to his village and work-area in Gaya district of Bihar.

I located elderly persons who had known him and seen him at work, and the picture that emerged from these discussions is that he was a follower of Sant Kabir, the bhakti movement’s famous poet-saint of medieval times, who has remained one of the strongest and most revered voices since then of spirituality based on justice, truth, non-violence, being helpful to others and leading a simple and pious life free from all hypocrisy and falsehoods. Sant Kabir remained true to his principles, convictions and truth in the middle of many difficulties, attacks and threats. His poetry and teachings inspire his followers to continue their noble work even in the middle of other people discouraging or even ridiculing them, and to maintain the steadfastness and continuity of their work and mission in the middle of all the ups and downs.

All this this can be seen in the life and work of Dashrath Manjhi. Born in 1934, he lived in Gehlaur village of Mohra block. As Satyanarain, who had known Dashrath well, told me–Dashrath was very polite to others but at times when needed he could tell some bitter truths of life without being rude. People from the manjhi community to when I spoke, said that whenever they went to mountains they found him at work just carrying some sattu in his jhola (bag), a legume based powder which could give some energy and coolness when taken mixed with water, something he would have really needed while working in the mountains here which can become very hot in the summer.

In 1960 Dashrath had gone to work on the mountain and his wife Phalguni Devi injured herself badly while carrying food and water for him. Looking at her injuries, he took a pledge to create a path in the mountain that may become a life-saver for many people. This would give a safe path to everyone going to the other side, and in addition would bring much closer the health, educational and other facilities of the nearest town to the people on this side of the mountain (the distance could come down from about 55 km to just about 15 km or so).

Contrary to some publicised accounts, several villagers told me that Phalguni Devi did not die from these injuries but instead continued to be very helpful to her husband and the pledge he had taken. She died some years later.

Using the simplest tools like hammer and chisel, Dashrath embarked on his great journey that was to be completed in 22 years. Initially people ridiculed him and some even called him ‘mad’ to take up such a huge task and to work so devotedly for this. Undaunted, Dashrath continued this work on regular, daily basis.

Here we must not forget that he came from the poorest community, called mahadalit in Bihar, and had to also earn his livelihood to support his four member family (which included a son and a daughter).

Initially most villagers had ridiculed or neglected Dashrath, but once his work of a few years started showing some signs of leading to success, some villagers also started lending a helping hand now and then.

Finally in 1982 Dashrath succeeded in creating a path which was wide enough for a bullock-cart to pass. Later the government helped to widen this and build a proper road.

Dashrath now decided to go and meet big government officials in Delhi to take up several development works much needed by his village and neighbouring communities. Education and health were emphasized by him.

However as he could not buy a rail ticket he was asked to get down from the train after covering a short distance. He now decided to walk to Delhi along the railway track, hoping that this would perhaps draw even more attention to his objectives of promoting development work in his village and neighbouring villages.

An elderly farmer of a neighbouring village told me that Dashrath had managed to meet the then Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi and had shared with him a press clipping of this.

Later Dashrath also went to meet the Chief Minister of Bihar Mr. Nitish Kumar who gave him a lot of respect.

However at the time of his increasing fame, Dashrath retained his simplicity. A local teacher Virendra Paswan told me that when he was in a train word spread that Dashrath Manjhi is in the same coach and there was a rush of people just to catch a glimpse of Dashrath. However, Paswan said, even at that time Dashrath was wearing dress made from a jute sack, as he often did earlier too.

In 2007 Dashrath was admitted to AIIMS hospital in Delhi where he breathed his last on August 17. A memorial as well as gates were constructed in his village in his honour.

At the same time, however, the people of the Manjhi community and other landless and poorest Dalit community members continue to live in this village in great poverty and several of them told me that even their housing situation is precarious. The government   needs to do much more to help them with a sense of urgency.

Meanwhile the SBI Foundation has taken up an admirable initiative called SAMMAAN with implementation assistance of Sahbhagi Shikshan Kendra to honour the memory of Dashrath Manjhi in the form of many-sided efforts in his village to improve education, health, infrastructure and livelihoods that have been widely appreciated here.

The writer is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, Planet in Peril, Man over Machine and A Day in 2071.       

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The UGC submitted the new draft to the Supreme Court last month in a six-year-old petition filed by Radhika Vemula and Abeda Tadvi. In the petition, the two mothers, after losing their children, sought accountability and the establishment of adequate mechanisms by the UGC to address caste-based discrimination in university spaces.

The UGC, unprompted by the court or the petitioners, has submitted the Equity Regulations Draft, which undoes some of the crucial clauses from the 2012 regulations. The petitioners had moved the court to highlight the ineffectiveness and lack of government will to put its act together. Instead of addressing these issues, the UGC has further diluted the existing regulations.

‘New regulations will make redressal more difficult’

Vemula and Tadvi argue that the newly submitted draft regulations will make redressal more difficult, as the UGC has decided to group all forms of discrimination – including those based on gender, disabilities, religion and caste – under a single umbrella. In contrast, the 2012 Equity Regulations primarily focused on caste-based discrimination. Existing mechanisms already address other forms of discrimination, and expanding the scope of the Equity Regulations will only lead to more chaos in the dispensation of justice, the petitioners assert.

The petitioners, represented by lawyers Indira Jaisingh and Disha Wadekar, have pointed out the lack of adequate mechanisms to address the growing number of discrimination cases and suicides on campuses. They argue that the UGC’s proposal to dilute the existing regulations on caste discrimination and introduce other forms of discrimination will not only hamper the redressal of caste-based discrimination but also “risk undermining the effectiveness of current regulations related to gender and persons with disabilities (PwDs).”

In addition to filing an affidavit in the Supreme Court in response to the UGC’s draft regulations, the petitioners have submitted detailed suggestions to the UGC, comparing the 2012 regulations with the proposed ones. They have identified gaps and provided effective suggestions to the higher education governing statutory body.

One crucial suggestion is the need for a clear definition of what constitutes caste-based discrimination in higher education. Wadekar notes that the draft regulation fails to specify what constitutes caste-based discrimination. “Discriminatory practices in university spaces often get normalised, and without a clear definition, universities may exercise their discretionary powers and, more often than not, attempt to shirk responsibilities,” Wadekar said. Her observation is based on past data showing how universities have denied the existence of caste-based discrimination on campuses.

In the past decade, as caste-based discrimination and suicides rose, the UGC was compelled to notify the UGC (Promotion of Equity in Higher Educational Institutions) Regulations 2012, also known as the Equity Regulations. These regulations required all colleges and universities to establish an Equal Opportunity Cell to oversee the promotion of equality and appoint an anti-discrimination officer to investigate complaints regarding discrimination in violation of equity. However, the regulations were not fully implemented as intended.

The proposed regulations, besides lacking clear definitions of discrimination, also exclude the Other Backward Classes (OBC) community from their scope, applying only to students from the Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST). In 2012 regulations too, students from OBC communities were excluded. The petitioners argue that this will be unjust to OBC students, who are equally vulnerable to discrimination on campuses. Data shows that many students from the OBC community have resorted to suicide or dropped out of colleges because of caste-based discrimination in the past decade.

The proposed regulations do not include staff or faculty members. Wadekar argues that the suggestion to include staff members comes from numerous anecdotal instances where faculty members have reported discriminatory practices based on their caste identities.

The 2012 regulations lacked a monitoring mechanism to ensure that the equity measures were effectively implemented. Vemula and Tadvi have suggested that the UGC should expressly mandate that “all Universities and Colleges submit periodic reports to UGC on the working of the Equity Regulations.”

While the proposed regulation has several problems, it also contains some concrete measures, such as the registration of FIRs once a case under penal laws is established. To this, the petitioners have suggested that “the heads of institutions should be mandated to register FIRs within 24 hours for complaints where a case is made out under penal laws.”

2012 regulations’ failure

In January 2016, Rohith Vemula, a PhD scholar at the University of Hyderabad (UoH), along with five other Dalit students, was expelled from the university housing facility for an alleged attack on an ABVP member. As the expelled students intensified their protest against the university administration’s decision, a few days into the protest, on January 17, 2016, Rohith died by suicide. UoH Vice-Chancellor Appa Rao Podile, then BJP MLC N. Ramachandra Rao, and two ABVP members (Susheel Kumar and Rama Krishna) were accused of abetting Rohith’s suicide. An FIR was filed against them, but the police failed to take any action.

In Dr. Payal Tadvi’s case, her suicide notes and her mother Abeda Tadvi’s testimony ensured that her three harassers – senior doctors Hema Ahuja, Bhakti Mehare, and Ankita Khandelwal – were immediately arrested. A damning 1,200-page chargesheet was filed against them. They have been accused of torturing Payal for an entire year and hurling casteist slurs at her. The Tadvis belong to the Bhil (of the Tadvi sub-caste) tribal community, and Payal was perhaps the first woman from her community to become a doctor. Advocate Wadekar is representing Abeda Tadvi in the criminal proceedings as well.

If the 2012 regulation had worked effectively, both Rohith Vemula and Payal Tadvi would not have needed to take drastic steps. The existing regulation has made it difficult for students to report instances of discrimination. Most of these cases are known because of individual efforts undertaken by anti-caste activists or organisations, which have, from time to time, highlighted extreme cases of discrimination on Indian university campuses.

Besides Rohith and Payal’s deaths, numerous other suicides have occurred in Indian universities over the past two decades. While some of these deaths were covered by the media, many were documented in an independent study conducted by a Delhi-based organisation called the Insight Foundation, headed by educationist Anoop Kumar.

But instead of focusing on these cases and encouraging students to come forward and report incidents of discrimination, the draft regulations mention “false complaints.” Wadekar says the draft doesn’t differentiate between a false complaint and a mere inability to substantiate a complaint with adequate evidence. “This clause,” Wadekar said, “should be completely removed.” “Students already find it hard to approach the Equity Committee, and such clauses will only act as a deterrent,” she added.

UGC’s hasty actions

This is not the first time that the UGC has acted hastily in response to the petition. In 2024, the UGC had set up a nine-member committee to look into the concerns highlighted in the petition. The Wire, in February last year, had looked into the composition of the committee and highlighted the chequered past of several of its members, including allegations of caste discrimination levelled against them.

Even as the division bench of Justice Surya Kant and N. Kotiswar Singh of the Supreme Court have been hearing this petition, another petition, Amit Kumar and Others versus Union of India, highlighting identical issues, is being heard before Justices J.B. Pardiwala and R. Mahadevan. On March 24, in a significant order, the apex court directed the formation of a National Task Force to address the mental health concerns of students and prevent the rising number of suicides in higher educational institutions (HEIs). This National Task Force is being constituted as a ten-member committee, with retired Supreme Court judge S. Ravindra Bhat as its chairperson. Other members include mental health experts, teaching professionals, among others. This order too refers to the ongoing petition filed by Vemula and Tadvi.

Courtesy: The Wire

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The three-volume report of the Magisterial Inquiry that runs into 451 pages, was taken cognisance of the Maharashtra State Human Rights Commission (MSHRC) which stated at its hearing on March 20 that it had clubbed multiple complaints concerning the incident to “avoid conflicting orders”. As reported in The Times of India and The Hindu, the MSHRC following the March 20 hearing has stated, “Perusal of the report of the magisterial inquiry shows that the Ld. judicial magistrate has concluded that Somnath Vyankat Suryawanshi was assaulted at police station.”

Apart from the stark case of death in custody related to Somnath Suryawanshi that is being heard by the MSHRC, allegations of police lawlessness included the brute handling of women and minors during combing operations following an incident of “desecration of the Preamble” on Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar’s statute on December 10. Combing operations began on December 11 itself and thereafter police took close to three dozen persons into custody. It was late on December 14 that Somnath was transferred to judicial custody. There were severe marks on his person and those of others detained. Thereafter, Suryavanshi developed chest pain and breathing difficulties, leading to his death on Dec 15 at a hospital. A panel of medical officers performed a post-mortem, with the provisional report stating the cause of death as “shock following multiple injuries”. The post-mortem findings and CCTV camera footage gathered during the investigation were instrumental in establishing police involvement in the assault.

The magisterial report may also contain remedial steps taken in the matter and the compensation, if any, quantified by the state in the matter, stated the MSHRC. The Commission then issued notices to the state government and police officials, seeking their response on the findings. Besides, MSHRC also stated, as reported in sections of the media, that the report of additional director general and Prabhani superintendent of police (CID) must contain the progress of inquiry into the accidental death case and consequent registration of the crime in the matter. The matter will be next heard on June 23.

On January 23, an independent fact-finding report had been released by citizens, backed by Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP), uncovering a series of human rights violations and police atrocities in Parbhani, Maharashtra following the desecration of a Constitution replica on December 10, 2024. The incidents, marked by custodial violence, caste-based discrimination, and administrative failures, have shaken the conscience of the nation. The report, compiled by a team of legal experts, activists, and journalists, painted a sombre picture of systemic injustice against Dalit communities. The report is titledUnfettered Police Brutalities: PARBHANI –Fact-Finding Report on Allegations of Brute, Unlawful & Anti-Constitutional Conduct by Parbhani Police (December 10-15, 2024). “The report documents harrowing accounts of police combing operations in Dalit-majority areas like Bhim Nagar, Priyadarshini Nagar, and Sarang Nagar. Residents reported police breaking into homes, assaulting men and women, including minors and elderly individuals, and using caste-based slurs. Women recounted instances of extreme violence, including injuries on their private parts, and detainees were allegedly tortured in custody with blows to their feet and palms to conceal visible injuries. The brute violence and unchecked brutalities displayed by police during the beatings of women and the young in their homes during the combing operations and after that in custody have violated all laws and statutes including directions by the Supreme Court on police conduct towards those in custody.”

Now, in the latest developments, the MSHRC has issued notice to officers concerned, based on the magistrate’s findings. The MSHRC chairperson Justice A M Badar and its member Sanjay Kumar issued the directive after relying on and citing Parbhani judicial magistrate’s investigation report, seeking responses from chief secretary and senior officers over the issue, indicating that the magistrate “had indicted police officials in the custodial death of Somnath Venkat Suryawanshi.” According to the magistrate, Parbhani police officials named in his report are responsible for the custodial death of Suryawanshi, it added.

Suryavanshi’s brother, accompanied by his mother, appeared before the Commission and said they want to appoint their preferred advocate to pursue their complaint before the MSHRC. Earlier, the Suryavanshi family had declined a compensation of Rs 10 lakh offered by state govt. They had expressed disappointment over the token act of a mere suspension of the police personnel involved in the matter and had demanded that all 12 criminal complaints sought to be filed by the victim Dalit community including two by Vijayatai Suryawanshi, Somnath’s mother be registered as FIRs. They have also demanded that a case of culpable homicide be registered against the officers.

Related:

Fact-Finding report on Parbhani violence raises serious questions

Unfettered police brutalities in Parbhani

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However, the tribal population faces the daunting task of obtaining a community certificate to pursue their dreams of better education and employment. In Tamil Nadu, three people, including a woman, have reportedly ended their lives, when their efforts to get a community certificate failed.

Tribals from communities like Kattunaicker, Malakuravan, Kondareddis, Kurumans, and Kanikkarar are struggling to establish their identity. Despite several court orders and government orders (GOs), the administrative mechanism, including the revenue department, inordinately delays the distribution of ST certificates resulting in continuous struggles and tragic incidents.

Challenge Faced During Online Submission

The government of Tamil Nadu has mandated online submission of applications for obtaining community certificates for tribal communities. The Tamil Nadu Tribals Association (TNTA) has urged the state government to keep the option of submitting applications offline open, considering several restrictions, including internet accessibility, faced by tribals across the state.

“The request by us has not been considered by the state government so far. The applications submitted by school and college students are frequently getting rejected when submitted online. Several reasons have been cited, including lack of a proper database, older card-format community certificates not being compatible with the online system, and also due to deliberate rejection by certain officials in the revenue department,” said a TNTA leader.

Intervention of the Human Rights Commission 

In 2021, the Tamil Nadu State Human Rights Commission (SHRC) took up a suo motu case after there were several reports on the sluggish approach of officials in issuing ST certificates. The commissioner of revenue administration had to appear before the SHRC and submit an affidavit promising to conduct meetings with all Revenue Divisional Officers and take measures to expedite the issuance of certificates.

“Despite the promise, major problems in issuing community certificates continue to persist across districts. Velmurugan died after setting himself on fire in front of the Madras High Court two years ago; Periyasami hanged himself in the Thiruthani Revenue Officer’s office; as also Rajeswari from the Panniyandi community in Edappalayam, Thiruvannamalai”, Dilli Babu of TNTA said.

Non-Compliance of Court Orders and GO

For the past decade and a half, the tribal community has faced a significant setback in obtaining ST community certificates. The TNTA accused several Revenue Divisional Officers (RDOs) and Tehsildars of not respecting High Court orders and Tamil Nadu GO.

“The High Court orders and G.O. 104 issued by the state government states that children and blood relatives of parents who already possess ST community certificates should also be issued ST certificates. But, most officials refuse to implement the orders”, Dilli Babu said.

There are allegations of revenue officials in Madurai, Dindigul, Palani, Tirupattur, Mettur, Aruppukottai, Virudhunagar, and Dharmapuri continuing to reject applications for tribal community certificates, forcing applicants to file appeals or subjecting them to further investigation by anthropologists, causing continued harassment.

The Pulayan and Vettaikaran tribes were included in Tamil Nadu’s tribal list till 1974 and in 1975. These two tribal communities were removed from the list, for unknown reasons. The Vettaikaran community was included in Puducherry government’s tribal list in 2016, but the struggle in Tamil Nadu for inclusion continues for several years.

Reservation and Housing Land Pattas

According to the 2011 Census, there are 969,654 tribal people in the state. However, reservation covers 1.04%. The Tamil Nadu government’s new order to provide housing land pattas has come as a relief to the tribal people, who are homeless, landless, and survive on daily wage labour. A speedy assessment should be conducted to provide free housing land pattas to all homeless tribal people, said TNTA.

“What is worse is that the state government has returned unused funds allocated for the welfare of Dalits and tribal people. In the past 10 years, approximately Rs 5,318 crore have been returned without being spent”, Dilli Babu said.

Forest and Land Rights

The Forest Rights Act 2006 (FRA) came into effect in Tamil Nadu from 2016, which ensures land rights to tribal people and traditional forest dwellers living in forest lands. Despite the act being in place for the past several years, only 15,000 applications have been processed, and have led to the disbursal of individual land pattas and community land rights.

“Community certificates are the central point for obtaining education and employment opportunities. Filling backlog vacancies according to reservation quotas and fully implementing the FRA are necessary to protect tribal people from marginalisation and position them as a community with all rights like other social communities”, Dilli Babu told NewsClick.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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The association has been urging the state government to expedite measures to fill up the backlog vacancies in state government departments, land titles for the needy, waiving loans availed by tribal women from microfinance companies and infrastructural facilities for schools, healthcare facilities and tribal hostels.

Poor FRA Implementation 

Ever since the FRA was enacted 17 years ago, Tamil Nadu has fared poorly in executing the provisions, aimed at empowering tribals and traditional forest dwellers with regard to their right to land holdings.

Addressing the protesters, state secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)], P Shanmugam, said, “In the past 17 years, only 15,442 titles were distributed to the tribals as per the FRA, which is not even 1,000 titles per year. This shows the lack of will from the government and the bureaucracy in implementing the Act”.

The TNTA has accused the administration of rejecting the applications without adequate enquiry and pending of applications due to lack of survey processes. The demands of tribals residing in several tribal hamlets, including Kallakurichi Vellimalai, Tirupathur Javathimalai, Tiruvannamalai Javathumalai, Kollimalai, Salem Kalvarayan Malai, have been pending for several years.

“The state government has constituted a committee headed by the chief secretary to implement FRA, but not even a single meeting has been held so far”, Shanmugam alleged.

Denial of Certificates Affecting Education

Several tribal communities are facing the daunting task of getting their ST community certificates, despite a government order in place to facilitate the same. Communities including Kattunayakan, Malaivedan, Malai Kuravan, Kondareddys, Kurumans, are badly affected by the delay in issuing community certificates, especially with regard to education.

The GO 104 was issued, after the intervention of the Madras High Court to ensure the disbursal of ST community certificates to the children of those parents who are in possession of the ST certificates. The TNTA has accused the district officials of withdrawing the certificates issued to the parents. This hampers the prospects of the tribal students who are longing to pursue higher education and those who seek employment as per the existing reservation rules.

Communities Removed From ST list

Another major demand is the inclusion of communities like Malayali, Kurumans, Pulauan, Vettaikaran and Kuravan from Erode district again in the ST list. The members of the community are left in the lurch after they were removed from the list of ST communities 10 years ago.

During the talks held with the secretary of Adi Dravidar and Tribal Welfare after the protest, the government informed TNTA that the recommendation to include the communities back to the ST list has been submitted to the union government.

The government also agreed to hold surveys with the help of the tribal youth to ensure the distribution of lands to tribals in Kollimalai, Kalvarayan Malai, Kallakurichi Vellimalai.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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Gujarat: On January 28, 2025, a 35-year-old tribal woman in Dahod district was brutally assaulted, disrobed, and paraded through her village by a mob, allegedly led by her in-laws, over an alleged extra-marital affair. The Gujarat police arrested 12 individuals and registered an FIR against 15 people, charging them with abduction, wrongful confinement, outraging modesty, and assault with intent to disrobe. The High Court took suo moto cognizance, demanding an action-taken report from state authorities the woman has since been rehabilitated under the ‘Suraksha Setu’ program.

In #Dahod #Gujarat, a tribal lady was brutally beaten and paraded naked over an alleged affair; 12 people arrested by police @MinistryWCD @WCDGujarat @BhanubenMLA @NCWIndia pic.twitter.com/D8TOjZNyyU

— GujaratHeadline News (@GujaratHeadline) February 1, 2025

Rajasthan: On September 2, 2023, a similar attack occurred in Pratapgarh district, where a 21-year-old pregnant tribal woman was allegedly kidnapped by her in-laws, stripped, and paraded naked after being accused of an extra-marital affair. The police arrested nine people, including her husband. The Rajasthan government formed a Special Investigation Team (SIT) and announced financial assistance for the victim. The case will be fast-tracked to ensure swift justice.

 

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 Manipur: On May 4, 2023, in a horrifying incident that drew national and international outrage, two women were paraded naked by a mob in Kangpokpi district during ethnic clashes between the Meitei and Kuki communities. The victims were allegedly gang-raped in a field. The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF) condemned the act, and the Manipur government, under immense pressure, assured swift action. Police have identified the accused and are in the process of making arrests.

 

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Suresh Gopi’s controversial remarks on tribal affairs

Amid these escalating crimes, Union Minister and BJP MP Suresh Gopi sparked controversy with his remarks on the Tribal Affairs Ministry. Speaking at an election campaign in New Delhi, Gopi suggested that a Brahmin or Naidu leading the ministry would bring ‘big change’ to tribal welfare. Facing widespread backlash, he later withdrew his statement.

His comments expose the deep-rooted caste bias in India’s political discourse. The Tribal Affairs Ministry was created in 1999 to focus on the socio-economic development of Scheduled Tribes, who have historically faced oppression. Suggesting that a dominant-caste leader is necessary to ‘reform’ tribal affairs reflects an outdated and paternalistic mind-set.

Pattern of violence and systemic neglect

These incidents are not isolated. Crimes against tribal women continue to rise, often met with delayed justice or impunity. The High Court’s intervention in the Gujarat case and the swift action in Rajasthan and Manipur signal an urgent need for structural reforms and greater accountability in law enforcement.

Moreover, Gopi’s remarks highlight the persistent casteist attitudes that hinder genuine tribal empowerment. Political leaders must recognize that true progress comes from policies that uplift marginalized communities rather than reinforce historical hierarchies.

Call for action

The assaults in Gujarat, Rajasthan, and Manipur, along with the regressive remarks on tribal governance, demand urgent attention. Legislative measures must be strengthened to protect tribal women from gender-based violence. Additionally, political leaders must be held accountable for their statements to ensure that caste prejudices do not influence governance.

While outrage may dominate headlines today, real change will only come through sustained advocacy, policy reforms, and a collective effort to challenge deeply ingrained biases that continue to marginalize India’s tribal communities.

Related:

MP witnesses rising violence against tribals, as BJP youth wing leader caught beating a tribal elderly

Manipur Violence: Video showing 2 Kuki women being paraded naked opens the eyes of the government

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Thirteen petitioners, twelve of whom were former civil personnel, petitioned the Supreme Court to address their concerns regarding changes to the Forest Conservation Act of 1980 after the Amendment Act was passed. The amendment permits the diversion of forest land for linear projects related to “national security” and “defence” within a 100-kilometer radius along border territories, which was one of their primary concerns. In other words, it makes way for highway construction in biodiverse and ecologically sensitive regions of India’s frontier states.

Challenges to Forest Conservation Amendment Act, 2023

The petition emphasised how the amendment threatens India’s long-standing forest governance system, which was established by the implementation of the Forest Conservation Act, 1980, and the Supreme Court’s expansive definition of “forest,” which was established in its landmark ruling in T.N. Godavarman v. Union of India (1996).

The petition also argued that the modification exempted certain types of projects and activities from the Act’s provisions while arbitrarily permitting others on forest land. Safaris, zoos, and ecotourism establishments were haphazardly added to a list of activities for approved “non-forest purposes.”

The court asked in its interim decision that the states and Union Territories conduct in accordance with the definition of “forest” established by the Apex Court in its 1996 ruling in the case of TN Godavarman Thirumulpad v. Union of India. The petitioners claimed that Section 1A, which was added to the modified law, limited the broad meaning of a “forest” in the Apex Court’s ruling. According to the modified law, a piece of property cannot be considered a “forest” unless it is officially listed as such in a government record or is notified as such.

The amendment limited the Act’s application to two categories of lands as reported by Downtoearth:

• Areas that have been formally designated or notified as forests under the Indian Forest Act, 1927 (IFA) or any other applicable law, and
• Lands that do not come under the first category but are listed as forests in government records since October 25, 1980.

The Apex Court in February, 2024 noted that approximately 1.99 lakh square kilometres of forest area were excluded from the term of “forests” under the 2023 amended law on forest conservation, and instead were made accessible for other uses. The bench stated that any new plans to construct a zoo or start a “safari” on forest territory would now require permission from the Supreme Court as reported by Supreme Court Observer.

A bench of Justice B R Gavai and Justice K Vinod Chandran while hearing the petitions against the 2023 amendment to the forest conservation law noted that, “We will not permit anything which leads to reduction of forest area. We further order that until further orders, no steps will be taken by the Union of India and any state which will lead to reduction of forest land unless compensatory land is provided by the Centre and the states.” 

Reverting to a colonial-era mentality that prioritises control over nature and legal recognition without recognising its inherent worth and value, regardless of its utility to humans, the Amendment Act is a regressive step. It is not in accordance with the developments in environmental law, which are generally moving towards acknowledging the “Rights of Nature.”

The Order may be read here:

Adivasi Land Rights

Significant concerns have been raised by the Forest (Conservation) Amendment Act, 2023, especially in light of its potential effects on Adivasi (Indigenous communities) land rights. The reforms include significant changes that could jeopardise the livelihoods and cultural links of communities living in forests by weakening the legal protections that are now in place.

The amended law’s reduction of the concept of “forest” presents one of the biggest obstacles. Previously, the Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980 protected all statutorily recognised forests, whether or not they were registered, according to the expansive interpretation set by the T.N. Godavarman v. Union of India (1996) ruling. The 2023 Amendment, however, limits this description to land that is notified under the Indian Forest Act, 1927 or officially listed as forest in government records. Large areas of community forests, traditionally used land, and sacred groves—all of which Adivasis have depended on for centuries—are not included in this. This raises the possibility of relocation and the loss of ancestral areas because these lands can now be diverted for non-forest uses without needing the stringent clearances that were previously necessary.

These risks are increased by the amendment’s exemptions for particular projects. For activities pertaining to border security, defence infrastructure, ecotourism, and public utilities in specific regions, the Act permits the government to circumvent the customary forest clearance regulations. These exclusions facilitate the establishment of major infrastructure projects, including roads, railroads, and industrial zones, in tribal areas without requiring approval from Gram Sabhas, or village councils. Adivasis are entitled to this privilege under the Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006, and the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act PESA, 1996. Their independence in deciding how to use the land is directly compromised, and the legal protections against forcible evictions are weakened.

The possibility of greater land alienation and privatisation is another significant problem. The amendment makes it easier for businesses like zoos, safaris, and tourism projects to access forest land, which may lead to the transfer of vast tracts of forest to private organisations. Adivasi tribes may experience financial hardship as a result of the commercialisation of their ancestral lands since they rely on these forests for farming, grazing, and gathering minor forest products. Conflicts, loss of livelihood, and forced migration could result from corporate interests superseding community rights in the absence of robust legal protections.

Furthermore, Adivasis residing in Fifth Schedule Areas, where constitutional protections were created expressly to stop the alienation of tribal territory, are disproportionately affected by the relaxing of forest diversion standards. Without taking into account the historical injustices and displacement that tribal communities have experienced, the amendment facilitates the government’s allocation of land for development projects. This gives rise to concerns that the amendment might be utilised to expedite projects without providing impacted Adivasi families with adequate consultation, rehabilitation, or compensation.

In essence, by limiting the definition of forests, avoiding consultation procedures, permitting extensive land diversion, and facilitating corporate access to forest resources, the Forest (Conservation) Amendment Act, 2023 erodes vital safeguards for Adivasi land rights. Legal protections are being diluted, endangering Indigenous groups’ identity, culture, and means of subsistence in addition to the environment. Stricter enforcement of tribal land rights, increased community involvement, and making sure that development doesn’t result in marginalisation and displacement are all necessary to address these issues.

Other Challenges to Adivasi Rights

The Madhya Pradesh government has taken a major step by deciding to withdraw nearly 8,000 forest criminal cases against Adivasi communities. Long-standing complaints about the criminalisation of Indigenous customs in forest regions are intended to be addressed by this ruling. But according to new data gathered under the Right to Information Act, the state only intends to withdraw roughly half of these cases, meaning that many Adivasis are still facing legal issues.

The persistent challenges Adivasi communities face with regard to their land rights and customary forest activities are highlighted by this partial withdrawal. Even with legislative frameworks that acknowledge the rights of forest dwellers, such as the Forest Rights Act of 2006, many Adivasis still face potential displacement and legal challenges. The narrow range of case withdrawals emphasises the necessity of more extensive steps to guarantee the recognition and preservation of Adivasi land rights, particularly in view of recent legislative developments that could have an even greater effect on these people.

Conclusion

There are serious concerns about how the Forest (Conservation) Amendment Act, 2023, may affect Adivasi land rights, environmental preservation, and legal protections since it marks a dramatic change in India’s forest governance structure. The amendment erodes the rights of Indigenous communities who have lived sustainably in these forests for generations by limiting the definition of forests and exempting certain initiatives from clearing requirements. Legal protections are being weakened, and corporate and infrastructure projects are being facilitated at the expense of environmental degradation, livelihood loss, and displacement.

The government contends that these modifications advance economic growth and national security, but they also jeopardise ecological balance, democratic involvement, and constitutional protections. Adivasi views must be heard, Gramme Sabha clearances must be respected, and compensating measures must be rigorously implemented going ahead. The destruction of forest ecosystems and the marginalisation of Indigenous communities cannot be the price of sustainable development.

(The legal research team of CJP consists of lawyers and interns; this legal resource has been worked on by Yukta Adha)

Related:

Inside India’s forest lands a battle for land and resources: Adivasis & Forest dwellers

Forest resource rights vs. Land rights under Forest Rights Act

Forest Conservation Rules, 2022- An overview of changes that snatch rights of Gram Sabhas

The post Adivasi Land Rights Erosion: The effects of the 2023 Forest Conservation Amendment Act appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Another businessman friend of Sunil claims that Vanjari women are pure vegetarians. So, one should not see Vanjaris as a criminal tribe. He also adds, “Suppose there comes a flood, then all the garbage gets washed away in it and the area gets clean. We are anticipating that it will be the same after this political power war gets over. One can imagine the destructive social impact of this whole eco-political power game has created by the fact that four ‘soyrik meetings’ in my Vanjari community (meetings in which marriages of young couples get fixed) were discarded as some of the people in such meetings had differences in their opinions. One can definitely say that the political happenings keep impacting the ‘Roti-Beti Vyavhar’ (family relations) deeply.

Shantabai Rathod is a social worker in Parli. She has fought many civic fights there. In our short meeting, she underlines the fact that there are hardly any women in active politics in a taluka place like Parli. Anyone can have a look at ZP and Panchayat Samiti politics and sense the lack of presence of women there. Our men don’t want any space to be created for women. And now, these dirty eco-political power games make politics as well as town-space more unsafe for women. Beed is a district where liquor visibly flows everywhere in criminal and political scenes.

There is a plant of Awada wind energy firm near Massajog. CRPF have been assigned to guard that firm. One of the CRPF officials said, “We are here on duty to maintain law and order. We don’t know what had happened earlier.” While traveling from Beed to Parli, I could see several large huge trucks up and down on the roads with enormous fins tied to their back.

Jyotiram Kande is an NRI working in an IT field in Canada. He was born and brought up in Parli. While sharing his thoughts on a phone call, he expresses deep sorrow about the changing environment of his beloved city. Jyotiram was born and brought up in Parli. While recalling his childhood days, he says, “I still remember my teenage and childhood days. Those days seem like a fairytale when I roam the streets of Parli nowadays. We, as teenagers, were into different things those days. Today’s teens have already started glorifying goons as ‘social workers’. I am just not able to imagine why common citizens are not aware of their rights when it comes to the basic needs like electricity, water, transport and health. Many of my friends are not able to think logically today. They just get driven into personal-political emotions. I can’t hold any constructive conversation with my own friends in such a situation. Even my well-educated, government officer friends are not an exception. Due to all these things, I have started to feel kind of helpless.”

Jyotiram also shared his observations about the young teenage boys who are being used as goons by various political leaders. He says, “Common people have always looked at political leaders as some God-like figures. None of these politicised youth are into serious academics. Their leaders are of the same ilk and have become career icons. These youth get addicted to cigarettes, alcohol, and gutka-mava very easily. Sexual frustration also plays a crucial role in their behaviour. Everyone wants a girlfriend but no one gets one. I am just not able to imagine the speed of transition as I look at the changed scenario to compare it with my childhood days. Everyone has a perception that some other person is going to grab his or her educational seat, job, opportunity, monetary gains etc. I don’t find any institution or government body sufficiently aligned, systematic or transparent so that this could solve the issues of the common man. In such a situation, political goons that are so called social workers easily fill this space. Within no time, they just come forward to be a bridge between this purposely failed system and common man. And within no time the godly image of such political goons assume a larger than life aura. One needs a truly good governance to circumvent this scenario. The enormous energy of youth should also be channelised pro-actively to avoid destructive consequences. At village level, Gram Panchayats and social organisations should start gyms and libraries for the young generation.”

One of the random vegetable sellers in Parli was also anxious about the changing surroundings. He said, “We can feel that there the casteism in the air. Though everyone is not experiencing it directly, it’s there. In many conversations. We need to think twice about the ‘caste location’ of the listener. It was not like that before. I needed to check the caste location of everyone online and offline. Because most of the time, people keep talking from their caste location and not from their conscious location.

Meanwhile, one of my friends in Parli anonymously told me his experience when he went to a Biryani eatery with one of his friends. “I was sitting at one of the popular Biryani joints in the outskirts of Parli. It was crowded as always. All the tables were full. Both of us were eating at a table where one chair was vacant. One young guy came up and sat on that chair. His friends grabbed other vacant chairs at different tables. That guy at our table was fully drunk. He was in the mood to have a conversation with us. So, he asked my name at first. As I responded, his second question was, what’s your caste? I just ignored his question with a smile. Then he got angry and started boasting about his money and muscle power. My friend and I were listening to his babbling with a cool mind. At the end of his conversation, he told us that he possessed a gun until the week before but now he has surrendered it. Me and my friend finished eating and went to wash our hands. That guy came to us again. I kept my hand on his shoulder with a friendly gesture and told him that I am Mali (one of the OBC castes). He suddenly smiled at me and said, ‘Jai OBC bhava!’ Caste has penetrated this deeply in everyone’s veins, much like hard liquor.”

Keshav Waghmare is an author and a senior activist from the Ambedkarite Movement who hails from Beed. He has a separate vision about this whole state-wide issue of Beed which has been the talk of the town for the past two months. Keshav says, “To understand the scenario in its entirety, one needs to understand the construction of the political economy of Beed at first. The Vanjari community has got geared up politically and socially when the politics of Gopinathrao Munde was dominant. Until then, the political power was in the hands of the Maratha community. This shift in power politics gave birth to a constant tussle and cold war. In Beed, the major economy is based on sugarcane cutting. The mukadams (contractors) of sugarcane workers are mostly Vanjaris. Most of the time, these contractors behave unfairly with men and women in his toli (sugar-cutting team). Once upon a time, these mukadams were the karyakartas (workers) of Gopinathrao Munde. When it comes to land, most of the land business is in the hands of Vanjaris.

I recall one incident that refuses to fade in memory. There was the weekly aathawdi bazaar (weekly market gathering) at a village called Wadwani. There appeared a mukadam with one of his labourers. Both belonged to the same caste, Vanjari. There started a heated argument between two of them over some monetary issues. The mukadam started beating that labourer with his shoes. Coincidentally, there was a programme of Gopinathrao Munde planned on that day. Munde’s helicopter suddenly started making rounds in the air. The worker stopped crying and started waving his hands in the air with joy, shouting, “O mukadam, bagha aaplya bhaucha helicopter…” (Hey, mukadam, see, there comes the helicopter of our beloved bhau!”) Isn’t this very symbolic?” These mukadams are kind of powerful goons in small villages of Marathwada. They have got political support. The roots of the constantly erupting violence in Beed could be found in this nexus.

It was an interesting encounter with a politically vocal truck driver. He showed me his facebook account where he keeps expressing his views deliberately. He said, “We keep experiencing virtual casteism as people keep fighting with each other on social media. The leaders should keep the politics limited to elections. They are not expected to encash caste as a cash cards from the common people. In old times, it was different. Leaders used to think beyond casts. In this particular case, political Maratha leaders like Suresh Dhas have glorified false and imaginary things which were not even mentioned in the post-mortem (PM) report of Sarpanch Deshmukh. In the winter session speech, he said, the eyes of Deshmukh were burnt with a lighter. He also said some goons in the mob might have peed in Deshmukh’s mouth when he was pleading for water before dying. These false narratives percolated have percolated among the mob like a wildfire. Who is accountable for the caste-based hate being spread in Maharashtra? Now the Zilla Parishad elections are imminent. No doubt the politicians will try and encash this caste based fragmentation. Despite the fact that there is a serious agrarian crisis here, none of our ‘leaders’ seems to pay heed to it.”

All of the accused in the Santosh Deshmukh murder case can be seen observing a particular lifestyle. They come from a lower or lower middle class family but possess vehicles like Scorpio with VIP numbers like 3333, 7777, 1010. They have a particular aesthetic with a lot of swag. They wear white linen or khadi clothes with very fragile egos on their sleeves. They like to flaunt gold ornaments. Addictions like Gutka, Maava, Pudi (tobacco) are very common, especially in Marathwada. From a very young age, distracted from academics, they start following some local or state level leader. The local level contractor-ship and extortion activities for the leaders are their main income source. Obviously most of them have a criminal background. On social media, especially on Facebook and Instagram, one can find thousands of accounts run by such Bhau, Dada or Anna. On Instagram they have thousands of followers. They keep making reels about their leader. For example, when Valmik Karad surrendered to CID, Vanjari Insta Reelstars made reels for him with these songs playing in background, “Bhetal java me gunhyaat, mala atak kara ho Punyaat” (As you will find me involved in some crime, just arrest me in Pune”). This song was originally written by Ajay Gaikwad for a Bailgada Sharyat Premi (Bullock cart racing lover Person) Pandhari Sheth Fadake. Sometimes they make romantic reels as well. In the time of political crisis, they start a virtual war supporting their leader. They keep trolling opposition leaders though statuses and reels.

This is the season of sugarcane cutting. The sugarcane workers keep migrating to West Maharashtra from Marathwada. I stopped at a temporary basti of some sugarcane workers on the Beed-Nagar road. The workers live in ‘Khopis’. These khopis are made out of dry shoots of sugarcane. The group of workers belonged to the SC Category (Scheduled Caste). They are the followers of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. While discussing the continuous outrages in Marathwada, these workers put their views bluntly. Neeta (Name has been changed to ensure anonymity)   says, “See, we are Ambedkarites. We have got the reservation as per the Indian Constitution. For a long time, In Maharashtra, upper castes like Maratha have looked at us as rivals. We deserve reservation. Maratha is a caste in Maharashtra which has been in political power continuously. If this is the reality, then who is to be blamed for this downfall of Marathas? Maratha leaders should be criticised for this and no other reservation-benefited castes.

Ram (Name has been changed to ensure anonymity) invited me for tea in his Khopi. He and his wife Seema have kept their one son back at their village. He studies in standard 10th. They have brought their elder son with them who will take his 12th exam in a few months. Seema has also brought her younger daughter with her. While making the tea on an earthen chulha (stove), Seema says, “Aamchya kashtachi sakhar aahe bagha he, bagha kasa lagatoy chaha…” (This sugar is made out of our own labour, see how the tea is flavoured” while adding sugar in the tea. Seema is concerned about the education of her children.

Ram says, “We are SC by caste, but as a sugarcane worker, we all worship our Lokneta (Leader of masses) Gopinath Munde (Former Union Minister for Rural Development and Panchayat Raj), who did revolutionary work for the sugarcane mazdoors (labourers) of all the castes and tribes. He is like a god for us despite his caste. But nowadays the environment of Maharashtra has got so toxic that most of the people are judging each other on the basis of caste. This is not going to lead us anywhere. As a state, we have got bigger problems to solve. As a sugarcane worker, I need to break this vicious cycle of migration and poverty within my family. I don’t want my next generation to do all this harsh labour.” I bid farewell to the khopi-residents as they needed to start the next day at 3 am and start for the sugarcane fields.

Fidel Chavan, CPI leader, is a lawyer at Beed district court. Fidel has an experience of making interventions in some of the path-breaking court cases. There is a windmill repairing centre at Massajog. The fins of the windmills are around 70 to 175 meters long. One needs to construct a runway to take these fins through the farming fields. The lands of the farmers have been taken on lease for this purpose.

One of the young leaders accused of extortion, I am told, is Sandeep Tandale. Tandale hails from a poor family but owns a Scorpio car. He leads a team of 10-12 small goons and pays each one 17-20 thousand rupees. And there are so many of such political goons all over the Beed District. Most of the more powerful political leaders have tamed such goons for their benefits. Both the parties share a mutual political and monetary benefit. I need to think twice before I speak nowadays. It was not like this before.’

Mitali Deshmukh (Name has been changed to ensure anonymity) works at a technology firm in Pune. She is back home in Beed for a few days, her native place. She expresses herself in a nervous voice, “Beed people are the best when it comes to maintaining friendships. But these days, we are getting trolled on the basis of which native place we belong to. Several WhatsApp group admins have limited their group settings for one way messaging only, ‘admins only’. All this is new for an educated, conscious social girl like me. I am upset to see this new, unwanted wave of division flowing through my beloved city. I have never discussed such dark things with my family ever. These are some exceptional, hard days. I hope they will pass soon”

Prakash Chavan is a senior journalist from Parli. He shares his experience of reporting on the Ash power nexus, “It was the year 1971.  A thermal power plant was constructed in Parli. Earlier no one knew the value of the ash which was the residue of the plant. There are two types of ash derived in the thermal power making process. One is dry ash (fly ash) and the other is bottom ash. This bottom ash is used for making bricks. Hence, the bottom ash has got a big market value in itself. This has given birth to many ‘Ash Mafias’ in Parli Taluka and Beed district. Along with this, there are many Sand Mafias in the same area. At Daudpur, there was a dam where all the ash was being dumped for a long time. People planted trees there. Some awards were also conferred on that project. But as the value of the ash was underlined over a course of time, things changed drastically. Same kind of ash-lake was there at Daabi as well. These Mafias illegally dug out all the ash five years ago. These mafias have vast political support which is what has made them both powerful and brazen about their acts.

Maratha was a capitalist caste when it comes to land, money and power. But in the last 30 years, Marathas have got stuck in an agrarian crisis. Basically, the struggle and articulations should be class based and not caste based. But the people in power need the fight to remain caste based as they are going to benefit from it without delivering structural change. Here, population wise, the Maratha is the most prominent caste but the power is in the hands of Vanjari caste. In India, one can sense the caste based scenario, that is, most of the times, the majoritarian caste overpowers other castes. Here, in Parli, population wise, the Maratha is the most prominent caste but the power is in the hands of Vanjari caste. That is one of the causes of political and social tensions which keep erupting constantly. In Ashti-Patoda, the Maratha caste overpowers Vanjaris.

I feel like this is the fight between large big elephants. They just don’t care about other ant-like castes and communities. I keep wondering what will be the future of micro-minorities now and over time. Now the newly elected state government in Maharashtra has completed three months but no one is in any mood to discuss real life issues. This is basically a fight to gain and save reservation. Parli has got three collages. But most of the school and college students prefer to migrate to Latur for their studies. What is the future of this city?”

One of the Dhangar youth expresses his feelings while the hunger strike of Maratha Leader Manoj Jarange has started once again at Antarwali Sarati (Dist Jalna). “All this hate against us OBC’s has been sowed purposefully so that the ‘crop of Maratha reservation can be harvested.’ There are political egos behind the murders and tension created in Beed district. We shall all be paying a price if we paint this murder of Santosh Deshmukh in the colour of caste. We, as OBC’s, have found our own voice, our own pathways now. I, as an OBC youth, have started feeling that Marathas have just used us, under the blanket of the term ‘Bahujan’. But now, we are enlightened enough to fight our own fight as OBCs and not as Bahujans.”

On the way back from Beed, I realise, there is a strong strain of identity politics in this region. Adverse geographical conditions, agrarian crisis, scarcity of quality education, lack of employment and development make this politics darker. Most of the trucks or dumpers could be seen carrying a strong identity of some Caste or a political leader. ‘Chatrapati’ (Maratha) ‘Jai Bhagwan’ (Vanjari), ‘Apna Bhidu Bachhu Kadu’ (Political leader Bacchu Kadu), ‘Hoy Hinduch!’ (Yes, I am a Hindu), Jai Bheem (Ambedkarites) are some of the popular and visible slogans. Among these slogans, the enormous fins of windmills also keep crossing the paths. This region keeps shouting, Caste is not a thing to be apologetic about! It’s a thing to be flaunted, to be encashed! For the politics of the vote bank, as well as for the politics of survival. Caste could be personal, but let’s not forget, personal is political!

(With special thanks to Ashok Abuj, Sukeshini Naikwade, Dyaneshwar Mauli Munde, Amol Waghmare, Mahadev Shinde, Fidel Chavan, Comrade Namdevrao Chavan, Keshav Waghmare, Dinkar Choure, Baban Wadmare, Prakash Chavan)

Part 1 may be read here.

Special Thanks to Adv. Pankaj Chavan 

All photos credit – Yogesh Bhausaheb Dhakne

(This is Part 2 of the ground report. The author is an independent journalist and can be reached at sharmishtha.2011@gmail.com)  

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Gruesome murder of Sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh in Beed triggers state-wide protests, political fallout in the ruling government, and rampant calls for justice

Massive all-party march in Parbhani demands justice for Dalit youth’s custodial death

The post Beed, Marathwada: A heady and dangerous mix of mafia-political nexus has tainted the social fabric appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Now, over five weeks ago, on December 9, 2024, a 44 year-old Sarpanch of Massajog village (Taluka Kej, district Beed) was brutally murdered by some goons. Walmik Karad, the prime accused, is also the accused in a Rs. 2 crore extortion case linked to this murder and –after vocal agitation –is currently finally undergoing 14 days judicial custody. There are MCOCA (Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act, 1999) charges against Karad who is also considered to be the right hand man of NCP minister Dhananjay Munde. The murdered Sarpanch was Maratha by caste and the other accused– as well as Walmik Karad- (including minister, Dhananjay Munde) belong to Vanjari caste (classified as an Other Backward Casre-OBC). Today, in Beed and Marathwada, the entire chain of events are being seen as a caste war. This incident of December 9, the murder of a loved Sarpanch has caused deep schisms and polarisation in Maharashtra. There are ongoing and consistent protests that refuse to be silenced. On a ground visit of Beed, Parli and Massajog, this journalist tried to understand the unfolding tensions in the air as also gauge the damages to the social fabric. 

As one enters Beed, Shivaji Chowk is one of the centres of the city. Right as we enter, at the corners of the imposing Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj statue, the smiling photographs of Santosh Deshmukh can be seen hanging, signifying a vocal, not to be silenced cry for justice. Only days before, a march, ‘Samvidhan Bachao Morcha’ (‘Save the Constitution Rally’) had taken place. Such morchas, agitations and hunger strikes are not new to the struggling peoples and land of Marathwada.

Marathwada is a land of hardships. For the last 20 years, the agrarian crisis has gotten worse year after year. There are no big business projects, no major MIDCs (industrial development units), no mills which could fulfil the employment needs of the widely growing population. So, a major chunk of the young population tries hard for competitive and police services exams. There are, therefore, many, study centres at the district and Beed is no exception.

I went to one such study centre. One can easily sense the brewing anxiety amongst that group of 30-40 young girls and boys after a detailed discussion. All of them hail from small villages in the Beed district. A majority of these students belong to farmer families. We all had a heated discussion over reservation, law and order, the challenging events and the social-political future of Maharashtra. (Names have been changed to ensure anonymity)

According to Naresh, the occurrence of Maratha Morchas and the agitation for Maratha reservation was not this divisive or toxic before. Various social segments and castes, including Muslims supported the Marathas in their demand of reservation. As months progressed however, stances and speeches changed and became more radical. Maratha leaders like Manoj Jarange-Patil began targeting various OBC castes like the Mali, the Vanjaari. This is a purposeless turn of events as it achieves nothing constructive towards achieving the goal of Maratha reservation. Sheetal said, “We were brought up in an environment where we have friends from all castes. Our parents wanted me to be a broad minded and a rational Indian, always. But now, times are changing and that too, rapidly. Due to such prevalent tensions, many students have fled back to their native villages. Group-ism among the young has increased considerably. Not all, but some of my friends have started keeping a distance from me. This is reflective on the display status’ they flaunt on WhatsApp or Instagram. They keep posting and sharing particular things on Facebook. To say this out clearly, they have started to participate virtually in the war being fought between the Maratha and the Vanjari castes. They keep admiring their leaders along with trolling voices or leaders from the ‘opposite’ caste. Sometimes they use abusive language for the people who differ with their opinion. YouTube channels keep morphing the content as per their own limited agenda. Put together, these things are creating a deep impact on people, the masses. ”

Pratik belongs to the Maratha caste. He clearly expresses himself by saying, “My brothers and I are from the Maratha community and live deeply affected by poverty caused by the agrarian crisis. In my village, a large number of youth are frustrated. No good education, no employment. We are struggling to find a bridegroom as well. We need our share, we need reservation. We don’t find any answer to our unending problems except in the demand for reservation. If the central government is not able to give us any reservation, then it should also cancel the reservations of all the other castes. Why doesn’t the government give the facilities on an economic basis rather than on a caste basis?” Some of his friends nod their heads in agreement.

Anmol and some of his friends have a different view. They say, “We believe that one should keep a distance from politicians and their blind followers if one wants to be a successful person in life, acquiring a post or rank in government services. When it comes to gundaraaj and terror of some political baahubalis (mobsters), we believe that it is our fear makes them more influential. So, we should not keep being afraid of them. This is the same with politicians, they need us, and we don’t need them. We should use our voting power consciously. And if you ask us about reservation, government sectors are rapidly getting privatised. What then is the use of this reservation?”

After bidding farewell to these future government officers, I met Balu with his friends at a small Chai Thela. All of them are drivers in the intercity transport line. Balu and his friends try to tap my caste at first by saying, “Parli has become a different caste now. There is a blunt and subtle discrimination against us when we go to Pune, Mumbai or even Aurangabad. There are very few opportunities here in Marathwada, especially Beed. So people are forced to migrate from Beed to bigger cities. I am afraid this will lead to some sort of anarchy.”

Balu’s friend Rehman is a Muslim. Starting in a low but firm tone, Rehman pours out his heart, “We, as Muslims, have been the victims of religious discrimination. We can very much relate toh this grief –and hatred–caused by caste and region faced by my friends. I feel like now, similar to Muslims, many others people are sailing in the same boat, facing prejudices while accessing jobs or a home on rent. Meanwhile another friend of theirs, Shubham Gite, showed us a recent video which went viral on Instagram some weeks ago. This video shows a Vanjari sugarcane worker alleged being beaten by some men because of reportedly belonging to that caste. This video continues to be circulated widely on social media.

Black Scorpios and Fortuners (models of cars) keep passing alongside as one walks around on the streets of Beed city and district. Most of these vehicles possess VIP number-plates. Meanwhile Beed is a district known for its sugarcane workers who keep migrating to West Maharashtra in every season. Another dark identities of Beed are its drought driven agrarian crisis & considerable numbers of Atrocities on SC & ST community.

Dinkar Choure is one of the shopkeepers in Beed city. He was affiliated with AISF (All India Students Federation) in his student days. He had worked closely with sugarcane workers for a long time. Choure has a prominent question for politicians of Maharashtra. He asks, “Why do the politicians keep trying all the experiments here in our Marathwada alone? There was a time when Peshwai Yuva Manch Adhiveshan (seminars) were impacting the minds of thousands. Later there was a wave of Maratha Morchas which have changed their form now. I am sure that Marathwada has become an experiment lab for politicians. There are so many people here, living without aim or direction, due to lack of opportunities and employment. There hasn’t been any major government recruitment or any MHADA or MIDC project (industrial parks) initiated for the past several years here in Beed district. Our sugarcane workers have kept migrating to West Maharashtra for so many years. Beed got its electricity in 1985 and West Maharashtra got it in 1960. Isn’t this symbolic enough?

So, the frustration and anger keeps boiling in their young, raw mind. It is these emotions that allow young persons to become, at a call, part of a mob. Who understands this mob psychology better than politicians? One can decipher the traces of this motivated politics visibly on the ground, but few people realise that the politics brewing beneath this outer layer is even more dangerous.

We, as Marathwadis, have been losing and sacrificing so many things since the Nizam rule. The world knows that we got our freedom one year later on September 17, 1948. Today, decades later, we have nothing to lose but our land. Hence, the land acquisition for the Green Energy windmills project has now become a cash cow for businesses here in Beed district. Land which hardly commandeered Rs 10 lakhs was recently sold for 40 lakhs. This business is going to destroy the land capital of Marathas over the years but no one is serious about all this. Everyone just wants to be the ultimate leader of the Marathas. This is the only, narrow fight going on.

Though not dire, some people have already become selective while choosing a hotel or a shop in some small towns and villages. Several victims of the Maratha-OBC fight are among students and government officials. The environment in the school-collages and various government offices is getting more polluted with casteism day by day.”

One of the citizens in a tea stall anonymously told me that the colleges in the city have also allegedly got divided in the Maratha-OBC cold war. Balbheem College is mainly of the Maratha caste and the KSK College is being chosen by most of the OBC students over the past few years.

Baban Wadmare is an Ambedkarite activist. He has experienced the socio-political melting pot of Beed very closely. Wadmare was working in the State Transport Department and has recently opted for voluntary retirement. While talking about the political character of Beed, he says, “Beed has been a broad-minded district for decades. Babasaheb Paranjape, Kesharkaku Kshirsagar, Gangadhar Appa Burande, Rajanitai Patil and Babanrao Dhakne were the MLAs who got elected, in the past, from Beed. All of them belonged to different castes. The case of Babanrao Dhakne is even more interesting. He was a Vanjari and hailed from a different geographical region that is Ahmednagar district. But this now feels like a dream. Most people are behaving suspiciously with each other. No doubt there are exceptions, but in some cases I have seen people even cutting off friendships while arguing about Maratha reservation and the current Massajog issue. The tea-stalls, Paan-Beedi shops, barber saloons are the social addas (hang-out places) in India. In Beed these addas (places) are a centre for heated arguments. In this not so normal environment, Dalit & Muslims and micro-minorities are apprehensive, afraid. Muslims were earlier supporting Marathas, they even distributed water to the Maratha Morchas (agitations), but now they have backed out as Maratha Morchas have become toxic and the leaders are spreading hatred against specific castes.

While going from Beed to Massajog, I stopped at a tea stall. There was a prominent board with the name of the stall and photos of Bhagwan Baba (A respected saint & activist from the Vanjari caste) and Gopinath Munde (former Union Minister of India). With his worldly wisdom, within no time, Garje, the stall owner, sensed that I am not a native person, and I might be a journalist. After offering the tea, he spontaneously started a conversation. Garje was telling me that allegedly Maratha quota leader Manoj Jarange once stopped at his tea stall but as soon as he sensed that the stall was being run by a person of the Vanjari community, he suddenly asked his teammates to get up and then they together left from there. Garje continued to express himself, “You know, I am originally from Pathardi (Nagar dist) There I have voted for Monika Tai Rajale, who is a Maratha. Pratap Kaka Dhakne, who is a Vanjari, was defeated, stood against her. This is Maharashtra, beyond caste consciousness. We are common people, we need a work-oriented MLA, that’s it. As a common man, my life is already full of hardships, I am no more interested in these tug of wards between politicians. People like Jarange keep spreading hatred within Marathas against us OBCs. But being a Maratha Leader, I will say, Jarange has united OBCs more than Marathas. He has shown us the importance of being together in these toxic times. We should actually thank Jarange for this.

Massajog is a village with 3-4 thousand population with Maratha being a prominent caste along with some OBCs and SC families. Massajog, famous for its matki-poha dish, is situated on NH 348 highway. The economy of the village survives on the income of small shops and hotels along with farming. Now the village is in the national headlines because of the brutal murder of 44 year old sarpanch, Santosh Deshmukh, on December 9.

The village is experiencing a drama much like the ‘Peepli Live’ movie due to the overwhelming presence of media, visible for the whole month of December. When I went to Deshmukh’s home in the evening, all the women, including his wife Ashwini and mother Shardabai were sitting near his photo. One can sense that some pooja rituals had been concluded just a while ago. Shardabai says, “I want justice as soon as possible, nothing else. Hang the culprits till death. My son was the blue eyed boy for the whole village. He was admired by numerous government officials for the developmental work he was doing in Massajog.

Sudarshan Deshmukh is one of the relatives of the Sarpanch. Sudarshan says, “The criminal offenses registered in our village since the last 10 years are less than 2%. Massajog is known for its admirable work in sanitation & water supply. Our village was active during the Maratha Morchas from the start. As a village we have always been united.

Dhananjay Deshmukh, Sarpanch Santosh’s brother, was sitting in a temporary canopy where a photo of Santosh has been kept, decorated with flowers. Dhananjay, with some of the villagers, was getting ready to start for Aantarwali Sarati. Before that, I was able to have a short talk with him. Deshmukh proudly talks about the legacy of his brother Santosh. He says, “My brother has been elected as vice-president (upsarpanch) of the Massajog Gram Panchayat. Then for the second term, his wife Ashwini was the (president) Sarpanch. Then, for this third term, he became the President (Sarpanch), two years ago.

Our family is originally from Barshi (Dist. Dharashiv). A few generations ago, our family migrated from Barshi to Massajog due to drought conditions. My brother and his wife were literally the icons for the villagers. Police should have taken the atrocity complaint of the scheduled caste (SC) watchman who was beaten by the same goons who then killed my brother Santosh. This would have prevented the further tragedy. Now the whole village has united to demand justice for their beloved Sarpanch. We are wishing that this all hooliganism should forever stop soon. I can feel the tensions in the air, that just one mistake of mine can lead to some anarchy. That is why I am more than alert while reacting to any developments. The whole village is with us but we are not in any mood to show muscle power. As a family, we want a democratic justice.

The mother of Santosh Deshmukh, Shardabai, was in deep grief. After a while, she managed to talk to me while some women wiped her tears. “Maza sonyasarkha lekru gela. Navra aani lek nasal tar baichya jagnyala kay arth asto sanga…. He jyanni kelay tyanna fashi dya tarch santosh cha aatma shant hoil. (My beloved son is now no more. Without a husband and a son, the life of any woman is in vain. The goons responsible for my son’s murder should be hanged till death. Then only his soul will rest in peace.)”

One of the villagers told me, “We have lost our dear first man of the village. As that dreadful news came, not a single person cooked anything in their kitchen. Whole village was mourning in grief. Hotel owners kept the hotels closed for eight consecutive days. Isn’t this exceptional?”

While going from Massajog to Parli, I stopped at a tea stall at Kej. Suleman Bhai (name changed to ensure anonymity) runs the stall. This is where Santosh Deshmukh used to sit with his friends and colleagues. While sharing memories of Deshmukh, Suleman Bhai says, “He was a soft spoken and humble person. He has always worked hard for the betterment of his village. I strongly feel that the home minister should be held accountable for all this. Maharashtra is a state with law and order. No caste should overpower other castes in a democracy. Some people are really afraid these days, I have observed this while running my tea stall here. This is not an ideal situation in our democratic country. The people behind all this tragedy do not belong to any caste or religion. They are just sworn to power. However no person in power remains always in in power. This is the only truth. Minorities are being forced to live in a vulnerable condition today. Politics is just a game played by a few goons.”

On social media, virtually, one can witness the clashes between the young generation over the changing image of Beed and Parli. In one social media posts, a young boy outside Parli posted a mile-stone signboard of Parli Town and asked, ‘Shall I proceed or go back?’ In the same post, while commenting, several social-media users from Beed and Parli have expressed their deep anguish. Some of them logically expressed themselves by saying that a handful of people can’t decide the character of any city. Many of the users even abused that person for bad-naming their city. One can find such posts revolving around Beed and Parli with heated arguments in the comment box these days.

Parli Vaijnath is the second largest city in the Beed district when it comes to population. It is the birth place of Gopinath Munde. The city is famous for religious reasons. As one of the 12 Jyotirlingas of Shiva, Vaijanath is situated in Parli, the pilgrims from across India keep visiting the ancient temple. Nowadays, it is in headlines for different reasons.

Sunil (name changed to ensure anonymity) is a politician from Parli. He enjoys a large circle of friends which is a mix of diverse classes and castes. I went for a small tea party with Sunil and his friends. With a sarcastic tone, they started like, “We believe that the main profession in Parli is of people keeping alive heated discussions about politics with a cup of tea. If you ask us about Parli, this is a land which believes in the personality cult phenomenon. And this has its inevitable consequences.

One of Sunil’s friends says, Beed and Parli themselves have become a different caste now. When it comes to this geographical area, we are being treated as kind of ‘untouchables’. People outside Beed have already started treating us differently. Memes, sarcastic comments and jokes are enjoyable to a certain extent. There comes a time, however, when this hurts.

(To be continued)

(This is part one of the ground report. The author is an independent journalist and can be reached at sharmishtha.2011@gmail.com)

Images: Yogesh Bhausaheb Dhakne

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The post “Beed has become the new caste now!” an in-depth exploration of simmering caste tensions in Marathwada appeared first on SabrangIndia.

While police have taken three suspects into custody, authorities are yet to disclose their identities or motive. A post-mortem has been conducted, and forensic analysis is underway to determine whether the victim was sexually assaulted. Despite the police’s insistence that they are actively investigating, the family remains critical, alleging that the officers failed to search for the woman properly until her body was discovered by her brother-in-law.

Family’s allegations and harrowing discovery

The victim’s family had reported her missing on Friday, yet the police allegedly failed to launch an immediate search operation. It was her brother-in-law who ultimately found the mutilated body near a canal, just 500 metres from their village. The corpse was found bound with ropes, with multiple deep wounds, a fractured leg, and signs of extreme brutality. The horrific condition of the body left family members and locals in shock, with some fainting at the sight. Despite these gruesome details, local police officials initially remained non-committal, stating that further action would only follow after receiving the post-mortem report. The family and villagers, however, have squarely blamed the authorities for their negligence, stating that a proactive approach could have saved the victim’s life.

Political leaders condemn law enforcement and state government

The case has ignited a political storm, with prominent leaders condemning the state government’s failure to protect Dalits and other marginalised communities. Chandrashekhar Azad, MP from Nagina and president of Azad Samaj Party, staged a protest in front of the BR Ambedkar statue in Parliament, slamming the Uttar Pradesh police for their delayed response. “For three days, there was no action until the family found the body themselves. This shows the utter failure of the system,” he said, adding that under the current government, atrocities against Dalits have become rampant.

Faizabad MP Awadhesh Prasad broke down in tears while addressing the media, expressing his anguish over the brutal crime. In a highly emotional moment, he questioned, “Where are Lord Ram and Mother Sita? How did this happen to a daughter in Ayodhya?” He vowed to resign from his post if justice was not delivered, though his colleagues urged him to fight from within the system.

Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav described the incident as “inhuman,” blaming the ruling BJP for rising atrocities against Dalits, minorities, and backward communities. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also criticised the government’s inaction, asserting that had the administration responded to the family’s cries for help, the victim’s life might have been saved.

अयोध्या में दलित बेटी के साथ हुई अमानवता और उसकी नृशंस हत्या हृदयविदारक और बहुत शर्मनाक है।

तीन दिनों से गूंजती बच्ची के परिवार के मदद की पुकार पर अगर प्रशासन ने ध्यान दिया होता तो शायद उसके जीवन की रक्षा हो सकती थी। एक और बेटी के जीवन का इस घिनौने अपराध से अंत हो गया। आखिर कब… pic.twitter.com/25SRfkA3a2

— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) February 2, 2025

Priyanka Gandhi echoed similar sentiments, condemning the police for their indifference and calling the UP government synonymous with Dalit oppression.

अयोध्या में भागवत कथा सुनने गई एक दलित बच्ची के साथ जिस तरह की बर्बरता हुई, उसे सुनकर किसी भी इंसान की रूह कांप जाए। ऐसी क्रूर घटनाएं समूची मानवता को शर्मसार करती हैं। बच्ची तीन दिन से गायब थी लेकिन पुलिस ने कुछ नहीं किया। भाजपा के जंगलराज में दलितों, आदिवासियों, पिछड़ों और…

— Priyanka Gandhi Vadra (@priyankagandhi) February 2, 2025

Police response and conflicting claims

As the outrage mounted, the Ayodhya police attempted to push back against the allegations. Senior Superintendent of Police (Ayodhya) Raj Karan Nayyer stated that the post-mortem indicated that the cause of death was “shock and haemorrhage due to ante-mortem injuries.” He denied claims that the woman’s eyes had been gouged out, attributing the post-mortem injuries to the body being dumped elsewhere before being discovered near the canal. While he acknowledged that “strong clues” had been found and “key suspects” detained, the police’s initial inaction remains a glaring issue.

Despite these claims, the family maintains that the police failed to search for the victim and only responded after public pressure mounted. The administration’s handling of the case has reinforced the perception that crimes against Dalits are often met with indifference, exacerbating fears of systemic caste-based violence.

A pattern of impunity and injustice

This incident is yet another addition to a long list of brutal crimes against Dalit women in Uttar Pradesh, where justice is often delayed or denied. The state government’s failure to ensure safety, combined with police apathy, has further eroded trust in law enforcement. The outpouring of grief and anger from citizens and political leaders highlights the deep-rooted caste-based discrimination that continues to enable such crimes.

As the investigation continues, the crucial question remains—will this be yet another case where perpetrators walk free due to political and institutional protection, or will the state finally act decisively to bring justice to the victim and her family? The people of Uttar Pradesh, particularly its Dalit community, are watching closely.

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The post Ayodhya’s shocking crime: Dalit woman found dead, allegations of sexual violence, police accused of delay appeared first on SabrangIndia.