In 2013, the government of Bangladesh introduced a policy for the socially and economically disadvantaged communities and categorised them into three types- Dalit, Harijan, and Bede. The policy defines ‘Harijan’ as “people who are known as ‘harijan’ in the society and do not hesitate to introduce themselves as ‘harijan’” (Department of Social Service, 2013)[i]. It is tragic that most of these communities still remain at the margins and government and activists still bear the name which has been widely rejected by the same communities in India.

Immigrants without any identity

The Dalit question in Bangladesh has remained highly unaddressed, just like in Pakistan where the entire issue is considered one related to ‘Hindus’ alone without fair representation in any field except in ‘sanitation work’. Though there is no official data about the exact numbers of Dalits in Bangladesh yet roughly it is estimated to be between 5.5 million to 6.5 million. The Bangladesh Dalit narrative now excludes the native Bangla speaking communities like Namashudras who have been better represented and ‘well off’ relatively to the immigrant Dalits though it is also a fact that Bangladesh too does not have any constitutional safe guard for Dalits on the question of representations in the government services and within politics.

The Dalit movement in Bangladesh is still at its nascent stage. The native Namshudras do not feel part of it. Many Bangladeshi Dalit leaders have accused members of the Namashudra community behaving like caste Hindus and practicing untouchability against them. So, the Dalit movement in this country has emerged out of the basic needs of the ‘migrant’ untouchable communities. It is important to understand that the ‘term’ migrant is being used for non-native Bengalis who were brought in to Bengal by the British in 1870.

The non-Bengali Dalit groups who generally speak in Hindi, Utkal, Deshwali and Telegu had migrated into or were brought in to East Bengal before 1947 from Uttar Pradesh (UP), Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Orissa, and Madras. They worked as cleaners, tea gardeners (1853-54), jungle cleaners, and other cleaning jobs in the middle part of British Rule (1838-1850).

To be frank, the British brought in these different groups particularly the Sweepers in to Bengal from not only Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Odisha but also from the southern states like Madras Presidency. Unbeknown to many, a number of people living in the slums of Dhaka are Telugu speaking who migrated from Andhra Pradesh, in past part of Madras Presidency. Most of the menial sanitation work was done by these communities hence they faced not only contempt but isolation due to nature of their ‘job’. Interestingly, the Dalit movement too is divided at multiple levels: not merely on the basis of native Dalits and Dalit immigrants but also among the immigrants themselves, wherein those engaged in sanitation work are also categorised as ‘Harijans’.

Sanitation workers or Safai Karmcharis include communities engaged in manual scavenging: Raut, Hela, Hari, Dome, Domar, Telegu, Lalbegi, Banshphor, Dusadh, Chhatraira, Balmiki, and others.

The other Dalit Communities in Bangladesh

Apart from the Sweepers, there are five other categories of Dalits in Bangladesh. They are following:

Tea Plantation Workers: Bangalee, Bauri, Robidas, Tanti, Khodal, Karmokar, Bhumij, Bihari, Nayak, Mridha, Bakti, Chasha, Ghatuar, Goala, Gour, Kumri, Mushohor, and others:

Leather Processing Workers Rabidas, Rishi and others

Pig Rearing Kaiputra or Kwara

Brick Kiln Workers: Kol, Rajbhar and others

It is not that the native Bangla people do not face discrimination but the differences seem to be growing. The Bangali Dalits are those who are native like Namashudras and others, still well represented in the services, jobs and educated in comparison to immigrant ones. Secondly, all of them are actually more organised on community lines and not as a ‘Dalit’ which actually is just a decade old phenomenon.

Non-Bengali Dalits

The non-Bengali Dalit groups who generally speak in Hindi, Utkal, Deshwali and Telegu migrated or brought in to East Bengal before 1947 from Uttar Pradesh (UP), Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Orissa, and Madras. They worked as cleaners, tea gardeners (1853-54), jungles cleaners, and other cleaning jobs in the middle of the British Rule (1838-1850).

Telugu’ came from predominantly from Madras Residency and most of them were Mala, Magida, Chakali etc and are known as Madrasi. Most of them live in the slums of Dhaka and tea gardens of Sylhet and other such areas. The number of Telugu speaking Dalits is not less than 40000 in Dhaka.

The other Dalits who migrated from United Province are known as Kanpuri as most of them hailed from Allahabad and Kanpur. Bihari’s are already known as Bihari, a term also used contemptuously: Bihari Muslims were also considered against the liberation movement.

A number of Native Dalits actually migrated after Jogendranath Mandal had openly supported the Muslim League call for a separate nation. In fact, places like Sylhet today are in Bangladesh because of massive campaign carried out by Mandal during the referendum. Interestingly, the Muslim majority areas like Karimganj actually voted for being part of India! In any case, the Bangladesh Dalit and Excluded Rights Movement says, Dalits in Bangladesh can be divided into two groups. A section of Dalits who were brought to the country during the British rule to work as cleaners and forest clearing and tea plantations. And, another section who have been children of this country for thousands of years but are considered as ‘low caste’ in the eyes of the so-called society based on birth and profession. These are the fishermen, barbers, washermen, blacksmiths, cobblers, Kalu, Majhi, Zola, butchers, hunters, gardeners, Bede, Dhuli etc. Dalits are considered upper caste in the mainstream society and untouchable by others. Despite their significant contribution to the country’s economy, environment, and social development, they are the most economically and socially deprived Dalit community.

Is the issue of caste discrimination an internal matter for Hinduism in Bangladesh?

The crisis of Dalits in an Islamic society or where the Muslims are a majority showcases a kind of betrayal of the entire ‘ideology’ of the Dalit-Muslim alliance which the Muslim League actually purported to profess during its Partition movement, to ensure that a preponderant region/areas from both Punjab and Bengal become part of Pakistan.

History thus teaches us this lesson: that Dalits and minorities whether it is Muslims or Hindus, are only safe under a secular constitution. Once the constitution becomes theocratic and appeases majoritarianism, there are scant chances of the minorities getting any success. Dalits in both Bangladesh and Pakistan actually faced a dual (double) victimhood. First, they were a minority and then they were also Dalits. It is not that the Muslims loved them and provided them respect. The sanitation work in Pakistan as well as Bangladesh is purely ‘reserved’ for the Harijan communities. There are pockets where untouchability does not exist while in a majority of the northern areas like Dinajpur, Rajshahi, Khulna etc., they do face untouchability. People from the Harijan community are not allowed to drink tea or eat at the hotels in many places, says 85 year-old, Manek Lal Dom, from Bhola. He adds that they don’t face discrimination of any kind within Bhola because a number of persons now working as sewage cleaners there hail from the Muslim community too.

The Bihari Dalits or Bhojpuri Dalits who migrated to undivided Bengal were actually invited or taken by the British as sweepers, cleaner, tea plantation workers, labour for picking up dead bodies and doing all kinds of menial work. They came here leaving all possessions. The only thing they had with them was their ‘faith’, they had otherwise nothing to own. Most of them came to Bangladesh in 1930s. Manek Lal Dom’s grandfather came here as a sweeper and he was born in Bhola. Now, Bhola is the largest island in Bangladesh in the Bay of Bengal.

Unlike in India and to some extent in Nepal, the Dalit movement in Bangladesh has to function within the periphery of ‘majoritarian politics’.  In Pakistan, most of them are used to portray Hindus as the worst kind of racists as well as by confining injustices s those ‘inside’ Hinduism. Some Pakistani organisations even organize Ambedkar Jayanti events every year and invite Ambedkarites and other human rights scholars to speak. Interestingly, the entire event is not focused at helping the Dalits in Pakistan but becomes a tool of anti-India propaganda resulting in neglect of the local Dalit activists and leaders. In Bangladesh, the situation is slightly bit better as civil society mobilisation in Bangladesh has been far superior to Pakistan. However, the Dalit movement still does not have autonomy as it has in India especially because it lacks the strength to organise resources at their own. There are administrative issues too. The presence of Dalits particularly the Bhojpuri speaking immigrants, Harijans, Rabidasis, inside Bangladeshi Parliament or in various structures of state is almost nil.

Dalits not even a minority

Dalits are not even a minority in any true sense. Minorities have a right to own their language, establish their institutions, and press for an inclusive politics among others. The Bhojpuri minorities in Bangladesh do not even know their native language. The only thing they have is their ‘traditional’ festivals and family events. They speak in Bhojpuri and can sing Bhajans. They have their own temples in certain places and they worship but cannot either read or write Bhojpuri or Hindi. Bangladesh came into being for the language movement, yet it is ironic that it does not care to protect the languages of those who immigrated? Frankly, Dalits are not even considered equal citizens otherwise this question would have always raised that they must have their own language and schooling in their native language schools. A majority of them are thoroughly landless.

Manek Lal Dom’s grandfather migrated from Darbhanga in Bihar to undivided Bengal. He was born in Bhola, Bangladesh’s biggest island on the Bay of Bengal. They were responsible for maintaining the cleanliness in the city. The work was harsh and harder. Since the 1930s, till this day in Bhola, Manek Lal Dom lives in a rented house. This is a government rented house for which they pay about 80 Taka per month. Plus of course, more than a 1000 taka for electricity and 500 taka for water too every month. This from a salary of TK 6000 per month. Imagine, a family that came over more than 100 years ago, but still does not have a house of its own to live. That result is people living in the street or open spaces.

Biggest victim of state sponsored eviction

Actually, ‘Harijans’ in Bangladesh face the threat of eviction as they don’t have any residential papers and live at the ‘mercy’ of the state. The fact of the matter is that during the partition, a large number of refugees including the Dalits came to India from East and West Pakistan but the sanitation workers were not that fortunate as leaders wanted them to be there. If they are not there then who would clean their toilets, is said to be an argument of a ‘great leader’ during the partition movement. The gross failure of the respective governments everywhere is that the city cleaners never got the right to a life with dignity. Rather than honouring their hard work and acknowledging the discrimination they face daily both at the hands of the authorities as well as common people, Hindus and Muslims alike, these Harijans face threat of evictions any time. An eviction happened in Dhaka’s famous Miranzila Harijan colony on June 11, 2024 where they had been living for generations. “Although the authorities claimed they will evict 87 families, they are planning to evict more than 120 families,” said Nirmal Chandra Das, secretary general of Bangladesh Harijan Oikya Parishad.[ii]

As a research paper narrates the story of Dalit ghettoisation within Dhaka. ‘The Dalits have been ghettoised in 27 hubs (12 are prominent) in and around Dhaka. A very few of them could establish their career outside the precincts. They are not unified as they have internecine strife, which is an obstacle before obtaining enough social capital to secure their collective interests. As a result, they could flourish themselves as successful individual entrepreneurs.  The Dalits of Bangladesh (experience) regimented patriarchy. But in Dhaka the women enjoy relatively more freedom. This opens another frontier of dilemma. They become educated, and due to the open media, they know the world faster, but finally, they discover that their world is confined to their precinct. They discover their capability failures and newer types of intersectionality every day.  “It is better to be born an idiot, rather than handicapped conscious beings”- said a Dalit girl to me. Her name was Anuradha. I heard it with a friend and sighed’[iii].

Many people might ask, why can’t these people stay elsewhere? Why do they live in the slums of Dhaka? I have visited these slums in Dhaka and can only say that the circumstances that they live is simply ‘unliveable’. Most of the time, they are surrounded by filthy water where mosquitos and other insect fly around and a heavy stink make things impossible to stay on. I saw the similar conditions in Bhola when I visited Manek Lal Dom’s house. There was no electricity. Dom said that they can’t any house on rent outside as none of the owners want to give them house on rent so most of the people end up staying on the street and roads as they don’t have the capacity to buy a house for themselves.

Imagine a community which was brought to clean human excreta has not got a place to live and frankly live as non-citizens of the country. If even after working for nearly 40 years, the salary is 6000TK then it reflects a highly iniquitous social order. When the issue of Dalit was being used as a Hindu subject then why have the leaders of two independent countries not pushed for a better lot for them? They could have shown, by example, that societies which are Islamic do not recognise birth-based differences and that they would do their best to bring the marginalised to the mainstream, but that never happened.

A report in Bangladesh suggested that many of the ‘Harijans’ are now changing their names as well as surnames so that they are not identified by caste. The report says the Telugus are now using the title, to be seen as a native Bangladesh. I witnessed this in Bhola too where most of the youth had Bengali sounding surnames. The friend who took me various places and son of a Bhojpuri Harijan put down his surname as De. When he came to the hotel to meet me, we were speaking in English and he was speaking with my Bangladeshi friend in Bangla. After some time, I realized that he was not well versed in English. These friends asked me whether I understand Bangla to which I replied that I can understand a bit. After some time, I just casually asked whether he understand Hindi or watch Hindi movies or serials which are popular. I was shocked to hear that this friend told me that he knows Hindi well and his ancestors came from Darbhanga in Bihar!

‘The Global Forum of Communities Discriminated on Work and Descent, report 2023 entitled ‘The Situation of Dalits in Bangladesh: Country Report says that, ‘ The literacy rate among male and female Dalits is 48.3% and 38.7% respectively which is far behind Bangladesh’s national literacy rate of 74.66%. Most of the Dalits live in designated housing settlements built on common land i.e. Khas land and 56% of Dalit households do not have any land.[iv]’

Unprotected and isolated

The biggest crisis for the sweeper or the Harijan community in Bangladesh is that the state has no protection for them. No encouragement to enter services other than sanitation work. The community itself has been pushed into the margins, limiting their struggle to better housing and more sanitary jobs in various government services including municipalities or big city corporations. While the ‘reports’ always try to suggest that it is only the Hindus who discriminate against them, none else. A very similar approach by Pakistani Dalit Rights groups is evident, too, who feel comfortable narrating the Brahmanical history a ‘Dalit’ without ever questioning their own rulers and authorities on the steps taken to combat structural discrimination. In fact, no report in Bangladesh has, so far, spoken about the job reservation for the Dalit community, particularly Harijans, in non-sanitation work. In fact, today, that job too is under attack: similar to various municipalities in India, it has been reported that a number of non-Harijans pay money to get the better paid sweeper’s job in various municipalities and government offices and then sublet the work to the Harijans on petty remuneration. In fact, due to these irregularities Sheikh Hasina government promised to ‘ensure’ 80% reservation in the sanitation work for the Harijan community. This was opposed and the so called ‘revolution’ in Bangladesh actually created more insecurity among Dalits particularly the Harijan community as they are not clear whether there will be a protection for their job in government departments particularly for sweepers as well as sanitation work.

Babul Das (56), a sweeper from Madarbari Shebok Colony in Chittagong, said: “Our children do not get white collar jobs even though they have the qualifications. It would console our heart if even one of us got an official job. But unfortunately, this never happens. Sweeping is the only profession, no matter whether we want to stick to it or not. Our destiny is sweeping, though this too is uncertain nowadays[v].”

Ironically, the stigma, discrimination continues to ‘track’ them despite living in a different society. The issue of Dalits is not merely that of being part of a hierarchical Hindu caste order but those who claim not to have anything to do with the caste system and birth-based discrimination, actually, have to answer more as the conditions under their leadership and society is perhaps worse. Dalits in Islamic Bangladesh and Pakistan, have no voice of their own.

A newspaper report in Bangladesh says, ‘Brought into the Bengal region by the British government from Madras, Kanpur, Hyderabad and some southern areas of what is now India, this sweeper community consists of people who are known as Harijans. They were chosen for the job and brought here as cleaners because of their status as ‘Dalits’ or ‘low class’ Hindus. Although they left their place of origin, the stigma surrounding their identity did not leave them[vi]’.

While I was not able to visit these localities in Dhaka myself, other researchers have found out that ‘Dhaka city has six sweeper colonies where they live a vulnerable life. These are: Ganoktuli, Dayaganj, Dhalpur, Sutrapur, Agargaon and Mohammadpur sweeper colonies[1].In Dhaka city, the Telegu  Sweepers are the large in number, they are concentrated mainly in four ghettos or quarters, known as :(1) Wari or Tikatuli Sweeper quarters; (2) Dhalpur Sweepers quarter, officially named city Palli; (3) Gopibag sweepers quarter, and (4) Muhammadpur Sweeper quarter. All the quarters are located within the perimeter of Dhaka city[vii].

There are few other areas, for example, Wari (Tikatuli), Babu Bazar, Dhalpur, Gopibagh and Mohammadpur, where the Harijan sweepers are largely concentrated. Over one lakh sweepers live in the Ganaktuli Sweeper Colony located on a piece of 20 acres of land by the side of the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) Headquarters at Pilkhana[viii].

It is equally important to know that most of the ‘Harijans’ did not migrate to East Bengal, as it was then called during pre-partition days but were taken there, either by the Mughals in the 16^th century or later by the British in the 19^th century. Motive: to carry out sanitation and sweeping work for their cantonments and other institutions of the Raj.

‘In the nineteenth century, for example, fifty sweepers were brought from Kanpur by the British Government to clean public toilets which were constructed in Dhaka for the city dwellers by the Ordinance No. 7 of 1870. In 1905, however, more sweepers were required with the establishment of Dhaka as the capital of East Bengal. The sweepers used to carry out the task of cleaning the city on daily basis.[ix]’

Absence of concrete data  

Ironically, we don’t have exact figures for manual scavenging in Bangladesh. If you ask activists, most of them will deny its existence but the fact is the entire country does not even have the flush toilet system. If that is the reality, how does the entire sewage system work? We also have not seen any sewage system reports or any of deaths in sewage cleaning operation in Bangladesh. A report published last year by Down to Earth, actually revealed that manual scavenging still persist in many parts and most of those engaged in it are those who were brought in by the British from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.

‘There are around 800-1,000 Dalits in Lalmonirhat (Rangpur division).They are all involved in activities related to sanitation. Some 50-60 are actively engaged in manual scavenging. Their ancestors were non-Bengalis who were forced to migrate from the northern and southern parts of India (present-day Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh) to East Bengal (now Bangladesh) under the pretext of permanent government jobs by the British before the 1947 Partition of the subcontinent’[x].

Sadly, there is no data or monitoring of death in sewage or septic tank as well as number of people engaged in manual scavenging. A research paper reported that ‘Total 136 person died in 5 years from 2014 to 2018 in Septic Tank according Bangladesh institute of labour studies’[xi].

Glossy reports –to the contrary–suggest that Bangladesh became almost open defecation free in 2019.

Bangladesh is almost open defecation free (about 99% achieved). Basic sanitation coverage is 64%, safely managed sanitation is currently 36.4% in rural areas. (Source: Multi Cluster Indicator Survey, MICS, 2019 report by BBS and UNICEF)[xii]. World Bank data too show that there is zero open air defecation in Bangladesh[xiii] but a report published by Daily Star, Dhaka says that while Bangladesh has definitely succeeded in reducing the open-air defecation yet, this has not reached at zero level. Actually, such reports that Bangladesh has succeeded in achieving the target of zero open air defecation have been appearing in the global media since 2016 but the reality is far from this. If NGOs, academics and activists make this a priority concern, a different story could emerge, as evident from the account published by Daily star, Dhaka, which says ‘Over 21 lakh people in Bangladesh engage in open defecation in the absence of public toilets, raising the risk of health hazards via the transmission of a wide range of diseases, says a Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics report. It further says that, the number of people practicing open defecation in Rangpur is 7.35 lakh, while it is 1.24 lakh in Dhaka’[xiv].

Bangladesh Dalits and the Excluded Rights Movement

The Bangladesh Dalit and Excluded Rights Movement is working harder to empower the Dalits and Harijan communities. The effort is not merely movement based but also provides decent alternative to the community engaged in sanitation work. It is working deeply in the communities in different parts of the country and new young leaders are emerging from the community. BDERM also used international solidarity and has presented reports on the conditions of Dalits at the international forums too. However, it needs to be careful and could expand its reach if the movement grows in diversity and autonomy followed by building up a confederation of various organisations working on the issue. Of course, the approach should not confine to merely ‘agitational work’ but also positive work, skill development as well as ensuring their representation in government services, educational institutions and most importantly seeking their involvement and engagement in non-sanitation or non- sweeping occupations. BDERM has been net-working with international solidarity as well as Indian organisations like Safai karmchari Andolan but also building up national solidarity and doing advocacy for the rights of Harijans with the government. BDERM has a network of over 17 NGOs and 2000 individuals and has been working at the international forum along with International Dalit Solidarity Network. They have been demanding a National Dalit Rights Commission but things have not moved much. Bangladesh must also think of enacting an Anti-Untouchability and Anti-Manual scavenging law but that would only be possible if the activists and the government think that the issue is serious and requires this. If they instead all remain in denial mode then, it this becomes difficult. For that to happen, academics, media, NGOs, social movements must focus on gathering data and monitoring violation of cases particularly related to untouchability, manual scavenging, septic tank or sewage deaths and other issues of those working as sweepers in municipalities and other private and government institutions.

The new Dalit movement in Bangladesh is making every effort in the right direction but it needs more strength to build a community leadership. Intellectuals and activists cannot satisfy themselves by dismissing this as a ‘caste system’ and the ‘internal problems’ of Hindus. They are citizens of Bangladesh and need full protection. So far, I found the demand by them was for a dignified housing and government job as Safai Karmcharis, for which the earlier government had fixed a quota of 80% for the Harijan community. Even this is not implemented. The result is non-Harijans are getting jobs which are relatively better paid but keep the children of Harijans as absentee cleaner, a practice very much prevalent in India too.

Moreover, as we demand in India, the government must ensure reservation for children of Harijan communities in the non-sanitation work. They must get equal opportunity to progress and for that their children must get preferential treatment in the form of affirmative action. Most importantly, government must prohibit the use of the term Harijans, which is purely demeaning and also the biggest mental block of the community to think beyond sanitation work. Right now, the threat is to their livelihood through mechanization as well as hijacking of their jobs by others through corrupt practices. All reports suggest they face the biggest threat of eviction and a majority of them despite living there in the third or fourth generation do not have a house of their own.

For long the issue of Dalits has been side tracked but now the situation demands the government focus on their emancipation through constitutional provisions banning untouchability and caste discrimination in all forms and practice. Some positive measures need to be taken including job reservation, education, health, housing and land redistribution. Will the Dhaka government act and respect the sacrifices of the Harijan community people who make Bangladesh clean and yet do not have access to safe and clean drinking water and living conditions? Let us hope that the government of Bangladesh will act positively and provide dignified alternative to one of the most marginalized communities, called Harijans in Bangladesh.

[i] Social Exclusion and Multiple Discriminations of Harijan Community in Rajshahi, Bangladesh by Goelam Mohammad Nur, Md Redwanur Rahman, S M Shaffiuzzman and Kamrun Nohar Sona. https://www.ijcrt.org/papers/IJCRT2309644.pdf

[ii]  No Home for Harijans by Md Abbas, Daily Star, June 11,2024 https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/no-home-harijans-3631801

[iii] The Dalits in Dhaka: where the society has doubled their marginalization, 24.10.23 – Dhaka, Bangladesh – Pressenza New York,  https://www.pressenza.com/2023/10/the-dalits-in-dhaka-where-the-society-has-doubled-their-marginalization/

[iv] Situation of Dalits in Bangladesh : Country Report 2023

https://globalforumcdwd.org/landmark-report-documents-harsh-reality-of-cdwds-of-bangladesh/

[v] Tanvir Hossain, Daily Star, Dhaka March 19, 2013 https://www.thedailystar.net/news/the-sweepers-a-socially-excluded-community

[vi] Beyond destiny: The new generation at Dayaganj sweeper colony look forward to a different future by Aziz Hakim, August 30, 2022, The Business Standard, Dhaka

https://www.tbsnews.net/features/panorama/beyond-destiny-new-generation-dayaganj-sweeper-colony-look-forward-different

[vii] Human Rights Conditions Of Horizon (Sweeper), Community In Dhaka, Bangladesh, a legal review, 2010

https://www.lawyersnjurists.com/article/human-rights-conditions-of-horizon-sweeper-community-in-dhaka-bangladesh/

[viii] The Harijans of Bangladesh: Living with the injustice of Untouchability, by Prof Dr Md Rahmat Ullah, published by Empowerment of through law of the common people, Dhaka P 14

[ix] Ibid P 55-56

[x] In a corner of Bangladesh, manual scavenging is impacting a treatment plant’s sustainability by Sarim, Down to Earth, 9 January 2024.

https://www.downtoearth.org.in/water/in-a-corner-of-bangladesh-manual-scavenging-is-impacting-a-treatment-plant-s-sustainability-93793

[xi] Septic Tank accidents in Bangladesh are rising: Few facts and thoughts by Safwatul Haque Niloy, WASH Coordinator, OXFAM in Bangladesh, April 2024

379986519_Septic_tank_accidents_in_Bangladesh_are_rising_Few_facts_and_thoughts/link/66252f1cf7d3fc287472e944/download?_tp=eyJjb250ZXh0Ijp7ImZpcnN0UGFnZSI6InB1YmxpY2F0aW9uIiwicGFnZSI6InB1YmxpY2F0aW9uIn19

[xii] People’s Republic of Bangladesh Country Overview 2020

https://www.sanitationandwaterforall.org/sites/default/files/2020-12/2020_Country-Overview_Bangladesh.pdf

[xiii] World Bank Data, Bangladesh

https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.STA.ODFC.ZS?locations=BD

[xiv] 21 lakh people in Bangladesh practice open defecation: BBS, Daily Star, Dhaka, November 19, 2022 https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/bangladesh-lags-behind-sanitation-3173416

The post The ‘Harijans’ of Bangladesh: Victims of constitutional neglect and social isolation appeared first on SabrangIndia.

What makes the case even more disturbing is that despite the seriousness of the charges—including sexual assault and criminal intimidation—the police have not made any arrests as of April 21, nearly two weeks after the assault.

According to the First Information Report (FIR), the accused approached the survivor while he was watching a wedding procession and lured him to a nearby bus stand on the pretext of discussing work. From there, they allegedly took him to a secluded area, where they forced him to undress, beat him with a bottle, hurled casteist slurs, urinated on him, and sexually assaulted him. They also recorded a video of the attack and used it to threaten the victim with blackmail should he report the crime.

“They were drunk. They hit me with a bottle, urinated on me, and used casteist abuses,” the survivor told the police in his complaint, as per Siasat. He also reported that the accused threatened to harm his father, who works abroad, if he told anyone what had happened.

Deputy Superintendent of Police Arvind Kumar confirmed that an FIR has been registered under various sections of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS). The survivor’s medical examination has been conducted and his statement recorded, but the accused remain at large. Police say investigations are “ongoing.”

Delayed justice, deep trauma

The delay in filing the complaint is being attributed to the severe trauma and fear of retaliation. Former Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot stated, “The trauma was so severe that the victim couldn’t file a complaint for eight days.” The survivor’s family is reportedly living in fear, afraid of further harassment or violence.

The incident has snowballed into a political flashpoint, with the Congress party criticising the BJP-led state government for failing to provide protection to marginalised communities. Rajasthan’s Leader of Opposition, Tikaram Jully—himself a Dalit—called the attack “a shameful truth” and a symbol of the continued impunity enjoyed by dominant-caste perpetrators.

“This is the reality of Rajasthan today—a Dalit youth kidnapped, beaten, sexually assaulted, and humiliated. This is not a movie scene—it’s a shameful truth,” said Jully.

Ironically, Jully himself was recently subjected to caste-based humiliation. On April 6, during a Ram Navami celebration in Alwar district, former BJP MLA Gyandev Ahuja allegedly ordered the ‘purification’ of a Ram temple with gangajal after Jully’s visit, implying that a Dalit’s presence had defiled the space. Ahuja later justified the act, saying that those who do not believe in Lord Ram were “sinful.”

Two More Shocking Cases: Telangana and Uttar Pradesh

The Sikar atrocity is part of a deeply disturbing trend. Two other brutal assaults against Dalits have surfaced in the last few days—one in Telangana and the other in Uttar Pradesh—each marked by caste hatred, sexual violence, and humiliation.

Telangana: Dalit man stripped, beaten, and forced to lick feet

In Hyderabad’s Petbasheerabad area, 26-year-old Tarun Kumar, a Dalit from the Madiga community, was subjected to extreme caste humiliation on March 26. His complaint, filed on April 13, states that he was attacked by six men while trying to mediate a divorce between a couple. Among the accused are men from the Yadav and Goud communities, as well as one Muslim man.

As per a report of The Mint, Tarun alleged that he was lured to a house under false pretences, then stripped, beaten, abused with casteist slurs, and forced to lick the attackers’ feet. They also recorded the entire assault on video. He was left severely injured and unable to stand, requiring hospitalisation.

Police have registered a case under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and the BNS. So far, five of the six accused have been arrested, and one remains at large. Investigations are ongoing, but civil society groups have raised concerns about the delay in registering the complaint and the slow pace of arrests.

Uttar Pradesh: Minor Dalit girl raped, found naked and injured in field

In one of the most gut-wrenching incidents in recent memory, an 11-year-old Dalit girl who is both deaf and mute was brutally raped in Rampur district, Uttar Pradesh. The child went missing on April 15 and was found naked and injured in a field the next morning. She had been lured into a forest by 24-year-old Dan Singh, a man from her village.

Medical examinations confirmed multiple injuries to her private parts and face, suggesting that she had been beaten with a blunt object. Dr Anju Singh, who conducted the examination, told The Times of India, “It is one of the most horrific sexual crimes I have seen.”

Police registered a case under Section 65(2) of the BNS and Sections 5m/6 of the POCSO Act. The accused attempted to fire on police during arrest and was injured in retaliatory fire. He has since confessed to the crime. The child has been referred to Meerut Medical College for specialised treatment.

Systemic caste violence and institutional failure

Across all three cases, there is a clear pattern: Dalit individuals were humiliated, brutalised, and dehumanised—often sexually—and in two of the three cases, the violence was filmed and weaponised as a form of caste terror.

Despite the severity of these crimes, arrests were either delayed or have not occurred at all. In Sikar, the accused continue to evade arrest nearly two weeks after the incident. In Hyderabad, the sixth attacker is yet to be apprehended. Only in Rampur did the police act swiftly—but even that required a shootout.

These cases are not isolated; they are emblematic of the structural impunity that shields perpetrators of caste atrocities. Despite laws like the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, enforcement remains patchy and often sluggish. Survivors and their families frequently face threats, trauma, and stigma when seeking justice.

The repeated use of sexual violence, public humiliation, and video evidence to assert caste dominance reveals not only the cruelty of the acts but also a disturbing confidence among perpetrators that they will face no real consequences.

Related:

Mountain Man Dasrath Manjhi: A Kabir panthi from the MahaDalit community who toiled for 22 years to make the impossible possible

Ayodhya’s shocking crime: Dalit woman found dead, allegations of sexual violence, police accused of delay

Statewide Attacks: A chilling chronicle of caste-based attacks across the country

The alarming rise of anti-Dalit violence and discrimination in India: A series of gruesome incidents since July 2024

The post ‘They Beat Me, Undressed Me, Urinated on Me’: Dalit youth in Rajasthan brutally assaulted; no arrests yet appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The entire political class is silent.

The ruling party has not attempted to hide what easily could be called its genocidal actions in Bastar. Union home minister Amit Shah proclaims it loud and clear. But no opposition leader raises a voice. On the political stage, otherwise, Shah is cornered on a number of things he does. Except this. There is no delegation to meet the President, no hurried press conference, no demand for a white paper, or an investigation. The opposition seems to act as though it has not heard anything, not seen anything, not noticed anything.

Are we seeing the tragic and evil consensus of India’s political class? Are we witness to the outer limits of the democratic idea of India, even in the best version as proposed by the most progressive forces in India’s parliament? Rahul Gandhi, Mahua Mitra, Shashi Tharoor, Asaduddin Owaisi…they have all been silent.

Some of them might be privately attempting to wash their guilt by avidly following the news of the killings, but it is as though they are following a secret medieval covenant not to say anything in public. True to form, the media doles news of the killings as though these are reports of a natural calamity, like death due to lightning or a thunderstorm. What is there to discuss or deliberate? Nothing at all.

Various political parties represent or claim to represent the different social sections, castes, tribes, regions and religious communities that comprise India. Even Adivasi representatives sit in the parliament. They are all silent. In effect, the parliament is sanctioning vigilante action.

What is the covenant which binds them all? What tells them that it is best to quietly focus on other things, and look the other way?

They seem to agree on a so-called structural necessity of the Bastar killings.

Given this scenario, we must step up and act in conscience. We should lobby and sensitise parliament and go on to appeal to the legislators to uphold a moral conscience and intervene to “save democracy”.

But this will only add to the pool of self-righteousness ailing the world. Instead let us recognise how things really stand. Let us read the writing on the wall. Just pause and take note. And learn about the consensus – the silent and rather lethal consensus – which sustains India’s democracy. We must try to learn about the much vaunted “constitutional morality” the republic serves platitudes about – the constitutional morality which the opposition always claims to struggle to save, uphold and defend.

Perhaps the first thing we get to learn is that the political class as a whole has a common enemy. This opposition to that enemy binds all the stakeholders of India’s democracy. They all fear an enemy. And they must unite to kill and finish off that enemy.

Amidst the fractious squabbling between the BJP and the opposition parties, national and regional, it might be difficult to perceive the internal coherence of the Indian political class and the establishment. So consider this: Manmohan Singh might have declared that Maoists are the greatest internal security threat, but it is Amit Shah who acts on it. So does Salwa Judum and Special Police Officers, the others.

This is an issue on which Shah and Chidambaram are on the same page. If there is one thing RSS and the Congress agree on, it would be this. Secularism and communalism appear as one.

The struggle towards the just that morally and politically legitimises the republic loses its efficacy. The moral fibre of the republic is at its weakest here. No wonder then that the Indian parliament recoils from ever having to come face to face with such deep moral blind spots where hypocrisy runs free.

The post Why Indian Democracy Feels No Shame About the Bastar Killings appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In Uttar Pradesh, a shocking incident in Bulandshahr saw eight teachers booked for brutally beating a Dalit Class 12 student over his haircut, while in Mainpuri, a Class 11 Dalit student was allegedly assaulted by a teacher for touching a water bottle, facing casteist slurs and physical harm. The state also witnessed the custodial death of a Dalit youth in Azamgarh, with his family alleging torture, and a Kasganj case where eight individuals were booked for the alleged murder of a Dalit girl following tensions related to her sister’s inter-caste relationship. Furthermore, in Basti, an SDM faces accusations of using casteist slurs and physically assaulting a Dalit woman seeking redress for a land dispute.

Tamil Nadu has also reported harrowing instances, including a Class 6 Dalit student brutally assaulted by a PT teacher, leaving him critically injured. In Thoothukudi, a 17-year-old Dalit student had his fingers chopped off in a caste-based attack while on his way to an exam, prompting NHRC intervention. A particularly shameful case in Coimbatore saw a Class 8 Dalit girl forced to sit outside during exams due to menstruation, leading to the principal’s suspension and a police complaint.

Madhya Pradesh witnessed blatant caste discrimination in Jabalpur, where Dalits were prevented from performing funeral rites on traditionally used land, and in Sehore, a Dalit family was violently stopped from building their house and subjected to a social and economic boycott.

In Bihar, an 80-year-old Dalit woman was reportedly gang-raped and brutally beaten in Gopalganj. Rajasthan, too, reported a deeply concerning incident where a police constable in Jaipur was arrested for allegedly raping a pregnant Dalit woman under the pretext of recording her statement. Additionally, Kota mourned the alleged suicide of a Dalit medical student who, according to fellow students, was deliberately failed and barred from exams.

These interconnected incidents across multiple states underscore the urgent need for stringent measures to combat caste-based discrimination and violence, ensure justice for victims, and safeguard the rights and dignity of Dalit individuals, especially students.

Uttar Pradesh

Dalit student beaten with sticks over haircut in Bulandshahr

In a shocking incident out of Bulandshahr, UP, eight teachers at a prominent school have been booked for allegedly assaulting a Class 12 Dalit student over his haircut, leaving the 17-year-old with severe injuries including head wounds requiring stitches and fractures in both hands.

The assault, involving sticks and casteist slurs, reportedly occurred on January 25, prompting the school to immediately suspend the accused teachers, who belong to another caste. The matter gained public attention on Friday after the victim’s parents, who initially made an “initial compromise under pressure,” were compelled to file a First Information Report (FIR) due to “repeated threats by the accused,” who allegedly even tried to prevent their son from taking his ongoing UP board exams that commenced in late February, reported the Times of India.

As per report, Circle officer Shobit Kumar stated that an FIR was registered on March 5th under various sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) and the SC/ST Act against Sonu Kumar, Vipin Kumar, Deepak Kumar, Manoj Kumar (I), Manoj Kumar (II), Yogesh Kumar, Yogendra, and Prashant, assuring that “investigation is on and action will be taken accordingly” and that the student is “in stable condition and appearing in his exams.”

Those teachers were suspended and we’ll co-operate with the police in their investigation.” Recounting her son’s ordeal, the student’s mother, Maya Rani, explained that the teachers objected to his haircut in January, and “the next day (Jan 25) he was mercilessly beaten with sticks in school,” leaving him bedridden with trauma and injuries for over a month, hindering his exam preparations. She further alleged that they were initially pressured into a compromise, but “the accused teachers continued to threaten us and intimidate my son during his exams,” leaving them with no choice but to approach the police, demanding their arrest.

Class 12’s Dalit student brutally beaten by upper caste teacher for touching water bottle

In yet another harrowing instance of caste-based violence in Uttar Pradesh, a Dalit Class 11 student in Mainpuri was brutally assaulted by his teacher for merely touching a water bottle in the classroom.

The incident took place on March 29 at Narendra Pratap Singh Higher Secondary School in Haripur Catholic village. The 15-year-old, from Katheria village, was subjected to casteist abuse by biology teacher Mangal Singh Shakya, who locked him in a room and beat him so severely that two of his fingers were fractured. The teacher reportedly said, “How dare you touch the bottle? It’s untouchable now.”

#Casteism A Dalit youth of class 12th was brutally beaten by a caste Hindu teacher for touching a water bottle, his hand was broken, the incident is from Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh.#DalitLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/PgtwwG7Z7A

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) April 3, 2025

The boy suffered injuries to his thigh, shoulder, and jaw. After being taken to the hospital by his family, the police allegedly refused to file a report, prompting them to approach the Superintendent of Police.

Dalit youth died in Azamgarh Police custody, family alleges torture

The custodial death of 20-year-old Dalit youth Sunny Kumar at the Tarwa police station in Azamgarh on Sunday night has ignited fierce protests from his family and local community. Demonstrations intensified on Monday, marked by the vandalism of a police vehicle and road blockades outside the station, prompting a significant police deployment to restore order.

Kumar, son of Harikant, was detained on Sunday following a sexual harassment complaint filed by a minor girl, alleging obscene gestures and vulgar songs played on his phone on March 28th. Tragically, late Sunday night, a police guard reportedly discovered Kumar’s body hanging by his pyjama drawstring in the police station bathroom. Despite Senior Superintendent of Police Hemraj Meena’s initial suggestion of suicide based on preliminary findings, Kumar’s family and local political figures, including Samajwadi Party MP Dharmendra Yadav, vehemently allege custodial torture and murder, as reported the Observer Post.

Dalit Youth Dies in Azamgarh Police Custody; Family Alleges Torture, Protests Erupt

Read:https://t.co/2KWqDe5G8u

— The Observer Post (@TheObserverPost) April 1, 2025

In response to the grave accusations, several police officers, including the station house officer, a sub-inspector, and a constable, have been suspended. District Magistrate Navneet Singh Chahal has also ordered a magisterial inquiry into the circumstances surrounding Kumar’s death. The post-mortem examination, conducted under tight security, reportedly showed no external injuries on Kumar’s body. However, authorities have stated that a comprehensive investigation will be conducted, exploring all possible aspects of the case.

Castiest abuse by UP official, victim Dalit woman approached Women’s Commission

In Basti, Uttar Pradesh, SDM Ashutosh Tiwari faces severe accusations of caste-based discrimination and misconduct against a Dalit woman who approached him for a land dispute resolution on March 6, 2025. The woman alleges that Tiwari used casteist slurs, calling her “lower caste” and “ill-mannered,” physically pushed her out of his office, and threatened to seize her land if she didn’t withdraw her complaint.

Despite reporting the incident to district authorities, she claims no action has been taken and that she faces continued harassment from tehsil employees pressuring her to retract her allegations. The victim has now appealed to the State Women’s Commission, demanding Tiwari’s immediate removal and the registration of a case against him, also seeking protection.

A member of the Commission has assured justice for the victim and strict punishment for the accused, confirming an ongoing investigation into the matter, reported the Mooknayak.

8 booked for murder of Dalit girl and kidnap of her elder sister in Kasganj

Meanwhile, in Uttar Pradesh’s Kasganj district, eight people have been booked for allegedly murdering a 14-year-old Dalit girl and staging it as suicide, following tensions over her sister’s relationship with an 18-year-old from another community.

#Horrific They came to kidnap a 14-year-old Dalit girl, when her younger sister resisted, they brutally murdered her, the accused Yadav is from the Hindu community, the elder girl is still missing, the incident is from Kasganj in Uttar Pradesh… pic.twitter.com/OuOyF9Njft

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) March 2, 2025

The elder sister, was reported kidnapped but later recovered by police. No arrests have been made yet. Kasganj ASP Rajesh Kumar Bhartiya said that, “We will get her medical examination conducted and record her statement before a magistrate. The girl might provide crucial details about what happened on Saturday afternoon,” said Kasganj ASP Rajesh Kumar Bhartiya” reported the Indian Express.

However, people from another caste were detained by local police on March 2, an FIR was registered under section 103(2) murder and 140 (1) (kidnapping with murderous intent) of the BNS along with the SC/ST Act against the villagers following a complaint by the victim’s father, as reported the Times of India.

As per report, victim’s father also alleged that influential people from the village took my elder daughter away and killed and hanged my younger one when she tried to save her sister.

Tamil Nadu

Class 6 Dalit student was brutally assaulted by PT teacher

In another incident at V. Akram Government High School in Tamil Nadu’s Villupuram district, a Class 6 Dalit student was brutally assaulted by a Physical Education (PT) teacher, reportedly causing severe head injuries that required surgery. The child, whose condition remains critical, also sustained stomach wounds requiring multiple stitches. The attack sparked widespread outrage after a photo of the boy’s post-surgery injuries went viral. Although the teacher is also from a Scheduled Caste, the brutality has drawn sharp criticism across the state.

#Horrific A Dalit student of class 6 of a government school was brutally beaten by a caste Hindu PT teacher, the condition of the boy is critical, this painful incident is from Villupuram, Tamil Nadu.#DalitLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/5ntcpHkR2O

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) March 29, 2025

The Communist Party of India (Marxist) condemned the assault and demanded swift action, calling out the inaction of authorities. Activist Shalin Maria Lawrence also criticised the DMK-led government for its failure to protect Dalit students in educational institutions. Despite growing public pressure, there has been no official response or action taken by the School Education Department or the police at the time of reporting.

Fingers of 17-year-old Dalit students chopped, NHRC takes suo moto action

In a horrifying incident rooted in caste-based violence, 17-year-old Dalit student Devendran Raj from Ariyanayagapuram village in Tamil Nadu’s Thoothukudi district was brutally attacked while on his way to appear for a Class 11 exam. Three upper-caste youths from a neighbouring village reportedly stopped his bus near Kattarimangalam, dragged him out, and assaulted him with a sickle, severing four fingers on his left hand—one of which is still missing. His father, Thanga Ganesh, a daily-wage labourer, was also severely injured while trying to protect his son.

The assault was allegedly driven by caste hatred and revenge, following a kabaddi match where Devendran’s team defeated a team from the attackers’ village. The brutal act has triggered widespread anger and calls for justice across the state. Doctors at Tirunelveli Government Medical College conducted a seven-hour surgery to reattach the severed fingers. Devendran’s condition remains critical. Activists including Shalin Maria Lawrence and VCK leader Thol. Thirumavalavan have demanded justice, immediate compensation, and better medical care.

A #Dalit student was attacked by a gang of unknown persons, and his fingers chopped, in #TamilNadu’s #Tirunelveli district while he was on his way to write an exam.

Devendran Raj, a Class 11 student and son of a day-wager Thanga Ganesh, was travelling from his residence to his… pic.twitter.com/q6lzTXPLvJ

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) March 11, 2025

NHRC takes suo moto cognizance

The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has taken suo moto cognizance, terming the assault a grave human rights violation. Notices have been issued to the Tamil Nadu DGP and Thoothukudi District Collector. Police have arrested one accused, Lakshmanan, and detained two others. The case is being investigated under the IPC and the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, reported Maktoob Media.

Class 8 Dalit girl student made to sit outside classroom during exams after menstruation

A deeply disturbing incident of alleged caste- and gender-based discrimination has come to light from Senguttaipalayam village in Tamil Nadu’s Coimbatore district. A minor Dalit student from the Arunthathiyar community, studying in Class 8, was reportedly forced to take her annual examinations outside the classroom simply because she had started menstruating. This discriminatory act was witnessed and recorded by the girl’s mother, whose video has since sparked widespread public outrage on social media, with calls for accountability echoing across platforms.

In pursuit of justice, the mother has formally appealed to the education authorities. The incident has also prompted local villagers to rally together and raise the issue with the Pollachi sub-collector. The minor was enrolled in Class 7 at the Swamy Chidbhavanda Matric Higher Secondary School in Senguttaipalayam village, located in Kinathukadavu Taluk.

According to the Hindu, Assistant Superintendent of Police Shristi Singh, who conducted a preliminary inquiry on Thursday, told reporters that “The mother of the student called the class teacher on the evening of April 6 around 5:30 p.m. and requested a special seating arrangement. The class teacher reportedly asked the mother to speak to the principal.”

She further added that “On April 7, Monday, while dropping off her daughter, the mother met the principal and asked that a separate arrangement be made to prevent infections. After she left, the student was made to sit outside the classroom to write the exam. That evening, she returned home and complained of leg pain from sitting on the floor. She did not attend the revision class the next day, and returned on Wednesday to write another exam. One of the relatives noticed her sitting outside, through the compound wall, and informed the parents. The mother rushed to the school and recorded a video of the incident” as reported

Principle suspended; girl’s father lodged complaint

Amidst the escalating outcry, the school correspondent has invoked Section 17 of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009, issuing a suspension order to the school principal, citing the prohibition of physical or mental harassment of children. Adding to the legal pressure, the girl’s father lodged a formal complaint with the Negamam police on April 10.

Consequently, a case has been registered against the school’s Principal M. Anandhi, office assistant Shanthi, and Correspondent Thangavelpandian. They have been charged under Sections 3(1)(r) and 3(1)(za)(D) of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, acknowledging the girl’s Scheduled Caste status. Furthermore, the parents’ petition alleges that the accused also directed caste-based insults towards the girl’s mother when she confronted them about the discriminatory treatment, reported the Hindu

Madhya Pradesh

Dalits stopped from performing funeral rites in Jabalpur

In Madhya Pradesh’s Jabalpur district, members of the Dalit community were prevented from performing the last rites of a deceased elder due to caste-based discrimination. The incident took place in Chapod village, Pauri Panchayat, about 37 km from Jabalpur. When the Ahirwar community attempted to cremate 70-year-old Shivprasad Ahirwar on government land traditionally used for funerals, upper-caste locals objected, claiming the land as their own and citing standing crops. The family was forced to call the police, who intervened and arranged for the funeral to be held elsewhere.

The land in question, a government plot, has been used for cremations for generations. However, in recent years, members of the Patel family had allegedly encroached upon it for farming. Following public outrage and pressure from Scheduled Caste organisations, the District Collector ordered the removal of the encroachment and the construction of a permanent cremation ground.

Dalit rights groups have condemned the incident as not just a land dispute, but a blatant violation of constitutional rights. Former SC Commission member Pradeep Ahirwar called it a reflection of deep-rooted casteism and demanded strong legal action and justice for the affected family, as reported the Mooknayak.

Dalit family in Sehore attacked and boycotted for building a house

A Dalit family in Sehore district, Madhya Pradesh, was violently prevented from constructing their house by members of the dominant caste. As the family began building their home, upper-caste individuals not only stopped the construction but also subjected them to physical assault and casteist slurs.

मकान बना रहे दलित परिवार को जातिवादियों ने मकान बनाने से रोका, बंद किया हुक्का पानी, जातिसूचक गालियाँ देकर की मारपीट, दुकानदारों से कहा, “अगर दलितों को कुछ भी दिया तो देना पड़ेगा एक लाख का जुर्माना” घटना मध्य प्रदेश के सिहोर की है… #MadhyaPradesh | #Dalitnews | @MPPoliceDeptt pic.twitter.com/lkATR2rfRT

— Dalit Times | दलित टाइम्स (@DalitTime) March 4, 2025

Moreover, the attackers enforced a complete social and economic boycott — cutting off access to water and other basic services (referred to as “hukka pan band“). They also warned local shopkeepers and vendors not to sell anything to the Dalit family, threatening a fine of ₹1 lakh for non-compliance.

Bihar

An 80-year-old Dalit woman was gang-raped and brutally beaten up in Gopalganj

In a horrifying incident in Gopalganj, Bihar, an 80-year-old Dalit woman was reportedly subjected to a brutal gang rape and severe beating. The alleged perpetrators are stated to be individuals from the Muslim community.

#Horrific An 80-year-old Dalit woman was gang-raped and brutally beaten up in Bihar’s Gopalganj. All the accused are from the Muslim community.#DalitLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/tY5lCDwXbR

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) March 18, 2025

This deeply disturbing act of violence has likely sent shockwaves through the region, highlighting the vulnerability of marginalised communities to such heinous crimes and raising serious concerns about law and order

Rajasthan

Constable arrested for raping Dalit woman in Jaipur

A Rajasthan police constable stationed at Sanganer police station was apprehended on Sunday following a chilling allegation of rape. According to officials, Constable Bhagaram lured a pregnant Dalit woman away from her home on the pretext of recording her statement concerning a previous complaint she had filed. While her husband was at work, Bhagaram allegedly took the woman and her three-year-old child to a hotel room.

There, under the guise of needing to change clothes, he took her to a private room and reportedly committed the heinous act of rape, even threatening her with her husband’s imprisonment and warning her against reporting the crime when she resisted.

The victim’s husband filed a First Information Report (FIR) on Saturday night, detailing the horrific ordeal his wife endured in front of their young son. Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) Vinod Kumar Sharma confirmed the arrest and stated that a medical examination of the woman has been conducted. This appalling incident has triggered significant political condemnation, with former Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot decrying the state of law and order under the current BJP government, especially as it occurred in the Chief Minister’s constituency around Women’s Day. Gehlot has demanded the constable’s dismissal and strict, exemplary punishment, reported the Observer Post.

Dalit medical student allegedly suicide as deliberately barred from exams

Rajasthan’s Kota is reeling after the alleged suicide of Dalit medical student Sunil Bairwa at a local medical college. Fellow students protesting for justice have asserted that Sunil was deliberately failed and barred from exams, pushing him into severe depression. This tragic claim has ignited outrage, leading to a demonstration where students surrounded Principal Dr. Sangeeta Saxena, demanding accountability.

Disturbing videos of the protest have rapidly circulated on social media, amplifying the calls for a thorough investigation into the circumstances surrounding Sunil’s death and the allegations of discriminatory treatment that may have contributed to his despair.

राजस्थान : कोटा के मेडिकल कॉलेज में दलित स्टूडेंट सुनील बैरवा ने कि आत्महत्या, सुनील के लिए इंसाफ मांग रहे अन्य छात्रों ने बताया, “सुनील को जबरन फेल किया गया, एग्जाम में बैठने नहीं दिया जा रहा था..जिसको लेकर वो डिप्रेशन में था..” छात्रों ने प्रिंसिपल डॉ. संगीता सक्सेना का घेराव… pic.twitter.com/Faw4J0fwkW

— Dalit Times | दलित टाइम्स (@DalitTime) March 7, 2025

The incident has cast a shadow over the medical college and sparked concerns about the support systems available to students, particularly those from marginalised communities.

Related:

The alarming rise of anti-Dalit violence and discrimination in India: A series of gruesome incidents since July 2024

CJP Maharashtra: Surge in communal and caste-based violence with six incidents in January 2025

Caste-Based violence shakes Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh in alarming incidents

The post Statewide Attacks: A chilling chronicle of caste-based attacks across the country appeared first on SabrangIndia.

1. IISER Pune: Academic freedom throttled; Ambedkar lecture series cancelled

At the Indian Institute of Science Education and Research (IISER) Pune, a carefully curated student-led event titled Muktiparv, organised to honour Ambedkar and host conversations around caste, resistance, and equality, was abruptly cancelled by the administration. The lectures were to feature prominent anti-caste voices including Deepali Salve, Nazima Parveen, and Smita M. Patil — all respected scholars and public intellectuals. Students had spent months preparing the event, which was to be a space for reflection on Ambedkar’s radical legacy.

However, within hours of a complaint by the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), a right-wing student group that labelled the speakers as “extreme left,” the administration called off the event. A police complaint lodged by ABVP further pressured the institution. The IISER administration cited vague “concerns” as the reason for cancellation but failed to specify what the concerns were, or who raised them. In response, the Student Council and several campus groups condemned the move as “sudden and unjustified”, accusing the institute of buckling under political pressure.

Students connected this silencing to a broader institutional pattern — pointing to persistent underrepresentation of SC/ST faculty and systemic barriers faced by marginalised students in elite educational spaces. “This is not about one event,” a student said while speaking to The Observer Post. “It is about the gatekeeping of ideas. Who gets to speak, and who gets silenced?” The cancellation of Muktiparv is emblematic of how even academic spaces are shrinking for Ambedkarite thought and Dalit assertion.

2. Mhow, Madhya Pradesh: Dalit groom barred from temple, allowed entry only under police watch

In Sanghvi village near Mhow — the very town where Ambedkar was born — caste discrimination reared its head again. On his wedding day, a Dalit groom from the Balai community was denied entry into a Lord Ram temple by dominant caste villagers. His wedding procession had arrived with the intention of offering prayers, a common practice. However, they were stopped outside the temple, and only after two hours of argument and police intervention was the groom permitted to enter — that too under close police watch and in the presence of a few family members.

Eyewitness accounts and video footage shared on social media show the groom and his guests arguing with dominant caste locals, who resisted their presence in the temple. The police attempted to downplay the incident, claiming the dispute was merely over access to the sanctum sanctorum, which “as per tradition” is restricted to priests. But Dalit groups and community leaders were unconvinced.

Manoj Parmar, president of the All India Balai Mahasangh, denounced the incident, stating that it reflected the continued “frustrated mentality” of those clinging to caste-based exclusion. “Even today, our community is treated like outsiders in our own country,” he said, speaking to The New Indian Express. This incident — on Ambedkar Jayanti no less — laid bare how caste continues to dictate access to public and religious spaces, even in the birthplace of India’s greatest anti-caste thinker.

3. Udaipur, Rajasthan: Police stop Dalit groups from hoisting Ambedkar flag at iconic circle

In Udaipur, another symbolic assertion of Dalit pride was curtailed — this time by the police. At Ambedkar Circle in the heart of the city, activists from the Bhim Army and other Dalit organisations gathered to hoist a blue flag bearing Ambedkar’s image and the Ashoka Chakra. This flag, a potent symbol of resistance and Ambedkarite identity, was to be installed near the life-sized statue of Dr. Ambedkar — a tradition on his birth anniversary.

However, police led by Bhupalpura SHO Adarsh Parihar intervened, stopped the crane that was arranged to hoist the flag, and allegedly misbehaved with the crane driver. As per The Observer Post, despite the activists’ assurance that the flag would be respectfully removed after the day’s celebrations, the SHO insisted on written permission from the Additional District Magistrate and Superintendent of Police — permissions that were reportedly denied.

Shankar Chandel, leader of the Congress SC Cell, condemned the police action as discriminatory and politically motivated. “Why are other communities allowed to put up flags freely — for Hanuman Jayanti, Parshuram Jayanti, or Vivekananda Jayanti — but Dalit groups are blocked?” he asked, as reported by The Observer Post. The flag bore no religious symbols and was not permanent. Activists claimed this was not about procedure, but about prejudice. They announced plans to submit a memorandum to the Udaipur SP and Collector to protest what they called casteist and biased treatment. 

Remembering Ambedkar is still a struggle for the marginalised

These three incidents, all unfolding on Ambedkar Jayanti, reflect a dangerous contradiction. While state institutions and political leaders publicly celebrate Ambedkar with flowers and speeches, the substance of his message — of annihilating caste, asserting dignity, and challenging social hierarchies — continues to be resisted on the ground. Educational institutions silence Ambedkarite discourse, social spaces still police Dalit bodies, and state machinery selectively applies the law to block public assertion by marginalised communities.

Ambedkar once said, “Caste is a notion; it is a state of the mind.” These events show that the caste mindset is alive and well — not just in remote villages, but in our most prestigious institutions and modern cities. To truly honour Ambedkar, India must move beyond symbolic gestures and confront the structures and prejudices that still seek to silence the very people he fought for.

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From Protectors to Perpetrators? Police assaulted women, Children, Christian priests in Odisha: Fact-finding report

Raid on Adivasi leader Manish Kunjam for ‘seeking investigation into the tendu patta bonu scam’, condemned by rights groups

The post Caste Shadow on Ambedkar Jayanti: From campus censorship to temple exclusion appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On the morning of April 11, a large posse of 10-13 officials from the ACB-EOW of the State Police in Raipur raided three premises connected with the veteran Adivasi leader and ex-MLA from Konta, Manish Kunjam, including his houses in the district headquarters of Sukma and in his native village of Ramaram. After rummaging through all these locations, and turning them inside out, the team did not find any incriminating material, it is reported. However, according to a statement issued by PUCL, Chhattisgarh states that the law enforcement authorities still confiscated two mobile phones and a daily diary of the former MLA. This was apparently part of an inquiry into the tendu patta scam and the premises of 7 managers of different primary minor forest produce (MFP) cooperative societies in Sukma were also raided.

Manish Kunjam, who was elected as member to the legislative assembly (MLA) from the Konta constituency from 1990 to 1998, is also seen to be s been a fearless and outspoken critic of the present and previous regimes, and has also led the movement against the government-sponsored militia Salwa Judum, which was eventually banned by the Supreme Court. Kunjam also led the movement against the proposed Tata Steel Plant in Lohandiguda, which forced the company to withdraw its plans; and has led many other popular movements for the right of Adivasis to their land and resources. After spending decades being associated with the CPI and leading the Akhil Bharatiya Adivasi Mahasabha, he left it last year and has founded a new party, the Bastariya Raj Morcha, which won two crucial district panchayat seats in the recent Panchayat elections in Chhattisgarh. The support of the Bastariya Raj Morcha to the Congress Party candidate for the post of the President of the Zila Panchayat ensured that Sukma became the only district in Chhattisgarh, where the BJP was unable to appoint its candidate as the District Panchayat President.

On January 8, 2025, Manish Kunjam had sought an investigation into the distribution of tendu patta bonus in Sukma district, alleging that at Rs. 3.6 crores of tendu patta bonus had been embezzled by officials of the forest department.

As is well known, tendu patta collection is a crucial source of income for the Adivasis of Bastar, and thousands of families are engaged in it during the summer months. It is often referred to as “green gold” in tribal areas. The individual collectors sell the tendu patta to the government primary forest produce cooperative societies, which are supervised by the local Forest Department. In 2021, 15 such societies and in 2022, 10 such societies in Sukma bought tendu patta from roughly 90,000 individual tendu patta collectors. Consequently, Rs 6.54 crores was to be distributed in April – May 2024 as bonus to these collectors for the two years 2021 and 2022. Since not all the individual collectors had bank accounts, special permission was taken for distribution of Rs. 3.62 crores of this bonus in cash.

In his letter to the Collector of Sukma on 08.01.2025, Manish Kunjam had alleged that the amount that was to be distributed cash, Rs. 3.62 crores, has in fact been embezzled by the forest department officials and none of the individual collectors have received this bonus payment. The Divisional Forest Officer of Sukma, Ashok Patel, has already been suspended as a result of this enquiry and it is learned that many of the managers of the co-operative societies have confessed to paying off the DFO with this money. Thus, it is all the more incomprehensible why the Chhattisgarh Police will now raid the complainant, who is seeking investigation into this scam. It certainly appears that the raid this morning has less to do with investigating the tendu patta bonus scam, and more to do with harassment and persecution of Mr. Kunjam, who is well-known as a fearless and outspoken leader.

The confiscation of the mobile phones of Manish Kunjam, states the PUCL statement, is also a matter of grave concern, and is part of this growing trend of the police and related agencies seizing electronic devices at the smallest pretext, illegally violating the privacy of individuals and prying into all their messages and communications, and sometimes even implicating them falsely by adding incriminating material on these devices. There is no cogent explanation why the phones of Mr. Kunjam are of interest in this investigation, and in fact, their seizure appears to be the sole motive for this raid in the first place. These seizures are completely illegal, as no hash values were provided to Manish Kunjam, and thus, it cannot be ensured that the phones will not be tampered with by the police authorities. These seizures also violate the CBI guidelines of seizure of electronic devices which are required to be followed by all investigating agencies, following the interim order of the Supreme Court dated 14.12.2023 in Ram Ramaswamy vs. Union of India (WPC 138/2021).

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The post Raid on Adivasi leader Manish Kunjam for ‘seeking investigation into the tendu patta bonu scam’, condemned by rights groups appeared first on SabrangIndia.

First Published on: 11 Apr 2016

On his 189^th Birth Anniversary, April 11, we bring to you excerpts from Jyotiba Phule’s path breaking work, severely criticising Brahminism and the Caste System

Jyotiba Phule was born on April 11, 1827

If a Bhat happened to pass by a river where a Shudra as washing his clothes, the Shudra had to collect all his clothes and proceed to a far distant spot, lest some drops of the (contaminated) water should be sprayed on the Bhat. Even then, if a drop of water were to touch the body of the Bhat from there, or even if the Bhat so imagined it, the Bhat did not hesitate to fling his utensil angrily at the head of the Shudra who would collapse to the ground, his head bleeding profusely.

On recovering from the swoon the Shudra would collect his blood- stained clothes and wend his way home silently. He could not complain to the Government Officials, as the administration was dominated by the Bhats. More often than not he would be punished stringently for complaining against the Bhats. This was the height of injustice!

It was difficult for the Shudras to move about freely in the streets for their daily routine, most of all in the mornings when persons and things cast long shadows about them. If a `Bhat Saheb’ were to come along from the opposite direction, the Shudra had to stop by the road until such time as the `Bhat Saheb’ passed by – for fear of casting his polluting shadow on him. He was free to proceed further only after the `Bhat Saheb’ had passed by him.

Should a Shudra be unlucky enough to cast his polluting shadow on a Bhat inadvertently, the Bhat used to belabour him mercilessly and would go to bathe at the river to wash off the pollution. The Shudras were forbidden even to spit in the streets. Should he happen to pass through a Brahmin (Bhat) locality he had to carry an earthen-pot slung about his neck to collect his spittle. (Should a Bhat Officer find a spittle from a Shudra’s mouth on the road, woe betide the Shudra!)…….

[[The Shudra suffered many such indignities and disabilities and were looking forward to their release from their persecutors as prisoners fondly do. The all-merciful Providence took pity on the Shudras and brought about the British raj to India by its divine dispensation which emancipated the Shudras from the physical (bodily) thraldom (slavery). We are much beholden to the British rulers. We shall never forget their kindness to us. It was the British rulers who freed us from the centuries-old oppression of the Bhat and assured a hopeful future for our children. Had the British not come on the scene (in India) (as our rulers) the Bhat would surely have crushed us in no time (long ago.)]]

Some may well wonder as to how the Bhats managed to crush the depressed and down-trodden people here even though they (the Shudras) outnumbered them tenfold. It was well-known that one clever person can master ten ignorant persons
(e.g. a shepherd and his flock). Should the ten ignorant men be united (be of one mind), they would surely prevail over that clever one. But if the ten are disunited they would easily be duped by that clever one. The Bhats have invented a very cunning method to sow seeds of dissension among the Shudras. The Bhats were naturally apprehensive of the growing numbers of the depressed and down- trodden people. They knew that keeping them disunited alone ensured their (the Bhats’) continued mastery ever them. It was the only way of keeping them as abject slaves indefinitely, and only thus would they be able to indulge in a life of gross indulgence and luxury ensured by the `sweat of the Shudras’ brows. To that end in view, the Bhats invented the pernicious fiction of the caste-system, compiled (learned) treatises to serve their own self-interest and indoctrinated the pliable minds of the ignorant Shudras (masses) accordingly.

Some of the Shudras put up a gallant fight against this blatant injustice. They were segregated into a separate category (class). In order to wreak vengeance on them (for their temerity) the Bhats persuaded those whom we today term as Malis (gardeners), Kunbis (tillers, peasants) etc. not to stigmatise them as untouchables.

Being deprived of their means of livelihood, they were driven to the extremity of eating the flesh of dead animals. Some of the members of the Shudras community today proudly call themselves as Malis (gardeners), Kunbis (peasants), gold-smiths, tailors, iron smiths, carpenters etc, on the basis of the avocation (trade) they pursued (practised), Little do they know that our ancestors and those of the so¬called untouchables (Mahars, Mangs etc.) were blood-brothers (traced their lineage to the same family stock).

Their ancestors fought bravely in defence of their motherland against the invading usurpers (the Bhats) and hence, the wily Bhats reduced them to penury and misery. It is a thousand pities that being unmindful of this state of affairs, the Shudras began to hate their own kith and kin.

The Bhats invented an elaborate system of caste-distinction based on the way the other Shudras behaved towards them, condemning some to the lowest rung and some to a slightly higher rung. Thus they permanently made them into their proteges and by means of the powerful weapon of the `iniquitous caste system,’ drove a permanent wedge among the Shudras.

It was a classic case of the cats who went to law! The Bhats created dissensions among the depressed and the down- trodden masses and are battening on the differences (are leading luxurious lives thereby).

The depressed and down­trodden masses in India were freed from the physical bodily) slavery of the Bhats as a result of the advent of the British raj here. But we are sorry to state that the benevolent British Government have not addressed themselves to the important task of providing education to the said masses. That is why the Shudras continue to be ignorant, and hence, their ‘mental slavery’ regarding the spurious religious tracts of the Bhats continues unabated. They cannot even appeal to the Government for the redressal of their wrongs. The Government is not yet aware of the way the Bhats exploit the masses in their day to day problems as also in the administrative machinery. We pray to the Almighty to enable the Government to kindly pay attention to this urgent task and to free the masses from their mental slavery to the machinations of the Bhats.

I am deeply beholden to Shri Vinayak Babji Bhandarkar and Rao Saheb Shri Rajanna Lingu for their continued encouragement to me in the writing of this treatise.

(From the Introduction to ‘Slavery’ by Mahatma Jyotiba Phule)
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The post Jyotiba Phule’s Trenchant Critique of Caste: Gulamgiri appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The FRA 2006, enacted under the UPA-I government, was a watershed moment in recognising the rights of forest-dwelling communities by breaking away from the colonial-era policies that placed forests solely under government control. For the first time since Independence, the Act aimed to correct historical injustices by empowering Gram Sabhas (village councils) to determine land rights and putting an end to the arbitrary control exercised by the Forest Department. However, despite its promise, the on-ground reality remains bleak. The AIUFWP’s letter highlights multiple reasons for the failure of implementation, including:

• Lack of political will among state governments to enforce the FRA.
• Deliberate neglect by administrative officials, who refuse to acknowledge claims under the Act.
• Continued harassment of forest-dependent communities by the Forest Department, which, instead of recognising their rights, evicts them and falsely prosecutes them under various laws.
• Deliberate rejection of individual and community claims by authorities without proper consideration.
• Failure to inform forest-dwelling communities about their legal rights, leaving them vulnerable to dispossession.

By submitting the letter to Gandhi on April 2, the AIUFWP had specifically pointed out that despite repeated submissions, no decision has been made on the community claims filed by the union. A list of these pending claims has been attached to the letter, underscoring the extent of bureaucratic delay.

Given these persistent challenges, the AIUFWP is demanding urgent intervention and has requested a meeting between Rahul Gandhi and representatives from multiple states to discuss the issue in detail. The letter, signed by Sokalo Gond, Chairperson of AIUFWP, makes it clear that without political action, the FRA risks becoming yet another unfulfilled promise for India’s most marginalised communities.

Sokalo Gond was accompanied by Munnar Gond. The meeting took place in Sansad Bhavan.

The complete letter may be read here.

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The post AIUFWP submits letter LoP Rahul Gandhi, calls for action as forest rights remain in limbo appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This, despite the fact that the organisers had submitted a letter in advance, informing the police about the protest. “They still went ahead and began detaining students and protestors. A police complaint has now been registered against five to six of us, including myself,” said Shailendra Kamble, one of the protest organisers as per Free Press Journal. Though those detained were released later in the evening, the action has raised alarm over the criminalisation of peaceful student-led dissent. A day before the protest, the TISS administration had issued an advisory warning students not to participate—an action that one may see as pre-emptive intimidation.

The protest was sparked by the recent Bombay High Court decision that upheld TISS’s controversial decision to suspend Ramdas for two years. The administration had accused him of “repetitive misconduct” and allegedly participating in “anti-national” activities, including public criticism of the central government and involvement in protests against the New Education Policy (NEP). The court, refusing to intervene, stated that the petition lacked merit. But to many in the academic community, the suspension reflects a deeply troubling trend of institutional overreach and the silencing of critical voices, especially those from marginalised communities.

Progressive groups and student organisations have denounced both the suspension and the high-handed response to the protest as emblematic of a growing intolerance for academic freedom and dissenting opinion in higher education. They also demanded that Ramdas’s fellowship be reinstated, and that TISS reassert its commitment to democratic principles rather than stifle them.

The entire incident—marked by the administrative advisory, police clampdown, and criminal complaints—underscores a growing climate of fear within campuses that were once known for nurturing critical thought and political engagement. The treatment of Ramdas P.S., a Dalit scholar, and the suppression of those who came out in solidarity with him, raise serious questions about caste-based discrimination and the erosion of democratic rights in public universities. As TISS joins the growing list of institutions where dissent is punished and student activism is under surveillance or is criminalised, this case serves as a sobering reminder that the fight for academic freedom is far from over.

Bombay High Court upholds TISS student’s suspension over politically motivated protest: A closer look at the judgment

In a significant order with troubling implications for dissent in academic spaces, the Bombay High Court had upheld the suspension of Ramdas. Ramdas was debarred for two years by the institute for his participation in a demonstration against the BJP government and the National Education Policy (NEP), held under the banner of the Progressive Students’ Forum (PSF–TISS). The division bench comprising Justice A.S. Chandurkar and Justice M.M. Sathaye found merit in the disciplinary action taken by TISS, stating that the protest was “politically motivated” and that the student’s actions had brought disrepute to the institute.

The court’s ruling leaned heavily on the institute’s claim that by participating in the protest under a banner mentioning “PSF–TISS”, the petitioner created the public impression that the political views expressed during the protest were endorsed by the institute itself. The bench observed, “It is therefore clear as sunshine that the said march was politically motivated, which the Petitioner participated in under the banner PSF–TISS in a student group. Therefore, the finding of the Committee that the Petitioner created an impression in general public that the politically motivated protest and views were the views of the Respondent/institution TISS, is founded on material available on record and no fault can be found to that extent. This has brought disrepute to the Institute in its view. Petitioner can have any political view of his choice, but so does the Institute.”

Ramdas, who had earlier completed a Master’s degree in Media and Cultural Studies from TISS and was pursuing his PhD on a scholarship from the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, had been served a show-cause notice for participating in the “Parliament March” in Delhi on 12 January 2024. According to the institute, a poster released by PSF in connection with the march included the acronym “TISS”, creating the impression that it was an official representation. In his reply, Ramdas acknowledged his participation and admitted that “TISS” had been mentioned alongside PSF in a poster. Following an inquiry, the institute suspended him for two years and withheld his fellowship.

The court also examined a pamphlet circulated as part of the protest campaign which included slogans such as “Save India, Reject BJP” and accused the government of attempting to dismantle the public education system. The judges took particular issue with the fact that Ramdas expressed these political views while associating himself with the name of the institute. As the court stated, “The Petitioner has full freedom of expressing his political view; but to do so under the banner of Respondent Institute is what is objected to by the Institute.”

Referring to the Honour Code that students are required to abide by, the court noted that students explicitly undertake not to “malign the name of the Institution by presenting views on any platform, tarnishing/damaging the name of the institution in the public domain.” The bench held that Ramdas had violated this code by expressing his political stance under the TISS banner.

Another dimension of the court’s ruling pertained to the institute’s consideration of Ramdas’s past conduct. The student had reportedly taken part in an overnight protest outside the TISS Director’s bungalow, where students engaged in sloganeering that, according to the court, interfered with the Director’s personal life and rights. Though TISS had not taken disciplinary action for that incident at the time, the court held that it was within the institute’s rights to take such past conduct into account when determining punishment. The bench remarked, “It is settled position of law that in any inquiry, once the delinquent is given sufficient notice about past conduct or antecedents and opportunity is given to the reply to the same, the past conduct can be taken as material consideration while arriving at the quantum of punishment.”

The judges further reasoned that the two-year suspension was not disproportionate, nor did it amount to a violation of Ramdas’s fundamental right to freedom of expression. Since his conduct was found to be in breach of institutional rules, the court stated that disciplinary action was justified. The judgment concluded with a pointed remark about his use of public funds: “The Petitioner while enjoying the financial aid approved by the Respondent/Institute, participated in a clearly politically motivated protest in a student group under a banner having name PSF–TISS. Therefore, the necessary effect of such conduct on the decision of the Respondent Institute about grant is bound to follow.”

In view of these observations, the High Court dismissed the petition and upheld the disciplinary decision of TISS.

The complete order may be read here.

Ramdas vows to approach Supreme Court, calls suspension a threat to campus democracy

Following the Bombay High Court’s dismissal of his plea against suspension, Ramdas announced that he will challenge the verdict in the Supreme Court. Speaking to the Free Press Journal, Ramdas expressed his dismay at the outcome, stating, “It is shocking that the Hon. Bombay High Court dismissed the case after more than 10 months of legal procedure. Once I evaluate the full judgment, I will take this matter to the Supreme Court of India.”

He stressed that the issue goes beyond his individual case, arguing that it has wider implications for student rights and democratic expression within universities. “I deeply understand that this case is not just about me, but about the fundamental rights of all students and campus democracy in India’s higher education system. I believe this case may set a wrong precedent for universities across India to target students who have independent opinions. This is a brutal violation of Freedom of Expression guaranteed by the Constitution of India,” he said.

The controversy surrounding Ramdas’s suspension had also sparked broader concern within academic circles. On October 4, 2024, an assistant professor at the TISS Hyderabad campus, Arjun Sengupta, joined a student-led protest in solidarity with Ramdas. The demonstration was organised by the Progressive Students Organisation (PSO) and the Ambedkar Students’ Association at the institute’s off-campus centre. Shortly after his participation and a speech expressing support for Ramdas—parts of which circulated widely on social media—Sengupta was issued a show cause notice by the administration.

This sequence of events underscores growing unease over shrinking space for dissent in academic institutions and the increasing scrutiny faced by both students and faculty who voice critical or oppositional views.

Background of the Case: Political targeting alleged behind TISS student’s suspension

The suspension of Dalit PhD scholar Ramdas from TISS had raised questions about the repression of political expression in academic spaces. Following his suspension on April 18, 2024, the Progressive Students’ Forum (PSF) alleged that the institute had acted in retaliation for Ramdas’s activism, particularly his participation in a protest march.

According to the PSF, the TISS administration served Ramdas a show-cause notice on March 7, 2024, citing his involvement in the Parliament March and his social media post urging students to watch Ram Ke Naam, a 1992 National Award-winning documentary by Anand Patwardhan that critiques the Hindutva campaign behind the construction of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. The institute reportedly labelled this encouragement as an “anti-national act,” which added fuel to accusations that his suspension was politically motivated.

In response, TISS justified the suspension by claiming it was a consequence of “repetitive misconduct over a period of time.” In a statement dated April 20, 2024, the administration alleged that Ramdas had increasingly prioritised political activities over academic responsibilities. “Throughout his tenure, Ramdas KS exhibited a shift in focus towards activities unrelated to his academic pursuits, engaging in events, protests, and other activities influenced by personal political agendas,” it stated. The administration added that despite “repeated verbal and written advisories” to focus on his academic work, Ramdas had failed to comply.

In May 2024, Ramdas filed a petition before the Bombay High Court challenging his suspension. He argued that the disciplinary action violated his fundamental rights, particularly his right to freedom of speech and association, as guaranteed by the Constitution. His petition contended that the institute had constructed a false narrative to punish him for his political beliefs and activism. In addition to seeking a revocation of the suspension order, Ramdas requested permission to return to campus, resume his academic activities, and receive his scholarship stipend, which had also been withheld.

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The post Dissent Under Siege: Police action, suspensions, and the shrinking democratic space at TISS appeared first on SabrangIndia.

• At the age of 26 a youth from the poorest landless community took it upon himself to do the impossible task of breaking a huge mountain to the extent of carving out a life-saving path that thousands of villagers needed urgently.
• He toiled tirelessly for 22 years, yes 22 (1960-82), no less, and finally succeeded in his objective.
• Acclaim followed, but instead of just basking in glory he undertook an 800 km journey on foot to Delhi to mobilise efforts for resolving various problems of his village ad nearby areas.

This brief summary of the work of Dashrath Manjhi, also called the Mountain Man, may give an indication of his deep determination and social commitment which won admiration at the highest levels in India, but by itself this does not do full justice to the nobility of his ideas and life, as this writer discovered during a recent visit to his village and work-area in Gaya district of Bihar.

I located elderly persons who had known him and seen him at work, and the picture that emerged from these discussions is that he was a follower of Sant Kabir, the bhakti movement’s famous poet-saint of medieval times, who has remained one of the strongest and most revered voices since then of spirituality based on justice, truth, non-violence, being helpful to others and leading a simple and pious life free from all hypocrisy and falsehoods. Sant Kabir remained true to his principles, convictions and truth in the middle of many difficulties, attacks and threats. His poetry and teachings inspire his followers to continue their noble work even in the middle of other people discouraging or even ridiculing them, and to maintain the steadfastness and continuity of their work and mission in the middle of all the ups and downs.

All this this can be seen in the life and work of Dashrath Manjhi. Born in 1934, he lived in Gehlaur village of Mohra block. As Satyanarain, who had known Dashrath well, told me–Dashrath was very polite to others but at times when needed he could tell some bitter truths of life without being rude. People from the manjhi community to when I spoke, said that whenever they went to mountains they found him at work just carrying some sattu in his jhola (bag), a legume based powder which could give some energy and coolness when taken mixed with water, something he would have really needed while working in the mountains here which can become very hot in the summer.

In 1960 Dashrath had gone to work on the mountain and his wife Phalguni Devi injured herself badly while carrying food and water for him. Looking at her injuries, he took a pledge to create a path in the mountain that may become a life-saver for many people. This would give a safe path to everyone going to the other side, and in addition would bring much closer the health, educational and other facilities of the nearest town to the people on this side of the mountain (the distance could come down from about 55 km to just about 15 km or so).

Contrary to some publicised accounts, several villagers told me that Phalguni Devi did not die from these injuries but instead continued to be very helpful to her husband and the pledge he had taken. She died some years later.

Using the simplest tools like hammer and chisel, Dashrath embarked on his great journey that was to be completed in 22 years. Initially people ridiculed him and some even called him ‘mad’ to take up such a huge task and to work so devotedly for this. Undaunted, Dashrath continued this work on regular, daily basis.

Here we must not forget that he came from the poorest community, called mahadalit in Bihar, and had to also earn his livelihood to support his four member family (which included a son and a daughter).

Initially most villagers had ridiculed or neglected Dashrath, but once his work of a few years started showing some signs of leading to success, some villagers also started lending a helping hand now and then.

Finally in 1982 Dashrath succeeded in creating a path which was wide enough for a bullock-cart to pass. Later the government helped to widen this and build a proper road.

Dashrath now decided to go and meet big government officials in Delhi to take up several development works much needed by his village and neighbouring communities. Education and health were emphasized by him.

However as he could not buy a rail ticket he was asked to get down from the train after covering a short distance. He now decided to walk to Delhi along the railway track, hoping that this would perhaps draw even more attention to his objectives of promoting development work in his village and neighbouring villages.

An elderly farmer of a neighbouring village told me that Dashrath had managed to meet the then Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi and had shared with him a press clipping of this.

Later Dashrath also went to meet the Chief Minister of Bihar Mr. Nitish Kumar who gave him a lot of respect.

However at the time of his increasing fame, Dashrath retained his simplicity. A local teacher Virendra Paswan told me that when he was in a train word spread that Dashrath Manjhi is in the same coach and there was a rush of people just to catch a glimpse of Dashrath. However, Paswan said, even at that time Dashrath was wearing dress made from a jute sack, as he often did earlier too.

In 2007 Dashrath was admitted to AIIMS hospital in Delhi where he breathed his last on August 17. A memorial as well as gates were constructed in his village in his honour.

At the same time, however, the people of the Manjhi community and other landless and poorest Dalit community members continue to live in this village in great poverty and several of them told me that even their housing situation is precarious. The government   needs to do much more to help them with a sense of urgency.

Meanwhile the SBI Foundation has taken up an admirable initiative called SAMMAAN with implementation assistance of Sahbhagi Shikshan Kendra to honour the memory of Dashrath Manjhi in the form of many-sided efforts in his village to improve education, health, infrastructure and livelihoods that have been widely appreciated here.

The writer is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, Planet in Peril, Man over Machine and A Day in 2071.       

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