A cursory look at the book Caste of Merit: Engineering Education in India, by Ajantha Subramanian, may help us understand how conditions that reproduce merit are shaped by caste. But being critical of oppression is not expected from someone who is trying to portray Brahmins as oppressed. Recently, Tiwari flaunted images of Brahmin-Gene-stickers as signs of wisdom, strength and pride—seeking Brahminical solidarity.

After hoarding a huge share of social advantages, the Brahminical-Gene is still so insecure. Even after sharing a miniscule percentage of high-stake jobs, the Brahminical-Gene needs to reassert its identity to secure jobs. Even after maintaining a complete monopoly over knowledge in the pre-colonial era, the Brahminical-Gene calls for a ‘fight-back’. And even after living out of other people’s alms and services for centuries—the privileged Brahminical-Gene is suspecting some disadvantage, because of what the caste census may reveal: the disproportionate nature power and privilege.

Why is the Brahminical-Gene so obsessed with ‘quota-people’? Why do they think that these underserving ‘quota-people’ have been snatching all their jobs and seats since the past seven decades? Can we even compare 70 years of affirmation against hundreds of years of hoarding resources and privileges?

A simple fact-check should be sufficient to shut the flawed upper caste phobia regarding ‘undeserving’ candidates getting everything on a platter while the general candidates ‘work harder’, yet fail to make the cut because of ‘quota’. Such an upper caste mentality seems to have forgotten the dismal number of government jobs and reserved seats that come under the ambit of reservation, if compared with the magnitude of private jobs along with the ocean of unorganised sector that constitutes over 95% of employment opportunities and remains outside the range of reservation. But the Brahminical-Gene loves to remain indifferent to such basic facts.

There is no other social institution that is so vehemently against the modern egalitarian agenda as much as the Brahminical caste system. It legitimised social inequality through ascriptive roles, endogamy, and everyday mutual repulsion. As an utterly oppressive system, it is heavily prejudiced in favour of those who belong to the upper and middle layers of the hierarchy, and invariably those who traditionally own land and other resources.

The upper castes are also the ones who have also successfully converted their caste-capital into clean livelihoods and modern skills, as sociologist Satish Deshpande has argued in his essay ‘Biography of General Quota’. But when others are still in the process of claiming their fair share of power, resources and opportunities, the Brahminical-gene is anguished. We need ‘Brahmin-Gene’-stickers to show who we are. Is that not how the Brahminical-Gene behaved for ages—with display of all kinds of marks on the bodies to demarcate themselves from the others?

Delegitimising the Other and Denial of Resources

The playing fields were never equal; and even now, they are far from being equal. Merit, like any other acquired commodity, is not meant for free distribution. Merit is designed to discredit the ‘others’. For example, Bharti’s character in Gilli Pucchi, a Hindi short film, directed by Neeraj Ghaywan, is a touching portrayal of how a Dalit blue-collar worker is considered absolutely incapable of making a transition to the white-collar segment—even though she possesses all the necessary qualifications. In comparison, an upper caste woman, with no proven qualification, is considered more suited. A Dalit’s claim on clean work faces social delegitimisation. Dismissing the ‘other’ is integral to the Brahminical-Gene.

The Brahminical-Gene is not confined to Brahmins alone. It is a genetic disorder of feeling superior, which is structurally embedded in the caste system. Myths and economic resources are often deployed to claim that “we are superior to our equals and equal to our superiors,” as sociologist Dipankar Gupta has argued.

The structure of caste system does not permit sharing of resources. If we turn to contemporary Tamil popular cinema, violent assertion of the marginalised is repeatedly premised on contestation over resources, which have been traditionally denied to them. Conflicts arise when such resources, such as land or educational rights, are demanded.

For instance, Tamil film, Asuran (2019), directed by Vetrimaaran, begins with a fight over water. Dominant castes, who have installed an electronic pump for irrigation, are oblivious to the fact that ground water is a shared resource and installation of the pump will reduce the water level. Contestation over water is temporarily resolved by compelling the ‘lowly lives’ (as they are addressed by the upper castes) to enter into an unfair compromise. The ‘lowly’ has to take his slipper off and beg and plead in front of all the upper caste households. Towards the end, there is a profound statement from the suffering protagonist, who advices his son to take up education. “Land can be seized; money can be snatched but education cannot be taken away,” he says. Therefore, it is in the Brahminical-Gene to make education less accessible.

Another Tamil film, Pariyerum Perumal (2018), written and directed by Mari Selvaraj, opens with an elaborate punishment scene, where a dog belonging to the Dalits is tied to the railway track to be squashed. The idea is to show ‘them their place’ for entering into the fields that originally belong them, but have been misappropriated by the upper castes. Here, too, education is seen as emancipatory. It is the only path to emerge out of the vicious cycle of subordination and denial.

But the educational system favours the privileged castes, making it difficult for a first-generation Dalit to complete a degree. If education is a legitimate means to be upwardly mobile, no wonder that it such a contested terrain. To maintain status-quo and restrict mobility—rights to admission must be reserved only for the inheritors of ‘merit’. Discrimination must be reasserted at every stage to make things difficult for others. The suffering protagonist utters with regret at the end that “as long as you are the way you are and expect me to be the dog, noting will change.” Expecting others to be subservient is an important component of the Brahminical-Gene.

In Maamannan (2023), another Tamil film by Mari Selvaraj, Dalit children are punished to death by inflicting stones on their heads because they were taking bath in a well that is reserved for upper castes. Later in the narrative, one of the survivors gets into a feud, when his father is denied the right to sit by the side of a leader from the dominant caste.

The symbolic contestations take a different dimension in Tamil fil, Karnan (2021), again directed by Selvaraj, where the male protagonist explains the actual reason for atrocities against them. He says that the upper castes are not irked because they demanded a bus stop in their village. Their dignity was ‘robbed’ because Dalits have decided to walk with their head held high and fight. It is that resistance, that irritates the upper caste egos more than the act of appropriating upper caste names. Conscious of hierarchy, the fragile Brahminical-Gene is prone to getting offended when others do not bow down.

‘A Different Kind of Justice’

The most nuanced and subtle expression of the distance between castes—paradoxically arrives after consensual sexual intimacy between a male Dalit police officer and a daughter of a higher ranked officer in the Hindi film, Bheed (2023) by Anubhav Sinha. The officer says: “My hands tremble while touching you. Justice is always in the hands of the strong; if it’s transferred to the hands of the weak, it’ll be a different kind of a justice”.

The distance, the denial, the difference, the demarcation, the deprivation, the dominance, and the dehumanisation has been so internalised over generations that the touch ‘trembles’, even after attaining some power and status guaranteed by the Constitution. It is the touch of the lower caste, after all. Justice is still not served by these hands even though it is allowed to touch.

At this point, it is relevant to cite a question that the Hindi film Article 15 (2019) throws at us: Do ‘they’ even exist in the definition of the nation? It is the nation that hides its deficiency of not providing safety equipment to Dalit drainage plumbers, and then accusing a social activist for writing content that instigates manual scavengers to commit suicide (Marathi film, Court, 2014)! To be dismissive of petty demises, defines the Brahminical-Gene.

The privileged Brahminical-Gene despises anything that would quantify their accumulated privilege at the cost of others. Disparities and disproportionate arrangements would be validated by numbers. There will be legitimate demands to extend and expand the scope of reservation. Hence, the Brahminical-Gene is averse to caste census.

Serving social justice is not in the DNA of the Brahmin-Gene. It wants to own ‘merit’ and disown the ethical baggage of social justice. Therefore, the constitution of the Brahminical-Gene is essentially un-constitutional.

Courtesy: The AIDEM

The post Decoding Brahminical-Gene Through Popular Films appeared first on SabrangIndia.

These indigenous Adivasi communities have been known for long for their more self-reliant life patterns integrated closely with forests and their protection. However they suffered heavily during colonial rule in terms of introduction of new exploitative practices, assault on their life and livelihood patterns and the resource base which sustained it. Subsequently there were several revolts against colonial rule and its collaborators. Apart from some of the better-known struggles such as those led by the valiant BirsaMunda, there were several less known but also no less important struggles such as those led by Govind Guru among the Bhils and related tribal communities in Central India. The extent of repression by colonial forces and their close collaborators here was also very extreme, perhaps even more than some of the widely known events of extreme repression such as the Jalianwala Bagh massacre.

In the post-independence period it was a well-recognised aspect of government policy that Adivasi communities constitute a particularly vulnerable group and special efforts for ensuring a fair deal to them should be made. This led to several development initiatives aimed particularly at benefiting these communities, while of course there are other schemes and programs open to all sections which benefit these communities as well.

There are reservations for scheduled tribes in jobs as well as in other aspects. Above all, there is recognition of their more autonomous path of development in keeping with their traditions and life-patterns, and a special law PESA (Panchayati Raj Extension to Scheduled Areas) has been enacted in recognition of this, also protecting the rights of tribal communities over resource bases in several ways.

However at the implementation level, the admirable aims of protecting Adivasi communities and their rights and interests could not be achieved to any desirable extent. In several areas these indigenous communities have been displaced on a very large scale or their life has been significantly disrupted by ecologically destructive projects. It is clear by now that several such distortions and mistakes need to be corrected.

This is all the more important in view of several fast emerging new factors that are re-emphasising the importance of strengthening these tribal communities and preserving and promoting sustainable livelihoods of such communities by integrating this task more closely with protection of environment. In this emergent thinking based on relatively new understanding, the progress of tribal communities is seen not in terms of individual beneficiaries, but in terms of a more holistic strengthening of tribal communities and their sustainable livelihoods in ways that are at the same time very helpful in reducing very serious environmental problems.

In recent years there has been increasing evidence-based recognition that a number of environmental problems led by but not confined to climate change are becoming serious enough to emerge as a survival crisis. In fact in the context of several vulnerable communities this survival crisis can already be seen. Along with climate change, related local problems of deforestation, changing land-use and resource use patterns including emergence of highly destructive ones, increasing water scarcity and threatened water sources are seen as parts of this survival crisis.

As a part of the sincere efforts for mobilising an adequate, credible, hope-giving and sustainable response to this emerging crisis, among more enlightened sections there is a refreshing trend to question the dominant development paradigm which has resulted in this deeply worrying crisis. This enlightened viewpoint argues that there is increasing need to give more importance to the alternative patterns of thinking and living (on that basis) which can give much greater hope for protection of environment. In this context the commitment and capability of several tribal communities to have a life-pattern integrated closely with forests and protection of forests has attracted much attention. On a deeper inquiry, several of these communities are found to be making much more careful and sustainable use of resources to meet their needs in ways which minimise waste and are more self-reliant in terms of satisfying needs on the basis of well-informed utilisation of local resources, including sustainable , protection-based, careful use of forests and other bio-diversity.

Hence it is increasingly realised that these communities, their life-pattern, world-view and thinking can contribute a lot to protection of environment. Despite there being increasing evidence of this, the bigger conservation projects even in the areas inhabited by such communities are often based on the displacement of these communities or on disrupting their life-pattern based on close integration with forests.This comes on top of other kinds of displacements and disruptions caused by various ‘development’, mining and other projects supported by powerful interests.

There is thus a clear need to bring suitable changes in the existing policy framework togive the highest importance to strengthening tribal communities and their sustainable livelihoods and integrating this task with a wider vision of protecting environment. This would be a great way forward for taking forward the welfare of tribal communities and at the same time achieving significant success in environment protection on a firm base with community involvement, the kind of success that would be welcomed and admired all over the world.

(The author is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, Planet in Peril and A Day in 2071)  

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It was Krishna Kumar, the well-known educationist, who I believe first introduced me to the name — Gijubhai Badheka (1885–1939). Hailing from Bhavnagar, known as the cultural capital of the Saurashtra region of Gujarat, Gijubhai, Kumar told me during my student days, made significant contributions to the field of pedagogy — something that hasn’t received much attention from India’s education mandarins. At that time, Kumar was my tutorial teacher at Kirorimal College, Delhi University.

When Kumar — who is said to have been the main mind behind Prof Yashpal’s seminal report “Learning Without Burden” — mentioned Gijubhai, I vaguely recalled my father, Jagubhai Shah, also referring to him as a great Gandhian educationist. As often happens in youth, I didn’t pay much attention to what my father said about him. I vaguely remember my father telling me he had been associated as an art teacher at Ghar Shala, or perhaps Dakshinamurti Balmandir, both founded by Gijubhai for his educational experiments.

My recent interest in Gijubhai, also known as “Mucchadi Maa” (mother with moustaches), stems from a contact I received from someone in Pune — of Mamata Pandya, my school classmate. I was told she is Gijubhai’s granddaughter and had created a site: https://gijubhaibadheka.in. After leaving school in 1970, I met her sometime in the early 1990s after I joined The Times of India, Ahmedabad, as assistant editor. It was at the Centre for Environment Education (CEE), where I had been invited to speak on media and the environment. I was told she had spent around 35 years at CEE.

This prompted me to recall two contrasting viewpoints on Gijubhai that exist in Gujarat today. One, a critical perspective, is from top Dalit rights leader Martin Macwan, who had written a critique of Gijubhai objecting to his views on Dalits several years ago.

During a recent interaction with Macwan, I asked him specifically about his objections. He said that while Gijubhai’s contributions to pedagogy were unparalleled (“he used the Montessori method of teaching in Indian circumstances”), he suffered from the same casteist attitudes that plagued most Gandhians of his time.

“My article was published in the journal Naya Marg (now defunct), edited by the late Indubhai Jani,” he said, and went on to describe a story written by Gijubhai for children. “The story is about a princess who falls in love with what Gijubhai calls a bhangi. The term itself is derogatory. The boy wants to marry the princess.”

Macwan continued, “Her brother, the prince, lays down a condition: she can marry the boy if he wins a gambling game. The prince loses, and the princess marries the boy, who lives in a low-lying area inhabited by so-called untouchables. She is unhappy with the place. Seeing her distress, the king attacks the locality, destroys it, and ‘frees’ the princess. The story ends with the ruler’s family living happily ever after.”

“What message does this give, especially to young minds?” Macwan asked, adding, “Such views can be found in other stories by Gijubhai as well. I read many to understand his perspective.” A similar view, he said, is shared by Joseph Macwan, a well-known Gujarati litterateur, “who has also written critically about Gijubhai.”

Martin Macwan, Sukhdev Patel

 

He added, “And to those who say Gijubhai should be seen in the context of his times, I
want to remind them that the couple Jyotiba and Savitribai Phule, also educationists and living a generation earlier (in the 19th century), strongly opposed untouchability and passionately advocated for Dalit and women’s rights in Maharashtra.”

The other viewpoint comes from Gujarat’s well-known child rights leader Sukhdev Patel, who once told me that branding Gijubhai as casteist “overlooks” his immense contribution to pedagogy. A look at Gijubhai’s work suggests that while he opposed social discrimination and advocated inclusive education, there are no direct quotes in which he explicitly denounces caste discrimination.

At the institutions he established in Bhavnagar, it is said that Gijubhai promoted the inclusion of marginalized groups, encouraged Dalits to join in, and facilitated education for all, regardless of caste. His educational philosophy was centred on child-centric learning, freedom, and respect — challenging the rigid and discriminatory norms of his time.

However, the farthest he went was to say things like: “Every child has the right to a quality education, regardless of their background or circumstances,” “Education is not a privilege; it’s a fundamental human right,” or “Children are not vessels to be filled with knowledge but lamps to be lit.”

Gijubhai also said, emphasizing the need for schools to adapt to children’s diverse needs: “It is not that they are unfit for the school. Rather, the school is unfit for them. The school is unable to teach them what they have the aptitude for.” He was, his defenders point out, critical of the conventional, exam-driven schooling system that treated children as passive recipients, and instead advocated activity-based learning, storytelling, music, and hands-on experiences — something Prof Yashpal’s report “Learning Without Burden” also emphasized.

It is precisely for this reason, it is pointed out, that Krishna Kumar, in a paper titled What is Worth Teaching?, laments: “We have failed to give Gijubhai the place he deserves in the national narrative of educational thought. His experiments in Bhavnagar were a far more radical challenge to colonial schooling than many better-known reform efforts.”

Courtesy: CounterView

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Read: 60 Years Of Constitutional Rights Denied To 20 Millions Indian Dalit Christians | SabrangIndia

Can a Dalit not be a Christian or Muslim? Conversely, even after conversion out of caste-ridden Hinduism, is the discrimination suffered by caste be suffered by one who opts otherwise for Christianity or Islam?

Despite several attempts by the executive through Orders and Commissions to overturn once and for all, the discriminatory Presidential Order of 1950, Courts continue to affirm its limited understanding.

The recent, Akkala Rami Reddy judgement delivered by the AP high court spotlights this enduring debate on SC status for religious converts. The Andhra Pradesh High Court’s decision in Akkala Rami Reddy v. State of Andhra Pradesh has reignited a critical legal and social debate: Should Scheduled Caste (SC) status, with its attendant protections and affirmative action benefits, be denied to individuals solely based on their conversion to religions like Christianity or Islam, even if they continue to face caste-based discrimination? Overwhelming social scientific evidence and testimony led to the official admission in the Ranganath Mishra Commission Report (2007) that Christian and Muslim Dalits suffer the same forms of discrimination as their Hindu counterparts.

The judgment, which quashed SC/ST Act proceedings against the petitioners based on the complainant Pastor’s conversion to Christianity, underscores the judiciary’s current adherence to the 1950 Presidential Order.[1]

What is the 1950 Presidential Order?

The Presidential Orders regarding the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950 and the Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950. These orders were issued by the President of India under Articles 341 and 342 of the Constitution of India, which define who would be Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes with respect to any State or Union Territory. More about the detailed process can be read here.

So, for a caste to be claiming the SC status, it has to be included the Constitution Order, 1950. The order states as follows in Paragraph 3:

“Notwithstanding anything contained in paragraph 2, no person who professes a religion different from the Hindu, the Sikh or the Buddhist religion shall be deemed to be a member of a Scheduled Caste.”

This means, only people from the religions of Hindus, Buddhists and Sikhs can be members of scheduled castes.

The Akkala Rami Reddy ruling: Conversion and ineligibility under SC/ST Act

In Akkala Rami Reddy, the AP High Court, on April 30, 2025, declared that the complainant, who had been working as a Pastor for approximately ten years, could not invoke the provisions of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. The Court reasoned that the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, explicitly states that no person professing a religion different from Hinduism (later amended to include Sikhism and Buddhism) shall be deemed a member of a Scheduled Caste. The Court held that an individual converted to Christianity ceases to be a member of a Scheduled Caste and thus cannot claim the protections of the SC/ST Act. “The 2nd respondent has ceased to be a Member of the Scheduled Caste Community, the day he had converted into Christianity,” the judgment firmly stated.

The 1950 Order: A discriminatory relic?

At the heart of this recurring issue is Paragraph 3 of the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950. Initially restricting SC status to Hindus, it was later amended to include Sikhs (1956) and Buddhists (1990).

The judgement presumes that caste discrimination vanishes upon conversion to egalitarian religions like Christianity or Islam. This exclusion establishes religion as the primary determinant for SC status, overlooking the socio-economic realities of continued caste-based oppression.

Judgement not a deviation but a rule

While the social realities of India would make one see the caste discrimination faced by people belonging to religions other than Hindu, Sikh and Buddhist—the courts have consistently taken a position that adheres to the literal law i.e., the Constitutional Order, 1950.

In one of the earlier cases, the Madras High Court in G. Michael v. S. Venkateswaran (1951), noted that while Christianity and Islam do not recognize caste systems, there were exceptions, particularly in South India, where members of lower castes converted to Christianity but were still considered members of their original caste by other caste members. However, the general rule established was that conversion operates as an expulsion from the caste, meaning a convert ceases to have any caste.[2]

Building on this, in S. Rajagopal v. C. M. Armugam (1968), the Supreme Court held that a person belonging to a Scheduled Caste (Adi Dravida Hindu in this case) who converted to Christianity lost their caste membership.[3] The Court found that the Christian religion does not recognize caste classifications, treating all Christians as equals. While the appellant claimed to have later reconverted to Hinduism and was professing Hindu religion by the time of the election, the Court stated that mere reconversion is not sufficient to automatically resume membership of the previous caste. It emphasized that acceptance by the caste in general as a member after reconversion is required, based on the principle that the caste itself is the supreme judge in matters affecting its composition.[4] Since the appellant had not provided evidence of such acceptance, his claim to SC status was rejected.

The principles from S. Rajagopal were considered in Principal, Guntur Medical College, v. Y. Mohan Rao (1976). This case involved a person born to parents who had converted from Hindu SC to Christianity, who later reconverted to Hinduism. The Supreme Court clarified that the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, required a person to profess Hindu or Sikh religion at the relevant time to be deemed a member of a Scheduled Caste, not necessarily to be born into it. Regarding reconversion, the Court reasoned that a person born of Christian converts could become a member of the caste their parents belonged to before conversion if the members of that caste accept him as a member and admit him within the fold.[5] The caste’s acceptance is the key requirement.

Further developing the legal position, Kailash Sonkar v. Smt. Maya Devi (1983) extensively examined the effect of conversion and reconversion on caste status. The Supreme Court stated that conversion to Christianity or Islam involves loss of caste unless the new religion is liberal enough to permit the convertee to retain their caste or family laws. However, where the new religion does not accept the caste system, the loss of caste is complete. Introducing the doctrine of eclipse, the Court opined that when a person converts, the original caste remains under eclipse and automatically revives upon reconversion to the original religion during their lifetime. While acknowledging that acceptance by the community of the old order was previously considered a norm, the Court noted the difficulty and potential for exploitation in strictly insisting on this second condition in modern society.[6] It suggested that revival might occur by applying the doctrine of eclipse, though added a rider that this might be difficult if the conversion occurred several generations ago.[7]

Despite these verdicts, this one held to the contrary.
In 1984, The Supreme Court of India in the case of S. Anbalagan Vs. Devarajan AIR 1984 SC 411, said that “the practice of caste however irrational it may appear to our reason and however are repugnant it may appear to our moral and social sense, it so deep rooted in the India people that its mark does not seem to disappear on conversion to a different religion.”

However, more recently, in C. Selvarani v The Special Secretary Cum District (2024), the appellant, born Christian, claimed SC status based on her father’s background and her profession of Hinduism. The court noted evidence of her baptism shortly after birth, concluding she was a born Christian. It held that a person born Christian cannot be associated with any caste.[8] Further, upon conversion to Christianity, one loses her caste. While the appellant claimed to profess Hinduism, the court found the claim of reconversion disputed and noted the lack of positive acts or public declaration to evince such conversion, concluding she did not profess Hinduism. Therefore, in terms of the S.C. Order, 1964(The order for the Union Territory of Puducherry), she was not entitled to the Scheduled Caste community certificate as she did not profess Hinduism, Sikhism, or Buddhism.

In summary, the courts have consistently held that professing Hinduism, Sikhism, or Buddhism is a mandatory condition for being deemed a member of a Scheduled Caste under the relevant Presidential Orders. Conversion to other religions like Christianity or Islam generally results in the loss of the original caste status. While reconversion to Hinduism may allow for the regaining of caste membership, this often depends on acceptance by the caste community, although the doctrine of eclipse discussed in Kailash Sonkar suggests a potential revival upon genuine reconversion, noting the practical difficulties of insisting on community acceptance. Being born to Christian parents and subsequently claiming SC status after converting to Hinduism also hinges upon acceptance by the original caste group. Furthermore, proof of genuinely professing the specified religion and undertaking positive acts of conversion/reconversion can be crucial.

What runs contrary to this however is several Orders by the GOI’s Social Welfare Ministry and also Commissions appointed by successive governments at the Centre. Details of these may be read here.

The Issue with this judicial approach

This judicial stance, rooted in the interpretation and application of the 1950 Presidential Order, operates under the premise that caste, as a phenomenon warranting the specific provisions of Scheduled Caste status, is intrinsically linked to Hinduism (and later, Sikhism and Buddhism) and is shed upon conversion to faiths perceived as egalitarian, such as Christianity and Islam. However, a comprehensive understanding necessitates looking beyond this legally constructed silo to the complex sociological realities of caste and discrimination as they manifest across religious communities in India.

Contrary to the assumption embedded within the 1950 Order and upheld by the courts, historical and sociological research demonstrates that caste, or caste-like social stratification and discrimination, persists among Indian Christians and Muslims. While the nature and religious sanction of caste may differ significantly from its scripturally embedded form in Hinduism, its practical social manifestations – particularly the division between Dalits (formerly known as untouchables) and non-Dalits, and practices like endogamy – are not confined by religious boundaries.

As B.R. Ambedkar incisively argued, while caste among Mohammedans and Sikhs might lack the conscious, religiously consecrated ties that bind Hindu castes, and breach of caste rules might not lead to formal excommunication in the same way, caste nonetheless exists as a social practice or “survival” within these communities. Its significance might not be as profound as in Hinduism where it is a sacred institution compelling segregation, yet its presence cannot be dismissed. The crucial distinction Ambedkar makes is the absence of religious dogma compelling isolation in non-Hindu faiths, unlike in Hinduism.^[9] However, the implication that caste is non-existent or irrelevant among converts is not what Ambedkar suggests; rather, its role and basis are different.

Expanding on this, scholar Rupa Viswanath highlights that conversion has historically not guaranteed freedom from caste identity or discrimination for Dalits. The fundamental distinction between Dalits and non-Dalits, rooted in historical hierarchies and social power dynamics, transcends religious identity in India.^[10] While acknowledging Hinduism’s unique theological rationale for caste, Viswanath argues that focusing solely on this theological difference is misplaced when analysing the persistence of caste structures. The practice of endogamy, a cornerstone of caste, is observed across religious lines. Furthermore, the social division and discrimination faced by Dalits often continue regardless of their conversion, perpetuated by both co-religionists (who may retain caste consciousness or practices) and members of other communities.

Historically, within Indian Christianity, debates among missionaries and Indian converts themselves reveal the complex relationship with caste. While some Protestant missionaries, according to Vishwanath, advocated for the immediate abandonment of caste upon conversion due to its perceived link to Hinduism, others, including many high-caste Indian Christians, viewed caste as a purely civil or social distinction separable from religion, thus justifying its continuation within the Christian fold. This perspective often framed caste as a historical division of labour or social rank, seen as natural or even moral to observe, stripped of its overt “heathenish” religious justification from Hinduism.[11] Catholic missions, in some instances, were even more accommodating of existing caste structures, as seen in the approach of figures like Robert de Nobili, according to Ashok Mocherla.[12] These historical dynamics illustrate that conversion to Christianity, in practice, did not necessarily translate into the erasure of caste identity or cessation of caste-based social stratification and discrimination.

Similarly, while Islam conceptually emphasizes equality among believers, the social history of Muslims in the Indian subcontinent includes the development of hierarchical structures akin to caste, often reflected in divisions like Ashraf (those claiming foreign ancestry), Ajlaf (indigenous converts from privileged Hindu castes), and Arzal (converts from marginalised Hindu castes, including Dalits), with social interaction and marriage patterns often following these lines.[13]

Therefore, the legal position, as reinforced by judgments like Akkala Rami Reddy, rests on an incomplete and perhaps Orientalist understanding that segregates caste primarily as a “Hindu problem” that is resolved through conversion to religions deemed inherently egalitarian. This perspective fails to acknowledge the socio-economic realities and persistent discrimination faced by Dalit converts, whose historical location within the caste hierarchy continues to shape their experiences regardless of their faith. A more comprehensive understanding would recognize caste not merely as a theological construct limited to Hinduism, but as a deeply entrenched social structure of hierarchy, discrimination, and exclusion that has adapted and manifested within various religious communities in India. Consequently, linking Scheduled Caste status eligibility solely to the profession of specific religions, while ignoring the lived reality of continued caste-based disadvantage among converts to others, appears fundamentally inconsistent with the affirmative action principles intended to address historical injustices rooted in caste. It creates a paradox where individuals continue to suffer caste discrimination but are legally denied the means to address it based on their religious identity, highlighting the critical need for a religion-neutral approach to defining and addressing the Scheduled Castes.

One of the major unresolved issues lies in the Ghazi Saaduddin v. State of Maharashtra case, stalled since 2004. It challenges the constitutional legitimacy of the 1950 Presidential Order. In April 2024, the Supreme Court postponed hearing the matter, pointing to an ongoing inquiry by a commission headed by former Chief Justice K.G. Balakrishnan. The commission’s findings are now due in October 2025.

The core question remains whether the Indian legal system will evolve to recognize the lived reality of caste discrimination beyond specified religious confines, thereby ensuring that the constitutional promise of equality and social justice truly extends to all its Dalit citizens.

(The author is part of the legal research team of the organisation).

[1] [1] CRIMINAL PETITION No.7114 OF 2022

[2] Para 17, AIR 1952 MADRAS 474

[3] Page 12, AIR 1969 SUPREME COURT 101

[4] Ibid page 14.

[5] Page 6, AIR 1976 SUPREME COURT 1904

[6] Page 14, AIR 1984 SUPREME COURT 600

[7] Ibid

[8] Para 12, 2024 INSC 920

^[9] Dr.Bhimrao Ambedkar, Annihilation of Caste (1936), ch.19, Para 7.

^[10] Rupa Vishwanath, The Pariah Problem: Caste, Religion, and the Social in Modern India (2014), p.313, Columbia University Press.

[11] Ibid p.75

[12] Ashok Kumar Mocherla, Dalit Christians in South India (2021), pp. 107-108

[13] Sobin George & Shrinidhi Adiga, ‘Caste’ Among Muslims: Ethnographic Account from a Karnataka Village(2017), p.1

Related:

Over 300 attacks on Christians reported this year, over 2000 women, Adivasis and Dalits injured

No SC quota for Dalits converting to Islam & Christianity to contest elections: Centre to RS

Beyond “Rice Bag” Christians: Examining the case of Indigenous Christianity in India

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The Case in Brief: From suspension to the Supreme Court

Ramadas K.S., a first-generation learner from a Dalit family in Kerala, first joined TISS in 2015 to pursue a Master’s in Media and Cultural Studies. In 2021, he enrolled in the integrated MPhil-PhD programme in Development Studies. His academic record earned him a National Fellowship for Scheduled Caste candidates in 2023, awarded by the Union Ministry of Social Justice following his successful performance in the UGC-NET examination.

In April 2024, Dalit PhD scholar Ramdas was suspended for two years by the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), sparking widespread concern about academic freedom and political expression on Indian campuses. The disciplinary action was triggered by his participation in a protest against the BJP government and the National Education Policy during a Parliament March in Delhi, organised under the banner of the Progressive Students’ Forum–TISS (PSF–TISS). The institute claimed that by using the name “TISS” in posters and slogans, Ramdas had given the impression that the institute endorsed the protest, thereby bringing it into disrepute.

The institute also cited past instances of activism, including an overnight protest outside the TISS Director’s residence and a social media post encouraging students to watch Ram Ke Naam, a documentary critical of Hindutva politics. According to TISS, this pattern of “repetitive misconduct” and prioritising political activity over academics justified the suspension. Ramdas, who was on a scholarship from the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, also had his fellowship withheld.

In May 2024, Ramdas challenged the suspension before the Bombay High Court, arguing that it violated his fundamental rights, particularly his freedom of expression and association. However, in a verdict delivered in March 2025, the High Court upheld the suspension, stating that while Ramdas had a right to his political views, he had crossed the line by linking those views with the institute’s name. The judgment has since raised alarm among student groups and civil society over its implications for dissent in academic spaces. Pursuant to the judgment delivered by the High Court, Ramdas had moved the Supreme Court.

Detailed analysis of the Bombay HC order may be read here.

Before the Supreme Court: Arguments and considerations

At the Supreme Court, the petitioner was represented by Senior Advocate and Former Chief Justice of Orissa High Court Dr. S. Muralidhar, who pressed for immediate relief and reinstatement. As per LiveLaw, the counsel had argued that the disciplinary proceedings lacked fairness and transparency, and that the two-year suspension imposed on a student nearing the completion of his PhD would irreparably harm his academic career. It was submitted that a student’s future should not be sacrificed for alleged procedural lapses, especially when adequate time had passed and there had been no recurrence of misconduct.

On the other side, Advocate Mr. Rajeev K. Pandey represented TISS. According to the report of LiveLaw, the institute maintained that it had acted within its rights, asserting that the Code of Conduct was binding on all students, and that institutional autonomy in disciplinary matters should be respected by the courts. TISS did not appear to offer any concessions during the hearing, nor did it appear inclined to revoke the suspension voluntarily.

Supreme Court’s Reasoning: Pragmatism over prolonged punishment

The Supreme Court Bench, comprising Justices Dipankar Datta and Manmohan, took a notably restrained and equitable approach. In its brief but effective order, the Court consciously chose not to delve into the factual or legal merits of the suspension or the underlying allegations. Instead, it focused on the broader question of what justice required at this stage.

Acknowledging that more than a year had passed since the suspension order, the Court observed that “interest of justice would be best served if the said order does not continue to operate any longer.” This key observation, reported by LiveLaw, reflects a pragmatic judicial philosophy: once sufficient time has elapsed, and where the balance of convenience shifts in favour of a student’s rehabilitation, the punitive aspect of suspension should not be allowed to frustrate academic aspirations.

The Bench further noted that their intervention was being made without expressing any opinion on the original suspension decision or on the validity of the High Court’s ruling. This hands-off approach allowed the Court to grant relief without undermining the autonomy of the educational institution or setting a precedent of judicial overreach in disciplinary matters.

“Without examining the claims and counter-claims on merits, we feel that TISS having suspended the petitioner on 18th April, 2024 and lapsing of more than a year since then, interest of justice would be best served if the order of suspension is not continued further and he be permitted to pursue the PhD course in TISS” the Court stated in its order.

The complete order may be viewed here.

Final directions of the court

Accordingly, the Supreme Court issued the following directions:

1. The suspension order dated 18 April 2024 was set aside prospectively, i.e., it would no longer remain in operation from the date of the Supreme Court’s order.
2. Ramadas was permitted to resume his PhD course at TISS with immediate effect.
3. He was directed to “faithfully observe the Code of Conduct” of the institution during the remainder of his academic tenure.
4. The institute was granted liberty to take appropriate action should there be any further breach of conduct in the future.

Why this order matters

This ruling is important on multiple counts. First, it signals the judiciary’s role in protecting students from unnecessarily harsh and extended disciplinary actions that could cause disproportionate harm. The Supreme Court chose not to scrutinise the conduct allegations or institutional procedures in depth. Instead, it applied a time-sensitive, equity-based lens, recognising that the ultimate objective of educational discipline must be reformative—not vindictive.

Second, the case shows a subtle but important rebalancing of power between students and universities. While the Court did not curtail the institution’s authority to impose discipline or to revisit misconduct in the future, it sent a clear message: institutional autonomy cannot become a shield for actions that deny students the opportunity to complete their education, particularly when the situation is remediable and the student expresses a willingness to comply with norms.

Third, the decision upholds a compassionate and constructive vision of higher education. It recognises that students are not beyond redemption and that access to education is a fundamental pathway for growth, especially in a public institution like TISS, known for its role in nurturing social science scholarship and public service.

Reactions and significance of the verdict

The Supreme Court’s intervention has been widely hailed by student and rights-based organisations as a critical reaffirmation of campus democracy and educational equity. The Dalit Shoshan Mukti Manch (DSMM) and Jati Ant Sangharsh Samiti-Maharashtra (JASS) welcomed the verdict as a corrective to the “arbitrary” and “discriminatory” action of the TISS administration.

In a joint statement, they described the verdict as a “victory for student rights” and a strong message in favour of protecting the rights of students from marginalised communities who voice dissent against state policies. “Denying education to students is not merely a personal setback—it’s a fundamental rights issue,” they asserted.

As per a report of The Wire, Ramadas echoed this sentiment in a heartfelt Facebook post following the verdict, stating:

“On the 366th day of legal proceedings since approaching the High Court, I am officially a student again – from today – at the very institution that denied me education 380 days ago. This fight was never just about one student. It was about the fundamental rights of many and the soul of campus democracy.”

“Surviving in a city like Mumbai without access to education and financial support is not easy, but challenging the suspension was the only way forward. I’m happy that I can now return to my studies,” he told EdexLive.

He also expressed solidarity with student struggles at other universities including Jamia Millia Islamia, Jadavpur University, and Ambedkar University Delhi.

Ramadas acknowledged the significance of this solidarity, “I’m grateful for the support I received from the student community, including those at TISS and various student organisations across India. Human rights activists, writers, journalists, and others in civil society all stood in solidarity with me. It meant a lot.”

However, he also emphasised the darker side of his battle. “I cannot forget the cyberbullying and slander campaigns that took place, and the threats I received in different languages. I hope this ends now,” he added, while speaking to EdexLive.

Conclusion

The Supreme Court’s order in Ramadas KS’s case is an instructive example of judicial pragmatism and humaneness. Without interfering with the autonomy of academic institutions or opening a floodgate for challenges to disciplinary actions, the Court crafted a path that allowed a student to return to his studies without formally ruling on the merits of the dispute.

In a time when student rights and institutional discipline often find themselves in conflict, this judgment reminds us that the pursuit of justice sometimes lies not in prolonged legal battles, but in timely, balanced, and forward-looking solutions.

Related:

Revoke suspension of Dalit scholar, Ramadas: TISS action condemned

Dissent Under Siege: Police action, suspensions, and the shrinking democratic space at TISS

2025 NCERT Textbooks: Mughals, Delhi Sultanate out; ‘sacred geography’, Maha Kumbh in

The post “Let the Suspension Not Continue Further”: Supreme Court allows Dalit scholar to resume PhD at TISS appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Somnath Suryawanshi, a 35-year-old aspirant who had travelled from Pune to Parbhani to appear for a law entrance examination, was among the 50 individuals detained by the Parbhani police on December 11 and 12, 2024, in connection with the violence that erupted after the desecration of a replica of the Constitution on December 10. Suryawanshi was allegedly picked up by the police on December 11. He died four days later, on December 15, while in judicial custody. According to police accounts, he collapsed due to shock from multiple injuries and was taken to a government hospital after complaining of chest pain inside the Parbhani district central prison.

However, a magisterial inquiry concluded on March 20, 2025, had clearly held the police responsible for Suryawanshi’s custodial death. In response, the Maharashtra State Human Rights Commission had issued notices to top state officials, including the Chief Secretary, Additional Chief Secretary (Home), Additional Director General of Police (CID – Crime), and the Deputy Superintendent of Police of Parbhani, seeking comprehensive reports.

Representing the petitioner Vijayabai Vyankat Suryawanshi, the deceased’s mother, advocate Prakash Ambedkar, assisted by advocates Sandesh More and Hitendra Gandhi, strongly argued for immediate registration of an FIR against the police officers allegedly responsible. The petitioner further demanded the constitution of a court-monitored Special Investigation Team (SIT) to ensure an independent and impartial probe into the custodial death. Advocate Gandhi questioned the credibility of a police-led inquiry in a case where the police are themselves accused, asserting that continuing the current investigation would only further erode public trust in the system.

Drawing parallels with the precedent set in the 2023 Badlapur custodial death case, where the Bombay High Court had ordered an SIT to probe the custodial killing of Akshay Shinde—an accused in a sexual assault case allegedly killed in a staged encounter—advocate Gandhi urged the court to issue similar directions in Suryawanshi’s case. In the Badlapur matter, Justices Revati Mohite Dere and Neela Gokhale had ordered an SIT led by Joint Commissioner of Police (Crime), Mumbai, Lakhmi Gautam, and allowed him to form his own team, led by a Deputy Commissioner of Police, with officers from any department of his choosing.

During Tuesday’s proceedings, public prosecutor A.B. Girase, representing the Maharashtra government, informed the court that the state intends to file an affidavit in response to the concerns raised.

The court’s restraint order, along with its strong observations, underscores a growing judicial intolerance toward the mishandling of custodial death investigations. It also signals a potential shift towards stricter judicial oversight in such cases. If the court accedes to the petitioner’s demand for an SIT and guidelines for handling custodial deaths, the outcome of this case could have far-reaching consequences for accountability mechanisms in police custody cases across the state.

Related:

Magistrate probe indicts Parbhani police in Somnath Suryawanshi custodial death: MSHRC

Parbhani police under scrutiny: Fact-finding report exposes allegations of brutality, illegality, and constitutional violations

Massive all-party march in Parbhani demands justice for Dalit youth’s custodial death

Special Report: ‘They came like monkeys; they came like Nazis.’ Ambedkari Bastis in Parbhani face the traumas of police brutality

The post Biased and Preconceived: Bombay HC criticises police inquiry into Parbhani custodial death of Somnath Suryawanshi appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In 2013, the government of Bangladesh introduced a policy for the socially and economically disadvantaged communities and categorised them into three types- Dalit, Harijan, and Bede. The policy defines ‘Harijan’ as “people who are known as ‘harijan’ in the society and do not hesitate to introduce themselves as ‘harijan’” (Department of Social Service, 2013)[i]. It is tragic that most of these communities still remain at the margins and government and activists still bear the name which has been widely rejected by the same communities in India.

Immigrants without any identity

The Dalit question in Bangladesh has remained highly unaddressed, just like in Pakistan where the entire issue is considered one related to ‘Hindus’ alone without fair representation in any field except in ‘sanitation work’. Though there is no official data about the exact numbers of Dalits in Bangladesh yet roughly it is estimated to be between 5.5 million to 6.5 million. The Bangladesh Dalit narrative now excludes the native Bangla speaking communities like Namashudras who have been better represented and ‘well off’ relatively to the immigrant Dalits though it is also a fact that Bangladesh too does not have any constitutional safe guard for Dalits on the question of representations in the government services and within politics.

The Dalit movement in Bangladesh is still at its nascent stage. The native Namshudras do not feel part of it. Many Bangladeshi Dalit leaders have accused members of the Namashudra community behaving like caste Hindus and practicing untouchability against them. So, the Dalit movement in this country has emerged out of the basic needs of the ‘migrant’ untouchable communities. It is important to understand that the ‘term’ migrant is being used for non-native Bengalis who were brought in to Bengal by the British in 1870.

The non-Bengali Dalit groups who generally speak in Hindi, Utkal, Deshwali and Telegu had migrated into or were brought in to East Bengal before 1947 from Uttar Pradesh (UP), Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Orissa, and Madras. They worked as cleaners, tea gardeners (1853-54), jungle cleaners, and other cleaning jobs in the middle part of British Rule (1838-1850).

To be frank, the British brought in these different groups particularly the Sweepers in to Bengal from not only Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Odisha but also from the southern states like Madras Presidency. Unbeknown to many, a number of people living in the slums of Dhaka are Telugu speaking who migrated from Andhra Pradesh, in past part of Madras Presidency. Most of the menial sanitation work was done by these communities hence they faced not only contempt but isolation due to nature of their ‘job’. Interestingly, the Dalit movement too is divided at multiple levels: not merely on the basis of native Dalits and Dalit immigrants but also among the immigrants themselves, wherein those engaged in sanitation work are also categorised as ‘Harijans’.

Sanitation workers or Safai Karmcharis include communities engaged in manual scavenging: Raut, Hela, Hari, Dome, Domar, Telegu, Lalbegi, Banshphor, Dusadh, Chhatraira, Balmiki, and others.

The other Dalit Communities in Bangladesh

Apart from the Sweepers, there are five other categories of Dalits in Bangladesh. They are following:

Tea Plantation Workers: Bangalee, Bauri, Robidas, Tanti, Khodal, Karmokar, Bhumij, Bihari, Nayak, Mridha, Bakti, Chasha, Ghatuar, Goala, Gour, Kumri, Mushohor, and others:

Leather Processing Workers Rabidas, Rishi and others

Pig Rearing Kaiputra or Kwara

Brick Kiln Workers: Kol, Rajbhar and others

It is not that the native Bangla people do not face discrimination but the differences seem to be growing. The Bangali Dalits are those who are native like Namashudras and others, still well represented in the services, jobs and educated in comparison to immigrant ones. Secondly, all of them are actually more organised on community lines and not as a ‘Dalit’ which actually is just a decade old phenomenon.

Non-Bengali Dalits

The non-Bengali Dalit groups who generally speak in Hindi, Utkal, Deshwali and Telegu migrated or brought in to East Bengal before 1947 from Uttar Pradesh (UP), Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Orissa, and Madras. They worked as cleaners, tea gardeners (1853-54), jungles cleaners, and other cleaning jobs in the middle of the British Rule (1838-1850).

Telugu’ came from predominantly from Madras Residency and most of them were Mala, Magida, Chakali etc and are known as Madrasi. Most of them live in the slums of Dhaka and tea gardens of Sylhet and other such areas. The number of Telugu speaking Dalits is not less than 40000 in Dhaka.

The other Dalits who migrated from United Province are known as Kanpuri as most of them hailed from Allahabad and Kanpur. Bihari’s are already known as Bihari, a term also used contemptuously: Bihari Muslims were also considered against the liberation movement.

A number of Native Dalits actually migrated after Jogendranath Mandal had openly supported the Muslim League call for a separate nation. In fact, places like Sylhet today are in Bangladesh because of massive campaign carried out by Mandal during the referendum. Interestingly, the Muslim majority areas like Karimganj actually voted for being part of India! In any case, the Bangladesh Dalit and Excluded Rights Movement says, Dalits in Bangladesh can be divided into two groups. A section of Dalits who were brought to the country during the British rule to work as cleaners and forest clearing and tea plantations. And, another section who have been children of this country for thousands of years but are considered as ‘low caste’ in the eyes of the so-called society based on birth and profession. These are the fishermen, barbers, washermen, blacksmiths, cobblers, Kalu, Majhi, Zola, butchers, hunters, gardeners, Bede, Dhuli etc. Dalits are considered upper caste in the mainstream society and untouchable by others. Despite their significant contribution to the country’s economy, environment, and social development, they are the most economically and socially deprived Dalit community.

Is the issue of caste discrimination an internal matter for Hinduism in Bangladesh?

The crisis of Dalits in an Islamic society or where the Muslims are a majority showcases a kind of betrayal of the entire ‘ideology’ of the Dalit-Muslim alliance which the Muslim League actually purported to profess during its Partition movement, to ensure that a preponderant region/areas from both Punjab and Bengal become part of Pakistan.

History thus teaches us this lesson: that Dalits and minorities whether it is Muslims or Hindus, are only safe under a secular constitution. Once the constitution becomes theocratic and appeases majoritarianism, there are scant chances of the minorities getting any success. Dalits in both Bangladesh and Pakistan actually faced a dual (double) victimhood. First, they were a minority and then they were also Dalits. It is not that the Muslims loved them and provided them respect. The sanitation work in Pakistan as well as Bangladesh is purely ‘reserved’ for the Harijan communities. There are pockets where untouchability does not exist while in a majority of the northern areas like Dinajpur, Rajshahi, Khulna etc., they do face untouchability. People from the Harijan community are not allowed to drink tea or eat at the hotels in many places, says 85 year-old, Manek Lal Dom, from Bhola. He adds that they don’t face discrimination of any kind within Bhola because a number of persons now working as sewage cleaners there hail from the Muslim community too.

The Bihari Dalits or Bhojpuri Dalits who migrated to undivided Bengal were actually invited or taken by the British as sweepers, cleaner, tea plantation workers, labour for picking up dead bodies and doing all kinds of menial work. They came here leaving all possessions. The only thing they had with them was their ‘faith’, they had otherwise nothing to own. Most of them came to Bangladesh in 1930s. Manek Lal Dom’s grandfather came here as a sweeper and he was born in Bhola. Now, Bhola is the largest island in Bangladesh in the Bay of Bengal.

Unlike in India and to some extent in Nepal, the Dalit movement in Bangladesh has to function within the periphery of ‘majoritarian politics’.  In Pakistan, most of them are used to portray Hindus as the worst kind of racists as well as by confining injustices s those ‘inside’ Hinduism. Some Pakistani organisations even organize Ambedkar Jayanti events every year and invite Ambedkarites and other human rights scholars to speak. Interestingly, the entire event is not focused at helping the Dalits in Pakistan but becomes a tool of anti-India propaganda resulting in neglect of the local Dalit activists and leaders. In Bangladesh, the situation is slightly bit better as civil society mobilisation in Bangladesh has been far superior to Pakistan. However, the Dalit movement still does not have autonomy as it has in India especially because it lacks the strength to organise resources at their own. There are administrative issues too. The presence of Dalits particularly the Bhojpuri speaking immigrants, Harijans, Rabidasis, inside Bangladeshi Parliament or in various structures of state is almost nil.

Dalits not even a minority

Dalits are not even a minority in any true sense. Minorities have a right to own their language, establish their institutions, and press for an inclusive politics among others. The Bhojpuri minorities in Bangladesh do not even know their native language. The only thing they have is their ‘traditional’ festivals and family events. They speak in Bhojpuri and can sing Bhajans. They have their own temples in certain places and they worship but cannot either read or write Bhojpuri or Hindi. Bangladesh came into being for the language movement, yet it is ironic that it does not care to protect the languages of those who immigrated? Frankly, Dalits are not even considered equal citizens otherwise this question would have always raised that they must have their own language and schooling in their native language schools. A majority of them are thoroughly landless.

Manek Lal Dom’s grandfather migrated from Darbhanga in Bihar to undivided Bengal. He was born in Bhola, Bangladesh’s biggest island on the Bay of Bengal. They were responsible for maintaining the cleanliness in the city. The work was harsh and harder. Since the 1930s, till this day in Bhola, Manek Lal Dom lives in a rented house. This is a government rented house for which they pay about 80 Taka per month. Plus of course, more than a 1000 taka for electricity and 500 taka for water too every month. This from a salary of TK 6000 per month. Imagine, a family that came over more than 100 years ago, but still does not have a house of its own to live. That result is people living in the street or open spaces.

Biggest victim of state sponsored eviction

Actually, ‘Harijans’ in Bangladesh face the threat of eviction as they don’t have any residential papers and live at the ‘mercy’ of the state. The fact of the matter is that during the partition, a large number of refugees including the Dalits came to India from East and West Pakistan but the sanitation workers were not that fortunate as leaders wanted them to be there. If they are not there then who would clean their toilets, is said to be an argument of a ‘great leader’ during the partition movement. The gross failure of the respective governments everywhere is that the city cleaners never got the right to a life with dignity. Rather than honouring their hard work and acknowledging the discrimination they face daily both at the hands of the authorities as well as common people, Hindus and Muslims alike, these Harijans face threat of evictions any time. An eviction happened in Dhaka’s famous Miranzila Harijan colony on June 11, 2024 where they had been living for generations. “Although the authorities claimed they will evict 87 families, they are planning to evict more than 120 families,” said Nirmal Chandra Das, secretary general of Bangladesh Harijan Oikya Parishad.[ii]

As a research paper narrates the story of Dalit ghettoisation within Dhaka. ‘The Dalits have been ghettoised in 27 hubs (12 are prominent) in and around Dhaka. A very few of them could establish their career outside the precincts. They are not unified as they have internecine strife, which is an obstacle before obtaining enough social capital to secure their collective interests. As a result, they could flourish themselves as successful individual entrepreneurs.  The Dalits of Bangladesh (experience) regimented patriarchy. But in Dhaka the women enjoy relatively more freedom. This opens another frontier of dilemma. They become educated, and due to the open media, they know the world faster, but finally, they discover that their world is confined to their precinct. They discover their capability failures and newer types of intersectionality every day.  “It is better to be born an idiot, rather than handicapped conscious beings”- said a Dalit girl to me. Her name was Anuradha. I heard it with a friend and sighed’[iii].

Many people might ask, why can’t these people stay elsewhere? Why do they live in the slums of Dhaka? I have visited these slums in Dhaka and can only say that the circumstances that they live is simply ‘unliveable’. Most of the time, they are surrounded by filthy water where mosquitos and other insect fly around and a heavy stink make things impossible to stay on. I saw the similar conditions in Bhola when I visited Manek Lal Dom’s house. There was no electricity. Dom said that they can’t any house on rent outside as none of the owners want to give them house on rent so most of the people end up staying on the street and roads as they don’t have the capacity to buy a house for themselves.

Imagine a community which was brought to clean human excreta has not got a place to live and frankly live as non-citizens of the country. If even after working for nearly 40 years, the salary is 6000TK then it reflects a highly iniquitous social order. When the issue of Dalit was being used as a Hindu subject then why have the leaders of two independent countries not pushed for a better lot for them? They could have shown, by example, that societies which are Islamic do not recognise birth-based differences and that they would do their best to bring the marginalised to the mainstream, but that never happened.

A report in Bangladesh suggested that many of the ‘Harijans’ are now changing their names as well as surnames so that they are not identified by caste. The report says the Telugus are now using the title, to be seen as a native Bangladesh. I witnessed this in Bhola too where most of the youth had Bengali sounding surnames. The friend who took me various places and son of a Bhojpuri Harijan put down his surname as De. When he came to the hotel to meet me, we were speaking in English and he was speaking with my Bangladeshi friend in Bangla. After some time, I realized that he was not well versed in English. These friends asked me whether I understand Bangla to which I replied that I can understand a bit. After some time, I just casually asked whether he understand Hindi or watch Hindi movies or serials which are popular. I was shocked to hear that this friend told me that he knows Hindi well and his ancestors came from Darbhanga in Bihar!

‘The Global Forum of Communities Discriminated on Work and Descent, report 2023 entitled ‘The Situation of Dalits in Bangladesh: Country Report says that, ‘ The literacy rate among male and female Dalits is 48.3% and 38.7% respectively which is far behind Bangladesh’s national literacy rate of 74.66%. Most of the Dalits live in designated housing settlements built on common land i.e. Khas land and 56% of Dalit households do not have any land.[iv]’

Unprotected and isolated

The biggest crisis for the sweeper or the Harijan community in Bangladesh is that the state has no protection for them. No encouragement to enter services other than sanitation work. The community itself has been pushed into the margins, limiting their struggle to better housing and more sanitary jobs in various government services including municipalities or big city corporations. While the ‘reports’ always try to suggest that it is only the Hindus who discriminate against them, none else. A very similar approach by Pakistani Dalit Rights groups is evident, too, who feel comfortable narrating the Brahmanical history a ‘Dalit’ without ever questioning their own rulers and authorities on the steps taken to combat structural discrimination. In fact, no report in Bangladesh has, so far, spoken about the job reservation for the Dalit community, particularly Harijans, in non-sanitation work. In fact, today, that job too is under attack: similar to various municipalities in India, it has been reported that a number of non-Harijans pay money to get the better paid sweeper’s job in various municipalities and government offices and then sublet the work to the Harijans on petty remuneration. In fact, due to these irregularities Sheikh Hasina government promised to ‘ensure’ 80% reservation in the sanitation work for the Harijan community. This was opposed and the so called ‘revolution’ in Bangladesh actually created more insecurity among Dalits particularly the Harijan community as they are not clear whether there will be a protection for their job in government departments particularly for sweepers as well as sanitation work.

Babul Das (56), a sweeper from Madarbari Shebok Colony in Chittagong, said: “Our children do not get white collar jobs even though they have the qualifications. It would console our heart if even one of us got an official job. But unfortunately, this never happens. Sweeping is the only profession, no matter whether we want to stick to it or not. Our destiny is sweeping, though this too is uncertain nowadays[v].”

Ironically, the stigma, discrimination continues to ‘track’ them despite living in a different society. The issue of Dalits is not merely that of being part of a hierarchical Hindu caste order but those who claim not to have anything to do with the caste system and birth-based discrimination, actually, have to answer more as the conditions under their leadership and society is perhaps worse. Dalits in Islamic Bangladesh and Pakistan, have no voice of their own.

A newspaper report in Bangladesh says, ‘Brought into the Bengal region by the British government from Madras, Kanpur, Hyderabad and some southern areas of what is now India, this sweeper community consists of people who are known as Harijans. They were chosen for the job and brought here as cleaners because of their status as ‘Dalits’ or ‘low class’ Hindus. Although they left their place of origin, the stigma surrounding their identity did not leave them[vi]’.

While I was not able to visit these localities in Dhaka myself, other researchers have found out that ‘Dhaka city has six sweeper colonies where they live a vulnerable life. These are: Ganoktuli, Dayaganj, Dhalpur, Sutrapur, Agargaon and Mohammadpur sweeper colonies[1].In Dhaka city, the Telegu  Sweepers are the large in number, they are concentrated mainly in four ghettos or quarters, known as :(1) Wari or Tikatuli Sweeper quarters; (2) Dhalpur Sweepers quarter, officially named city Palli; (3) Gopibag sweepers quarter, and (4) Muhammadpur Sweeper quarter. All the quarters are located within the perimeter of Dhaka city[vii].

There are few other areas, for example, Wari (Tikatuli), Babu Bazar, Dhalpur, Gopibagh and Mohammadpur, where the Harijan sweepers are largely concentrated. Over one lakh sweepers live in the Ganaktuli Sweeper Colony located on a piece of 20 acres of land by the side of the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) Headquarters at Pilkhana[viii].

It is equally important to know that most of the ‘Harijans’ did not migrate to East Bengal, as it was then called during pre-partition days but were taken there, either by the Mughals in the 16^th century or later by the British in the 19^th century. Motive: to carry out sanitation and sweeping work for their cantonments and other institutions of the Raj.

‘In the nineteenth century, for example, fifty sweepers were brought from Kanpur by the British Government to clean public toilets which were constructed in Dhaka for the city dwellers by the Ordinance No. 7 of 1870. In 1905, however, more sweepers were required with the establishment of Dhaka as the capital of East Bengal. The sweepers used to carry out the task of cleaning the city on daily basis.[ix]’

Absence of concrete data  

Ironically, we don’t have exact figures for manual scavenging in Bangladesh. If you ask activists, most of them will deny its existence but the fact is the entire country does not even have the flush toilet system. If that is the reality, how does the entire sewage system work? We also have not seen any sewage system reports or any of deaths in sewage cleaning operation in Bangladesh. A report published last year by Down to Earth, actually revealed that manual scavenging still persist in many parts and most of those engaged in it are those who were brought in by the British from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.

‘There are around 800-1,000 Dalits in Lalmonirhat (Rangpur division).They are all involved in activities related to sanitation. Some 50-60 are actively engaged in manual scavenging. Their ancestors were non-Bengalis who were forced to migrate from the northern and southern parts of India (present-day Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh) to East Bengal (now Bangladesh) under the pretext of permanent government jobs by the British before the 1947 Partition of the subcontinent’[x].

Sadly, there is no data or monitoring of death in sewage or septic tank as well as number of people engaged in manual scavenging. A research paper reported that ‘Total 136 person died in 5 years from 2014 to 2018 in Septic Tank according Bangladesh institute of labour studies’[xi].

Glossy reports –to the contrary–suggest that Bangladesh became almost open defecation free in 2019.

Bangladesh is almost open defecation free (about 99% achieved). Basic sanitation coverage is 64%, safely managed sanitation is currently 36.4% in rural areas. (Source: Multi Cluster Indicator Survey, MICS, 2019 report by BBS and UNICEF)[xii]. World Bank data too show that there is zero open air defecation in Bangladesh[xiii] but a report published by Daily Star, Dhaka says that while Bangladesh has definitely succeeded in reducing the open-air defecation yet, this has not reached at zero level. Actually, such reports that Bangladesh has succeeded in achieving the target of zero open air defecation have been appearing in the global media since 2016 but the reality is far from this. If NGOs, academics and activists make this a priority concern, a different story could emerge, as evident from the account published by Daily star, Dhaka, which says ‘Over 21 lakh people in Bangladesh engage in open defecation in the absence of public toilets, raising the risk of health hazards via the transmission of a wide range of diseases, says a Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics report. It further says that, the number of people practicing open defecation in Rangpur is 7.35 lakh, while it is 1.24 lakh in Dhaka’[xiv].

Bangladesh Dalits and the Excluded Rights Movement

The Bangladesh Dalit and Excluded Rights Movement is working harder to empower the Dalits and Harijan communities. The effort is not merely movement based but also provides decent alternative to the community engaged in sanitation work. It is working deeply in the communities in different parts of the country and new young leaders are emerging from the community. BDERM also used international solidarity and has presented reports on the conditions of Dalits at the international forums too. However, it needs to be careful and could expand its reach if the movement grows in diversity and autonomy followed by building up a confederation of various organisations working on the issue. Of course, the approach should not confine to merely ‘agitational work’ but also positive work, skill development as well as ensuring their representation in government services, educational institutions and most importantly seeking their involvement and engagement in non-sanitation or non- sweeping occupations. BDERM has been net-working with international solidarity as well as Indian organisations like Safai karmchari Andolan but also building up national solidarity and doing advocacy for the rights of Harijans with the government. BDERM has a network of over 17 NGOs and 2000 individuals and has been working at the international forum along with International Dalit Solidarity Network. They have been demanding a National Dalit Rights Commission but things have not moved much. Bangladesh must also think of enacting an Anti-Untouchability and Anti-Manual scavenging law but that would only be possible if the activists and the government think that the issue is serious and requires this. If they instead all remain in denial mode then, it this becomes difficult. For that to happen, academics, media, NGOs, social movements must focus on gathering data and monitoring violation of cases particularly related to untouchability, manual scavenging, septic tank or sewage deaths and other issues of those working as sweepers in municipalities and other private and government institutions.

The new Dalit movement in Bangladesh is making every effort in the right direction but it needs more strength to build a community leadership. Intellectuals and activists cannot satisfy themselves by dismissing this as a ‘caste system’ and the ‘internal problems’ of Hindus. They are citizens of Bangladesh and need full protection. So far, I found the demand by them was for a dignified housing and government job as Safai Karmcharis, for which the earlier government had fixed a quota of 80% for the Harijan community. Even this is not implemented. The result is non-Harijans are getting jobs which are relatively better paid but keep the children of Harijans as absentee cleaner, a practice very much prevalent in India too.

Moreover, as we demand in India, the government must ensure reservation for children of Harijan communities in the non-sanitation work. They must get equal opportunity to progress and for that their children must get preferential treatment in the form of affirmative action. Most importantly, government must prohibit the use of the term Harijans, which is purely demeaning and also the biggest mental block of the community to think beyond sanitation work. Right now, the threat is to their livelihood through mechanization as well as hijacking of their jobs by others through corrupt practices. All reports suggest they face the biggest threat of eviction and a majority of them despite living there in the third or fourth generation do not have a house of their own.

For long the issue of Dalits has been side tracked but now the situation demands the government focus on their emancipation through constitutional provisions banning untouchability and caste discrimination in all forms and practice. Some positive measures need to be taken including job reservation, education, health, housing and land redistribution. Will the Dhaka government act and respect the sacrifices of the Harijan community people who make Bangladesh clean and yet do not have access to safe and clean drinking water and living conditions? Let us hope that the government of Bangladesh will act positively and provide dignified alternative to one of the most marginalized communities, called Harijans in Bangladesh.

[i] Social Exclusion and Multiple Discriminations of Harijan Community in Rajshahi, Bangladesh by Goelam Mohammad Nur, Md Redwanur Rahman, S M Shaffiuzzman and Kamrun Nohar Sona. https://www.ijcrt.org/papers/IJCRT2309644.pdf

[ii]  No Home for Harijans by Md Abbas, Daily Star, June 11,2024 https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/no-home-harijans-3631801

[iii] The Dalits in Dhaka: where the society has doubled their marginalization, 24.10.23 – Dhaka, Bangladesh – Pressenza New York,  https://www.pressenza.com/2023/10/the-dalits-in-dhaka-where-the-society-has-doubled-their-marginalization/

[iv] Situation of Dalits in Bangladesh : Country Report 2023

https://globalforumcdwd.org/landmark-report-documents-harsh-reality-of-cdwds-of-bangladesh/

[v] Tanvir Hossain, Daily Star, Dhaka March 19, 2013 https://www.thedailystar.net/news/the-sweepers-a-socially-excluded-community

[vi] Beyond destiny: The new generation at Dayaganj sweeper colony look forward to a different future by Aziz Hakim, August 30, 2022, The Business Standard, Dhaka

https://www.tbsnews.net/features/panorama/beyond-destiny-new-generation-dayaganj-sweeper-colony-look-forward-different

[vii] Human Rights Conditions Of Horizon (Sweeper), Community In Dhaka, Bangladesh, a legal review, 2010

https://www.lawyersnjurists.com/article/human-rights-conditions-of-horizon-sweeper-community-in-dhaka-bangladesh/

[viii] The Harijans of Bangladesh: Living with the injustice of Untouchability, by Prof Dr Md Rahmat Ullah, published by Empowerment of through law of the common people, Dhaka P 14

[ix] Ibid P 55-56

[x] In a corner of Bangladesh, manual scavenging is impacting a treatment plant’s sustainability by Sarim, Down to Earth, 9 January 2024.

https://www.downtoearth.org.in/water/in-a-corner-of-bangladesh-manual-scavenging-is-impacting-a-treatment-plant-s-sustainability-93793

[xi] Septic Tank accidents in Bangladesh are rising: Few facts and thoughts by Safwatul Haque Niloy, WASH Coordinator, OXFAM in Bangladesh, April 2024

379986519_Septic_tank_accidents_in_Bangladesh_are_rising_Few_facts_and_thoughts/link/66252f1cf7d3fc287472e944/download?_tp=eyJjb250ZXh0Ijp7ImZpcnN0UGFnZSI6InB1YmxpY2F0aW9uIiwicGFnZSI6InB1YmxpY2F0aW9uIn19

[xii] People’s Republic of Bangladesh Country Overview 2020

https://www.sanitationandwaterforall.org/sites/default/files/2020-12/2020_Country-Overview_Bangladesh.pdf

[xiii] World Bank Data, Bangladesh

https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.STA.ODFC.ZS?locations=BD

[xiv] 21 lakh people in Bangladesh practice open defecation: BBS, Daily Star, Dhaka, November 19, 2022 https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/bangladesh-lags-behind-sanitation-3173416

The post The ‘Harijans’ of Bangladesh: Victims of constitutional neglect and social isolation appeared first on SabrangIndia.

What makes the case even more disturbing is that despite the seriousness of the charges—including sexual assault and criminal intimidation—the police have not made any arrests as of April 21, nearly two weeks after the assault.

According to the First Information Report (FIR), the accused approached the survivor while he was watching a wedding procession and lured him to a nearby bus stand on the pretext of discussing work. From there, they allegedly took him to a secluded area, where they forced him to undress, beat him with a bottle, hurled casteist slurs, urinated on him, and sexually assaulted him. They also recorded a video of the attack and used it to threaten the victim with blackmail should he report the crime.

“They were drunk. They hit me with a bottle, urinated on me, and used casteist abuses,” the survivor told the police in his complaint, as per Siasat. He also reported that the accused threatened to harm his father, who works abroad, if he told anyone what had happened.

Deputy Superintendent of Police Arvind Kumar confirmed that an FIR has been registered under various sections of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS). The survivor’s medical examination has been conducted and his statement recorded, but the accused remain at large. Police say investigations are “ongoing.”

Delayed justice, deep trauma

The delay in filing the complaint is being attributed to the severe trauma and fear of retaliation. Former Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot stated, “The trauma was so severe that the victim couldn’t file a complaint for eight days.” The survivor’s family is reportedly living in fear, afraid of further harassment or violence.

The incident has snowballed into a political flashpoint, with the Congress party criticising the BJP-led state government for failing to provide protection to marginalised communities. Rajasthan’s Leader of Opposition, Tikaram Jully—himself a Dalit—called the attack “a shameful truth” and a symbol of the continued impunity enjoyed by dominant-caste perpetrators.

“This is the reality of Rajasthan today—a Dalit youth kidnapped, beaten, sexually assaulted, and humiliated. This is not a movie scene—it’s a shameful truth,” said Jully.

Ironically, Jully himself was recently subjected to caste-based humiliation. On April 6, during a Ram Navami celebration in Alwar district, former BJP MLA Gyandev Ahuja allegedly ordered the ‘purification’ of a Ram temple with gangajal after Jully’s visit, implying that a Dalit’s presence had defiled the space. Ahuja later justified the act, saying that those who do not believe in Lord Ram were “sinful.”

Two More Shocking Cases: Telangana and Uttar Pradesh

The Sikar atrocity is part of a deeply disturbing trend. Two other brutal assaults against Dalits have surfaced in the last few days—one in Telangana and the other in Uttar Pradesh—each marked by caste hatred, sexual violence, and humiliation.

Telangana: Dalit man stripped, beaten, and forced to lick feet

In Hyderabad’s Petbasheerabad area, 26-year-old Tarun Kumar, a Dalit from the Madiga community, was subjected to extreme caste humiliation on March 26. His complaint, filed on April 13, states that he was attacked by six men while trying to mediate a divorce between a couple. Among the accused are men from the Yadav and Goud communities, as well as one Muslim man.

As per a report of The Mint, Tarun alleged that he was lured to a house under false pretences, then stripped, beaten, abused with casteist slurs, and forced to lick the attackers’ feet. They also recorded the entire assault on video. He was left severely injured and unable to stand, requiring hospitalisation.

Police have registered a case under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and the BNS. So far, five of the six accused have been arrested, and one remains at large. Investigations are ongoing, but civil society groups have raised concerns about the delay in registering the complaint and the slow pace of arrests.

Uttar Pradesh: Minor Dalit girl raped, found naked and injured in field

In one of the most gut-wrenching incidents in recent memory, an 11-year-old Dalit girl who is both deaf and mute was brutally raped in Rampur district, Uttar Pradesh. The child went missing on April 15 and was found naked and injured in a field the next morning. She had been lured into a forest by 24-year-old Dan Singh, a man from her village.

Medical examinations confirmed multiple injuries to her private parts and face, suggesting that she had been beaten with a blunt object. Dr Anju Singh, who conducted the examination, told The Times of India, “It is one of the most horrific sexual crimes I have seen.”

Police registered a case under Section 65(2) of the BNS and Sections 5m/6 of the POCSO Act. The accused attempted to fire on police during arrest and was injured in retaliatory fire. He has since confessed to the crime. The child has been referred to Meerut Medical College for specialised treatment.

Systemic caste violence and institutional failure

Across all three cases, there is a clear pattern: Dalit individuals were humiliated, brutalised, and dehumanised—often sexually—and in two of the three cases, the violence was filmed and weaponised as a form of caste terror.

Despite the severity of these crimes, arrests were either delayed or have not occurred at all. In Sikar, the accused continue to evade arrest nearly two weeks after the incident. In Hyderabad, the sixth attacker is yet to be apprehended. Only in Rampur did the police act swiftly—but even that required a shootout.

These cases are not isolated; they are emblematic of the structural impunity that shields perpetrators of caste atrocities. Despite laws like the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, enforcement remains patchy and often sluggish. Survivors and their families frequently face threats, trauma, and stigma when seeking justice.

The repeated use of sexual violence, public humiliation, and video evidence to assert caste dominance reveals not only the cruelty of the acts but also a disturbing confidence among perpetrators that they will face no real consequences.

Related:

Mountain Man Dasrath Manjhi: A Kabir panthi from the MahaDalit community who toiled for 22 years to make the impossible possible

Ayodhya’s shocking crime: Dalit woman found dead, allegations of sexual violence, police accused of delay

Statewide Attacks: A chilling chronicle of caste-based attacks across the country

The alarming rise of anti-Dalit violence and discrimination in India: A series of gruesome incidents since July 2024

The post ‘They Beat Me, Undressed Me, Urinated on Me’: Dalit youth in Rajasthan brutally assaulted; no arrests yet appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The entire political class is silent.

The ruling party has not attempted to hide what easily could be called its genocidal actions in Bastar. Union home minister Amit Shah proclaims it loud and clear. But no opposition leader raises a voice. On the political stage, otherwise, Shah is cornered on a number of things he does. Except this. There is no delegation to meet the President, no hurried press conference, no demand for a white paper, or an investigation. The opposition seems to act as though it has not heard anything, not seen anything, not noticed anything.

Are we seeing the tragic and evil consensus of India’s political class? Are we witness to the outer limits of the democratic idea of India, even in the best version as proposed by the most progressive forces in India’s parliament? Rahul Gandhi, Mahua Mitra, Shashi Tharoor, Asaduddin Owaisi…they have all been silent.

Some of them might be privately attempting to wash their guilt by avidly following the news of the killings, but it is as though they are following a secret medieval covenant not to say anything in public. True to form, the media doles news of the killings as though these are reports of a natural calamity, like death due to lightning or a thunderstorm. What is there to discuss or deliberate? Nothing at all.

Various political parties represent or claim to represent the different social sections, castes, tribes, regions and religious communities that comprise India. Even Adivasi representatives sit in the parliament. They are all silent. In effect, the parliament is sanctioning vigilante action.

What is the covenant which binds them all? What tells them that it is best to quietly focus on other things, and look the other way?

They seem to agree on a so-called structural necessity of the Bastar killings.

Given this scenario, we must step up and act in conscience. We should lobby and sensitise parliament and go on to appeal to the legislators to uphold a moral conscience and intervene to “save democracy”.

But this will only add to the pool of self-righteousness ailing the world. Instead let us recognise how things really stand. Let us read the writing on the wall. Just pause and take note. And learn about the consensus – the silent and rather lethal consensus – which sustains India’s democracy. We must try to learn about the much vaunted “constitutional morality” the republic serves platitudes about – the constitutional morality which the opposition always claims to struggle to save, uphold and defend.

Perhaps the first thing we get to learn is that the political class as a whole has a common enemy. This opposition to that enemy binds all the stakeholders of India’s democracy. They all fear an enemy. And they must unite to kill and finish off that enemy.

Amidst the fractious squabbling between the BJP and the opposition parties, national and regional, it might be difficult to perceive the internal coherence of the Indian political class and the establishment. So consider this: Manmohan Singh might have declared that Maoists are the greatest internal security threat, but it is Amit Shah who acts on it. So does Salwa Judum and Special Police Officers, the others.

This is an issue on which Shah and Chidambaram are on the same page. If there is one thing RSS and the Congress agree on, it would be this. Secularism and communalism appear as one.

The struggle towards the just that morally and politically legitimises the republic loses its efficacy. The moral fibre of the republic is at its weakest here. No wonder then that the Indian parliament recoils from ever having to come face to face with such deep moral blind spots where hypocrisy runs free.

The post Why Indian Democracy Feels No Shame About the Bastar Killings appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In Uttar Pradesh, a shocking incident in Bulandshahr saw eight teachers booked for brutally beating a Dalit Class 12 student over his haircut, while in Mainpuri, a Class 11 Dalit student was allegedly assaulted by a teacher for touching a water bottle, facing casteist slurs and physical harm. The state also witnessed the custodial death of a Dalit youth in Azamgarh, with his family alleging torture, and a Kasganj case where eight individuals were booked for the alleged murder of a Dalit girl following tensions related to her sister’s inter-caste relationship. Furthermore, in Basti, an SDM faces accusations of using casteist slurs and physically assaulting a Dalit woman seeking redress for a land dispute.

Tamil Nadu has also reported harrowing instances, including a Class 6 Dalit student brutally assaulted by a PT teacher, leaving him critically injured. In Thoothukudi, a 17-year-old Dalit student had his fingers chopped off in a caste-based attack while on his way to an exam, prompting NHRC intervention. A particularly shameful case in Coimbatore saw a Class 8 Dalit girl forced to sit outside during exams due to menstruation, leading to the principal’s suspension and a police complaint.

Madhya Pradesh witnessed blatant caste discrimination in Jabalpur, where Dalits were prevented from performing funeral rites on traditionally used land, and in Sehore, a Dalit family was violently stopped from building their house and subjected to a social and economic boycott.

In Bihar, an 80-year-old Dalit woman was reportedly gang-raped and brutally beaten in Gopalganj. Rajasthan, too, reported a deeply concerning incident where a police constable in Jaipur was arrested for allegedly raping a pregnant Dalit woman under the pretext of recording her statement. Additionally, Kota mourned the alleged suicide of a Dalit medical student who, according to fellow students, was deliberately failed and barred from exams.

These interconnected incidents across multiple states underscore the urgent need for stringent measures to combat caste-based discrimination and violence, ensure justice for victims, and safeguard the rights and dignity of Dalit individuals, especially students.

Uttar Pradesh

Dalit student beaten with sticks over haircut in Bulandshahr

In a shocking incident out of Bulandshahr, UP, eight teachers at a prominent school have been booked for allegedly assaulting a Class 12 Dalit student over his haircut, leaving the 17-year-old with severe injuries including head wounds requiring stitches and fractures in both hands.

The assault, involving sticks and casteist slurs, reportedly occurred on January 25, prompting the school to immediately suspend the accused teachers, who belong to another caste. The matter gained public attention on Friday after the victim’s parents, who initially made an “initial compromise under pressure,” were compelled to file a First Information Report (FIR) due to “repeated threats by the accused,” who allegedly even tried to prevent their son from taking his ongoing UP board exams that commenced in late February, reported the Times of India.

As per report, Circle officer Shobit Kumar stated that an FIR was registered on March 5th under various sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) and the SC/ST Act against Sonu Kumar, Vipin Kumar, Deepak Kumar, Manoj Kumar (I), Manoj Kumar (II), Yogesh Kumar, Yogendra, and Prashant, assuring that “investigation is on and action will be taken accordingly” and that the student is “in stable condition and appearing in his exams.”

Those teachers were suspended and we’ll co-operate with the police in their investigation.” Recounting her son’s ordeal, the student’s mother, Maya Rani, explained that the teachers objected to his haircut in January, and “the next day (Jan 25) he was mercilessly beaten with sticks in school,” leaving him bedridden with trauma and injuries for over a month, hindering his exam preparations. She further alleged that they were initially pressured into a compromise, but “the accused teachers continued to threaten us and intimidate my son during his exams,” leaving them with no choice but to approach the police, demanding their arrest.

Class 12’s Dalit student brutally beaten by upper caste teacher for touching water bottle

In yet another harrowing instance of caste-based violence in Uttar Pradesh, a Dalit Class 11 student in Mainpuri was brutally assaulted by his teacher for merely touching a water bottle in the classroom.

The incident took place on March 29 at Narendra Pratap Singh Higher Secondary School in Haripur Catholic village. The 15-year-old, from Katheria village, was subjected to casteist abuse by biology teacher Mangal Singh Shakya, who locked him in a room and beat him so severely that two of his fingers were fractured. The teacher reportedly said, “How dare you touch the bottle? It’s untouchable now.”

#Casteism A Dalit youth of class 12th was brutally beaten by a caste Hindu teacher for touching a water bottle, his hand was broken, the incident is from Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh.#DalitLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/PgtwwG7Z7A

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) April 3, 2025

The boy suffered injuries to his thigh, shoulder, and jaw. After being taken to the hospital by his family, the police allegedly refused to file a report, prompting them to approach the Superintendent of Police.

Dalit youth died in Azamgarh Police custody, family alleges torture

The custodial death of 20-year-old Dalit youth Sunny Kumar at the Tarwa police station in Azamgarh on Sunday night has ignited fierce protests from his family and local community. Demonstrations intensified on Monday, marked by the vandalism of a police vehicle and road blockades outside the station, prompting a significant police deployment to restore order.

Kumar, son of Harikant, was detained on Sunday following a sexual harassment complaint filed by a minor girl, alleging obscene gestures and vulgar songs played on his phone on March 28th. Tragically, late Sunday night, a police guard reportedly discovered Kumar’s body hanging by his pyjama drawstring in the police station bathroom. Despite Senior Superintendent of Police Hemraj Meena’s initial suggestion of suicide based on preliminary findings, Kumar’s family and local political figures, including Samajwadi Party MP Dharmendra Yadav, vehemently allege custodial torture and murder, as reported the Observer Post.

Dalit Youth Dies in Azamgarh Police Custody; Family Alleges Torture, Protests Erupt

Read:https://t.co/2KWqDe5G8u

— The Observer Post (@TheObserverPost) April 1, 2025

In response to the grave accusations, several police officers, including the station house officer, a sub-inspector, and a constable, have been suspended. District Magistrate Navneet Singh Chahal has also ordered a magisterial inquiry into the circumstances surrounding Kumar’s death. The post-mortem examination, conducted under tight security, reportedly showed no external injuries on Kumar’s body. However, authorities have stated that a comprehensive investigation will be conducted, exploring all possible aspects of the case.

Castiest abuse by UP official, victim Dalit woman approached Women’s Commission

In Basti, Uttar Pradesh, SDM Ashutosh Tiwari faces severe accusations of caste-based discrimination and misconduct against a Dalit woman who approached him for a land dispute resolution on March 6, 2025. The woman alleges that Tiwari used casteist slurs, calling her “lower caste” and “ill-mannered,” physically pushed her out of his office, and threatened to seize her land if she didn’t withdraw her complaint.

Despite reporting the incident to district authorities, she claims no action has been taken and that she faces continued harassment from tehsil employees pressuring her to retract her allegations. The victim has now appealed to the State Women’s Commission, demanding Tiwari’s immediate removal and the registration of a case against him, also seeking protection.

A member of the Commission has assured justice for the victim and strict punishment for the accused, confirming an ongoing investigation into the matter, reported the Mooknayak.

8 booked for murder of Dalit girl and kidnap of her elder sister in Kasganj

Meanwhile, in Uttar Pradesh’s Kasganj district, eight people have been booked for allegedly murdering a 14-year-old Dalit girl and staging it as suicide, following tensions over her sister’s relationship with an 18-year-old from another community.

#Horrific They came to kidnap a 14-year-old Dalit girl, when her younger sister resisted, they brutally murdered her, the accused Yadav is from the Hindu community, the elder girl is still missing, the incident is from Kasganj in Uttar Pradesh… pic.twitter.com/OuOyF9Njft

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) March 2, 2025

The elder sister, was reported kidnapped but later recovered by police. No arrests have been made yet. Kasganj ASP Rajesh Kumar Bhartiya said that, “We will get her medical examination conducted and record her statement before a magistrate. The girl might provide crucial details about what happened on Saturday afternoon,” said Kasganj ASP Rajesh Kumar Bhartiya” reported the Indian Express.

However, people from another caste were detained by local police on March 2, an FIR was registered under section 103(2) murder and 140 (1) (kidnapping with murderous intent) of the BNS along with the SC/ST Act against the villagers following a complaint by the victim’s father, as reported the Times of India.

As per report, victim’s father also alleged that influential people from the village took my elder daughter away and killed and hanged my younger one when she tried to save her sister.

Tamil Nadu

Class 6 Dalit student was brutally assaulted by PT teacher

In another incident at V. Akram Government High School in Tamil Nadu’s Villupuram district, a Class 6 Dalit student was brutally assaulted by a Physical Education (PT) teacher, reportedly causing severe head injuries that required surgery. The child, whose condition remains critical, also sustained stomach wounds requiring multiple stitches. The attack sparked widespread outrage after a photo of the boy’s post-surgery injuries went viral. Although the teacher is also from a Scheduled Caste, the brutality has drawn sharp criticism across the state.

#Horrific A Dalit student of class 6 of a government school was brutally beaten by a caste Hindu PT teacher, the condition of the boy is critical, this painful incident is from Villupuram, Tamil Nadu.#DalitLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/5ntcpHkR2O

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) March 29, 2025

The Communist Party of India (Marxist) condemned the assault and demanded swift action, calling out the inaction of authorities. Activist Shalin Maria Lawrence also criticised the DMK-led government for its failure to protect Dalit students in educational institutions. Despite growing public pressure, there has been no official response or action taken by the School Education Department or the police at the time of reporting.

Fingers of 17-year-old Dalit students chopped, NHRC takes suo moto action

In a horrifying incident rooted in caste-based violence, 17-year-old Dalit student Devendran Raj from Ariyanayagapuram village in Tamil Nadu’s Thoothukudi district was brutally attacked while on his way to appear for a Class 11 exam. Three upper-caste youths from a neighbouring village reportedly stopped his bus near Kattarimangalam, dragged him out, and assaulted him with a sickle, severing four fingers on his left hand—one of which is still missing. His father, Thanga Ganesh, a daily-wage labourer, was also severely injured while trying to protect his son.

The assault was allegedly driven by caste hatred and revenge, following a kabaddi match where Devendran’s team defeated a team from the attackers’ village. The brutal act has triggered widespread anger and calls for justice across the state. Doctors at Tirunelveli Government Medical College conducted a seven-hour surgery to reattach the severed fingers. Devendran’s condition remains critical. Activists including Shalin Maria Lawrence and VCK leader Thol. Thirumavalavan have demanded justice, immediate compensation, and better medical care.

A #Dalit student was attacked by a gang of unknown persons, and his fingers chopped, in #TamilNadu’s #Tirunelveli district while he was on his way to write an exam.

Devendran Raj, a Class 11 student and son of a day-wager Thanga Ganesh, was travelling from his residence to his… pic.twitter.com/q6lzTXPLvJ

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) March 11, 2025

NHRC takes suo moto cognizance

The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has taken suo moto cognizance, terming the assault a grave human rights violation. Notices have been issued to the Tamil Nadu DGP and Thoothukudi District Collector. Police have arrested one accused, Lakshmanan, and detained two others. The case is being investigated under the IPC and the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, reported Maktoob Media.

Class 8 Dalit girl student made to sit outside classroom during exams after menstruation

A deeply disturbing incident of alleged caste- and gender-based discrimination has come to light from Senguttaipalayam village in Tamil Nadu’s Coimbatore district. A minor Dalit student from the Arunthathiyar community, studying in Class 8, was reportedly forced to take her annual examinations outside the classroom simply because she had started menstruating. This discriminatory act was witnessed and recorded by the girl’s mother, whose video has since sparked widespread public outrage on social media, with calls for accountability echoing across platforms.

In pursuit of justice, the mother has formally appealed to the education authorities. The incident has also prompted local villagers to rally together and raise the issue with the Pollachi sub-collector. The minor was enrolled in Class 7 at the Swamy Chidbhavanda Matric Higher Secondary School in Senguttaipalayam village, located in Kinathukadavu Taluk.

According to the Hindu, Assistant Superintendent of Police Shristi Singh, who conducted a preliminary inquiry on Thursday, told reporters that “The mother of the student called the class teacher on the evening of April 6 around 5:30 p.m. and requested a special seating arrangement. The class teacher reportedly asked the mother to speak to the principal.”

She further added that “On April 7, Monday, while dropping off her daughter, the mother met the principal and asked that a separate arrangement be made to prevent infections. After she left, the student was made to sit outside the classroom to write the exam. That evening, she returned home and complained of leg pain from sitting on the floor. She did not attend the revision class the next day, and returned on Wednesday to write another exam. One of the relatives noticed her sitting outside, through the compound wall, and informed the parents. The mother rushed to the school and recorded a video of the incident” as reported

Principle suspended; girl’s father lodged complaint

Amidst the escalating outcry, the school correspondent has invoked Section 17 of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009, issuing a suspension order to the school principal, citing the prohibition of physical or mental harassment of children. Adding to the legal pressure, the girl’s father lodged a formal complaint with the Negamam police on April 10.

Consequently, a case has been registered against the school’s Principal M. Anandhi, office assistant Shanthi, and Correspondent Thangavelpandian. They have been charged under Sections 3(1)(r) and 3(1)(za)(D) of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, acknowledging the girl’s Scheduled Caste status. Furthermore, the parents’ petition alleges that the accused also directed caste-based insults towards the girl’s mother when she confronted them about the discriminatory treatment, reported the Hindu

Madhya Pradesh

Dalits stopped from performing funeral rites in Jabalpur

In Madhya Pradesh’s Jabalpur district, members of the Dalit community were prevented from performing the last rites of a deceased elder due to caste-based discrimination. The incident took place in Chapod village, Pauri Panchayat, about 37 km from Jabalpur. When the Ahirwar community attempted to cremate 70-year-old Shivprasad Ahirwar on government land traditionally used for funerals, upper-caste locals objected, claiming the land as their own and citing standing crops. The family was forced to call the police, who intervened and arranged for the funeral to be held elsewhere.

The land in question, a government plot, has been used for cremations for generations. However, in recent years, members of the Patel family had allegedly encroached upon it for farming. Following public outrage and pressure from Scheduled Caste organisations, the District Collector ordered the removal of the encroachment and the construction of a permanent cremation ground.

Dalit rights groups have condemned the incident as not just a land dispute, but a blatant violation of constitutional rights. Former SC Commission member Pradeep Ahirwar called it a reflection of deep-rooted casteism and demanded strong legal action and justice for the affected family, as reported the Mooknayak.

Dalit family in Sehore attacked and boycotted for building a house

A Dalit family in Sehore district, Madhya Pradesh, was violently prevented from constructing their house by members of the dominant caste. As the family began building their home, upper-caste individuals not only stopped the construction but also subjected them to physical assault and casteist slurs.

मकान बना रहे दलित परिवार को जातिवादियों ने मकान बनाने से रोका, बंद किया हुक्का पानी, जातिसूचक गालियाँ देकर की मारपीट, दुकानदारों से कहा, “अगर दलितों को कुछ भी दिया तो देना पड़ेगा एक लाख का जुर्माना” घटना मध्य प्रदेश के सिहोर की है… #MadhyaPradesh | #Dalitnews | @MPPoliceDeptt pic.twitter.com/lkATR2rfRT

— Dalit Times | दलित टाइम्स (@DalitTime) March 4, 2025

Moreover, the attackers enforced a complete social and economic boycott — cutting off access to water and other basic services (referred to as “hukka pan band“). They also warned local shopkeepers and vendors not to sell anything to the Dalit family, threatening a fine of ₹1 lakh for non-compliance.

Bihar

An 80-year-old Dalit woman was gang-raped and brutally beaten up in Gopalganj

In a horrifying incident in Gopalganj, Bihar, an 80-year-old Dalit woman was reportedly subjected to a brutal gang rape and severe beating. The alleged perpetrators are stated to be individuals from the Muslim community.

#Horrific An 80-year-old Dalit woman was gang-raped and brutally beaten up in Bihar’s Gopalganj. All the accused are from the Muslim community.#DalitLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/tY5lCDwXbR

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) March 18, 2025

This deeply disturbing act of violence has likely sent shockwaves through the region, highlighting the vulnerability of marginalised communities to such heinous crimes and raising serious concerns about law and order

Rajasthan

Constable arrested for raping Dalit woman in Jaipur

A Rajasthan police constable stationed at Sanganer police station was apprehended on Sunday following a chilling allegation of rape. According to officials, Constable Bhagaram lured a pregnant Dalit woman away from her home on the pretext of recording her statement concerning a previous complaint she had filed. While her husband was at work, Bhagaram allegedly took the woman and her three-year-old child to a hotel room.

There, under the guise of needing to change clothes, he took her to a private room and reportedly committed the heinous act of rape, even threatening her with her husband’s imprisonment and warning her against reporting the crime when she resisted.

The victim’s husband filed a First Information Report (FIR) on Saturday night, detailing the horrific ordeal his wife endured in front of their young son. Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) Vinod Kumar Sharma confirmed the arrest and stated that a medical examination of the woman has been conducted. This appalling incident has triggered significant political condemnation, with former Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot decrying the state of law and order under the current BJP government, especially as it occurred in the Chief Minister’s constituency around Women’s Day. Gehlot has demanded the constable’s dismissal and strict, exemplary punishment, reported the Observer Post.

Dalit medical student allegedly suicide as deliberately barred from exams

Rajasthan’s Kota is reeling after the alleged suicide of Dalit medical student Sunil Bairwa at a local medical college. Fellow students protesting for justice have asserted that Sunil was deliberately failed and barred from exams, pushing him into severe depression. This tragic claim has ignited outrage, leading to a demonstration where students surrounded Principal Dr. Sangeeta Saxena, demanding accountability.

Disturbing videos of the protest have rapidly circulated on social media, amplifying the calls for a thorough investigation into the circumstances surrounding Sunil’s death and the allegations of discriminatory treatment that may have contributed to his despair.

राजस्थान : कोटा के मेडिकल कॉलेज में दलित स्टूडेंट सुनील बैरवा ने कि आत्महत्या, सुनील के लिए इंसाफ मांग रहे अन्य छात्रों ने बताया, “सुनील को जबरन फेल किया गया, एग्जाम में बैठने नहीं दिया जा रहा था..जिसको लेकर वो डिप्रेशन में था..” छात्रों ने प्रिंसिपल डॉ. संगीता सक्सेना का घेराव… pic.twitter.com/Faw4J0fwkW

— Dalit Times | दलित टाइम्स (@DalitTime) March 7, 2025

The incident has cast a shadow over the medical college and sparked concerns about the support systems available to students, particularly those from marginalised communities.

Related:

The alarming rise of anti-Dalit violence and discrimination in India: A series of gruesome incidents since July 2024

CJP Maharashtra: Surge in communal and caste-based violence with six incidents in January 2025

Caste-Based violence shakes Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh in alarming incidents

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