The resistance against the Siang mega-dam is not merely a reaction to a modern development project but is rooted in deep historical, social, environmental, and cultural factors. Historically, the indigenous people of Arunachal Pradesh have experienced marginalisation and external imposition, which has fuelled a strong sense of local autonomy and a desire to protect their land and natural resources from exploitation. Socially, these communities view the dam as a potential disruption to their traditional governance systems and community-based ways of life. Environmentally, the Siang River holds immense ecological significance, and its alteration could jeopardize the fragile balance of the region’s biodiversity. Culturally, the river and its landscape are woven into the myths, rituals, and practices of these indigenous groups, making the threat of its submergence feel like an existential challenge.

The protest against the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project has been ongoing since the inception of the Siang Dam proposal. However, the issue has resurfaced again in the political and social discourse of Arunachal Pradesh, as the state government, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), remains determined to conduct the pre-feasibility report (PFR) for the proposed 12,500 MW project. The state government is pursuing a controversial course of action in the face of strong opposition from indigenous groups, even going so far as to deploy armed forces and militarise the region. This aggressive stance raises important questions about the government’s motives and the underlying reasons for the resistance. A closer examination of these issues is essential to understand the broader dynamics at play, including the protection of indigenous land rights, environmental concerns, and the preservation of cultural heritage. Therefore, this essay seeks to explore the various layers of opposition to the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project, focusing on the indigenous perspective. By examining historical context in which the project was proposed, social dynamics, environmental risks, and cultural values, the report will offer a comprehensive understanding of the resistance and the broader implications of such large-scale development projects on indigenous communities.

Background of the Siang Dam project

In 2009 the Union Government –then UPA II led by the Indian National Congress–had approved the construction of Mega Dam under the ‘Siang Upper Multipurpose Project’ on the Siang River, a tributary to Brahmaputra River in Arunachal Pradesh to act as a safeguard in case China diverts the river’s waters from Tibet to its dry north-western regions.[1] The main objective of the proposed ‘Siang Upper Multipurpose Project,’ is to counter China’s strategic plan to divert the natural flow of the Yarlung Tsangpo River, which flows as the Siang in Arunachal Pradesh and as the Brahmaputra in Assam.[2] This project has been promoted as a way to secure India’s water interests, especially in the face of growing concerns over China’s plans to build large-scale dams along the Yarlung Tsangpo, which could significantly alter the river’s flow into India. The diversion of the river by China could potentially impact the water supply and ecological balance within India, particularly in the north-eastern states. In addition to addressing the geopolitical concerns related to China’s aggressions and actions, the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project also aims to address local “challenges” such as flood management on the Brahmaputra River. The Brahmaputra is prone to severe flooding, particularly during the monsoon season, which causes significant damage to infrastructure, agriculture, and livelihoods. The project is being positioned as a solution to regulate water flow, manage floods more effectively, and mitigate the damage caused by seasonal floods.

However, the local communities have been raising concerns about the Siang Project for over a decade, since its inception. A major concern raised by the Siang Indigenous Farmers Forum (SIFF) president Gegong Jijong is that the proposed dam poses a significant threat to the very existence of the indigenous community.[3] He strongly emphasised that the construction of the dam would result in the submergence of two districts, effectively erasing not only the physical landscape but also the cultural and historical fabric of the Adi community who are majority in the region. Jijong’s statement underscores the community’s apprehension about the project, as they fear it will lead to the loss of their ancestral land, which is central to their identity, as well as their heritage and traditions. For the Adi people, the land is not just a place of residence; it is intricately tied to their cultural practices, rituals, and way of life. The threat of displacement is not merely about losing homes but also about the erasure of a way of life that has been passed down through generations. The SIFF said that the proposed dam, if constructed, will lead to large-scale devastation in the Siang valley and any quantum of compensation will not suffice to rehabilitate the people. It further says that, “There is also lurking-danger of wiping out the rich cultural heritage and history of the people in such eventuality.”[4] The dam, according to Jijong and many in the community, would destroy the intimate connection between the people and their land, culture, and history, leaving them vulnerable to cultural extinction.

Apart from this, the manner in which the state is handling the Siang Project has left many people feeling confused and frustrated. Despite the serious concerns raised by local communities, the state’s actions seem to lack transparency and adequate engagement with those directly impacted. The World Commission on Dams has long recognised that large dam projects can lead to the impoverishment and suffering of millions, which has led to the establishment of strict standards and guidelines for future mega-dam projects. One of the key principles emphasised by the Commission is that projects should be guided by the affected people, ensuring their rights and concerns are prioritized. It is also mandatory under these guidelines that free, prior, and informed consent be obtained from the communities and families that would be affected by the dam.[5]

However, in the case of the Siang dams, the SIFF has raised the alarm that no such consultation or consent was sought from the local population before the signing of the Memorandum of Agreement (MoA) with the power developers. This lack of transparency and engagement with stakeholders has only deepened the sense of injustice and alienation among the people, as they feel excluded from critical decisions that directly affect their lives and futures. In response to these concerns, the SIFF has taken a proactive role in opposing the project, organising protests and leading resistance efforts to ensure that the rights of the indigenous communities are not overlooked. Their efforts gained legal footing when, in 2014 when SIFF filed a public interest litigation in the Itanagar permanent bench of the Gauhati High Court.[6]

The petition raised alarm over the environmental, social, and cultural impacts of the dam, particularly the displacement of local communities and the loss of ancestral lands. The court’s ruling was a significant step in recognising the importance of community consultation. The court directed the state government to engage with the affected communities before taking any further action on the project. This ruling underscored the need for transparency and the inclusion of local voices in decisions that would have far-reaching consequences. Despite this, the community remains sceptical of the government’s commitment to addressing their concerns, especially as surveys and preparations for the project have continued without meaningful consultation or consent.[7] In December 2022, residents were taken aback when they discovered that surveys for the project were being conducted in the early hours of the morning, without prior consultation or notice. This unexpected and stealthy activity further fuelled the community’s opposition and raised doubts about the project’s transparency.

This massive hydroelectric project, aimed at harnessing the Siang River’s potential, has ignited significant opposition from indigenous communities in the Siang and Upper Siang districts. These communities, who have a deep cultural, social, and environmental connection to the river, have strongly protested the government’s plans. In response, the state has deployed security forces to carry out the PFR, viewing the project as a development opportunity that will bring economic growth, energy, and infrastructure to the region along with protecting national security of India.[8] However, the militarization of the area and the forceful execution of the PFR have raised critical questions about the state’s approach to the implementation of the project, the disregard for judicial orders to include local concerns, and the imposition of external decision-making processes.

Indigenous peoples’ perspective on displacement, land, loss of livelihoods and erasure of culture caused by dam projects in the Siang Valley

Arunachal Pradesh, stands out for its rich forest resources. The State of Forest Report of 2003 ranks Arunachal Pradesh second in the country after Mizoram for forest cover, with 68,019 square kilometres under forested areas that are rich in bio-resources and forest cover. It is the home for several tribal communities, including the Adi tribe. The Adi tribe primarily resides in the East, West, and Upper Siang districts.[9] Historically, large dam projects have disproportionately affected marginalised communities, often displacing them without providing significant benefits. The World Commission on Dams has rightly highlighted that tribal people are frequently the most vulnerable to the negative consequences of these projects, suffering displacement and loss of vital resources.[10]

This has been the case for many large dam projects, where marginalised communities, particularly tribal populations, have suffered significantly. In the case of the Sardar Sarovar Dam in the Narmada river valley, Major General Sudhir Vombatkere (retired) has written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and brought his attention to the displacement of Dalit and Adivasi families because of this dam, who are yet to be rehabilitated. There are more than 250,000 project-affected people, he writes, have been subject to “serious injustices and violation of fundamental rights.”[11] The Narmada Valley Development Project, which has been a subject of controversy for decades, is originally conceived in 1946 and commenced in 1978. However, despite the long history of the project, the affected communities continue to face unaddressed displacement issues even in 2024. In the case of proposed ‘Siang Upper Multipurpose Project’ in Arunachal Pradesh, is going to affect specifically the Adi community living along the Siang River. Given the troublesome history of injustice mated out with displaced communities due to mega dam projects, the Adi community have reasons for their strong opposition to the proposed mega dam due to the profound impact they would have on their land, livelihood, and culture.

Adivasi (tribal) communities, often perceived as being reliant on the natural resources for their survival. Their lifestyles are deeply intertwined with the land, forests, and other natural elements, making the relationship between man and nature crucial for their livelihood. Therefore, the primary concern of the Adi community is displacement. The proposed dam project will flood large areas of both Siang and Upper Siang districts, submerging 13 villages and severely affecting 34 others. For a community that relies heavily on agriculture, this represents an existential threat to their way of life. Gegong Jijong, president of the Siang Indigenous Farmers’ Forum (SIFF), stated that the displacement would render over 100,000 members of the Adi tribe landless, threatening their survival and forcing them into poverty.[12] The name Adi means hill man,[13]therefore, as Jijong and other leaders have pointed out, the issue of displacement for Adi is not just the loss of land, but the loss of their connection to ancestral homes, agricultural practices, and cultural traditions.

Indigenous people in the region primarily depend on paddy cultivation and orange orchards for their sustenance. Losing this land would mean losing their ability to support themselves, undermining their self-sufficiency and disrupting their entire way of life. For the Adi people, agriculture is not just a means of survival, but an integral part of their identity and heritage. Vijay Taram, an anti-dam activist with the Forum for Siang Dialogue, shares these concerns, emphasizing the potential devastation of large-scale dams. While small dams or those built on tributaries might be acceptable, Taram warns that mega-dams could flood fertile agricultural lands and destroy the local ecosystem, jeopardizing food security and biodiversity.[14] Moreover, the construction of large dams would displace thousands of people from their ancestral lands, further undermining their cultural ties.

Bio-resources are not just physical commodities; they also play significant roles in social and cultural contexts. Therefore, Siang River is far more than just a water source for the people of Arunachal Pradesh. It is deeply intertwined with the cultural and spiritual identity of the indigenous communities, especially the Adi people. The river is considered the lifeline of the Siang valley, serving not only as a physical resource but also as a vital part of the region’s mythology, folklore, and cultural heritage. As mentioned in a statement by the SIFF, the Siang River has been “etched strongly in the psyche of the people” for centuries. Its name appears in cultural expressions such as songs, history, and myths.

Taram also highlights the fact that for the indigenous communities in the Siang Valley, the loss of traditional hunting grounds, vital for their sustenance and culture, would sever a deep connection to their environment. In spring, the Adi people celebrate the Aran festival, a time when the village men venture deep into the forest for several days to hunt game. During this sacred ritual, they appease the spirits with offerings of apong,[15] the traditional millet beer, and prayers.[16] However, such cultural practices are increasingly threatened by displacement, as large-scale projects like dams encroach upon their ancestral lands, disrupting not only their way of life but also their deep spiritual connection to the land they have long inhabited. The displacement would thus not only disrupt their livelihoods but would also erase cultural practices that are deeply intertwined with their land. Therefore, the opposition to the dam projects is not merely an environmental concern but a fight to preserve the cultural and economic integrity of the tribal communities of the Siang Valley.

The cultural destruction tied to the loss of ancestral land is immeasurable, as it erases generations of lived experiences, stories, and traditions. This emotional and cultural toll is one of the concerns of the indigenous people, who see the river as an essential part of their identity. Though Adi is predominant tribe in the region, there are numerous other indigenous communities in small number there. As several villages including Gelling, Tuting, Yingkiong and Geku would also get submerged once the dam was constructed. There is lurking danger of several of small tribal communities getting wiped out from the face of the earth. “Once uprooted, our culture, or language, our heritage will be all lost simply because some people elsewhere require electricity. Can this be justified,” Tasik Pangkam, general secretary of the SIFF asked at a press conference at Guwahati.[17]

Environmental Aspects of opposition:

Beyond the displacement, environmental concerns are also a major factor in the opposition to the dam. As the concerns are also about the environmental damage and the irreversible loss of their cultural heritage. These communities have long depended on the land, forests, and rivers for their survival, and the proposed dam threatens to disrupt this delicate balance. The construction of such a large-scale project on the Siang River threatens the fragile ecosystem of the region, which is already under strain. The Himalayan region, where the Siang River flows, is seismically very active. Studies indicate that enough geological pressure has accumulated in the region to cause earthquakes with magnitudes of 8 or greater. This adds another layer of fear, as the construction of a mega dam in such a volatile area could aggravate the risks of a natural disaster, potentially triggering catastrophic consequences in the event of an earthquake.

One of the critical concerns raised by the indigenous communities, particularly in relation to the proposed dam project on the Siang River, is the threat of a Glacial Lake Outburst Flood (GLOF). Such events, where water from glacial lakes bursts out, causing devastating floods downstream, pose a significant risk in the region. A recent example of this occurred in the Teesta River of Sikkim in 2023, where a GLOF caused widespread destruction. According to experts and local leaders, there are several glacial lakes located across the three districts of Siang, Upper Siang, and East Siang that are flagged as being of “Category A,” indicating they are at the highest risk of a GLOF. These lakes are situated in the Himalayan region, which is known for its seismic activity and shifting glacial patterns. The construction of large dams in such a sensitive region could exacerbate the risks associated with these glacial lakes, potentially triggering catastrophic flooding in the event of a GLOF. For the local communities, this adds another layer of fear to the already existing concerns about displacement, and cultural loss. The possibility of a GLOF, especially in a region where communities are heavily dependent on the land and river systems, only deepens their opposition to the project, as they fear the unforeseen and catastrophic consequences such natural disasters could bring.

Siang Valley also presents a world of unparalleled diversity, much of it yet to be explored. However, this very richness, both cultural and ecological, faces unprecedented threats. Large-scale infrastructure projects like dams, highways, and military installations, along with climate change, are rapidly altering the valley. The impact extends beyond the valley itself, as these mountains play a critical role not only in sustaining their diverse ecosystems but also in ensuring the well-being of millions of people living downstream.[18]

Protests and advocacy: role of SIFF and other community groups in leading the resistance

In the face of the proposed Siang Upper Multipurpose Project and other mega-dam initiatives in the Siang Valley, a number of local community groups and student organisations have emerged as vocal advocates against the displacement and environmental degradation these projects threaten to cause. Central to the resistance are groups like the Siang Indigenous Farmer’s Forum (SIFF), the All Upper Siang District Students’ Union (AUSDSU), the Siang People’s Forum (SPF), and the Lower Siang Dam Affected Peoples’ Forum (LSDAPF), who have been at the forefront of the anti-mega dam movement. These organisations have played a pivotal role in mobilising local communities, voicing concerns about the environmental, cultural, and socio-economic impacts of the proposed dam.

The Siang Indigenous Farmer’s Forum (SIFF) has been one of the key groups leading the charge against the Upper Siang Multipurpose Dam. As an organization representing indigenous farmers, SIFF has brought attention to the potential risks to agriculture, food security, and local livelihoods posed by the dam’s construction. By organising rallies, awareness campaigns, and advocacy efforts, SIFF has been instrumental in raising public awareness about the issue. They have also highlighted the potential for severe ecological disruptions, including the loss of biodiversity and the alteration of local river systems that communities depend on for their way of life.

Other groups, such as the All Upper Siang District Students’ Union (AUSDSU), have played a crucial role in mobilising the youth and students in the region, tapping into their energy and commitment to preserving the environment and their culture. These students have participated in protests, petitioned government officials, and engaged in dialogue with policymakers to push for the cancellation of the project. The Siang People’s Forum (SPF) and Lower Siang Dam Affected Peoples’ Forum (LSDAPF) have similarly been at the helm of organizing protests and lobbying for the protection of local communities’ rights. These forums represent a broader coalition of indigenous groups, farmers, and local residents who fear the social and environmental costs of the proposed projects. Their activism has been a powerful force in drawing national attention to the issue, with their appeals reaching both the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and the current National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government.

How communities have ensured their voices are heard

The resistance against the Siang Upper Multipurpose Dam has been marked by a variety of strategies and actions aimed at making the voices of local communities heard. One of the most prominent actions taken has been the organisation of peaceful rallies and protests. These public demonstrations are a key tool for rallying support, showing solidarity, and creating awareness about the potential impacts of the dam. For example, Dubit Siram, an activist involved in the movement, announced plans for a peaceful rally with two primary demands: the withdrawal of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) deployment in the region and the complete cancellation of the proposed Project Feasibility Report (PFR) for the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project. This protest, set to take place in Parong, highlights the communities’ ongoing efforts to resist both the physical presence of state security forces and the government’s support for the dam project.[19]

Beyond rallies, the community groups have also petitioned both the state and central governments, urging them to halt the dam construction and recognize the importance of protecting the indigenous people’s land and culture. They have appealed to political leaders at both the state and national levels, including the chairperson of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), Sonia Gandhi, and now the leadership of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), seeking support for their cause. These petitions and appeals often include testimonies from affected communities, emphasising their concerns about displacement, cultural erosion, and environmental destruction.[20]

A comparative analysis of agitations against land and resource exploitation in India

India, a country rich in natural resources, has been the site of numerous movements where local communities, especially marginalized groups, have resisted large-scale industrial, infrastructural, and mining projects that threaten their land, livelihoods, and cultural identities. These agitations highlight the ongoing conflict between economic development and environmental protection, emphasizing the need for more inclusive and sustainable policies.

One of the most prominent and long-standing agitations in India is the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA), launched in the late 1980s in opposition to the construction of large dams on the Narmada River. The central concern of this people’s movement has been the displacement of thousands of tribal and rural communities, particularly in Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Gujarat. The NBA argues that the dams, including the Sardar Sarovar Dam, will submerge vast areas of land, displacing indigenous populations without providing adequate rehabilitation or compensation. Furthermore, the project threatens the ecological balance of the river and the surrounding area. The struggle of the NBA exemplifies the tension between large-scale development projects and the rights of marginalized communities, with the movement highlighting the failure of the state to address the socio-economic and environmental consequences of such mega projects.

Another such controversial mega project in North Eastern region of India is the Tipaimukh multipurpose Hydro-Electric Project (HEP), proposed to be constructed on the Barak River in the state of Manipur. The Tipaimukh project is a proposed multipurpose hydroelectric project on the Barak River in the state of Manipur, and is one of the largest infrastructure projects planned for Northeast India. Originally conceived in 1926 to control the annual devastating floods in the Barak Valley (Assam, India), the project later incorporated hydropower generation into its design. The formal proposal for the dam was prepared in 1984, and the project was officially notified in 2003. Environmental clearance for the project was granted by the Ministry of Environment and Forests in 2008, despite significant concerns regarding its potential impact on the region’s ecology and local communities.[21]

This project also has sparked widespread protests from locals, academics, researchers, social activists, NGOs, and even neighbouring Bangladesh. The ongoing debate highlights that the Tipaimukh project is one of the most poorly planned initiatives in the region, with far-reaching environmental, geopolitical, and socio-economic consequences. The project poses significant threats to the livelihoods, food security, culture, identity, and rights of the indigenous people living in the area. In addition, its environmental repercussions are alarming, threatening biodiversity, hydrology, water quality, and forests both upstream and at the dam site. The potential impacts on downstream communities are equally profound, further exacerbating the risks for the environment and the people who depend on it.

In Hasdeo Arand, Chhattisgarh, Adivasi communities have been at the forefront of protests against coal mining activities in one of the last remaining large forests of central India. The proposed coal mines threaten the forest’s rich biodiversity, the water sources, and the livelihoods of Adivasi communities who rely on the forest for sustenance. The anti-coal mining movements in Hasdeo Arand reflect the broader struggle of indigenous populations across India who seek to protect their land and resources from exploitation. These movements emphasize the urgent need for policies that recognize the rights of indigenous communities to their ancestral lands and the importance of protecting forests for future generations.

Over the years, protests against mining in the Hasdeo forest, particularly at the Parsa East Kente Basan (PEKB) mine, have become a focal point for environmentalists fighting to protect forest lands from being converted into mines. In 2022, permission for the second phase of mining at the PEKB site was granted by the pro-corporate, ultra-right Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led central government. However, this decision sparked widespread protests, leading the Congress-led state government to oppose the move. In response, the state government filed an affidavit in the Supreme Court, arguing that the land used by the previous phase of the PEKB mine still contained enough coal approximately 350 million tonnes to sustain the attached 4,300 MW power plant for the next 20 years, rendering the second phase unnecessary. Despite this opposition, the BJP government, both at the state level (under the newly elected BJP leadership) and at the national level, granted additional permissions to the Adani-controlled company to continue mining. The justification for this decision was that the first phase of the mine had been exhausted, prompting the need for further mining to meet energy demands.

The various agitations against land and resource exploitation in India share common themes of resistance against large-scale industrialisation and infrastructure projects without consent and consultation with stakeholders that disproportionately impact marginalized communities. Whether it is the Narmada Bachao Andolan or the protests against coal mining in Hasdeo Arand, these movements reflect a broader struggle for environmental justice, indigenous rights, and the protection of local livelihoods. Each movement highlights the conflict between development and sustainability, and underscores the need for more inclusive policies that respect the rights of local communities and safeguard the environment. As India continues to pursue economic growth, it must balance development with a commitment to social justice, environmental protection, and the preservation of cultural identities. The future of such projects depends not just on their economic feasibility, but on their ability to integrate the voices and concerns of those who stand to be most affected.

State’s Approach to Siang Dam Project and Its Implications

The state’s approach to the project has evolved over time, particularly in light of the growing opposition from local groups, environmental activists, and even concerns voiced by hydropower companies. This response underscores the tension between the state’s pursuit of large-scale development and the needs, rights, and concerns of the local population. In the current scenario, the State’s approach to securing the project has also been contentious. To tackle the opposition state has provided round-the-clock security for the project sites. The Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) are being strategically deployed to the region, with plans to station five companies of CAPF in Siang, including one in East Siang.[22] The deployment will cover critical locations such as NHPC offices and camps in areas like Boleng and Pasighat, which are pivotal for the dam’s construction. Along with these forces, State Police and Lady Police contingents are being mobilized to ensure comprehensive security arrangements for the project. This militarized response has heightened tensions in the area, as local groups like the Siang Indigenous Farmer’s Forum (SIFF) and other activists accuse the government of harassing protestors. The presence of security forces is seen as an attempt to suppress opposition and prevent peaceful protests against the dam, further alienating the affected communities.

Local communities have consistently voiced strong opposition to large dam projects, raising concerns about their environmental, social, and economic impacts. Despite these objections, the authorities have often overlooked community demands. The State has altered the initially proposed dam project which was intended to be developed in two stages. The current proposal combines both stages into a single larger project.[23] This shift has raised concerns not only among environmentalists and activists but also within the hydropower sector. Siang Indigenous Farmers’ Forum (SIFF) has opposed the merge of Stage I and Stage II of the power project over the Siang River. The state government had signed a memorandum of agreement with the public-sector company in May 2013. They had started initial survey work for the original Stage-2 project, but now it has put it on hold as per the government’s instructions. Sania Ngurang, the Arunachal Pradesh coordinator for North Eastern Electric Power Corporation (NEEPCO), has expressed scepticism, stating that merging the two stages into one large project may not be the best approach.[24] However, the NITI Aayog stated that the merging of two projects into one Mega project will not only exceed their combined capacity but will reduce the project cost by 25%.[25]

The amendment to the Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980, introduced in 2022, which has made it easier for governments and developers to acquire land for business purposes. These changes have sparked concerns that local stakeholders, especially forest-dwelling communities, are being side-lined in the decision-making process. Forest rights activists and advocates argue that the new rules undermine the protections offered by the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 (FRA). The FRA was designed to give forest-dwelling communities the right to decide how to manage and use the land on which they live, recognizing their deep connection to the forest and its resources. Critics of the changes contend that the new rules will dilute these rights, potentially displacing communities without adequate consultation or compensation, and jeopardizing their livelihoods and traditional ways of life.

One of the major legal developments that has raised alarm among activists and local residents is the Forest (Conservation) Amendment Act of 2023, which allows the Indian government to divert forests for strategic projects within 100 kilometres of the international borders without the need for forest clearance. This new provision directly affects the Siang Dam project, as the region lies near India’s international borders with China and Bhutan.[26] Bhanu Tatak, a prominent anti-dam activist, has pointed out that this law could bypass crucial environmental safeguards that normally govern forest conservation. He states, “The Siang dam is being pursued as a national strategic project, and according to the new forest law, there will be no need for forest clearance.”[27] This move raises significant concerns about the environmental impact of the project, particularly on the biodiversity and ecosystem of the Siang Valley, an area rich in forests, wildlife, and river systems that are critical to the local community’s way of life.

The Upper Siang hydropower project will be built by the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC). The NHPC has identified three potential sites along the Siang River- Uggeng, Ditte Dimme, and Parong to assess the feasibility of constructing the Siang Dam. A pre-feasibility report, which serves as a concept paper ahead of a detailed project report, is being prepared to evaluate the probable cost and viability of the dam at these sites. As part of the survey, NHPC is conducting geological tests, including drilling a 200-meter-deep hole to assess the strength of the rock surface in the proposed locations. The pre-feasibility reports from the three sites will be compared to determine the most suitable location for the dam. Based on the findings, NHPC will finalise the dam’s location. However, despite the progress in these initial assessments, the construction of the dam is not expected to begin for at least another five years. This delay is primarily due to local resistance and opposition to the project, which is a significant hurdle. Furthermore, the preparation of a detailed project report will run parallel with the process of obtaining environmental and forest clearances, which are crucial for moving forward with the project. The outcome will depend on navigating both technical and social challenges, including local opposition, environmental concerns, and securing the necessary legal approvals.

However, if completed, the proposed project aims to have an installed capacity of 11,000 MW, with a reservoir holding 9 billion cubic meters (BCM) of water. The estimated cost of the project is approximately Rs. 1,13,000 crores (US$ 13 billion).[28] This investment is expected to have a substantial economic impact on the Upper Siang district in Arunachal Pradesh, potentially acting as a catalyst for the region’s development. In its “defence”, the large-scale infrastructure development associated with the Siang Dam project would likely lead to significant improvements in the region’s infrastructure, including the construction of new roads and transportation networks, such as the approach road from Assam. These improvements could enhance connectivity, create job opportunities, and stimulate local economies.

However, the potential outcomes of the project are fraught with both benefits and challenges. On one hand, the project could contribute to a version and definition of “economic growth” of Arunachal Pradesh, boosting its energy capacity and providing a stable source of electricity for the region. This would not however be growth that empowers and enriches its indigenous communities, On the other hand, there are serious concerns about both environmental and social consequences. These include the displacement of indigenous communities, disruption of local ecosystems, and potential long-term ecological damage due to the alteration of river systems and landscapes. The ongoing opposition from local communities and environmental groups, who emphasise the need to protect indigenous rights and ensure sustainable development, presents a major challenge to the project’s implementation. The resolution of these concerns will depend on balancing top down version of development that does not necessarily factor in fragile economic systems especially in the hills with the protection of land rights, ecological and social values, particularly ensuring that local communities are genuinely included in decision-making processes. The final outcome will hinge on whether the project can be implemented in a way that addresses these environmental and social concerns while fostering long-term sustainable development.

Conclusion:

In conclusion, the proposed Siang mega-dam project stands as a contentious issue, embodying the intersection of development ambitions, geopolitical concerns, and the rights of indigenous communities. While the government positions the dam as a solution to both national security and local flood management challenges, it is clear that the indigenous people of Arunachal Pradesh, particularly the Adi community, view it as a profound threat to their land, culture, and way of life. The opposition to the Siang Upper Multipurpose Project from the indigenous communities, particularly the Adi tribe, is deeply rooted in concerns over displacement, loss of livelihoods, and the erasure of their cultural heritage. The proposed dam threatens not only the physical landscape but also the very essence of their identity and way of life. For the Adi and other tribal communities in the Siang Valley, the land is not just a source of sustenance; it is intricately tied to their spiritual beliefs, cultural practices, and collective history. The historical experiences of marginalised communities displaced by large dam projects, such as the Sardar Sarovar Dam, have left deep scars and fuelled the fears of similar injustices in Arunachal Pradesh. The loss of agricultural land, vital hunting grounds, and the destruction of sacred sites would result in cultural extinction for these communities, as their traditions and ways of life are intrinsically linked to their environment. Therefore, the resistance against the project is deeply rooted in historical experiences of marginalization, environmental concerns, and cultural preservation. The failure of the state to adequately consult and engage with local communities has fuelled resentment and a sense of injustice, exacerbating the conflict.

The efforts of organisations such as the Siang Indigenous Farmer’s Forum (SIFF), the All Upper Siang District Students’ Union (AUSDSU), the Siang People’s Forum (SPF), and the Lower Siang Dam Affected Peoples’ Forum (LSDAPF) have been crucial in mobilising communities, raising awareness, and advocating for the protection of their land, culture, and environment. These groups have effectively utilised peaceful protests, public rallies, petitions, and dialogue with policymakers to highlight the social, cultural, and ecological risks associated with the proposed dam. Ultimately, the resistance against the Siang mega-dam reflects the broader struggle for indigenous rights, environmental justice, and cultural preservation. The movement is not only about halting a dam project but about asserting the right of indigenous communities to determine their own future and protect their way of life from destructive development. The ongoing efforts of these advocacy groups emphasize the need for genuine dialogue, transparency, and respect for the rights of local communities in shaping development projects that impact their lands and livelihoods. Only through such an inclusive approach can a balanced and sustainable path forward be found, one that respects both the development goals of the state and the cultural integrity of indigenous communities.

Despite legal rulings that emphasise the need for community consultation and consent, the government’s ongoing actions, including militarizing the region and conducting surveys without notice, suggest a disregard for the principles of transparency and inclusivity. As the opposition to the Siang dam continues to grow, it highlights the broader implications of large-scale development projects in indigenous territories. It underscores the necessity for a more equitable and participatory approach to development that respects the rights, voices, and sovereignty of indigenous peoples. Moving forward, the government must carefully balance the need for national development with the protection of indigenous rights and cultural heritage, fostering dialogue and collaboration that prioritizes the well-being of local communities. Without this, the Siang mega-dam may not only disrupt the physical landscape but also irreparably damage the social and cultural fabric of Arunachal Pradesh’s indigenous peoples.

[1]https://web.archive.org/web/20110526054814/http://www.telegraphindia.com/1090402/jsp/northeast/story_10760784.jsp

[2] https://www.natstrat.org/articledetail/publications/upper-siang-hydroelectric-project-key-to-prosperity-in-arunachal-pradesh-99.html

[3] https://arunachal24.in/arunachal-no-dam-no-survey-on-siang-river-says-farmers-forum/

[4] https://arunachaltimes.in/index.php/2023/03/30/forum-raises-mega-dam-issues-submits-memo-to-un-south-asia-business-and-human-rights-forum/

[5] https://arunachaltimes.in/index.php/2023/03/30/forum-raises-mega-dam-issues-submits-memo-to-un-south-asia-business-and-human-rights-forum/

[6] https://arunachaltimes.in/index.php/2023/03/30/forum-raises-mega-dam-issues-submits-memo-to-un-south-asia-business-and-human-rights-forum/

[7] https://thewire.in/environment/siang-arunachal-pradesh-upper-multipurpose-project-protests

[8] https://www.etvbharat.com/en/!bharat/arunachal-pradesh-communities-up-ante-against-the-siang-mega-hydro-power-project-enn24121405501

[9] https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Gibji-Nimasow/publication/228872543_Linkages_between_Bio-Resources_and_Human_Livelihood_A_Case_Study_of_Adi_Tribes_of_Mirem_Village_Arunachal_Pradesh_India/links/0deec531c10560fbfd000000/Linkages-between-Bio-Resources-and-Human-Livelihood-A-Case-Study-of-Adi-Tribes-of-Mirem-Village-Arunachal-Pradesh-India.pdf

[10] https://arunachaltimes.in/index.php/2023/03/30/forum-raises-mega-dam-issues-submits-memo-to-un-south-asia-business-and-human-rights-forum/

[11] https://thewire.in/rights/rehabilitate-dalit-adivasi-families-displaced-by-sardar-sarovar-dam

[12] https://scroll.in/article/1070339/why-arunachal-pradesh-residents-are-stalling-surveys-for-a-mega-dam

[13] https://www.bbc.co.uk/tribe/tribes/adi/index.shtml

[14] https://dialogue.earth/en/energy/anti-dam-protests-continue-in-arunachal-pradesh/

[15] It is the traditional drink which is made from fermented millet and is famous as “Apong”. This drink can also be made out of rice, called “Rice beer.”

[16] https://www.bbc.co.uk/tribe/tribes/adi/index.shtml

[17] https://www.eurasiareview.com/17102017-indegenous-people-of-arunachal-pradesh-oppose-hydro-project-over-brahmaputra/

[18] https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/distinct-blue-ant-species-discovered-in-arunachal-pradesh-valley-5814143

[19] https://www.etvbharat.com/en/!bharat/arunachal-pradesh-communities-up-ante-against-the-siang-mega-hydro-power-project-enn24121405501

[20] https://dialogue.earth/en/energy/anti-dam-protests-continue-in-arunachal-pradesh/

[21] Choudhury, N.B., Dey Choudhury, S.R. Implications for planning of hydroelectric projects in Northeast India: an analysis of the impacts of the Tipaimukh project. Geo Journal 86, 1999–2019 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10708-020-10158-8

[22] https://www.etvbharat.com/en/!bharat/arunachal-pradesh-communities-up-ante-against-the-siang-mega-hydro-power-project-enn24121405501

[23] https://scroll.in/article/853655/the-centres-proposal-to-build-a-mega-dam-in-arunachal-pradesh-makes-even-hydropower-companies-wary

[24] https://scroll.in/article/853655/the-centres-proposal-to-build-a-mega-dam-in-arunachal-pradesh-makes-even-hydropower-companies-wary

[25] https://scroll.in/article/853655/the-centres-proposal-to-build-a-mega-dam-in-arunachal-pradesh-makes-even-hydropower-companies-wary

[26] https://scroll.in/article/1070339/why-arunachal-pradesh-residents-are-stalling-surveys-for-a-mega-dam

[27] https://scroll.in/article/1070339/why-arunachal-pradesh-residents-are-stalling-surveys-for-a-mega-dam

[28] https://www.natstrat.org/articledetail/publications/upper-siang-hydroelectric-project-key-to-prosperity-in-arunachal-pradesh-99.html

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The post Voices of resistance: Indigenous peoples’ struggle against the Siang Mega-Dam in Arunachal Pradesh appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The arrests stem from an incident on December 26, 2024, when 13 individuals, including three women, associated with the Bhagat Singh Students Morcha (BSM), a Marxist student organisation at BHU, were taken into custody by the Lanka Police Station in Varanasi. They were subsequently sent to 14-day judicial custody by the Varanasi District Court. The arrests followed a discussion held on December 25 to mark Manusmriti Dahan Divas, commemorating Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s historic burning of the Manusmriti in 1927. The discussion, held at the university’s Arts Faculty, was disrupted by university officials and security staff, leading to a scuffle between the students and security guards. Among those detained are nine students and four alumni, currently held in District Jail, Chaukaghat. As they were transferred to jail, the students raised slogans such as “Manusmriti Murdabad, Inquilab Zindabad, Jai Bhim,” and “Stop violence against students,” highlighting their resistance to state repression. The jailed students were also interrogated by the Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS).

The delegation also met with the Superintendent of the District Jail in Varanasi to address the mistreatment of the detained students. They submitted a memorandum outlining 10 key demands, including:

1. Immediate disciplinary action against police personnel who demanded a bribe of ₹200 per person to allow visitors to meet the students, along with threats of physical harm if the bribe was not paid.
2. Provision of facilities to the students in accordance with the jail manual.
3. Ensuring a conducive environment for study by accommodating the students in separate barracks.
4. Medical treatment for injured or unwell students, including proper examinations.
5. Avoiding the treatment of students as hardened criminals.

The delegation included Advocate Premprakash Singh Yadav, Advocate Ramdular Prajapati, Advocate Rajesh Kumar Yadav, Advocate Sushil Kumar, Advocate Kamlesh Yadav, Advocate Satyaprakash, Advocate Veerbali Singh Yadav, Advocate Awadhesh, Advocate Ajit Singh Yadav, Advocate Shridutt, and Advocate Rakesh.

Background of the incident

On December 25, 2024, the Bhagat Singh Students Morcha (BSM) organised a discussion at Banaras Hindu University (BHU) to observe Manusmriti Dahan Divas, commemorating the historic day in 1927 when Dr. B.R. Ambedkar burned the Manusmriti as a protest against caste discrimination. The event, held at the university’s Arts Faculty, was disrupted by BHU’s Proctorial Board guards, who allegedly misbehaved with the participants, forcibly dragging them to the Proctorial Board office, where they were locked up around 7:30 PM.

The following day, December 26, an FIR was filed against 13 members of the BSM, accusing them of serious offences. These individuals, including three women, were subsequently arrested by the Lanka Police Station and sent to 14-day judicial custody by the Varanasi District Court. Reports indicate that during the disruption, the students were physically assaulted, their clothes torn, and their glasses broken. Students who attempted to intervene were also pushed, beaten, and detained. It is further alleged that the Proctorial Board and the police issued threats to the students, warning of retaliation and harm to their future prospects.

The arrested students were held overnight at the Lanka Police Station without access to legal counsel. Allegedly, they were beaten and sustained injuries while in custody. These students are now detained in District Jail, Chaukaghat.

An FIR (No. 523/2024) was filed against the students under various provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023. These include:

• Section 132: Assault or criminal force to deter a public servant from duty.
• Section 121(2): Causing grievous hurt to a public servant.
• Section 196(1): Promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, or language.
• Section 299: Outraging religious feelings through deliberate and malicious acts.
• Section 190: Unlawful assembly for an offence committed by the group.
• Section 191(2): Rioting.
• Section 115(2): Voluntarily causing hurt.
• Section 110: Attempt to commit culpable homicide.

The FIR, filed on the complaint of BHU Security Officer Omprakash Tiwari and Assistant Security Officer Hasan Abbas Zaidi, states that on December 25 at 5:30 PM, a group of 20–25 BSM members gathered near the Arts Faculty Square, allegedly planning to burn copies of the Manusmriti as part of the Manusmriti Dahan Divas observance. The complainants, accompanied by Proctorial Board members and security personnel, approached the group to pacify them. However, the students allegedly misbehaved, pushed, and assaulted the security team.

The FIR claims that two women security personnel, Shipra Mishra and Shikha Mishra, sustained serious injuries and fainted during the altercation, requiring treatment at BHU Trauma Centre. The report also alleges that the actions of the students disrupted public harmony.

The 13 individuals identified in the FIR include Mukesh Kumar, Sandeep Jaiswal, Amar Sharma, Arvind Pal, Anupam Kumar, Lakshman Kumar, Avinash, Arvind, Shubham Kumar, Adarsh, Ipsita Agarwal, Siddhi Tiwari, and Katyayani B. Reddy. The charges against them carry a maximum sentence of 10 years imprisonment.

A detailed report may be read here.

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The 13 individuals—nine students and four alumni—are currently being held in District Jail, Chaukaghat. As they were shifted to jail, the students raised slogans like “Manusmriti Murdabad, Inquilab Zindabad, Jai Bhim,” and “Stop violence against students,” emphasizing their opposition to the state’s repression.

The jailed students were also interrogated by the Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS)

Background

On December 25, a discussion was organized by the Bhagat Singh Students Front at BHU on the occasion of Manusmriti Dahan Divas. The significance of this historic day lies in the fact that Dr. B.R. Ambedkar had burned the Manusmriti on this day in 1927. Members of the Bhagat Singh Students Front had gathered to discuss this topic. During the discussion, the guards of the BHU Proctorial Board came and misbehaved with the students, dragging them to the Proctorial Board office. The students were locked up there around 7:30 PM. Later, on December 26, 2024, an FIR with serious charges was filed against 13 members of the BSM, and they were arrested and sent to 14-days of judicial custody.

As per report, during this incident, the students were physically assaulted, their clothes were torn, and their glasses were broken. Any student who came to help them was also pushed, shoved, and beaten. BHU guards and the Varanasi police threatened the students with various kinds of threats, including ruining their future and warnings of retaliation. All of this took place during the ‘Manusmriti Dahan Divas’ discussion held at the Arts Faculty, BHU.

It is alleged that the police and Proctorial Board members beat up the arrested students. They were kept locked in the Lanka police station overnight and were not allowed to meet their lawyers. Reports suggest that the students suffered serious injuries during this time. Their clothes were torn, and their glasses were broken. Students who went to the Proctorial Board for help were also detained after being pushed and assaulted.

FIR registered under the serious provisions of BNS, 2023

An FIR (No. 523/2024) has been filed by the Lanka Police Station against the 13 students under sections 132 (assault or criminal force to deter a public servant from the discharge of their duty), 121(2) (causing grievous hurt to a public servant), 196(1) (promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc.), 299 (deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs), 190 (unlawful assembly for any offence committed by the group), 191(2) (rioting), 115(2) (voluntarily causing hurt to another person), and 110 (attempt to commit culpable homicide) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023.

According to the FIR, registered on the written complaint of BHU Security Officer Omprakash Tiwari and H.A. Zaidi, it states, “On 25.12.2024, at 5:30 pm, 20-25 students associated with Bhagat Singh Chhatra Morcha were sitting near the Arts Faculty Square and lighting a fire. Confidential information was received that these individuals were celebrating Manusmriti Dahan Diwas that day and planning to burn copies of Manusmriti. Acting on this information, I, Omprakash Tiwari, Security Officer, along with my colleagues Hasan Abbas Zaidi (Assistant Security Officer), Security Inspector Bhaiyalal, and Proctorial Board members Prof. Fate Bahadur Singh, Dr. Sujit Kumar Singh, Dr. Ajay Yadav, Dr. Amresh Singh, Dr. Upendra Kumar, Dr. Divya Bharti, Dr. Ravi Shankar Mishra, along with female security guards Shipra Mishra, Shikha Mishra, and other security personnel, reached the spot and attempted to pacify them. However, the following students misbehaved and pushed us. After this, I was warned that if we took any action against the rules, further action would be taken.”

“The following students did not heed the warning and started pushing and hitting me and other people present with me, obstructing the work of the public government, due to which two of my women security personnel Shipra Mishra and Shikha Mishra got seriously injured and fainted on the spot. They are being treated at BHU Trauma Center. Their actions are having an adverse effect on maintaining harmony. A total of 13 students have been identified in this incident” as per FIR.

The arrested students include Mukesh Kumar, Sandeep Jaiswal, Amar Sharma, Arvind Pal, Anupam Kumar, Lakshman Kumar, Avinash, Arvind, Shubham Kumar, Adarsh, Ipsita Agarwal, Siddhi Tiwari, and Katyayani B. Reddy. These students have been charged under the provisions, which carry a provision for up to 10 years of imprisonment.

The FIR dated 26.12.2024 can be read here

BSM said, suppression done at the behest of Brahmanical and Hindutva forces

The President of Bhagat Singh Students Front, Akanksha Azad, termed the action taken against the students as “suppression done at the behest of Brahmanical and Hindutva forces.” While dismissing the accusations against BSM, Akanksha said that, “We deny all the fabricated allegations raised against us by the university-police nexus. They want to crush dissent and our organization. In fact, they are suppressing every civil organization that questions this RSS fascist government” as the Observer Post Reported

She said, “We are the heirs of Baba Saheb and Bhagat Singh’s thoughts. Whatever efforts are made to suppress our voice, we will stand firm even stronger.”

Akanksha alleged that the BHU administration and police took this action under pressure from fascist forces. She stated, “Sending students to jail for discussing texts like Manusmriti is like mocking democracy. Manusmriti gives women and Dalits a status worse than that of animals, and such oppressive actions cannot crush their dreams and ideas.”

The Bhagat Singh Students Front has demanded the immediate release of the arrested students. They called for the false report to be annulled immediately and FIRs to be filed against the policemen and BHU guards who used violence against the students. The organization said, “Our courage and dreams cannot be suppressed. The arrest of students on Manusmriti Day has once again proven that freedom of expression is under threat. But the people of Banaras, who have always been a land of knowledge, dialogue, and ideas, will not remain silent against this injustice.”

Akanksha claimed that the students’ mobile phones were seized, and they were not allowed to inform their families, which is a clear violation of Supreme Court and Human Rights Commission directives. On December 26, the students were presented before the remand court and sent to jail. The FIR filed includes very serious charges. This incident not only violates the students’ rights but also openly disregards judicial processes and human rights.

FIR reveals no serious allegations against students, only ideological dissent

The FIR filed in connection with the December 25 incident at BHU highlights an ideological disagreement between the students and the administration, rather than any serious criminal behavior. The report indicates that students associated with Bhagat Singh Chhatra Morcha were peacefully engaged in a discussion to commemorate Manusmriti Dahan Divas. Following confidential information, police and security officers intervened, but the situation escalated into a minor physical altercation. The FIR does not point to any major criminal activity, with injuries to security personnel attributed to the scuffle.

While the FIR claims that the students’ actions impacted public harmony, it seems more like an effort to suppress student activism rather than address any serious offense. The students were charged under serious provisions, but the allegations appear inflated, raising concerns about attempts to silence dissent.

What is Manusmriti?

Manusmriti, often a topic of controversy, especially in the context of women and marginalized communities, is seen as a symbol of caste and gender discrimination in Indian society. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar famously burned it in 1927 as an act of protest. Manusmriti is an ancient Hindu religious text, consisting of 12 chapters and over 2,600 verses. It was first translated into English in 1776. Maharishi Manu, considered the author, is regarded as the spokesperson for the “human constitution” and the architect of societal norms. These laws, known as “Manuism,” laid down controversial rules regarding women’s rights and freedoms.

Controversial views on women

Manusmriti outlines a societal structure where women are seen as subordinate to their father, husband, or son, and can never be independent. In Chapter 5, Verse 148, it states that after marriage, a woman should remain under the protection of her husband or sons after his death. It further asserts that women have a nature to “seduce men” and should be kept under strict surveillance.

The text also contains statements such as, “Do not marry a woman with red hair or eyes, one with extra limbs, who is often ill, or one from a low caste.” It advises against marriage to a woman whose name refers to terror, rivers, trees, or snakes. Additionally, it says that Brahmins should not eat in the presence of menstruating women, pigs, dogs, or eunuchs.

These rules deny the equality and freedom of women and attempt to subjugate them under patriarchal control. The Manusmriti has long been a source of debate, and its controversial nature highlights the ongoing fight for equality and freedom in society.

Dr. Ambedkar’s protest against Manusmriti

Due to its oppressive views, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar burned the Manusmriti in 1927, condemning it as a text that violated the rights of Dalits and women. However, some still regard it as a guiding text for societal welfare, albeit ignoring its controversial aspects. Historian Kurundkar has provided insights into Manusmriti’s structure, explaining that the text was composed around 200-300 years before the birth of Christ. The first chapter covers topics like the creation of nature, the four yugas (ages), the four varnas (classes), and the greatness of Brahmins. Subsequent chapters address topics like celibacy, marriage, household duties, and various forms of punishment.

The fifth chapter, which is particularly controversial, discusses the duties of women, their purity, and their place in society. The book also covers the roles of saints, kings, criminal justice, and the praise of the Vedas in the final chapters.

Controversial aspects of Manusmriti

Dalit scholar Rajiv Lochan explains that Manusmriti discusses rights, crimes, justice, and punishment in a manner akin to the modern Indian Penal Code (IPC) and Criminal Procedure Code (CRPC). When the British arrived in India, they saw Manusmriti as the Hindu equivalent of Sharia law and began using it as a reference in legal matters. This led to the belief that Manusmriti was the Hindu “holy book.”

Lochan suggests that Brahmins, facing a decline in their power due to the rise of Buddhist teachings, revived Manusmriti to reassert their dominance. It propagated the myth that Brahmins were superior in society, while others faced harsher punishments. The text even asserts that a woman’s welfare can only be achieved through the welfare of a man, and that women should have no religious rights.

The British and Manusmriti’s influence

During British rule, Manusmriti became a subject of widespread discussion due to its use in legal matters. William Jones’ English translation of the text brought it into public knowledge. Mahatma Jyotirao Phule was one of the first to challenge Manusmriti, critiquing Brahmins and merchants while highlighting the dire conditions of Dalits and marginalized groups.

When Ambedkar burned the Manusmriti

On July 25, 1927, Dr. Ambedkar publicly burned Manusmriti at Mahad in Maharashtra. In his book Philosophy of Hinduism, Ambedkar writes, “Manu advocated the four-fold varna system, laying the foundation of caste-based discrimination. While Manu did not create the caste system, he certainly sowed its seeds.”

Ambedkar also recorded his opposition to Manusmriti in his works Who Were the Shudras? and The End of Caste. At that time, Dalits and women were denied the right to live a dignified life, and the caste system thrived on the Brahminical supremacy. Ambedkar described the caste system as a multi-story building with no stairs, where people are divided based on their work, and the lower castes are relegated to the bottom with no possibility of advancement.

The legacy of Ambedkar’s protest

After Ambedkar’s act of burning the Manusmriti, similar protests occurred across the country, leading to discussions in newspapers about the text’s influence on Indian society. Even after India’s independence, the debate continued. In 1970, Kanshi Ram formed BAMCEF, declaring that Indian society was divided between the “Manuwadi” (followers of Manu) and the “Mulnivasi” (indigenous people).

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It was on December 10 when the incident of one Datta Sopan Pawar allegedly vandalising the preamble of the Constitution kept in front of the statue of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar occurred. This resulted in palpable tensions in the city. But this was the initial phase. Thereafter, Datta Sopan Pawar was allegedly manhandled and beaten by some ‘Ambedkarites’ who witnessed the incident. A doctor, on the condition of anonymity, disclosed that Datta Sopan Pawar was on drugs related to mental illness. It was then that the police ‘made interventions’ and claimed ‘they took ‘necessary action against him.’ The next day, December 11, however, local Ambedkarite organisations called for a ‘bandh’ in the city. During this, a mob of youth & teenagers, along with women, allegedly came out to the prominent areas of the city, like the District Magistrate (DM)’s office, Vyapari Sankul (Commercial Complex), & Visava corner. The mob of approximately 100 people allegedly went on the rampage and ransacked the DM’s office, tore documents there, and damaged the furniture amidst sloganeering. Then members of the mob also allegedly destroyed the small vendors’ stalls, looted money from the galas (cash counters) of pan (betel leaf) shops, and pelted stones on the glass walls of the malls & shops. This carried on for reportedly an hour. Witnesses say there were no police seen on the roads for that entire one hour. After an hour police appeared and started controlling the mob by imposing Section 144. Police called in the SRPF as well and started combing operations in some of the Ambedkarite bastis of Parbhani, according to the version of local citizens. Datta Sopan Pawar is now in jail at an unknown location according to information given by Additional SP of Parbhani Yashwant Kale.

Meanwhile, police also arrested around 40 people for ‘disturbing the law and order in the city’. Some people said they were surprised that in the FIR, the first name noted was that of Ambedkari leader, Vijay Vakode, who thereafter died on December 17 due to a sudden heart attack. Vakode was, in fact, one of the members of the peace committee formed by the police. Now, police have released all the people from the custody, against whom cases were filed, according to Ganpat Bhise and Dr. Sunil Jadhav, Ambedkari activists (follower of Ambedkar ideology). But days after the arrests, on December 15 news of Somanth Suryawanshi’s death became public. On December 14, all ‘accused’ had been transferred from police to MCR custody. Somnath Suryawanshi was a 35-year-old law student studying at Shivaji Law College, Parbhani. His custodial death has created a storm in social and political circles. Initially, police claimed that Suryawanshi had a heart attack and died. But later –on the vigilant insistence of local advocates and activists –his body was taken to Aurangabad Ghati Hospital, and postmortem (PM) was done in camera. The PM report stated that the cause of the death was ‘shock following multiple injuries.’ According to Somnath’s classmates and activists in the agitation, Somnath was capturing the videos of the police brutality, and that’s the only reason police seized him & then beat him to death. Meanwhile, CM Devendra Fadanvis, while replying to a debate on this issue in the State Legislature on Friday, December 20, declared a financial aid of Rs. 10 lakh to the family of Somanth Suryawanshi. Fadanvis also stated that the injuries found on the body of Somnath were old and police are not to be blamed for those. Fadnavis’ reactions in the State Assembly have not helped alleviate tensions, in fact raised questions on the state’s willingness or ability to conduct an impartial inquiry into the deaths and injuries caused by the combing operations.

Sabrangindia has detailed the chronology of arrests and legal interventions in its report that may also be read here.

Priyadarshini Nagar is a basti with an approximate population of 800 alongside Parbhani’s Vasmat road. The residents are closely associated with each other. Ashok Ubale and Ganpat Bhise, the social activists from the Ambedkarite movements, took me inside the narrow lanes of Basti. Ramesh, a 55-year-old daily wage worker (name has been changed for security reasons), narrated the trauma of December 11. He also shared a story of unexpected police actions that impacted on the life of the couple.

In a week, shaking voice, he says, “They were all wearing headgear, iron-shielded uniforms, and whatnot. We were all weaponless as well as helpless. Kunitari zopet dhonda ghatlyasarkha hota baga te sagla maay…(It was all like someone kills you with a huge stone when you are in a deep sleep). Now I am not able to decide how to sleep, as there is pain emanating from all over my body. Police beat me up, and they just left. Nothing is on the record. I have no evidence of all this brutality except my wounds!”

His wife, Sumantai (name has been changed for security reasons), says that she was working in the kitchen when police came with no intimation and just started beating her husband and asking him repeatedly if he was present in the protests yesterday. “My husband tried to convince them that he was very weak and went to work that very day, but they didn’t believe him. I went all out and tried to save my husband. In this process, they beat me as well.” Sumantai shows me her swollen right hand. “Now I am struggling with daily household chores as my right hand is damaged. My husband has not been able to rejoin his work for the last 10 days. We both are daily wage workers. Now I need to give him a bath as he can’t bathe on his own. All of my daughters are married and live in different cities. Our son studies in Standard X, and now he is compelled to work in a garage.” One can see a deep half-ripened wound on the shoulder bones of Ramesh.

I went to the Taluka court in the evening. I was looking for Somnath Suryawanshi’s mother. Taluka Court officials took the statement of Vijayabai Suryawanshi for 3 hours as she had filed a complaint against the cops saying that they should be held responsible for the custodial death of her 35-year-old son, Somnath Suryawanshi, who belonged to the Vadaar (Nomadic Tribe) community. We both had a word in the backyard of the court at 5:30 pm on the eve of December 18. Lalu Jadhav, an activist from Vadar Samaj Sanghatana, and some activists from Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi were accompanying her. Her advocate, Pawan Jondhale, was also there.

“Maza lekru nyayacha shikshan ghet hota, tebi dagad fodun, tyachyawar kiti motha anyay kela baga police lokanni.” My son was studying law along with breaking the gravel. But the police have taken utterly unlawful actions against him. Vijayabai keeps speaking amidst tears. Two of her other sons, Premnath and Avinash, keep consoling her. Avinash has completed an M.Sc. (Physics) as well as a B.Ed. degree and Premnath has done his B.Sc. along with his B.Ed. “My son was a bright, shining diamond in a stone mine. He was always focused when it came to education. He had acquired multiple degrees like Babasaheb Ambedkar. Recently he had qualified for the PET exam for pursuing a Ph.D. from Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University. He was working as a LIC agent as well. My son Somnath and I were both struggling continuously to solve the monetary issues in the family. Somanth had always helped his siblings with education. After his father died in 2018, he was the backbone of my family.” Premnath adds to this account, “Somnath was working as a journalist for some media platform. He kept showing his Law & Journalist I-cards to the police that day, but this was of no use. He was in contact with us till December 11. Then afterwards, there was no connection. We were not informed after five days that Somnath had been abducted by the police. Then the cops called us directly when he got a so-called heart attack. He was in police custody for two days, and then he was moved to judicial custody. He was brutally beaten in the PCR. Then he was taken to the MCR. PM reports are clear enough to disclose the cause of his death. Is this all a legal process? Somanth’s seized mobile has not been returned to us yet. We are going to file an appeal soon for that. We have also filed an FIR against the police. In response they have given us a signature-stamped paper as a response to our FIR but no copy of the FIR.

Somnath’s last rites were performed on the eve of December 16. A large crowd was present for the same. I had a word with some of Somnath’s classmates. According to them, he was very sincere and aware. He had always struggled to balance between his bread and butter commitments and  academics. His friends also added that he was not present at the time of any violence but protested peacefully with a pen and diary in his hands on December 11.

Vatsalabai Manvate is an untrained medical helper in a private hospital, mostly on a night shift. But this is not her only identity. She is an Insta Reelstar. While struggling with daily life, she manages to make some reels about Babasaheb Ambedkar, her basti life, dhamma festivals, and all.

Swati (name changed for security reasons), her daughter-in-law, was at home in a hurry to make a tiffin for hospitalised Vatsalabai. She expresses herself fearlessly, “My mother-in-law, Vatsalabai, is a tech-savvy woman. She is also an honest follower of Babasaheb Ambedkar’s teachings. Due to this background of hers, that day, she started shooting the live videos of police and SRPF beating the innocent basti people without any strong evidence or paperwork. That was the only thing that went against her, and the police not only beat her but also molested her sexually. Two of the male police pressed her thighs, some of them pulled her hair, and the remaining police and SRPF mob beat her, which has resulted in serious injuries all over the body, including the areas of her private parts. The CCTV footage of the same incident is now viral all over the internet. Now I feel like the cops are like some goons wearing a police uniform. ‘Mungicha jeev baarik asto tila sagle ragditaat… tasa zalay aamcha.’ (The lives of ants are so tiny and insignificant that anyone can kill them, and the same is our case.)”

https://www.instagram.com/vachlabai/?igsh=MThqOGt2OTh4OHRwYw%

In the ICU ward of the Parbhani District Civil Hospital, bed no. 6 is a sensation for other patients and hospital staff as influential political figures, social activists & police officials keep making rounds of that bed to meet the patient. It is where the 50 year old Vatsalabai Manvate rests, recovering. A fair-skinned, grey-eyed, beautiful lady. One can sense the hardships of her life by looking at the fit and strong physique she holds. But when I went to meet her, I found her hands shivering with pain and trauma from the violence thrashing upon her.

Vatsalabai was lying on the bed wearing a nylon saree with her whole body covered with blankets. She said it was hard for her to get up. “What was my crime, that they beat me in such an insulting way? I need justice; I am not going to keep mum. I was not able to sleep at night the past few days. I had already undergone angiography some years ago. Besides that, I am a BP patient. I was continuously telling these facts to the police and SRPF, but they didn’t stop the assault. Targeting my knees, hands, legs, and private parts, they kept molesting me verbally & physically. During this assault, I requested that I needed to pee. One of them said, “Kholtes ki naahi mobile cha lock? Nasta tula aata ithach mutavto ki naahi baghch tu!” (If you are not going to unlock your mobile for us, I will forcefully make you pee here right now.”) There were women cops, but the male police beat me more than the women. Police forced me to unlock my mobile, seized it, and haven’t given it back till today.

One of the youth in Ahilyanagar spoke to me anonymously: “There were rumors all over in the air within our Basti that ‘they’ are going to come back again in the night. Our kids still wake up crying in the dark hours. Children, old-age people, breastfeeding women—no one was spared. Verbal abuse by the police was vile. They have also beaten 12-14-year-old teenagers. Many of the youth are wearing plasters on their hands or feet. Anyone can see the doors, windows, and vehicles were broken with boot kicks and lathis. Police had also used tear gas. Are we some kind of terrorists for the state?”

His friends participated in the discussion. He says, “Here in our city, there is a popular proverb, ‘Jagaat Germany, Bhartaat Parbhani.’ (When one looks at the world, there is Germany, so as in India, there is Parbhani.) Ironically, Germany holds the history of Nazi brutality. So this is the same replication happening in the Ambedkari Bastis of Parbhani now. So many of our women and youth have captured the live footage of police and SRPF violence. We have the evidence with us. Just this question remains: What action will be taken by the current home minister & state police authorities against all this? To date, no one from the ruling party has come here to witness the sufferings & property losses we have undergone. We are feeling excluded & targeted in a democratic state.” ^[1]

Both of them led me to the residence of Pranita (name changed for security reasons). Pranita is a breastfeeding mother. Her first daughter is three years old, and the second one is a newborn of two months. Recalling the incident, she breaks down in tears again and again and says, “I still get haunted with the echoes of that violence. I was told by some of the neighbours that the police were on the way. My elder daughter was asleep. So I hid in our bathroom with my small baby. Police & SRPF came in a moment and broke the main wooden door of our home. Then they started kicking on the bathroom cement door with tremendous force. This door as well broke down and was going to fall upon me. I got away with a blink of an eye. Then the women police forcefully took me to the front yard and asked me to come and sit in the police van. I kept telling them that I was nowhere in the peaceful agitations happening in the city as I am a breastfeeding mother, but they didn’t pay any attention. They started to beat me with a ‘sundari’ (police stick). Meanwhile, one of our neighbours brought my kids in front of them. Some of the women cops were kind of puzzled to see my kids. They paused for a moment and asked me to go home. I think they were able to smell the future consequences of the incident if they would have picked me up. I still hear the echoes of ‘khol darwajaa… khol darwajaa…’ (open the door… open the door). I still start shivering as I hear the word ‘Police.’ I am feeling feverish.

People say that this is the very first time that their basti has faced such a combing operation. According to some of the residents, police allegedly showed the video of their brutality to residents of other bastis threatening the same consequences! Come sit in the police van; otherwise we will beat you in the same way. One can see the vehicles, like autos and scooters, which have been allegedly damaged by police as there was a sign of Babasaheb Ambedkar painted on them. The residents complain that their desire to cook and eat has decreased tremendously.

This basti is still experiencing the echoes of the alleged brutality. People are terrified to leave their homes. The collective emotion is, “Marnaa ho ka tarnaa ho aata amhala nyay pahije.” (Now we will either get drowned or get to the riverbank, but we want justice at any cost.)

Sambhaji Brigade is a politically and socially active organization of the Maratha community in Maharashtra. Maratha Seva Sangh is their think tank. Balaji Mohite, Gajanan Jogdand, and Swapnil Garud (Sambhaji Brigade) express their deep anguish over all recent developments. They say, “But in a way this was bound to happen. We remember that in the pre-corona times, when Gulabrao Patil was our guardian minister. Some of us went to him on an organisational level and handed him an appeal that said that the security of the Babasaheb Ambedkar Statue is very nominal and weak. We had demanded that the contract be awarded to some better contractor, but this was given to a local one. The statue is on the highway. There are only steel rods that cover the statue. Along with this, the placement of the stand of the Preamble has been so wrong that the glass case covering the preamble can be accessed by anyone randomly. Can the Preamble be kept so handy on the road? There was no action taken on our appeal, and now these violent consequences are there, which could have been avoided. We doubt that the violent mob that broke into the District Magistrate office and shops was local.”

They continue, “We also doubt the very intentions of police and district administration. Firstly, there was a huge mob of around 5,000 people gathering on December 10 near the Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj and Babasaheb statue. This was an aggressive morcha by the Sakal Hindu Samaj for raising the issue of violence against Hindus in Bangladesh. To tell the truth, any common citizen would have sensed that not enough precautionary measures were taken to tackle this huge mob if their speeches had led to any tensions. Thereafter, within this overall tense scenario, it is tragic that Datta Sopan Pawar damaged the Preamble and the mob manhandled him brutally. But now the whole city is asking a common question: what prevented the police and administration from enforcing section 144 in the city immediately on that very day? To date, the DM and police have not been able to answer this question. There is one more point: a peace committee meeting with local citizens and the police was called on the same day after the combing operations were done. As committee members, we said that still matters could have been controlled, ‘This should have been reversed.’”

Comrade Rajan Kshirsagar from Parbhani CPI has his own say on the unfolding tensions in the city. Rajan said, “One can draw a pattern when it comes to police brutality in Parbhani. The opposition has already been weakened in the state legislature. So, they don’t have enough power to keep any restraint on the ruling party when it comes to misusing the police force. We are all familiar with the cruel violence thrashing upon Palestine by the forces of Israel. The current chief minister has employed or used the modus operandi of the Israelis in Parbhani Ambedkarite bastis. They are using Parbhani as a lab. One can sense the connection by going deep enough.”

What did the police say…?

IG Shahaji Umap has been in charge, handling all aspects of the unfolding incidents since December 10. Speaking to the writer about this, Umap said, “From the very first day, we have handled the situation to our best ability, in a fair manner. I know many allegations are being raised, like the timing of imposing 144 and using the police and SRPF force to maintain law & order… But we have done this all for a greater good, which was the crucial need of that particular situation. Now the whole case is under judicial inquiry. In this situation, I, as a police authority, should not be commenting on anything. We all should wait & watch now.

I also asked him about seizing the mobile of Somanth Suryawanshi, who belongs to the Vadar (NT-Nomadic Tribe) community & Vatsalabai Manvate (Nav Bouddha) forcefully; it contains their personal data, so does he not see this as a breach of their privacy… IG Umap cross-questioned me, “But Somnath Suryawanshi is dead now, isn’t he? We are doing this all under a legal process.”

Two academicians from Parbhani put forth his interesting observation. They said, “Pushpa – 2 is a massive hit nowadays. This is the era where we are glorifying the antagonists as so-called protagonist heroes. Maharashtra was way better till the ‘Guwahati Campaign’ happened to us. Maharashtra is seen as a state that respects the rule of law when we compare it to other states, and it should remain like that. In the last ten years, the environment has gotten so polluted that we can sense the caste-religion location of our students from their aesthetics and clothes. On the desks of schools & colleges, we keep observing the chants like Jai Shree Ram have been engraved. If there is a lack of education and social sensitivity, then radicalism is bound to get provoked.”

After covering the unfolding events, I was on my train journey from Parbhani to Nanded. A 50-plus year-old lady was sitting in front of me. Along with her, everyone was talking about last week’s tensions in the city. This was no doubt a hot topic for all, everywhere. The lady, from a so-called privileged caste, started to express herself in a considerably raised voice. Her arguments were both anti-reservation and anti-Dalit. She said, “These people, you know, are always the ones who like to show their destructive powers. They cause the damages and then demand money from the government like some kind of aid, “These people also have reservation. They are always the ones who like to show their destructive powers, it is extortion. They want reservation. They just take the whole administrative and social system for granted. They pressurise others by using the tool of ‘atrocities’. I do not want to discriminate but this is the brutal truth.” Some of the fellow travelers nodded  their heads in agreement. Others just kept mum. The nervousness of some of the travelers in the next bogie could be seen through their body language.

The city of Parbhani still possesses the cankers of the violence all over its body. Some political party offices, small vendor ‘thelas’ (small shops at corners), and glass-windowed showrooms still show signs of the damage. People are back to their daily routine, but they have so many unanswered questions in their mind. They keep pouring their hearts out as soon as you try to check them out for some details. Most of the small thelas and shops have been examined by the administration and have been provided with compensation for the damages. Yet there is an invisible anxiety flowing in the city markets.

Shahir Vilas Ghogre had written & composed a poem at the time of the Namantar (Changing of Name) Movement of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University.

It was titled “Jaltoy Marathwada, bagh jaltoy Marathwada…” (Marathwada is burning; see Marathwada is burning.) Just after a few days of December 6, which is the death anniversary of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, how some political people and forces will benefit from the renewed burning of Parbhani in Marathwada, is now the talk of the town.

(The author is an independent journalist and can be reached at sharmishtha.2011@gmail.com)

Photo Credits: All photographs except 2 and 5 by Sharmishtha Bhosale 

[1] Ajit Pawar deputy chief minister met victim of custodial death, Somnath Suryanwanshi’s mother, Vijayabai Suryawanshi and two brothers, Avinash and Premnath on December 22 and promised some aid.

Related:

State-sanctioned brutality? Dalit communities targeted in Parbhani “combing operations”, women, children abused

Protests rage in Parbhani after Dalit activist dies in custody, allegations of police torture

The post Special Report: ‘They came like monkeys; they came like Nazis.’ Ambedkari Bastis in Parbhani face the traumas of police brutality appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The entire tragedy at Parbhani, marked by violent police atrocities and custodial torture, was mitigated, in part, by the timely intervention of senior activists, their legal teams, and local journalists. As the combing operations began, Advocate Pavan Jhondhale and his colleagues swiftly made their way to the police station, where they encountered the terrified families of the victims, who were visibly cowering in fear. Advocate Jhondhale, speaking to SabrangIndia, recounted the chilling scene: “We could hear screams of pain coming from inside the locker room when we were at the police station after the combing operations.”

Advocate Jhondhale highlighted how the advocates were being stopped from meeting the victims. He stated“Following this, they visited the affected areas and made contact with the victims. On December 12, when the victims—seen as accused by the police—were brought to court, their injuries were unmistakable: bleeding, swollen limbs, and other visible signs of torture. The police’s behaviour at the Magistrates Court was hostile. They blocked the advocates from meeting the victims, erecting barricades to prevent communication. This occurred on December 12.”

Sharing how the victims of custodial torture, even after being presented to the court, could not express their pain and abuse that they were facing, Advocate Jhondhale said “Earlier, at the police station, the team had gathered details of the FIRs and the sections under which the victims had been booked. In FIR 590, 27 individuals had been arrested, while in FIR 591, 5 were detained. The advocates requested that the Magistrate ask the accused if they had any complaints about their treatment in police custody. However, out of sheer fear, the victims did not respond. The advocates urged the Magistrate to ask them again, as there were clear signs of injury.”

“When the Magistrate asked again, they still could not detail their treatment, out of intimidation,” Advocate Jhondhale explained. This led Advocate More, his colleague, to argue against extending the police remand due to the ill-treatment the victims had endured. Despite the compelling evidence, the court granted two more days of police custody.

Advocate Jhondhale  stressed on how the conditions of the victims worsened during the next two days that they spent in police custody, “On December 14, the advocates appeared in court again, and by this time, the condition of those who had been arrested had significantly worsened. It was then that the Magistrate ordered the victims to be transferred to Magistrate Custody (MCR). On December 15, a Sunday, all of the victims, including Somnath Suryawanshi, were transferred to MCR. Later that evening, the heartbreaking news came that Somnath Suryawanshi had died.”

While dealing with the fact that Somnath Suryawanshi died due to custodial torture, the team of advocates was also tasked with ensuring that the truth of how Somnath died gets documented and fair procedure is followed. Advocate Jhondhale said “Arguably, had the police custody remand (PCR) not been extended so routinely, a life might not have been lost. The advocates, in their efforts to seek justice, were also directed to the Sessions Court. On the very day of Somnath Suryawanshi’s death, December 15, Advocate Jhondhale provided that they had urgently requested an In Camera post-mortem and forensic examination to be conducted on Suryawanshi not in Parbhani, but in Shambhajinagat (Aurangabad). To ensure this, the advocates had to take the issue of the alleged death in police custody directly to the District Collector at her residential quarters on Sunday evening. They presented the guidelines and cited a Supreme Court judgment to support their demand. As a result of their persistent efforts, the transfer was finally ordered.”

Speaking to the SabrangIndia team, Advocate Pavan Jhondhale was categorical that it was this proactiveness that mitigated what could have turned out to be a far worse situation on the ground. His timely intervention, alongside the efforts of his colleagues and the local community, played a crucial role in addressing the police atrocities and ensuring that the victims’ suffering did not go unnoticed. Without this vigilance and persistence, the situation could have spiraled into something even more tragic.

Notably it was the combined legal and activist efforts of Pavan Jhondhale, Vijay Kale, Mahendra More, Imtiaz Khan, Vishwanath Anbhure, Vijay Sable that ensured some semblance of return to rule of law, in Parbhani post December 10, 2024.

Demands for a judicial inquiry have been made by the local affected population since December 17. In addition to the violent crackdown, several of those who reportedly are either residents of Parbhani or those who were peaceful protesting the desecration of the Constitution on December 10 were arrested on false charges. Among those arrested was Somnath Suryawanshi who succumbed to injuries allegedly inflicted in police custody after he had moved to judicial custody. Speaking to Sabrangindia on the status of the Ambedkarite protestors arrested on charges of rioting, advocate and activist, Rahul Pradhan Pradhan revealed that 26 individuals had been granted bail by the Sessions Court on December 18 and were expected to be released soon. However, five accused remain in jail, though none of them are women or minors.

न्यायासाठी आंदोलन थांबलेले नाही.
परभणी येथे आजपासून “न्याय आंदोलन” सुरू झाले असून परभणीतील सर्व आंबेडकरी समाज पक्षभेद, मतभेद सोडून साखळी आंदोलन करत आहे.

मी ही स्वतः आज या आंदोलनात सहभागी झालो. जो पर्यंत मुख्यमंत्री फडणवीस दोषी पोलिसांवर खुनाचे गुन्हे दाखल करणार नाहीत, तोपर्यंत… pic.twitter.com/oXhhYGt0vt

— Rahul Pradhan – राहूल प्रधान (@RahulPradhan84) December 19, 2024

Opposition protests, growing public discontent with the state government

The custodial death and the sarpanch’s murder became focal points for the opposition during the winter session of the Maharashtra legislature. Members of the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA), including the Congress, Shiv Sena (UBT), and NCP, staged a walkout accusing the government of neglecting law and order. Congress leader Nitin Raut criticised the police and the administration, stating, “The interim medical report confirms police brutality. This is a gross failure of governance, and the government must act immediately to ensure justice.”

सोमनाथ सूर्यवंशीचा पोलीस कोठडीतील मृत्यू अमानुष मारहाणीमुळेच

कायद्याचा विद्यार्थी असलेल्या सोमनाथ सूर्यवंशीची कस्टडी डेथ पोलिसांनी केलेल्या अमाणूष मारहाणीमुळेच झाली. त्यामुळे सूर्यवंशीच्या मृत्यूला जबाबदार असणाऱ्या पोलिसांवर तातडीने गुन्हा दाखल करण्याची मागणी आज सभागृहात केली.… pic.twitter.com/a3wsZzZiD8

— Dr. Nitin Raut (@NitinRaut_INC) December 18, 2024

Speaking in the Assembly, Raut raised the issue of brutality against Dali women by male officers as well. He also took to social media and stated “After the desecration of the Constitution in Parbhani, the police administration took the precautions that should have been taken while this was happening. The police have lathi-charged Buddhists, Bhim Sainiks and those protecting the Constitution. The police have beaten up the mother of a one-and-a-half-month-old child in her house. All this is an outrage. The government demanded in the House to immediately register a case against the guilty police officers and take action.”

परभणीत संविधान विटंबना झाली यानंतर जो काय प्रकार घडला, हे प्रकार घडत असताना पोलीस प्रशासनाने जी दक्षता घ्यायला पाहिजे होती ती घेण्यात आली. बौद्ध लोकांना, भीमसैनिकांना आणि संविधानाचे रक्षण करणाऱ्यांवर पोलिसांनी लाठीचार्ज केला आहे. सव्वा महिन्याच्या मुलाच्या आईला घरात पोलिसांनी… pic.twitter.com/tVkzce2xwT

— Dr. Nitin Raut (@NitinRaut_INC) December 19, 2024

Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Ambadas Danve expressed similar concerns, emphasising that the right to protest was being suppressed under the current regime. Congress MLA Nana Patole argued that the government’s mismanagement of the Parbhani violence and the Beed murder had heightened tensions across the state. Speaker Rahul Narwekar, however, rejected an adjournment motion to discuss these issues immediately, stating that the matter would be taken up later, leading to further outrage among opposition members.

The dual tragedies have led to mounting public anger, with activists, residents, and political leaders demanding accountability. In Parbhani, local residents staged protests alleging that the police crackdown disproportionately targeted Dalit communities. In Beed, Maratha leaders accused the administration of failing to address growing caste tensions.

Activists have raised contentions that the incidents highlight systemic flaws in governance, including police overreach, caste discrimination, and ineffective conflict resolution mechanisms. Opposition parties have called for judicial inquiries into both cases and immediate reforms to prevent such incidents in the future.

Protests and police brutality

The backdrop of these protests lies in the desecration of the Constitution on December 10, an incident that initially led to peaceful demonstrations by Ambedkarite groups. However, according to reports of eye-witnesses from the ground, these protests escalated into violence—an outcome many believe stemmed from law enforcement’s deliberate inaction. Advocate and  activist Rahul Pradhan, who has been on the ground in Parbhani since the incident, told SabrangIndia that the narrative pushed by the police does not reflect the truth. According to Pradhan, the Ambedkarite protests were entirely peaceful and concluded amicably after discussions between protest leaders—including activists Vijay Wakode, Sudhir Salve, and Ravi Kamble—and the police. He emphasised that the violence that later unfolded was not instigated by Ambedkarites but by unknown outsiders who engaged in arson, rioting, and stone pelting while the police stood by as passive onlookers.

Pradhan accused the police of enabling the violence, alleging that law enforcement allowed the hooligans to wreak havoc unchecked for hours. He noted that it wasn’t until the late evening of December 11 that the police began arresting individuals—but shockingly, their focus was on Ambedkarite activists who had peacefully protested rather than the actual perpetrators of the violence. “It seemed as if the police had an agenda, some instructions from above, and they were working according to it,” Pradhan stated.

The arrests of Ambedkarites were part of what Pradhan described as a targeted “combing operation” in Dalit and Buddhist-majority settlements. Such operations typically involve searching areas for individuals accused of cognisable offences, but in this case, the execution was brutal and indiscriminate. Pradhan and other activists recounted chilling accounts of police brutality during these raids, with men, women, and even children reportedly beaten savagely.

The horrors inflicted on these communities are deeply disturbing. Women were not spared, with male police officers allegedly assaulting them in particularly degrading and inhumane ways. Pradhan narrated the ordeal of a woman who had delivered a baby just a month prior—she was reportedly beaten without mercy. In another instance, police officers allegedly grabbed a woman by her hair, stood on her thighs, and struck her with sticks. Independent journalist Sharmistha Bhosale, who has been documenting the aftermath, shared harrowing images of the victims, corroborating these allegations of police excesses.

Rahul Pradhan’s accounts lay bare a grim reality: these raids were not about maintaining law and order but appeared to target Dalit and Buddhist communities in a manner that suggests systemic bias and state complicity. The violence unleashed by the police has left these communities traumatised, with many continuing to demand accountability and justice for the atrocities they endured. Suryawanshi’s death and the events that followed stand as a stark reminder of the deep-seated inequalities and institutional failures that plague the justice system in India. The outrage and protests sweeping Maharashtra are not just calls for justice for one man but a cry against the entrenched caste-based oppression and unchecked state violence that has gone on for far too long.

Sharmistha Bhosale, an independent journalist, also reporting from Parbhani, also shared her perspective with SabrangIndia, expressing deep anguish over the brutality inflicted upon the Dalit community, particularly women. “The way these people, especially the women, have been brutalised is beyond imagination. The targeted individuals are daily wage workers. Male police officers have, with impunity, used excessive force against Ambedkarites. Would male police inflict such gendered violence on women, even older women without the impunity born of political protection,” she asked. Sharmistha Bhosale shared exclusive photographs from Parbhani with Sabrangindia.

Advocate and activist Rahul Pradhan raised serious questions about the conduct of the police and their one-sided investigation into the Parbhani incident. According to Pradhan, the authorities are deliberately diverting attention away from the desecration of the Constitution, which initially triggered the protests. “Why have the police not checked the CCTV footage from the area where the desecration occurred? Did the perpetrator drop from heaven? Why is there no investigation against him?” he asked, pointing to glaring omissions in the police’s approach.

Pradhan also criticised the government for its inaction against the police officers involved. He argued that the absence of suspensions, transfers, or any punitive measures suggests tacit state support for the excessive use of force. “Even after the death of one Dalit man in custody and allegations of mass brutalisation, the government has taken no action against the police. If the state were not backing the excessive use of force against the marginalised, why would it stay quiet till now?” Pradhan remarked.

Pradhan, along with other activists, has demanded an independent judicial investigation into the entire series of events in Parbhani, beginning with the desecration of the Constitution and its underlying causes. He attributed the act of desecration to a climate of hate speeches prevalent in the area. Additionally, he called for the registration of an FIR against the erring police officers, including charges of custodial torture and murder in the case of Somnath Suryawanshi.

The demands for justice—ranging from a transparent investigation to accountability for the police—highlight the systemic flaws in how marginalised communities are treated by law enforcement and the state. The Parbhani incident is not merely a local tragedy but a reflection of a larger pattern of oppression and impunity that continues to plague India’s justice system.

“They took my son’s life” says deceased Somnath Suryawanshi’s mother

Under the scorching December sun in Parbhani, Vijaya Venkat Suryavanshi mourned the death of her eldest son, Somnath Suryavanshi, a 35-year-old law student from the marginalised Vadar community. Speaking to BBC Marathi, Vijaya recounted the heartbreak of losing her son while he was in judicial custody. “They deliberately took my son away. They beat him up and took his life. Then they called me to tell me he was gone,” she said, holding back tears. Somnath had travelled to Parbhani to take an exam but was arrested by the police in connection with the violence that erupted in the city on December 11. The police claim Somnath died of a heart attack, but the family strongly disputes this, pointing to the autopsy report that lists “shock following multiple injuries” as the cause of death.

The violence began after the desecration of a copy of the Indian Constitution placed near a statue of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. Protests led by Ambedkarite groups culminated in a citywide bandh that escalated into stone-pelting and arson. Somnath, according to his family, had no involvement in the unrest but was arrested on December 11. He was held in police custody for two days before being transferred to judicial custody. By December 15, he was dead. The Suryavanshi family alleges that Somnath was subjected to severe custodial torture, with his brother Premnath detailing how the police “stripped him and beat him for days, trying to keep him alive with medical treatment until he succumbed.”

BBC Marathi’s on-ground reporting revealed accounts from Bhimnagar residents, who described widespread police brutality in the aftermath of the violence. Sudhakar Jadhav, a kidney patient recovering at home, claimed the police forcibly entered his house, dragged him and his son outside, and beat them ruthlessly. “They beat my son so much that his skin peeled off. The marks of their sticks are still visible on his back and thighs,” he said. Women in the area also alleged that they were assaulted, with one blind woman recounting how her son was beaten on his back and head. Activists from the Ambedkar movement accused the police of conducting targeted combing operations in Ambedkarite and Buddhist settlements, indiscriminately attacking residents, including women and children.

Rahul Pradhan asserted that the police “created terror” in these settlements under the guise of maintaining order. Vijay Wakode, another activist, accused the police of orchestrating Somnath’s death, alleging, “They beat him for two days in police custody and continued the assault in judicial custody.” Wakode himself passed away from a heart attack on December 16, adding another layer of tragedy to the unfolding events. Notably, Wakode had also been booked for rioting by the police.

Despite the mounting allegations, Special Inspector General Shahaji Umap dismissed claims of combing operations or misconduct. In a statement to BBC Marathi, Umap maintained that only individuals involved in the December 11 violence were detained and denied reports of police raids in residential areas. On Somnath’s death, Umap refrained from making further comments, suggesting that the medical report would provide definitive answers. There is however no response on the violence inflicted and injuries suffered by victims, evident from not just the post-morten but strong eye-witness accounts.

The Suryavanshi family and the residents of Bhimnagar continue to demand justice, accusing the police of unchecked brutality and systemic targeting of marginalised communities. This case has reignited concerns over custodial violence in India, with activists calling for accountability and reform to address the institutional impunity that enables such incidents. BBC Marathi’s detailed coverage sheds light on the devastating consequences of this alleged abuse of power, offering a grim reminder of the cost of silence and inaction.

Parbhani: Custodial death of a Dalit man

The unrest in Parbhani began on December 10 when a replica of the Indian Constitution placed near a statue of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar was vandalised. The desecration led to widespread protests by Dalit organisations, culminating in violence and clashes with the police on December 11. Incidents of stone-pelting and arson were reported, prompting the police to arrest several individuals. Among those arrested was 35-year-old Dalit law student Somnath Suryawanshi, who had reportedly returned to Parbhani to appear for an exam.

Somnath was taken into police custody on December 12 and subsequently transferred to judicial custody after having spent two days in police custody. On December 15, he complaint of chest pain, and when taken to the hospital was declared dead, with an interim postmortem report stating that the cause of death was “shock following multiple injuries.” His family alleged that he was subjected to severe custodial torture, with his brother, Premnath Suryawanshi, stating, “Somnath had nothing to do with the protests. He was beaten for days until he succumbed to his injuries.” Activists have accused the police of targeting Dalit settlements in the aftermath of the protests against the desecration of the Constitution, claiming that innocent people, including women and children, were subjected to violence during combing operations.

Detailed report on the same may be read here.

Beed: Murder of a Maratha sarpanch raises caste tensions

In Massejeog village of Beed district, the kidnapping and murder of Maratha sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh on December 9 has also caused significant unrest. Deshmukh, known for his leadership in the Maratha community, was allegedly killed in a caste-related dispute. The prime accused, Vishnu Chate, belongs to the OBC-Vanjari community, which has historically been at odds with the Marathas over issues such as reservation and local dominance.

As per multiple reports, Deshmukh’s body was discovered on the highway, and initial reports suggested he was tortured before being killed. Opposition leaders criticised the delay in apprehending the main accused, with NCP MLA Sandeep Kshirsagar noting that despite an extortion case being filed, no murder charges had been officially registered. BJP MLA Namita Mundada from Kaij described Deshmukh as a respected community leader whose death had shocked the region.

Custodial Violence in Parbhani: Tragedy and allegations of police brutality

The custodial death of 35-year-old Dalit youth Somnath Suryawanshi in Parbhani and the kidnapping and murder of Maratha sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh in Beed have triggered widespread condemnation from various political parties, Dalit organisations, and social groups. Both incidents have exposed systemic governance failures and reignited debates on caste-based discrimination and police brutality in Maharashtra.

In Pune, the Matang Ekta Andolan and the Republican Party of India (RPI) organised protests in front of the district collector’s office. RPI leader Parshuram Wadekar called for an independent inquiry into the incidents and demanded stringent action against those found responsible. A Dalit organisation released a statement condemning police actions in Parbhani, claiming that the authorities conducted brutal search operations targeting Dalit youths and women after the protests. The statement read, “After Dalit youths agitated in Parbhani, the police conducted search operations and beat the youths and women. Action should be taken against those found guilty.”

Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) city president Prashant Jagtap announced agitations outside the Pune collector’s office, stating, “Both the Parbhani custodial death and Beed sarpanch murder reflect a breakdown of law and order. This government must be held accountable for failing to protect its citizens.”

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The post State-sanctioned brutality? Dalit communities targeted in Parbhani “combing operations”, women, children abused appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A purported video of the incident went viral on November 27, (Wednesday), which shows multiple accused people repeatedly beating up Jatav despite he pleads them to stop.

As per a report in the Indian Express, the victim Narad Jatav visited his maternal uncle’s home in Indragiri village on Tuesday evening, unaware of the horrific fate that awaited him. A long-standing dispute over a pathway and bore well had been simmering, and it finally boiled over into violence. The attack, allegedly orchestrated by village sarpanch Padam Dhakad and his family, was sparked by an argument over a bore well pipeline that Narad had removed. The situation quickly escalated, with the accused surrounding Narad and brutally assaulting him. Despite witnessing the attack, the perpetrators showed no mercy, stopping only when Narad succumbed to his injuries.

Victim’s brother Shailesh claimed that, “The land over which there is a fight is in our name. It is registered in the name of my mother, aunt and other family members. That bore well was made under a partnership, but they encroached on it. We protested before the authorities but nobody listened to us.”

However, Police arrived at the scene after receiving reports of the assault and later transferred the body to the district medical college for a post-mortem examination.

FIR registered against 8 individuals

Superintendent of Police Aman Singh Rathore confirmed that a case has been registered against eight individuals, including the sarpanch, under charges of murder. Four people have been arrested so far, according to Indian Express.

After the incident came to light, MP State Congress president Jitu Patwari wrote on X, “On one hand, the whole country is celebrating Constitution Day, people are talking about the ideas of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, and on the other hand, under BJP rule, a Dalit brother was beaten to death with sticks. Today, the BJP rule has become synonymous with exploitation and atrocities on Dalits. The state’s Home Minister is holidaying abroad, and the mafia flourishing under his protection.”

भाजपा की घोर विडंबना देखिए!

एक तरफ़ पूरा देश संविधान दिवस मना रहा है, बाबा साहेब अंबेडकर के विचारों की बातें हो रही हैं, और दूसरी तरफ़ भाजपा के राज में मेरे दलित भाई को लाठियों से पीट-पीटकर मौत के घाट उतार दिया गया।

भाजपा का राज आज दलितों के लिए शोषण और अत्याचार का पर्याय बन… pic.twitter.com/S2qrPecalF

— Jitendra (Jitu) Patwari (@jitupatwari) November 27, 2024

Moreover, while condemning the killing, former chief minister Kamal Nath wrote on X that, “A Dalit youth was beaten to death with sticks in Indergarh of Shivpuri. After this murder in broad daylight, it has been proved once again that Dalits are not safe in Madhya Pradesh.”

शिवपुरी के इंदरगढ़ में एक दलित युवक की लाठी-डंडों से पीट-पीटकर हत्या कर दी गई। दिनदहाड़े हुए इस हत्याकांड के बाद एक बार फिर साबित हो गया है कि मध्य प्रदेश में दलित वर्ग सुरक्षित नहीं है।

कोई दिन ऐसा नहीं जाता जिस दिन प्रदेश में दलितों पर अत्याचार की घटना नहीं होती हो।

भाजपा के…

— Kamal Nath (@OfficeOfKNath) November 27, 2024

The brutal killing of Dalit man Narad Jatav in Madhya Pradesh highlights the concern for caste-based violence across the country, particularly in BJP-ruled Madhya Pradesh.

Notably, Sabrang India in its previous report highlighted the rising violence with Dalits in Madhya Pradesh, The rising number of atrocities against Dalits, particularly in BJP-ruled states like Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh, paints a disturbing picture of India’s ongoing struggle with caste-based violence. Despite the enactment of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, the implementation of this crucial law remains weak, with high crime rates, low conviction rates, and inadequate special courts hindering justice. Uttar Pradesh continues to lead in the number of atrocities against Dalits, followed by Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, underlining the urgent need for systemic change.

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BJP-ruled states account for highest Dalit violence cases, UP on top, MP records highest reported crimes against STs

Accused of not voting for “free ration”, Dalit man beaten brutally in UP

Hate Watch: violence against Dalits fails to get attention

The post Dalit Man Lynched in MP: video shows Dalit Man beaten to death in Shivpuri district, Sarpanch, king held appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Background

The controversy surrounding Prof. Harijan began when he posted a critical message on social media, where he voiced concerns over certain Hindu deities, arguing that some religious figures perpetuate caste-based discrimination and superstition. His remarks quickly ignited a firestorm of online criticism, with numerous groups accusing him of insulting Hindu sentiments. The backlash led to widespread condemnation, and the issue escalated further when members of the university’s academic community weighed in.

Though Prof. Harijan issued a public apology for his statements, the response from the public remained largely hostile, prompting the university administration to take formal action. On October 3, during a meeting of the Executive Council of Allahabad University, chaired by Vice-Chancellor Prof. Sangita Srivastava, the council discussed measures to address the situation. In their deliberations, they concluded that any action by university personnel that could tarnish the institution’s image would not be tolerated. As part of this, the council introduced stricter guidelines for all university staff, particularly faculty members. These guidelines included the stipulation that all faculty members must seek prior approval from the Vice-Chancellor before posting content related to the university on social media.

Despite the official apology and efforts to resolve the issue, the matter took a more serious turn on November 14. Registrar Prof. Ashish Khare issued a formal warning to Prof. Harijan. The notice, which was based on the findings and recommendations of the Executive Council, advised the professor to refrain from making any further provocative remarks on sensitive issues like religion and culture. The notice stated that such actions, particularly those made on public or social media platforms, could potentially harm the reputation of Allahabad University. The warning also emphasized that continued behavior of this nature would result in severe disciplinary actions, in line with the institution’s procedural norms.

Prof. Harijan’s unapologetic stance

According to Mooknayak, Prof. Harijan remained unapologetic about his stance on caste-based discrimination and superstition. He emphasized that his critical remarks were directed not at individuals but at the broader social and religious structures that perpetuate inequality and marginalization.

“If religion and caste promote superstition and discrimination, I will speak out against them, and I will continue to do so. Receiving a notice has not deterred me,” Prof. Harijan stated firmly. He clarified that his views were not aimed solely at Hinduism but extended to all religions that, in his opinion, sustain caste hierarchies and exclusionary practices. “I speak against all religions that encourage discrimination, whether it is Hinduism, Islam, or Sikhism. My focus is on marginalized communities who remain excluded across all religious frameworks,” he explained, as reported Mooknayak.

However, Prof. Harijan’s criticism of religious structures is not new. Throughout his academic career, he has been vocal about the intersections of caste, religion, and social justice. His academic work and public remarks challenge the traditional norms that many in India consider sacred. The professor’s unwavering stance on caste discrimination and his refusal to be silenced by university authorities have made him a polarizing figure.

In the aftermath of the notice, Prof. Harijan’s supporters have rallied behind him, lauding his courage to speak out against the social evils of casteism and superstition. Many students and faculty members at Allahabad University have voiced their admiration for Harijan’s commitment to social justice, noting that his contributions to the academic environment have been invaluable in raising awareness about marginalized communities and their struggles.

Allahabad University’s formal notice, and Prof. Harijan’s response, have reignited a larger debate about the freedom of expression, particularly for academics, and the role of universities in shaping public discourse. The incident also raises important questions about the limits of academic freedom, especially when it comes to discussions that challenge deeply held cultural and religious beliefs.

As the situation unfolds, it remains to be seen how the university will balance the need to protect its reputation with the rights of its faculty members to express their academic and personal views. However, one thing is clear: Prof. Harijan’s resolve to address caste discrimination, superstition, and social inequities shows no signs of waning, and his actions will undoubtedly continue to provoke thought and controversy in the academic community and beyond.

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From Slur to Segregation: the language of abusive stigma, sketches concentric circles of rank exclusion for India’s Dalits

BJP-ruled states account for highest Dalit violence cases, UP on top, MP records highest reported crimes against STs

Untouchability and exclusion, absence of voice: Dalit situation 2023

The post Dalit Prof. stands firm against caste discrimination and superstition, defying university warning appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This decision by the Dhami government came shortly after the Yogi Adityanath government in Uttar Pradesh also implemented similar strict guidelines. In the name of preventing contamination of food by saliva (thook) and human waste, a new regime of surveillance is being put in place. Reports from Uttar Pradesh indicate that the Yogi government has vowed to take strict action against any eatery worker found to be an “intruder” or “illegal foreign citizen.”

At a function held on October 13 in Kichha, Udham Singh Nagar district, Uttarakhand Chief Minister Dhami stated, “Religious conversion, encroachment, land jihad, and thook jihad will not be allowed in Devbhoomi Uttarakhand.” Two days later, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath announced that strict measures would be implemented to prevent food adulteration. As he put it, “Recent incidents involving contamination of food items such as juice, lentils, and bread with human waste or other dirty substances have been disturbing and adversely affect public health. These incidents also harm social harmony and are utterly unacceptable.” Their statements were reported in The Organiser (October 16, 2024), the English weekly and mouthpiece of the RSS.

According to media reports, Yogi Adityanath held a high-level meeting with officials on October 15 to discuss these proposed laws. While supporters of these guidelines claim they aim to prevent any form of food contamination and ensure consumer safety, growing concerns suggest that these measures are likely to be misused against marginalized communities, particularly Muslims and Dalits.

These fears are not unfounded when considering the larger campaign surrounding a newly created pejorative term, “spit jihad.” Supremacist Hindutva-led campaigns around purity and pollution have further entrenched existing social prejudices, exacerbated stigmatisation, and fuel racism. Moreover, this deliberately and politically created frenzy around “spit jihad” threatens to weaken the broader movement towards equality and non-discrimination by legitimising casteist and communal reactionary forces.

The very term “spit jihad” itself reveals the underlying anti-Muslim prejudice driving these campaigns. There is no logical connection between the act of spitting and the concept of jihad. The deliberate choice of the word “jihad” by right-wing forces suggests a sinister agenda, as it perpetuates harmful stereotypes against Muslim and Islam and promotes communal divisions.

Islamic scholars provide a nuanced definition of the term jihad and the debates surrounding it, but the broader consensus is that the term refers to making efforts for a just cause. It has nothing to do with violence, nor is it directed against non-Muslims or a threat to the safety and well-being of Hindus. There is no historical record of Muslims, as a community, declaring jihad against Hindus. In simple terms, jihad means striving for a legitimate and just cause. In other words, it is a struggle against injustice and oppression. In a catholic sense, jihad has two primary dimensions. There is the outward jihad, which may be waged for a just and noble cause, but there is also the inner jihad—a personal struggle against the self. It is widely accepted that this inner jihad, aimed at purifying one’s character and conduct, is the “greater” jihad. Reforming oneself, striving to be a good human being, and purifying the heart is considered a far more difficult and noble pursuit than the external jihad.

However, today, in India’s vitiated political landscape, the misuse of the term jihad has been twisted to mean an unholy conspiratorial assault by Muslims and through that, by Islam. The Taliban and Islamists have not helped matters (recall the Bamiyan Buddha destruction in March 2001 following a February 26 order by Taliban leader Mullah Mohammad Umar)

Political Islam and Islamists have assisted in extenuating a growing Islamophobia world over. Some hawkish scholars declared the Muslim world a threat to the West, fear of Muslims began to spread among non-Muslims. With the help of a powerful propaganda machinery, myths were ingrained in the minds of many that Muslims are preoccupied with waging violent jihad against “infidels.” False claims such as Muslims increasing their population through polygamy, converting non-Muslims by force or deceit, or harbouring “nefarious” plans to revive the Caliphate by dismantling democratic and secular institutions have been repeated endlessly. Lies, when told often enough, can start to be perceived as truth. This is why even some liberals have developed an unfounded fear of Muslims.

The truth, however, is far different. For a vast section of silent, worshipful Muslims, the ideal figure for Muslims is the Prophet Muhammad, whose life is filled with examples of friendship and cooperation with non-Muslims. He often entered into treaties with them, and the Holy Quran emphasizes that His message is for all of humanity, not just Muslims. The Quran repeatedly underscores the importance of serving humanity, regardless of faith. It frequently mentions worship of God and service to both Muslims and non-Muslims in the same breath. History also bears witness to the peaceful coexistence of non-Muslims under Muslim rule, where they were allowed to freely practice their religious beliefs. Even Jewish communities, often persecuted elsewhere, lived peacefully during Muslim rule.

It needs to be stressed however that a violent and supremacist version of political Islam, spread in the Middle East and many other countries in which Islam is the accepted official religion has extenuated both the prejudice and the real divide. Besides, the misinterpretation and manipulation of religious concepts are not unique to Islam. Sections of Muslims, do exploit religious symbols to serve their own selfish interests. There are even instances of upper-caste Muslim men denying rights to lower castes or women within their own community. Similarly, there are Muslims who might misuse Islamic concepts and commit acts of violence. However, such anti-social behaviour is not confined to Islam. For instance, the Hinduism espoused by Mahatma Gandhi and that practiced by his assassin, Nathuram Godse, were starkly different. This shows that any religion can be misused, and it is unfair to view Muslims through a narrow, prejudiced lens as a monolithic community stuck in medieval practices.

Even before the rise of the RSS and BJP to political dominance they have been ideologically wedded to a Hindu civilization, a Hindu nation based on supremacy and the notion of the “the other.” These outfits, now in power have long since not only absorbed global anti-Muslim propaganda but have also redefined and weaponised it, making it even more dangerous. The global fear of Muslims, which began intensifying after the Cold War in the 1990s, was skilfully exploited by right-wing forces in India. Instead of challenging this harmful narrative, they embraced it to further their anti-Muslim agenda. Hindutva ideologues drew from the writings of Western anti-Islamic and anti-Muslim figures, repackaging these prejudices for an Indian audience.

The relentless injection of anti-Muslim rhetoric by the commercial and big media has proven to be equally troubling. Even a rational mind, once exposed to this toxic content over time, can become infected with hatred towards Muslims. Media, dominated by the upper castes, has played an alarmingly irresponsible role in perpetuating this hate. A case in point is a special show aired by a prominent Hindi news anchor, which distorted the concept of jihad to suit a Hindutva narrative. The anchor claimed that Muslims were waging jihad in numerous domains—economy, education, history, media, music, and even by influencing secular intellectuals. Additionally, the anchor alleged that Muslims were deliberately increasing their population to change India’s demographic balance and trap non-Muslim women in what has come to be known as “love jihad.”

The underlying message from such rhetoric is clear: Hindus are being told to “wake up” to the supposed danger posed by Indian Muslims –who could be neighbours even– who are accused of weakening the Hindu community in every sphere of life. The recent spit jihad campaign is just another extension of this ongoing narrative, which portrays Muslims as a threat to Hindu identity and culture.

This divisive strategy has found various outlets, including the repeated targeting of food-related practices. Take, for example, the Muzaffarnagar police’s recent order requiring shopkeepers and food vendors to display their names to avoid “confusing” Hindu pilgrims. While authorities claim there is no communal motive behind such measures, Yogi Government minister Kapil Dev Agarwal openly revealed the true agenda. Speaking in Agra before the Kanwar Yatra, he said, “During the yatra, some Muslims run their shops under the names of Hindu gods and goddesses. We have no objection to them running their shops, but they should not name them after Hindu deities because devotees sit there and drink tea and water.”

Although the Supreme Court stayed this order, declaring such policies inappropriate in a secular state, the underlying communal agenda persists. The spit jihad campaign, purportedly designed to prevent food contamination, is nothing but another attempt to deepen religious and social divisions. By pushing the idea that contamination comes specifically from Muslims, the campaign fuels long-standing anti-Muslim and anti-Dalit prejudices. In most of the viral videos accusing people of spitting or contaminating food, the perpetrators are invariably portrayed as Muslims.

For years, Hindutva forces have circulated rumours among Hindus that Muslims deliberately spit in food before serving it to Hindus. Ironically, in northern India, especially Uttar Pradesh, Sunni Muslims have also been brought up with prejudices of a similar kind vis a vis Shias! These divisive tactics have now today got a powerful supremacist state backing. Used to discredit the practice of inter-dining, a critical aspect of building communal harmony and the overall secularisation of society. Rather than countering such harmful biases, current communal forces are further demonizing inter-dining—a practice that Dr. B.R. Ambedkar had strongly emphasized as essential for bridging societal divides. By attacking inter-dining, which could help foster unity, the Hindutva forces are undermining efforts to build an inclusive society, promoting division instead.

Finally, the spit jihad narrative is less about food safety and more about deepening religious and caste divisions. By creating an atmosphere of suspicion and prejudice, these campaigns undermine the very foundations of India’s pluralistic and secular fabric.

The issue of “spit jihad,” often framed as primarily targeting Muslims, actually has far-reaching consequences for both Muslims and Dalits, as it taps into deeply entrenched social prejudices that affect both communities. Historically, the notion of purity and pollution, which is central to the caste system, was first imposed upon Dalits. The practice of untouchability, grounded in the belief that Dalits were impure, was justified by upper-caste Hindus through the lens of caste segregation. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar critiqued this social hierarchy, noting that the caste system fosters contempt, especially for those at the bottom. For Ambedkar, this was why Hinduism lacked the feeling of fraternity and community bonding, prompting him to convert to Buddhism as a form of protest.

In independent India, the practice of untouchability was outlawed, and the state was tasked with implementing measures to uplift Dalits, Adivasis, and other marginalized groups. However, campaigns like “spit jihad” represent a counter-revolution to these democratic gains. By justifying social segregation and reinforcing the idea of “purity” in the name of food safety, these measures indirectly revive old forms of untouchability, especially in relation to Dalits and Muslims.

This modern version of the purity-pollution binary is being repurposed by communal forces to deepen divisions, not just against Muslims but also Dalits. The upper-caste Hindu perception of pollution—historically linked to caste—now manifests in their reluctance to share food or dine in eateries owned by Muslims. This phenomenon is not new for Dalits, who have long faced similar discrimination. Many Dalit business owners conceal their caste to avoid losing customers, and the same applies to Muslim-owned businesses today, where communal forces push for a clear division between “Hindu” and “Muslim” food establishments.

Even today, upper-caste-owned food chains and eateries are more widely accepted, while those owned by Dalits or Muslims are viewed with suspicion. As a result, Dalits and Muslims often have to hide their identities in business dealings to avoid losing customers from upper-caste Hindus, reinforcing both caste-based and religious discrimination.

In this context, the “spit jihad” campaign is not just an attack on Muslims but a reaffirmation, negatively, of the social prejudices and hierarchies that have oppressed Dalits for centuries. Both groups are treated as impure and “othered” by the dominant caste and religious forces, perpetuating the same exclusionary logic. The division between “Hindu” and “Muslim” food shops today echoes the historical exclusion of Dalits from spaces and resources.

Recently, I visited the old city areas of Lucknow, specifically the old city area. I needed to purchase sweets for my relatives. When I asked my Muslim friends to help me with the purchase, one of them mentioned a sweet shop called “Maulana Sweets,” known for its reasonable prices and good quality. However, they cautioned that my relatives might not accept sweets from there. When I responded that it could be possible, my friend suggested taking me to a nearby Hindu-owned shop, named after a Hindu god, to avoid any potential issues.

This communal and caste-based discrimination in the food industry is an extension of the broader socio-economic marginalization of these communities. By reinforcing social distancing and fostering a sense of distrust, these campaigns aim to erode the gains made towards social equality, targeting the economic livelihoods of Muslims and Dalits alike. Such policies and campaigns don’t just seek to control hygiene or safety; they represent an insidious attempt to deepen societal divides along both religious and caste lines.

If we truly want to build a secular India based on the principle of fraternity, we must combat social prejudices. However, reactionary forces are moving in the opposite direction, with a vested interest in further dividing society along religious lines. Their measures aim to benefit upper-caste businessmen by excluding Muslims and Dalits from competition. This is why it appears that the true motive behind the BJP government’s decision to disclose the names of hotel owners and staff is to exploit the reactionary sentiments prevalent in society, ultimately benefiting their financial backers. Therefore, I contend that these laws are not primarily designed to protect consumer health or prevent food contamination. Instead, they are intended to economically weaken the already vulnerable Muslim and Dalit communities.

There is a striking irony here. While the BJP governments are so proactive in ensuring food safety for consumers, they make little effort to secure the rights of workers in eateries. Across the country, the conditions in hotels are deplorable. Visit any dhaba, and it is likely you’ll see a child working there. Child labour is rampant in many hotels and dhabas. Why doesn’t the government take serious steps to address these issues? Even more troubling is that most of the workers cleaning utensils are Bahujans. Their fingers rot from constant exposure to water, they are paid meagre wages, and they are forced to work long hours under inhumane conditions. Why is there no initiative from the BJP government to improve the welfare of these workers?

In conclusion, I would like to reiterate that the primary aim of these guidelines against so-called “spit jihad” is reactionary. Their main objective is not to ensure consumer safety or protect food from contamination. Instead, these policies are designed to economically marginalize Muslims and Dalits while intensifying the regime of surveillance. Not long ago, a campaign against halal food was launched by Hindutva forces to exclude Muslim businessmen, and these new regulations are a continuation of the Hindutva agenda. Secular-democratic and social justice forces must unite to oppose these divisive policies.

(Dr. Abhay Kumar is an independent journalist. Email: debatingissues@gmail.com)

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On October 17, the Hasdeo Arand region witnessed a violent clash that marked a grim turning point in the ongoing struggle between the indigenous tribal communities and the state authorities. What began as a peaceful protest by villagers against the felling of thousands of trees in their ancestral lands quickly escalated into a brutal confrontation. Villagers, armed only with wooden sticks, arrows, and axes, gathered to block the government’s efforts to clear the forest for coal mining operations. In response, over 400 police and forest officials were deployed to suppress the protest. The ensuing violence left several villagers injured, including women and elderly, as the government’s forces moved forward with plans to displace the indigenous population in the name of industrial development.

छत्तीसगढ़ के हसदेव जंगल में पेड़ों की कटाई का विरोध कर रहे आदिवासियों पर सरकार का क्रूर व्यवहार निंदनीय है। मोदी सरकार अदानी के फायदे के लिए पर्यावरण और आदिवासी समुदाय के अस्तित्व को खतरे में डाल रही हैं। #SaveHasdeo pic.twitter.com/2xQtgcn3pp

— Hansraj Meena (@HansrajMeena) October 17, 2024

This is from BJP ruled Chhattisgarh, where Govt is destroying Hasdeo Forest for Adani company mining despite opposition from Tribals

The great Animal & Forest lover Lawrence Bishnoi & his supporters are completely silent #LawrenceBishnoi

pic.twitter.com/GcpHZQs09y

— Veena Jain (@DrJain21) October 18, 2024

#hasdeo #savehasdeo pic.twitter.com/G2sglsmpwA

— Amitabh Patra अमिताभ पात्र అమితాబ్ పాత్ర അമിഠാഭ് പ (@amitabhpatra) October 17, 2024

पहले पेड़ काटो, फिर आदिवासी उजाड़ो, और आखिर में मुनाफ़े की खेती करो। भारत के जंगलों को कॉर्पोरेट्स के हवाले करके, आदिवासियों की ज़मीन पर अदानी के विकास की इमारत खड़ी की जा रही है! लेकिन मोदी जी, हम अपना जंगल, जमीन यूं ही परोसने के लिए नहीं बैठे हैं। लड़ाई शुरू हुई है। #SaveHasdeo pic.twitter.com/ZG7oEaG6p9

— Tribal Army (@TribalArmy) October 17, 2024

The destruction of forests is the greatest crime against humanity. #SaveHasdeo pic.twitter.com/S8nokdylRH

— Tribal Army (@TribalArmy) October 21, 2024

A clash broke out between the #Adivasi & the police of Chhattisgarh when the latter forcibly tried to displace the former for the Hasdeo coal block project. #SaveHasdeo pic.twitter.com/QFA2tfflj9

— Sanjukta Choudhury (@SanjuktaChoudh5) October 18, 2024

Stop Adani. Save our Planet.

Hasdeo Forest, Chhattisgarh.#SaveHasdeo pic.twitter.com/hwPej2lb9O

— Licypriya Kangujam (@LicypriyaK) October 14, 2024

This violent crackdown is emblematic of the larger struggle that has been unfolding in Hasdeo Arand. The local tribal communities have consistently opposed the mining project, fearing displacement and the irreversible destruction of their environment. But their peaceful resistance has been met with violence, as the state continues to prioritise corporate profits over the rights and livelihoods of its most vulnerable citizens.

The environmental toll of capitalist expansion

The Hasdeo Arand forest is one of India’s last remaining contiguous forest blocks, home to diverse flora and fauna, including several endangered species. Despite its ecological importance, the Chhattisgarh government has sanctioned extensive coal mining operations in the region. Among the most controversial projects is the Parsa coal block, awarded to Rajasthan Rajya Vidyut Utpadan Nigam Limited (RRVUNL), and set to be developed by Adani Enterprises. The planned felling of nearly 5,000 trees across six villages in the Surguja district has sparked widespread protests from the local tribal population, environmental activists, and opposition leaders.

The destruction of Hasdeo Arand would not only decimate its rich biodiversity but also disrupt the delicate environmental balance that this forest maintains. The mining operations will lead to deforestation, soil degradation, water pollution, and loss of habitat for numerous species, pushing them closer to extinction. The government’s justification for this environmental degradation—fuelled by promises of economic growth and job creation—rings hollow when the long-term costs are considered. In reality, the destruction of the Hasdeo Arand forest exemplifies a reckless, profit-driven development model that prioritises short-term capitalist gains over sustainable ecological and social well-being.

Corporate-driven displacement and the betrayal of tribal rights

The government’s pro-corporate stance becomes even more glaring when viewed through the lens of the indigenous communities living in and around Hasdeo Arand. For centuries, these tribal communities have depended on the forest for their sustenance, practicing traditional agriculture and foraging for forest produce. The government’s decision to allow mining operations in their ancestral lands amounts to a violation of their constitutional rights, particularly under the Fifth Schedule, which is meant to protect tribal lands from exploitation. (Detailed report may be read here.)

In a chilling display of state-sponsored repression, violence erupted on October 17 when tribal villagers attempted to prevent authorities from cutting down trees near the Fatehpur and Sali villages. The heavy-handed response of the state, which deployed 400 police and forest department personnel, escalated tensions as villagers armed with wooden sticks, arrows, and axes clashed with security forces. Multiple protesters and police officers were injured in the melee, with one constable, Bholaram Rajwade, allegedly suffering a serious leg injury after being struck by an arrow.

While the state maintains that the villagers initiated the violence, the fact remains that the government’s decision to use force against peaceful protesters, whose only demand is to protect their land and livelihood, exemplifies the growing trend of suppressing dissent. Opposition leader Rahul Gandhi sharply criticised the BJP government for using violent means to “embezzle” the forest and land from the tribals, reminding the public that a resolution passed by the previous Congress government had pledged to protect the Hasdeo forest.

“The attempt to forcibly embezzle the forest and land of the tribals through violent use of police force in Hasdeo Aranya is a violation of the fundamental rights of the tribals. During the Congress government in Chhattisgarh, a resolution was unanimously passed in the Assembly not to cut the Hasdeo forest – ‘unanimous’ means the combined consent of the opposition, i.e. the BJP too. But, as soon as they came into government, they neither remembered this proposal nor the plight and rights of these original inhabitants of Hasdeo,” Gandhi wrote on X.

 A pro-capitalist agenda at the expense of people and the environment

At the heart of the Hasdeo crisis is a troubling pro-capitalist agenda that has come to define the current Indian government’s policies. The government’s willingness to greenlight mining operations, even in ecologically sensitive areas like Hasdeo Arand, reflects its prioritisation of corporate profits over environmental and social justice. The Adani Group, which stands to benefit immensely from the mining project, has become emblematic of the cosy relationship between the state and powerful industrialists. This alliance between the state and corporate interests has marginalised the indigenous communities who are being forced off their lands in the name of “development.”

Critics of the government, including Priyanka Gandhi, have accused the BJP of blatantly siding with powerful industrialists like Adani while ignoring the fundamental rights of tribal communities. “The tribals, who have been the owners of the forests for centuries, are being evicted so that Adani ji’s mines can operate,” Priyanka Gandhi remarked, encapsulating the sentiment of many who see this as a stark betrayal of the tribal population. This statement underscores the larger issue at hand: the systematic displacement of marginalised communities to serve the interests of corporate elites.

Hasdeo Arand is not an isolated case. Across India, similar patterns of land grabs, environmental destruction, and suppression of dissent are emerging as the government pushes forward with its capitalist agenda. In doing so, it is sacrificing the rights of indigenous people, the environment, and future generations for short-term corporate profits. By pursuing mining projects in such ecologically fragile and culturally significant areas, the government is signalling that its development agenda is driven by profits rather than by sustainable, equitable growth.

 A struggle for survival

For the indigenous communities of Hasdeo Arand, this is not merely a fight for land—it is a fight for survival. The forest is not just a resource for them; it is central to their cultural identity, spiritual practices, and economic well-being. The destruction of Hasdeo would sever their connection to the land, forcing them into an uncertain future of displacement and poverty. Despite the overwhelming odds, these communities remain resolute in their opposition to mining, drawing strength from a growing movement of environmental activists and social justice advocates who are rallying to their cause.

Yet, the government’s response has been to crush this resistance through force, rather than engage in meaningful dialogue. As per the report of The Indian Express, the violent suppression of dissent in Hasdeo Arand, much like in other parts of India, reflects a broader authoritarian trend under the current government. By prioritising capitalist interests over people’s rights, the government is eroding democratic spaces and undermining the rule of law.

The Hasdeo Arand crisis is emblematic of a larger struggle playing out across India, where local communities, backed by environmentalists, are fighting to protect their lands from the onslaught of capitalist expansion. The state’s alignment with corporate interests, particularly with industrialists like Adani, is indicative of a governance model that prioritises profit over people. As this pattern continues, it raises serious questions about the government’s commitment to sustainable development, social equity, and democratic governance.

The destruction of Hasdeo Arand, should it proceed, will have far-reaching consequences—not just for the environment and the tribal communities who call it home, but for India’s future as a democratic nation. The battle for Hasdeo Arand is not just a local issue; it is a microcosm of the struggle between people and profit, nature and industry, democracy and authoritarianism.

The road ahead may be fraught with challenges, but the resilience of the tribal communities and their allies suggests that this fight is far from over. Hasdeo Arand has become a symbol of resistance, a beacon of hope for all those who stand against the unchecked greed of capitalist expansion. Whether the government will listen, or continue down this destructive path, remains to be seen—but for now, the fight to save Hasdeo Arand continues, driven by the unyielding determination of its people.

Related:

Chhattisgarh: Why we must save the Hasdeo Aranya Forest

Jhansi tribals had to borrow at 5% per month to build houses under PM Awas

Not livable in summer, Chitrakut PM-Awas houses ‘push’ tribals in moneylender trap

Odisha: Dongria Kondh Tribals Take on Corporate Goliaths to Save Forests

MP witnesses rising violence against tribals as BJP youth wing leader is caught beating an elderly tribal

The post The Hasdeo Arand crisis: Tribal protesters face brutal state crackdown while standing against felling of trees appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Among the attendees, Daya Shankar (name changed) stood out. He showed great interest in the subject and posed numerous questions, some of which were sharp and thought-provoking. He communicated fluently and was highly articulate and argumentative in his approach.

During the talk, I left the podium and walked toward him. He was sitting on a bench in the back row with three other students. Our one-on-one conversation continued for a considerable time. Eventually, the professor who had organised the lecture had to intervene, saying, “Sir, Daya Shankar’s questions are endless.” Upon hearing this, many in the audience laughed. Although the formal session had ended, we continued our conversation outside the hall. Before leaving, we exchanged phone numbers, and since then, Daya Shankar and I have remained in touch.

Daya Shankar, an undergraduate student of English, belongs to the Marandi Adivasi group in Jharkhand, which is part of the larger Santhal community. The Santhals are considered one of the largest Adivasi groups in Jharkhand and West Bengal by population. “They have a legacy of anti-colonial struggles against the Zamindari system in the mid-19^th century”.

In addition to Jharkhand and West Bengal, the Santhals also reside in Bihar, Odisha, Assam, Tripura, Nepal, and Bangladesh. The Santhals predominantly speak Santali, a language belonging to the Austroasiatic family.

According to the 2011 Census, Adivasis, officially classified as Scheduled Tribes (ST), make up 26.3% of the population in Jharkhand, compared to 8.3% at the national level. Around 8.6 million Adivasis live in Jharkhand, comprising 32 different ST groups. Jharkhand has the 12th largest tribal population in India, with significant concentrations in districts like Simdega, West Singhbhum, Khunti, and Dumka. The Santhal Pargana division, which borders West Bengal, has a higher Muslim population at 22%, compared to the state’s overall Muslim population of just over 14%.

A few days ago, I wrote an article on the targeting of innocent Muslims in BJP-governed states, where their homes and shops are being demolished by bulldozers as a form of state punishment. I referred to these illegal acts as “bulldozer terrorism” because no provision in the Constitution or any law permits the demolition of a person’s home, whether they are accused or convicted, as a collective punishment. Human rights organisations have already documented the gross violations occurring in BJP-ruled states, where large numbers of Muslims have been forcibly rendered homeless. Recently, the Supreme Court has also spoken out against these bulldozer actions, placing a stay on them.

In hearing several petitions related to these demolitions, the apex court emphasized that India, as a secular country, cannot allow discrimination based on religion. The court also mentioned that it would soon issue nationwide guidelines to prevent such actions.

In this context, I wrote my article and shared it with my friends. Daya Shankar was one of the first to respond, offering criticism of both my work and my approach. Showing little concern for the bulldozer demolitions, Daya Shankar’s broader argument was that Muslims are the aggressors and that they refer to Hindus, including myself, as “kafirs.”

He went on to claim that my writings are often “pro-Muslim,” while, in his view, Muslims are exploiting Adivasi lands in Jharkhand and forcibly converting them to Islam. He also accused me of being “less concerned” about Adivasi issues and of prioritizing Muslims as the only minority group. Daya Shankar, an Adivasi student, further remarked that Islam fosters terrorism. In response to his comments and questions, I promised him I would address his points in writing.

I believe Daya Shankar’s opinion is largely shaped by the dominant Islamophobic discourse in the state. In the upcoming Jharkhand Assembly Elections, the BJP is playing the communal card, attempting to fracture Adivasi and Muslim unity to secure votes. Communal forces, with the support of the media, are constructing a narrative that Bangladeshi and Rohingya Muslim infiltrators are encroaching on Adivasi lands in the Santhal region and converting Adivasis to Islam through coercive methods, including the so-called ‘Love Jihad.’

Even Prime Minister Narendra Modi has raised this issue at electoral rallies in Jharkhand, raising the specter of Muslim infiltrators taking over Santhal tribal lands. At a recent rally in Jamshedpur, the Prime Minister made baseless and highly communal remarks aimed at polarizing voters along religious lines: “Infiltrators entering the state is a big issue… The state high court recently instituted an inquiry by an independent panel into such incidents. But the JMM government here is not ready to accept that illegal immigration is taking place in Jharkhand. In Santhal Pargana and Kolhan, infiltration by Bangladeshis and Rohingyas is a big threat. The identity and demography of this region is changing very fast” (The Economic Times, September 15).

What follows is my commentary on Daya Shankar’s criticisms of my work. I am choosing to share my reply publicly because of the growing anti-Muslim sentiment in the Adivasi regions of Jharkhand. For a long time, the Hindu Right has been working to create divisions between Adivasi and minority communities, such as Christians and Muslims. I fear that the poison of anti-Muslim hatred, which has already pervaded caste-based North India, is now spreading to the Adivasi regions. A symptom of this is the way Daya Shankar has developed a prejudice against Muslims. His questions do reflect this prejudice.

Daya Shankar: It seems like you have a strong affinity for Muslims, sir. I’ve noticed many of your posts tend to support or express sympathy toward them. Why is that?

Abhay: What’s wrong with having a strong affinity for Muslims? Would you deny the fact that India is a home to people of multiple religions and faiths? A large number of people who don’t follow any institutionalized religion are no less Indian. Take the Adivasi community, to which you belong, as an example. I have seen with my own eyes that rigidity about religious practices is least found among the Adivasi community. Unlike members of institutionalised religions, they hardly fight over religious structures. Similarly, there is no history of bloodshed over the correct interpretation of a holy text.

There are also groups of atheists who deny the existence of God and don’t accept that God is outside history. They, too, are equal citizens of India, and our Constitution grants them formal equality. But a negative trend is emerging in India with the rise of the Hindu Right, where a particular religious community is seen as the true Indians and loyal sons of the soil, while the rest—particularly Muslims and Christians—are viewed as belonging to non-Indic religions and therefore deemed untrustworthy.

The process of “othering” Muslims has a history of more than one hundred years in India. During colonial times, Hindu revivalist movements redefined the nation in terms of Brahmanical culture. When these revivalists realized that modern politics is based on numbers—put simply, that the majority community would rule over the minority—they sought to popularize Brahmanism by rebranding it as Hinduism. However, the upper-caste Hindu revivalists were only interested in tokenism, seeking to gain the support of the lower castes to defeat Muslim leadership and label them as “communal.”

It is true that our nationalist movement had many currents, including a strong secular one. However, Hindu nationalists managed to penetrate secular organizations and, under the guise of nationalism, promoted the interests of the upper-caste minority. In my view, the Partition of the country wasn’t engineered by any one leader. History often tends to cast one person as the hero and another as the villain, but we should avoid such simplifications.

Discrimination against Indian Muslims at the hands of the state is systemic. Governments have come and gone, but Muslims remain backward. Their representation in Parliament, legislative assemblies, and both public and private sector jobs is much lower than their share of the population, yet they are overrepresented in jails. They also suffer from communal riots, and their history and culture are not adequately represented in school textbooks. Even their homes are being demolished using bulldozers as punitive measures in BJP-ruled states.

Tell me, should we not demand justice for Muslims? Are they not equal citizens of India? Can our country progress if Muslims are kept backward? In a democratic and secular setup, no one should be discriminated against based on religion. If I have shown affinity for Muslims, and if my writings and activism have helped even a single Muslim, I would consider my life successful.

Daya Shankar: When a Muslim’s house is bulldozed, you express sympathy for them and their community. But don’t you also see how some Muslim extremists are mistreating and killing Hindus?

Abhay: Democracy is built on the rule of law. It cannot survive without secularism and respect for minority rights. Nowhere in a democracy is it justified to demolish the house of an accused or even a convicted person as a form of punishment. If I commit a crime, how could my family be made homeless? The law states that punishment must be proportional to the crime. For example, if I commit theft, I cannot be punished for murder. Numerous incidents have been recorded where houses and workplaces of Muslims have been bulldozed by BJP-ruled states as a punitive measure.

Human rights activists have documented that many victims of these bulldozer actions were those who had protested against government policies. The Constitution and the Supreme Court clearly state that peaceful protests cannot be suppressed. Dissent is a sign of a vibrant democracy. Yet, Muslims have been jailed, and their homes razed to the ground, simply for dissenting. How can anyone justify such bulldozer actions?

Well-known human rights organisations like Amnesty International have shown in recent reports that these actions violate both national legal procedures and international human rights standards. In most cases, victims were not given enough time to pursue legal remedies; their houses were demolished quickly, their family members beaten, and their lives ruined. The Supreme Court has intervened, placing a stay on these actions, and has promised to introduce nationwide guidelines to ensure no community is unfairly targeted.

Have I done anything wrong by speaking against bulldozer actions? You, as an Adivasi, can likely relate to this issue because Adivasis have been the most displaced people in the name of development since Independence. Whether it’s for dam construction, mining, or industrialisation, who is being displaced? We know the answer: it’s the Adivasis. Have you ever seen the houses of the rich being demolished? No, because they are powerful. Muslims’ homes are being demolished because they have been rendered powerless. These actions are designed to send a message to the minority community: if you raise your voice, you will be punished.

Let me make my point clear: a country cannot progress if any section of its society is mistreated or discriminated against. As a journalist, when I write about the issues facing marginalised communities, including Muslims, I am not doing charity. It’s the job of a journalist to highlight the struggles of the downtrodden.

As for your claim that Muslims consider you or me a “kafir,” that’s simply not true. Let me share my experience. I spent four years living in Sabzi Bagh, Patna, a predominantly Muslim area, during my graduation days. I never heard a Muslim call me a “kafir.” I’m not saying there aren’t a few Muslims who may believe this, but should we take them as representatives of the entire Muslim community? Likewise, many Hindus hold prejudices against Muslims, but should they be considered the spokespersons for all Hindus? I’m sure your answer is no.

I’ve even read the Quran, and it clearly teaches its followers not to disrespect people of other faiths, lest they, in turn, speak ill of Islam. The Quran emphasizes both worship of God and service to humanity, including non-Muslims, on numerous occasions. Islamic history shows that the Prophet Muhammad formed alliances with non-Muslims and advocated for fair treatment of all. Even during Muslim rule, with a few exceptions, minorities were protected.

I disagree with your unsubstantiated claim that Hindus are being killed by Muslims on a large scale. Show me any reliable source that proves Hindus are being persecuted. Yes, there are cases where a Muslim may kill a Hindu, or vice versa, but these are rare incidents. And in such cases, the law acts against the murderer. Your claim that Hindus are being killed by Muslims on a large scale simply isn’t true.

Daya Shankar: There is terrorism associated with Islam, and there are terrorists within the faith. I believe there is something fundamentally wrong here. Otherwise, why are so many terrorists emerging from just one religion?

Abhay: Terrorism is not connected to any particular religion. Terrorists can belong to any faith, or they may be atheists. There is no study proving that all terrorists are Muslims. Likewise, there is no reliable data showing that Muslim-run terrorist organizations are more numerous globally than those run by non-Muslims. In fact, Muslims are among the worst victims of terrorism.

If you examine the concept of terrorism, its definition is still not universally accepted. Historically, the image of a terrorist is dynamic. Someone seen as a terrorist today could be regarded as a freedom fighter tomorrow, and vice versa. Similarly, a freedom fighter in one country might be seen as a terrorist in another. Many scholars agree that the portrayal of Muslims as terrorists gained traction after the Cold War.

To truly understand terrorism, you need to explore its historical, political, and economic dimensions on both national and global levels. Viewing terrorism solely through a religious or cultural lens will not deepen your understanding. You also need to examine the link between terrorism and the arms industry. Ask yourself: Who benefits most from perpetuating a regime of insecurity?

Even in Adivasi areas, those fighting to protect their land and resources are often arrested by the state and charged under anti-terror laws. Do you consider them terrorists just because they are fighting for their rights?

I also disagree with your view that Islam is inherently violent. I have read the Quran many times, and nowhere does it instruct its followers to kill others. The core of the Quranic teachings revolves around the worship of God and the service to humanity.

Look at the life of the Prophet Muhammad. He always sought to build peace and avoid war. He only engaged in warfare when forced to, and even then, only in self-defense. Beyond self-defense, the Quran does not endorse violence. If you doubt my words, I encourage you to read the Quran yourself. I would be happy to provide you with a copy.

Daya Shankar: Are Muslims the only minority? What about Adivasis? Aren’t they minorities too? What have you done for the welfare of Adivasis and tribal communities?

Abhay: I have never claimed that Muslims are the only minority. Legally, minorities are often defined in terms of religion, and religion is certainly an important criterion. However, my understanding of minorities is influenced by the works of Babasaheb B.R. Ambedkar. In his small book States and Minorities, written around the time of Independence, Ambedkar offered a broader definition of minority. He argued that to consider a community a minority, one must assess its “social, economic, and educational condition.”

By Ambedkar’s definition, I firmly believe that Adivasis are a minority. Government data consistently shows that Adivasis are lagging behind on almost every development index. Worse still, misguided development policies have severely impacted their lives, livelihoods, and cultures. Their resources are being seized by the corporate-state alliance. Over the past 80 years, the demographic makeup of Adivasi regions has changed, with outsiders increasingly taking control of their resources.

However, there is no evidence to suggest that these outsiders are exclusively Muslims, nor is there any proof that Muslim outsiders have displaced Adivasis. Contrary to the claims of the Hindu Right, the history of Jharkhand shows that Adivasis and Muslims have shared a strong bond and lived in peace for a long time. In fact, most Muslims in Jharkhand are Pasmanda Muslims, who belong to the backward castes. The Ansari community, a large group within the Pasmanda Muslims, has traditionally been weavers, making fabrics for Adivasi regions.

Sociologically, Pasmanda and Dalit Muslims share many cultural practices with Adivasis, and there is no history of significant conflict between them. The rise of Hindu nationalist forces has injected the narrative of Islamophobia into this peaceful coexistence. The Hindu Right is eager to hold on to power in Adivasi regions to facilitate corporate exploitation of their resources. They understand that unity between Adivasis and Muslims is a major barrier to their political ambitions.

That’s why there’s a deliberate effort to create misunderstandings between Adivasis and Muslims. Weakening this unity not only undermines the prospects of secular parties but also opens the door for the Hindu Right to seize power. As defenders of the dominant interests in society, they often scapegoat Muslims, portraying them as a threat to the well-being of non-Muslims.

Daya Shankar: Adivasi lands are being grabbed by Muslim settlers, leading to the displacement and marginalization of the Adivasi people. What’s your take on this?

Abhay: As I mentioned earlier, the dominant forces in society often deflect attention from the real sources of exploitation by presenting Muslims as a threat. You’ve likely noticed that BJP leaders are focusing on supposed Bangladeshi and Rohingya infiltration in Jharkhand as the central issue in the assembly elections. Let’s assume for a moment that there is indeed infiltration from Bangladesh and Myanmar into Jharkhand. Should we blame the state government, led by an Adivasi chief minister, or the BJP-led Prime Minister Modi?

If foreign infiltrators are entering Jharkhand, what are our security agencies doing at the borders? Border security falls under the responsibility of the Union Government, which is led by Prime Minister Modi. Shouldn’t the focus be on what the Central Government is doing about this, rather than turning it into an election issue? There is no official data or statement to confirm this alleged infiltration in Adivasi areas.

I’m not denying that there could be isolated conflicts between some Adivasis and Muslims at the local level, but these are not part of a grand political design, nor do they pose a threat to national security. The narrative of Muslim infiltrators grabbing Adivasi land, abducting women, and forcing conversions is often amplified during election seasons to undermine the Adivasi chief minister and sway voters.

Daya Shankar: There have also been reports of Adivasis being coerced into converting to Islam. Will you ignore these issues?

Abhay: There is no credible evidence to suggest that Muslims are coercing Adivasis into converting to Islam. We live in a democracy—do you truly believe that, in such a system, a minority community could forcefully convert members of the majority? Have you met anyone personally who has complained of being forced to convert by Muslims?

If Muslims didn’t force Adivasis to convert during their rule before colonialism, do you think they are in a position to do so in post-independent India, when they are one of the most marginalized and discriminated-against communities? The media often spreads rumors about forced conversions by Muslims but remains silent on the long-standing efforts of the RSS to assimilate Adivasis into Hinduism.

If Adivasis were allowed to declare their religion in the Census, why is there no provision for this in a secular country? Have you ever considered that? Many Adivasis do not wish to be assimilated into Hinduism and are demanding official recognition of their Sarna religion in the Census. Yet, their demands have not been accepted. Isn’t this a more pressing issue?

Daya Shankar: Adivasi communities have faced violence, threats, and intimidation from certain Muslim groups. Will you deny these facts?

Abhay: As I mentioned earlier, there may indeed be local-level conflicts between Adivasis and Muslims. These situations can arise, for example, if an Adivasi is a landless laborer and a Muslim is a landowner—class conflict would naturally occur. Similarly, if a Muslim mason is constructing a house for an Adivasi, disputes over wages could happen. These types of conflicts stem from economic and class struggles, not religious differences.

I am not denying the existence of these occasional conflicts, but they are not indicative of a larger systemic problem between Adivasis and Muslims. What is often overlooked is the shared cultural and social realities between these two communities. Both Adivasis and Muslims are largely marginalized and underprivileged in states like Jharkhand, and both are victims of exploitation by the upper-caste elites.

There is no credible evidence or data suggesting that Muslims are the primary source of threats or violence against Adivasis. The bigger reality is that both Adivasis and Muslims face state discrimination and are victims of corporate exploitation. The focus should be on addressing these shared struggles rather than pitting one marginalized group against another.

Some Clarifications

Before I conclude, let me clarify that my response to Daya Shankar’s question is not exhaustive. Instead of delving into details, I have attempted to outline the broader issue. Some critics may argue that by addressing Daya Shankar’s case, I am unintentionally reinforcing the BJP’s narrative that Adivasis feel threatened by Muslims. To such critics, I would like to emphasize that I do not consider Daya Shankar to be representative of the entire Adivasi voice in Jharkhand. As I mentioned earlier, the Adivasi community is made up of several tribes, each with its own diversity. The BJP, too, is pushing the narrative of Bangladeshi and Rohingya infiltration more in the Santhal regions than in other parts of Jharkhand.

My aim in responding to Daya Shankar’s misunderstanding about Muslims and Islam is to highlight the larger communal discourse propagated by the Hindu Right and its media allies. In recent years, the influence of the Hindu Right has grown significantly in Jharkhand, and manufactured communal conflicts have become more frequent. My argument is that these anti-Muslim narratives are spreading quickly in Adivasi regions, and young people like Daya Shankar are falling prey to them. Therefore, the need of the hour is not to deny these negative trends but to actively work to counter them. We must highlight the shared cultural bonds between Adivasis and Muslims to challenge Hindutva propaganda.

I also want to clarify that this article is not intended to “educate” the Adivasi community about secularism and composite culture. I am fully aware of the limitations of my own identity as a Brahmin male raised in a caste-based society. My response should not be seen as didactic, but rather as a reflection of a particular moment. Nowhere am I claiming to teach Adivasis any lessons on secularism. On the contrary, I believe that Adivasi cosmology offers hope and wisdom for a society that is losing its way.

(Dr. Abhay Kumar is an independent journalist. His broad interests include minority rights and social justice. Email: debatingissues@gmail.com)

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