The victim, who had been married for just two months, recounted the traumatic experience. She asked people gathered there to give a phone to call for help, but was rebuffed.

In #UttarPradesh‘s #Aligarh, a 22 year old girl named #Sultana was eve teased and molested by half a dozen men in #DelhiAligarhTrain, when her husband raised objection he was beaten by the miscreants, and instead of arresting the eve teasers police arrested her husband.. pic.twitter.com/ZevbEXHqEx

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) November 15, 2024

The attackers even assaulted her husband with belts at Aligarh Railway Station, right in front of her and her in-laws. To make matters worse, the assailants threatened the victim with a gun. She alleged that a group of other people also joined in beating him up further.

People remained mute spectator, Police chosen selective action

The woman said that, “The goons began staring at me as soon as the train left Delhi. When I objected, they tried to touch me. My husband stepped in to defend me, but he was attacked. Despite my pleas for help, other passengers just watched silently” as Times of India reported,

Relatives of the couple soon arrived at the station and staged a protest in response to the incident. Following the public outcry, the GRP released the husband and registered a case at Aligarh GRP Police Station against the attackers. Police confirmed that one of the accused, Jitu Singh, a resident of Usmanpur Khandauli in Agra, has been arrested. However, three others, including Mahesh from Singh Kuberpur, remain at large, while two more suspects have yet to be identified.

Notably, GRP SHO Shailendra Yadav confirmed that a case had been registered following the victim’s husband’s complaint. The charges include Section 74 (assault or use of criminal force against a woman with intent to outrage her modesty), Section 115-2 (voluntarily causing hurt), and Section 352 (insult that provokes a breach of peace) of BNS, 2023. The couple, married just two months ago, had travelled from Delhi to Aligarh to attend a family wedding. The husband, who runs a clothing business, has been living in Delhi since their marriage.

Alarming rise in anti-Muslim attacks in Train

There has been a concerning surge in attacks on Muslim passengers on trains in recent years. This disturbing trend is exemplified by several incidents, including, in August, 2024, an elderly Muslim man was brutally beaten by fellow passengers on a train near Nashik district, Maharashtra, in September, 2024,  a group of Madrasa students traveling in a general coach were assaulted by two allegedly intoxicated assailants in route to Mumbai.

In July 2023, a shocking incident occurred on the Jaipur-Mumbai Central Superfast Express, where a Railway Protection Force (RPF) constable, Chetan Singh, fatally shot four individuals, including an Assistant Sub Inspector (ASI) and three Muslim passengers, near Palghar Railway Station in Mumbai Suburbs.

Related:

Uttar Pradesh: Where women live in fear

Crimes against women highest in Uttar Pradesh: NCRB 2020 report

Violence and assault targeting Dalits rock Uttar Pradesh

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Dhanteras celebration at Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya Dargah, Delhi

The Dargah of Sufi Saint Hazrat Nizamuddin in Delhi became a symbol of unity on Dhanteras, a Hindu festival dedicated to Lord Dhanvantari, the divine physician and the founder of Ayurveda. This day also marks the beginning of Diwali, the festival of lights. On this occasion, the Muslim Rashtriya Manch (MRM) organized a special prayer ceremony at the shrine, with the aim of fostering brotherhood and harmony among various communities.

Image: Hindus and Muslims lighting diyas and candle at the dargah of Hazrat Nizamuddin

The gathering was a beautiful representation of India’s diverse religious and cultural fabric, with people from different faiths coming together in the spirit of shared celebration.

Image: People offering prayers at the shrine of Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya 

The ceremony concluded with a collective prayer, highlighting the need for harmony, environmental consciousness, and the protection of communal assets. Through this event, the spirit of cooperation and goodwill resonated, reinforcing India’s strength in its unity amidst diversity.

Diwali fair, Syana, Bulandshahr

The Diwali fair in Syana, Bulandshahr, organized by the Muslim community, has become a shining example of Hindu-Muslim unity. Held annually at the Hapur bus stand, this event brings together people of all ages, fostering a spirit of inclusivity and mutual respect. During its inauguration, Sub-Divisional Magistrate Vandana Mishra highlighted the fair’s significance as a vital part of the town’s cultural heritage, emphasizing the unity it represents between the two communities. Despite the rising tide of divisiveness in the country, this fair continues to stand as a beacon of harmony, bridging religious and cultural divides.

As per ETV report, the fair has earned praise for its role in promoting communal peace, with Sub-Divisional Magistrate Kunwar Bahadur Singh lauding the organizers for their commitment to unity. In addition to Syana, similar acts of interfaith cooperation are seen in other parts of India. In Dhebadhih village, Jharkhand, Muslims help organize the Hindu festival of Kali Puja, working side by side with the local Hindu community. Similarly, in Varanasi, Muslim women from the Muslim Women Foundation and Vishal Bharat Sansthan participate in Diwali celebrations by creating Rangolis, decorating Lord Ram’s idol, and singing prayers for peace—continuing the tradition of Ram Aarti since 2006.

These examples of shared celebrations and collective efforts underline the enduring strength of India’s cultural and religious unity, transcending differences to promote peace and solidarity.

Hindu-Muslim Unity in Diwali, Bareilly (Uttar Pradesh)

Bareilly has long been a city where cultures blend seamlessly. Despite occasional tensions, the spirit of unity has always prevailed, with people from diverse communities coming together to celebrate festivals like Holi, Diwali, Eid, and Moharram, transcending caste and religion.

On September 30, during Choti Diwali, yet another beautiful expression of this harmony was witnessed. In Subhash Nagar, the threshold and rooftop of an abandoned house once owned by the Bassi family were illuminated with diyas and candles. The effort was spearheaded by Rashmi Khan and Samyun Khan, with the support of Nitin Sharma, Naresh Rajput, Akbar, Naseem Ahmed, Himanshi Sharma, Naseer Ahmed, and others.

The house had once been home to Anil Bassi’s family, but after his passing, his wife, Poonam Bassi, moved away due to her children’s jobs. Since then, the house had remained vacant. Every year, Samyun Khan’s team adorns the exterior of the house with lights, spreading festive cheer.

On Choti Diwali, they lit a diya at the door, and they planned to return on Diwali to continue the celebrations.

Spreading Joy to the Needy

Samyun Khan, president of the Ek Aas organization, along with her team, distributed diyas, decorative lights, and other festival essentials to those in need. These were families who could not afford to decorate their homes due to financial constraints. In addition to sweets, the team provided Rangoli materials, fireworks, flower garlands, and other festive items. On Dhanteras, the Janseva team distributed 3,500 diyas at Novelty Chowk, spreading light and goodwill to all corners of the city.

Despite the weaponisation of religious slogans and efforts to sow discord, India’s enduring tradition of interfaith harmony remains unshaken. Events like those at Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya’s Dargah, where people from diverse faiths gather to celebrate festivals like Diwali, stand as powerful symbols of unity. Hazrat Nizamuddin’s philosophy of serving every visitor, irrespective of their background, continues to inspire kindness and inclusivity. Similarly, the Diwali fair in Syana, Bulandshahr, and interfaith cooperation in places like Bareilly, Jharkhand, and Varanasi, exemplify the rejection of hate.

These events serve as a vital reminder to anti-social elements with divisive intentions that the spirit of unity, love, and religious tolerance will always prevail, with people standing together, embracing diversity and promoting peace over hate.

Related:

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Crafting Unity: Muslim artisan’s dedication to Hindu deity sculptures

The other side of Kanwar Yatra: Hindu-Muslim Unity

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CJP’s complaints emphasized that Chavhanke’s speeches promoted Islamophobia, religious intolerance, and harmful stereotypes. By spreading dangerous narratives such as “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and baseless fears of demographic change, he sought to polarize voters along religious lines, undermining the integrity of the electoral process. CJP urged the CEO Maharashtra to take immediate action against Chavhanke to uphold the principles of free, fair, and peaceful elections, ensuring that such hate speech does not go unpunished.

• Pimpri-Chinchwad, Pune [November 7, 2024]

On November 7, 2024, Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) filed a formal complaint with the Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) of Maharashtra against Suresh Chavhanke for his inflammatory and divisive speech delivered on October 24, 2024, during the Janta NRC event. In his speech, Chavhanke claimed that 10 crore “infiltrators” should be removed from India, citing alleged court support, and referred to Muslim politicians as “traitors.” He also made derogatory remarks about Muslim-majority areas in Pimpri-Chinchwad, calling them “mini-Pakistan” and “no-go zones.” This speech constitutes a clear violation of the Model Code of Conduct (MCC), which governs the conduct of political parties and candidates during elections to ensure fairness and a peaceful electoral process. Suresh Chavhanke said that “Now where did the figure of ten crores come from? Some journalist friends will be here. Some did not come here. But those are the two Namakharams of Hyderabad, traitors. Whether they watch anything else or not. They may miss a prayer. But he never misses what Suresh Chavhanke says at 8 PM.”

He further added that “Perhaps Hindus in India know me less. At that time, we were going from village to village. But friends I was telling you that defined. We won the court battle.”

“I know now. I asked when I was coming here, what happened in this place in Pimpri, Chinchwad and also Kundalwadi, Chikhli, Bhosari, Nigdi. No more Mini, no more Mini-Pakistan. There is a place in Mumbai. If you write the same name Pakistan, Pakistan on the postcard, still will reach there” he remarked.

CJP mentioned in its complaint that Chavhanke’s remarks were designed to stoke communal tensions by polarizing voters along religious lines and creating an atmosphere of hostility between Hindus and Muslims. By labeling Muslim-majority areas as foreign territories loyal to Pakistan, Chavhanke’s speech falsely portrayed Indian Muslims as a threat to national security and integrity. This dangerous rhetoric not only undermines the principles of free and fair elections but also perpetuates harmful stereotypes, portraying a specific religious group as outsiders and traitors.

CJP’s complaint to CEO Maharashtra on November 7, 2024 can be read here

• Ahmednagar [November 5, 2024]

On November 5, 2024, Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) filed a complaint with the CEO Maharashtra against Suresh Chavhanke for violating the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) with his hate-filled speech in Ahmednagar on October 20, 2024. In his speech, Chavhanke made derogatory remarks against the LGBTQ+ community, describing them as a propaganda tool aimed at undermining Hindu families and labeling them as part of “cultural terrorism.” He also made false claims about Christians targeting Ahmednagar for conversion efforts and stated that the phrase “Allah hu Akbar” was a supremacist statement designed to provoke Hindus. These comments were made during the Ahilyabai Holkar Anniversary celebration, a politically sensitive time during the election period.

As per CJP’s complaint, Chavhanke stated that “Men marry men, male marry male. A woman should marry a woman. Have you heard of LGBTQ? What going on is this? This is disinformation. Why should the family system be broken, while Hinduism and our Hindustan is surviving today beyond the thousand years reckoning of Islam. And if anything, the main reason for its survival is the Hindu family system and the contribution of women to it is the greatest.”

CJP’s complaint emphasized that Chavhanke’s speech not only mischaracterized Muslims, Christians, and LGBTQ+ identities but also promoted dangerous misinformation and hate. By injecting religious intolerance into the political discourse, Chavhanke’s statements violated the MCC’s guidelines, which are meant to ensure free and fair elections. His rhetoric fostered division and fear, equating the survival of Hinduism with the suppression of other communities. CJP called for immediate action, urging the CEO to address this inflammatory speech and its potential impact on the electoral process.

CJP complaint to CEO Maharashtra on November 5, 2024 can be read here

• Karad, Satara [November 8, 2024]

On November 8, 2024, CJP filed another complaint with the CEO Maharashtra regarding the violation of the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) by Suresh Chavhanke for his inflammatory remarks delivered at the Janata-NRC event in Karad, Satara, Maharashtra on October 22, 2024. Chavhanke’s speech, marked by Islamophobic and divisive rhetoric, directly contravened the MCC, which is designed to ensure a peaceful, fair, and unbiased electoral process. During his address, Chavhanke made several false and harmful statements, including claiming that Europe would cease to exist in five years due to a Muslim takeover, promoting the baseless conspiracy of ‘love jihad,’ and alleging that India faces a crisis with 10 crore “infiltrators” threatening Hindu culture. He further warned that rising Muslim populations would soon render Hindus a minority, stoking fears of demographic change. Chavhanke also controversially praised Myanmar’s Wirathu for expelling Rohingyas and highlighted the refusal to vaccinate them against COVID-19.

Chavhanke stated in its complaint that “What will be the biggest problem of India at this time out of which Love Jihad, Land Jihad, Waqf Board, Terrorism is the cause of all the problems, if there is any reason, then the growing population of Muslims are in India. You say this is going on with democracy, isn’t it? Democracy has increased it. “But the population ratio kept changing. Pakistan was given in the name of Islam. It’s time to give Pakistan again, many states were given, 9 states, Hindu minority in 2011. Census 2021 has not been done, if it is not done now, there will be minorities in 13 states. In the year 2048, it will become a minority. What is today 2024. After how many years, exactly 24 years. It will be appropriate for everyone sitting here to see 24 years” as per CJP’s complaint to CEO Maharashtra.

CJP’s complaint emphasized that Chavhanke’s statements were not only Islamophobic but also sought to incite religious fear and hatred. By linking the growing Muslim population in India to fabricated threats like “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and terrorism, Chavhanke portrayed Muslims as a threat to the nation’s security and social fabric. His remarks were designed to stoke fear of Muslims “outbreeding” Hindus, furthering the dangerous narrative that India was on the brink of becoming a Muslim-majority state. Through this rhetoric, Chavhanke attempted to polarize voters along religious lines, undermining the democratic process and the integrity of the election.

CJP complaint to CEO Maharashtra on November 8, 2024 can be read here

However, CJP, in its complaints, highlighted a clear violation of the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) and the Representation of the People Act, emphasizing the importance of political parties and candidates refraining from actions that deepen existing divisions or foster animosity between communities. Suresh Chavhanke’s inflammatory rhetoric, which included portraying the religious slogan “Allah hu Akbar” as a threat to other communities and making derogatory remarks against the LGBTQ+ community, sought to incite fear and mobilize support in ways that the MCC explicitly aimed to prevent. These divisive and hate-driven attempts to manipulate the electorate along religious lines directly violated the electoral code and called for immediate legal and electoral intervention. CJP strongly urged the CEO Maharashtra to take cognizance of the enclosed video, register a case against Chavhanke, the event organizers, and all identified perpetrators, and ensure their arrest for cognizable offenses under the relevant sections.

Related:

Suresh Chavhanke: The face of Hate Journalism

CJP moves NCM against Suresh Chavhanke for his Islamophobic remarks

Hate Watch: Suresh Chavkhane asks Muslim women to marry Hindu men

The post CJP moves CEO Maharashtra with three complaints over Suresh Chavhanke’s MCC violations appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The complainant, Ghorpade, had alleged in the complaint that this broadcast violated NBDSA’s regulatory standards, which are designed to prevent content that promotes superstition, glorifies the supernatural, or contributes to religious intolerance. At the heart of the complaint is Shastri’s self-professed supernatural abilities and his inflammatory statements regarding Hindu nationalism and other religions. The program, titled “Baba Bageshwar Exclusive Interview,” is claimed to have allowed Shastri to make statements without adequate disclaimers or counterpoints, which Ghorpade argues could mislead viewers and incite religious disharmony.

The following sections provide a detailed breakdown of the complaint, the broadcaster’s response, the complainant’s counterarguments, and the final ruling by NBDSA.

Issues raised by the complainant

Ghorpade filed the complaint on July 11, 2023, two days after the program aired, citing concerns over how the program presented Shastri’s controversial views without sufficient context or disclaimers. Specifically, Shastri claimed supernatural abilities, stating he could locate missing animals, predict elections, and discover hidden resources, such as diamonds, through mystical means. Additionally, he made bold assertions about converting India into a “Hindu nation” and used language that could be interpreted as inflammatory towards other religious groups.  Ghorpade’s grievance was that News18 India had violated NBDSA’s Code of Ethics by allowing this content, which, he argued, glorified superstition, risked misleading viewers, and potentially incited communal tension.

The complainant raised multiple concerns regarding the nature and content of the broadcast, which, he argued, contained misleading information and reflected bias. He pointed out that the broadcast painted individuals involved in a negative light without sufficient factual basis, potentially damaging their reputations. According to the complaint, the program failed to offer a balanced perspective, choosing instead to highlight certain narratives over others, which resulted in “sensationalism over factual reporting.”

The complaint cited specific examples from the broadcast that allegedly violated NBDSA’s guidelines on impartiality and objectivity. Ghorpade’s submission underscored that the broadcaster’s portrayal was not only inaccurate but was presented in a way that amplified a single viewpoint, neglecting alternative perspectives that were crucial to an unbiased understanding of the issue.

Broadcaster’s submissions

News18 India defended itself by emphasising that the interview with Shastri was live, making it challenging for the anchor to fact-check or control Shastri’s spontaneous statements. The broadcaster argued that the views expressed during the interview were solely those of Shastri and were neither endorsed nor supported by the channel. News18 India also highlighted that Shastri was a prominent figure whose activities had captured public interest, and, as such, there was legitimate news value in covering his perspectives. The channel claimed its anchor made efforts to clarify that Shastri’s claims were personal beliefs and not objective truths.

In addition to this, the broadcaster defended its editorial choices, asserting that the program had been created within the bounds of journalistic freedom and served a legitimate public interest. The broadcaster argued that its intent was to inform viewers about pertinent issues, and it claimed that the broadcast was factually accurate. Furthermore, they maintained that editorial decisions were made in accordance with standard practices, emphasising that the program was not designed to mislead or harm any party involved.

The broadcaster further cited its right to freedom of expression, insisting that its reporting provided a necessary platform for public discourse on critical issues. They claimed that their team had followed due diligence, presenting the story in a responsible manner. According to the broadcaster’s submission, the program’s approach was “consistent with the norms of ethical journalism” and in line with industry standards. 

The complainant’s rebuttal

In response, Ghorpade countered that broadcasters have a responsibility to ensure that the content aired on their platforms does not contravene ethical standards, even if made by guests. He argued that News18 India’s decision to feature Shastri—whose controversial views were widely known—without more stringent oversight, violated NBDSA guidelines. Furthermore, he contended that the program’s lack of sufficient rebuttal or critical questioning could lead viewers to accept Shastri’s supernatural claims as credible. Ghorpade requested strict action against News18 India to reinforce that broadcasters are accountable for the statements of their guests, especially when these statements are divisive or irrational.

Decision of the NBDSA

After carefully considering both the complaint and the broadcaster’s defence, the NBDSA ruled in favour of Ghorpade, finding that the broadcaster had indeed violated its standards. The authority concluded that the program “lacked a balanced approach,” a requirement that is integral to fair and responsible journalism. In the order, the NBDSA remarked that while freedom of the press is vital, it must be exercised with responsibility to avoid harm or misinformation.

The NBDSA instructed the broadcaster to issue a public apology to address the misleading aspects of the broadcast. Additionally, it directed the broadcaster to take corrective actions to prevent similar incidents in the future. “This decision,” the NBDSA stated in its order, “should serve as a reminder to all media organisations about the necessity of upholding ethical journalism standards.” The ruling made it clear that sensationalism should never replace factual reporting, and it emphasised the importance of presenting a balanced narrative.

The Authority noted that broadcasters have the editorial freedom to invite guests; however, this freedom is not without limits. NBDSA found that Shastri’s statements promoting superstition and making divisive religious claims were irresponsible and risked promoting communal disharmony. The Authority criticised the broadcaster for not issuing clear disclaimers and not challenging Mr. Shastri’s claims more rigorously.

As a result, NBDSA issued a warning to News18 India, advising against inviting guests likely to promote superstitious beliefs or socially divisive opinions. It also directed the broadcaster to remove the interview from all digital platforms and confirm this action in writing within seven days. The NBDSA stressed the importance of responsible journalism and reminded News18 India of its obligation to adhere to standards that ensure content does not mislead or promote irrational beliefs.

The NBDSA’s decision in this case underscores the vital role of media accountability and ethical reporting standards in protecting public trust. By ruling in favour of Ghorpade, the NBDSA has reaffirmed that journalistic freedom must be balanced with a commitment to integrity and impartiality. This ruling serves as a precedent, reinforcing that media organisations are responsible for avoiding sensationalism and presenting a fair, balanced view to their audiences. The NBDSA’s order not only addresses Ghorpade’s concerns but also sends a clear message to the media industry regarding the importance of upholding credibility and trust in journalism.

The complete order can be viewed here:

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The post Professor VK Tripathi: Inspiring Change with Science, Secularism, and Humanity appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Since November 7, Manipur has witnessed a series of deeply disturbing violent events, heightening ethnic tensions and plunging the region into further unrest. The recent murder of Zosangkim Hmar, a 38-year-old Hmar tribal woman, has left a traumatic imprint on the community. Attacked in her own village in Jiribam district, Zosangkim reportedly endured horrific violence—including being shot, raped, and burned alive by alleged members of the extremist Arambai Tenggoll group. Her brutal death has fuelled intense protests across the state, especially among Kuki-Zo women, who gathered en masse to demand justice and condemn what they view as insufficient action by the authorities. Meanwhile, just days later, another woman was shot dead while working in the fields in Bishnupur district, adding to the growing concerns over safety in conflict-prone rural areas.

In response, security forces have heightened operations in affected areas, leading to an exchange of gunfire with alleged militants, leaving 11 dead and injuring CRPF personnel. While the police are justifying their action under the guise of killing militants, the Kuki community is alleging that they were just volunteers. The violence has not only brought attention to the dire need for more protective measures but has also intensified calls for autonomy from the Kuki-Zo community, who feel systemically neglected and vulnerable. Amid the escalating conflict, over 60,000 displaced residents, including thousands of children, struggle to find stability and security in relief camps, where mental health concerns and substance abuse among youth are rising. Manipur’s prolonged ethnic strife has now reached a critical juncture, with affected communities calling for sustained governmental intervention to curb violence, protect lives, and ensure justice for victims.

Violent rape and murder of Hmar tribal woman sparks outrage

The brutal rape and murder of 38-year-old Hmar tribal woman, Zosangkim, has sent shockwaves through Manipur’s Jiribam district, intensifying the already volatile ethnic tensions in the region. Zosangkim, a mother of three, was attacked on November 7, allegedly by members of the extremist Meitei group Arambai Tenggoll. Reports from the Indigenous Tribal Advocacy Committee (ITAC) suggest that the attackers, armed with sophisticated weaponry, began firing indiscriminately at the villagers of Zairawn. As the villagers fled to nearby forests for safety, Zosangkim, unable to escape due to being shot in the leg, was left behind and subjected to a horrific ordeal. According to ITAC, she was raped and then burned alive in her own home. The gruesome nature of the attack has sparked outrage and calls for justice across the state. It is also essential to note that the attackers had also set fire to 10 houses in the village, further displacing families and escalating the violence.

Her husband has filed a complaint with law enforcement authorities, prompting the registration of a case. Due to limited forensic facilities in Jiribam, Zosangkim’s remains were transferred to Silchar in Assam for a thorough examination. The attack has been condemned by ITAC as an act of ethnic cleansing, with the organisation urging immediate government intervention to protect vulnerable communities in the region. The killing has not only deepened the fear and resentment among the Kuki-Zo tribes but also added fuel to the fire of the ongoing ethnic conflict between the valley-based Meitei community and the hill-based Kuki-Zo groups. ITAC and other tribal leaders have described the attack as a direct assault on the community, warning that such acts of violence could lead to further escalation if left unaddressed. The rising unrest has prompted protests, with the Kuki-Zo community demanding justice for Zosangkim and better security for their people.

PRESS COMMUNIQUE – ITAC
8th Nov, 2024 pic.twitter.com/jZUCN3w1RY

— Indigenous Tribes Advocacy Committee (ITAC) (@itacofficial) November 8, 2024

“There was a gunfight, and the village was attacked last night. Around ten houses were burnt. The villagers informed us about the death of a Hmar community woman. They have taken the body. Our forensic teams are on the spot. There is no violence at the moment,” senior government officer from Jiribam as quoted by Hindustan Times.

Protests and outcry from Kuki-Zo women against targeted violence

In response to the horrific sexual assault of the tribal woman, hundreds of Kuki-Zo women organised demonstrations, with major protests taking place in Saikul Hill Town. Led by the Kuki Women Union Saikul and supported by the Committee on Tribal Unity (CoTU), the protesters expressed anger over the alleged inaction of the Jiribam District Administration and security forces, including the CRPF and Assam Rifles, accusing them of failing to protect the tribal community despite previous assurances. Protesters carried banners reading “We Condemn the Brutal Killing of Zosangkim Hmar” and “We Demand Union Territory with Legislature.” Prominent leaders, like Ngahpi Chongloi of the Kuki Women Union, expressed their disillusionment with the peace agreement signed in August, which they say gave the villagers a false sense of security. The protestors vowed to continue demonstrations until justice is served and perpetrators are held accountable.

Calls for greater security and autonomy

In the wake of the brutal rape and murder of Zosangkim Hmar, hundreds of Kuki-Zo women organised large-scale protests to demand justice, accountability, and greater security for their community. The protests, which quickly spread across the region, reached a peak in Saikul Hill Town, where a significant demonstration was led by the Kuki Women Union Saikul and supported by the Committee on Tribal Unity (CoTU). The anger of the protestors was palpable as they condemned not only the horrific crime but also the systemic neglect they believe their community has faced. The protesters gathered in the streets carrying banners emblazoned with slogans such as “We Condemn the Brutal Killing of Zosangkim Hmar” and “We Demand Union Territory with Legislature,” calling for urgent government action to address their long-standing grievances.

The demonstrators accused the Jiribam District Administration and security forces, including the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and Assam Rifles, of failing to protect the tribal communities in the region, despite previous assurances of safety. Leaders from Kuki-Zo organisations expressed frustration over the lack of meaningful intervention, especially after the peace agreement signed in August, which they claim failed to bring the promised stability. Prominent figures like Ngahpi Chongloi, from the Kuki Women Union, openly voiced their disillusionment with the agreement, arguing that it created a false sense of security for the vulnerable tribal villages. They believed that instead of fostering peace, the agreement merely masked deeper issues of systemic violence and ethnic tensions. The protesters pledged to keep the pressure on authorities, vowing to continue their demonstrations until justice is served, the perpetrators are brought to account, and concrete steps are taken to ensure the safety and dignity of the Kuki-Zo community in the region. 

Saikul,Manipur

The ongoing conflict for past one year has led to horrific acts against Kuki women, including rape, torture, and murder, with no justice so far.

Today’s sit-in protest in Saikul,organized by the Kuki Women Union,demands justice for the brutal rape and murder… pic.twitter.com/dGJLBayKbz

— Harmeet Kaur K (@iamharmeetK) November 11, 2024

Violence in response of violence

Just one day after the violence in Jiribam, which claimed the life of a woman, a fresh attack took place in Manipur’s Bishnupur district, leading to the death of 34-year-old Sapam Sophia Leima. The incident occurred on Saturday morning in Saiton village, a region that lies on the border between the Meitei-dominated Bishnupur district and the Kuki-Zo-dominated Churachandpur district.

According to police reports, a group of armed assailants, believed to be from Kuki-Zo communities, opened fire on a group of farmers working in a paddy field at Lailampat. In response, Border Security Force (BSF) personnel stationed in the area returned fire. However, the situation quickly escalated as local residents, outraged by the incident, staged a protest at the BSF post, holding the deceased woman’s body and accusing the central forces of negligence in handling the situation.

Alleged gunfight between security forces and militants leaves 11 dead in Jiribam

On November 11, violence in Jiribam district saw another escalation when media reported that an alleged gunfight broke out between security forces and suspected militants, which resulted in the death of 11 Hmar men. As per the official version provided, the confrontation began when suspected militants, reportedly armed and dressed in camouflage, launched a coordinated attack on a police station and a nearby CRPF camp. Security forces responded swiftly, resulting in a heavy exchange of fire that lasted over 40 minutes. The clashes led to the deaths of 11 individuals. However, the official narrative has sparked controversy, as many in the local Kuki-Zo community and human rights groups question the accuracy of this classification. Two CRPF personnel were also injured during the battle, with one in critical condition.

Uncovering the truth of today’s incident at Jiribam district of Manipur by CRPFs.

Licypriya affirms that the mission was a success. The Hmar village volunteers were being assaulted and killed under the order of Meitei Police OC Sanagakpam Ibomtombi Singh.#ManipurViolence… pic.twitter.com/bA5GsbPktp

— Lianbawi (@the_singtangpa) November 11, 2024

#ManipurConflict #jiribam

Today the CRPF magically turned up to shoot “purportedly militants” who are Village Volunteers but remained mute spectators when the #meiteimilitants torched houses ultimately killing Mrs. Zosangkim at Zairawn.

Furthermore, the nearest CRPF post is… pic.twitter.com/sovweGqHnS

— Official KSO Shillong (@kso_shillong) November 11, 2024

The officials also provided that the violence did not end with the gunfight itself; the suspected militants had also set fire to several shops and homes near Jakurador Karong market and Borobekra police station. 

This additional destruction has compounded the ongoing crisis in the area, displacing locals and escalating tensions. Security forces have launched further operations to “flush out” the militants, deploying reinforcements from the Assam Rifles, CRPF, and local police.

However, the deaths of the 11 individuals have sparked outrage and growing controversy. While the state has labelled them as militants, the Kuki-Zo community and several human rights advocates have questioned this identification. Many argue that these individuals may not have been militants at all and were instead civilians or non-combatants caught in the crossfire. This recurrent issue of labelling deceased individuals as militants, without independent investigations or clear evidence, has fuelled deep mistrust within the affected communities. The state’s narrative is seen by some as a convenient justification for the ongoing military operations and the suppression of ethnic groups in the region. The calls for impartial investigations into these deaths and the proper classification of the deceased are growing louder, with demands for transparency and justice.

In response to the deadly confrontation, the Kuki-Zo Council declared a shutdown in the hill areas from 5 am to 6 pm on November 12, to “express collective grief and solidarity” with those who lost their lives. 

Despite efforts from security forces to regain control of the area, including additional deployments and increased operations, clashes and intermittent gunfire continue to be reported, particularly in the Imphal Valley. Tensions remain high as armed groups from both the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities engage in violent confrontations, further exacerbating the already fragile security situation. The ongoing violence, coupled with the controversial handling of the deaths, has intensified calls for a comprehensive peace process that addresses the root causes of the conflict and ensures justice for all those affected.

Mounting ethnic tensions and humanitarian concerns amid Manipur’s escalating crisis

Manipur has been wracked by ethnic violence since last year, primarily between the valley-based Meitei community and the hill-based Kuki-Zo groups. The death of Zosangkim Hmar and other following incidents have intensified these divides, as Kuki-Zo leaders have publicly criticised what they see as the government’s inadequate response to the escalating violence. While central security forces have been deployed, many local residents feel that the conflict is being treated as a mere law-and-order issue, rather than a pressing humanitarian crisis that requires a more comprehensive approach.

The Kuki-Zo organisations and leaders have issued statements urging the government to take decisive action not only for immediate safety but also to establish long-term protections and ensure justice for the victims of the violence. In a statement, one Kuki-Zo spokesperson stressed the ongoing trauma faced by their communities, describing the emotional and physical toll of the violence and urging immediate intervention for peace and stability. As ethnic violence persists in regions like Jiribam and parts of Imphal Valley, residents express fear over worsening conditions and call for stronger, more proactive government involvement to prevent future bloodshed and support conflict-affected communities.

The recent string of violent incidents has also highlighted the precarious situation for farmers in Manipur’s conflict-prone areas, as attacks and gunfire from militants have disrupted the harvest season, with many farmers now fearful of working in the fields. The mounting crisis has displaced thousands, destroyed countless homes, and left hundreds of people dead, with local relief camps struggling to provide adequate shelter and resources. As the conflict between Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities continues, the region faces deepening humanitarian needs that many fears may take years to resolve, underscoring calls for a peace-building process that addresses both immediate security concerns and the underlying ethnic and political tensions fuelling the violence.

Deep homesickness among Manipur’s displaced despite government assistance

The violence that erupted in Manipur on May 3 last year has left a devastating mark, with over 60,000 people displaced, more than 230 killed, 1,500 injured, and 32 missing. Among the displaced are over 24,000 children under 18. Many internally displaced persons (IDPs) are currently living in government relief camps, feeling the pangs of homesickness as they enter another month away from their homes. According to a recent estimate, Manipur’s population has grown from 28.56 lakh in the 2011 Census to around 36.49 lakh in 2024, reflecting the vast scale of displacement in the state.

A report of the Hindustan Times provided an insight into the mental state of the people suffering through this displacement. Lucky, a displaced resident from Moreh, now at Porompat Relief Camp in Imphal East, told Hindustan Times that the government’s efforts to support IDPs have been largely appreciated. He noted that IDPs and displaced students (IDS) receive essential aid, including free education in nearby private and public schools. However, he emphasised that the peace process needs to accelerate to allow IDPs to finally return home.

The psychological toll on children, especially in the early months of displacement, has been severe. According to Lucky, many children experienced intense trauma, often crying and screaming in their sleep with haunting memories of the violence, expressing fears like, “Don’t hurt us” and “Don’t kill us.” The HT report also provides that there is a 12-year-old girl residing at another relief camp in Imphal West district shared her lingering fear of loud noises, saying, “They remind me of the night of May 3 in Churachandpur, when we were fleeing, and my father was assaulted trying to protect us.” Despite the resources at her new school, including uniforms, textbooks, and transportation, she expressed a longing to return home.

Her mother added that the government has organised free health camps and mental health awareness sessions, which have helped all ages to some extent. However, her daughter continues to miss her former friends and school in Churachandpur, longing for a return to normalcy.

The All Manipur School Students’ Transporter Association has shown solidarity with IDS, providing free van services for those who lost parents in the crisis, while offering discounted services to others. Additionally, on October 31, the National Tobacco Control Program and the District Health Society of Imphal East launched the “Tobacco-Free Youth Campaign 2.0” in response to the observed rise in tobacco use among youth in relief camps.

Lourembam Suresh, an IDP staying in Imphal, revealed how the crisis has driven many adults to tobacco use as a coping mechanism. “If I had a job, I might be able to cut down,” he admitted, emphasizing the need for greater employment opportunities within relief camps. Chief Medical Officer of Imphal East, Dr. Lourembam Indira, confirmed that mental health professionals have been visiting camps regularly to help address issues like increased school dropouts and substance use among displaced youth.

Mental health and economic challenges: Government efforts and unmet needs

Deputy Commissioner of Imphal East, Khumanthem Diana, addressed the media, acknowledging the lasting physical and mental effects of the crisis on IDPs. As per the HT report, she stressed the importance of continued health and mental health camps at the relief centers, while IDPs have also benefited from free counseling sessions provided by the government. In support of displaced families, Manipur Chief Minister N. Biren Singh recently announced a grant of ₹1,000 for each IDP to mark Diwali and Ningol Chakouba festivals, with an additional ₹1 lakh in financial support for each IDP family provided in installments.

However, not everyone finds comfort in financial aid. Bijita, an IDP at Sajiwa Relief Camp in Imphal East, voiced a poignant sentiment: “I don’t want any financial assistance for Ningol Chakouba. What I want is for IDP women to return to their homes as a gift for Ningol Chakouba.” Recalling how both her husband’s and maternal homes were destroyed, she expressed a yearning to celebrate in her ancestral home.

The violence has cast a shadow over Manipur’s cultural festivities, with traditional celebrations such as Diwali and Ningol Chakouba largely subdued. Nevertheless, Susila, an IDP from Churachandpur now relocated to the Alternate Housing Complex in Langol, Imphal West, observed some improvements in mental health for IDPs in her new surroundings, where 269 people have been settled. “Last year, we couldn’t celebrate Ningol Chakouba, but this year we’ve received invitations, and many of us are ready to participate,” she said, hinting at a cautious optimism.

Yet, even amidst such hope, economic challenges remain a pressing issue for IDPs without government jobs or stable incomes. The government has ensured that essential supplies are available, but as Susila pointed out, the long-term absence of employment opportunities continues to weigh on many, according to the HT report.

Related:

“Leaked Intelligence report” on alleged Kuki militants entering Manipur from Myanmar sparks panic, later retracted by authorities

Manipur plunges into deeper turmoil amid fresh violence and drone attacks since early September

Manipur on Edge: Violent Clashes Erupt on the day following Kuki-Zo Protests Demanding Separate Administration, action against state CM based on leaked tapes

The post Fresh violence grips Manipur: Clashes in Jiribam and widespread protests after rape and brutal killings appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Each of the four instances reflects a serious violation of ethical journalism, highlighting the critical role of the media in shaping informed, unbiased discourse. The NBDSA’s decision to remove the broadcasts and issue stern warnings against the broadcaster is a reminder that media must operate within the framework of fairness, accuracy, and respect for all communities. This victory marks a step forward in holding broadcasters accountable for their content and ensuring that the principles of religious harmony, objectivity, and truth are upheld in every broadcast.

The NBDSA’s firm stance reinforces the importance of responsible journalism and serves as a clear message to all media outlets: ethical standards cannot be compromised in the pursuit of sensationalism or polarising narratives. The action taken in these four cases sets a significant precedent for maintaining the integrity of broadcasting and protecting the public from misleading and harmful content.

1. Order on complaint against ‘Operation Mazaar’ show broadcasted by TNN

Brief about the complaint filed against the show:

On June 27, 2023, Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) filed a complaint to with the NBDSA regarding a debate show that aired on Times Now Navbharat on May 22, 2023, titled ‘धामी सरकार का ‘ऑपरेशन मजार’, ‘गजवा-ए-हिंद’ की साजिश के किससे जुड़े तार?’. The complaint was escalated to the NBDSA after having complained to the broadcaster on May 29, 2023. The show, which claimed to provide an analysis of alleged illegal mazaars (Islamic shrines) in Uttarakhand, repeatedly used inflammatory terms like ‘Mazaar jihad’ and ‘land jihad’. The host suggested that these Mazaars were part of a larger conspiracy to change the demographic landscape of Uttarakhand, particularly in Haridwar, by linking them to a Muslim agenda. It was claimed that these Mazaars were built on government land, with the goal of attracting Muslims to encroach upon and settle in those areas.

The show had claimed that Haridwar’s demographic had changed by 39-43% without citing any credible sources. It focused on demolitions of Mazaars on government land by the Uttarakhand government, framing it as part of a broader effort to counter an alleged “Islamic takeover” of the region. However, the hosts and panellists presented these claims without any evidence or reliable sources to back them up, especially when talking about Mazaars in areas like Jim Corbett National Park, which were depicted as having been built in remote places with the intention of attracting large crowds.

The program repeatedly aired provocative phrases such as ‘illegal mazaars’, ‘mazaar jihad’, and ‘land jihad’, despite the News Broadcasting & Digital Standards Authority (NBDSA) having previously warned media outlets against using such terms for their communal connotations. The complaint highlighted the potential danger of fuelling religious intolerance and persecution by framing Muslim places of worship as part of a sinister plot to alter India’s religious and demographic fabric. (Details may be read here.)

Observations made by the NBDSA:

1. Factual reporting: NBDSA noted that the broadcaster had the legitimate right to report on the encroachment of government land, which is an issue of public concern. However, the broadcast strayed from factual reporting by using terms like “Mazar jihad” and accusing the Muslim community of changing the demographic makeup.
2. Communal narrative: The terms used in the broadcast, such as “Mazar jihad,” and tickers like “Mazar jihad ka mastermind kaun?“, reinforced a communal narrative, giving an otherwise factual issue a religious and divisive tone. This was seen as an attempt to stir communal sentiments unnecessarily.
3. Violation of Reporting Standards: The broadcast failed to include the version of the other side of the parties, in order to ensure that the reporting remains unbiased, which was a clear violation of the Code of Ethics & Broadcasting Standards, specifically regarding impartial and balanced reportage.
4. Previous Offense: NBDSA also noted that this was the second instance of similar communal colouring of a story by the broadcaster, particularly in the context of a conspiracy of government land encroachment.

Decision of the NBDSA:

1. Warning issued: NBDSA issued a warning to the broadcaster, stating that such practices would not be tolerated in the future, especially in case of sensitive issues. They emphasised that any similar violations would be dealt with more seriously.
2. Video Removal: NBDSA directed the broadcaster to remove the video of the broadcast from its website and YouTube, and to delete all associated links. The broadcaster must confirm to NBDSA within seven days that the video has been removed.

The complete order may be read below:

2. Order on complaint against debate show broadcasted by TNN

Brief about the complaint filed against the show:

On June 28, Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) filed a complaint against Times Now Navbharat over a problematic news segment titled “बाबा की सनातन शपथ…भड़काऊ पथ पर जमीयत! | Hindu Rashtra | Bageshwar Sarkar Vs Hasan Madni” which aired on May 22, 2023. The complaint was escalated to the NBDSA after having complained to the broadcaster on May 29, 2023. The show, hosted by Himanshu Dixit, centred around a speech by Hasan Madni and turned into a communal debate, where the host and participants propagated a divisive, Hindu-nationalist narrative. The show, as per the complaint, focused on a one-sided promotion of Hindu nationalism instead of presenting a balanced discussion, justifying the idea of a Hindu Rashtra and labelling India as always having been a Hindu nation.

The debate featured four participants: Vijay Shankar Tiwari (VHP representative), Mahant Raju Das (self-identified Hindu saint), Atiq-ur-Rehman (Muslim scholar), and Maajid Haidari (Muslim writer). The two Hindu representatives, especially Mahant Raju Das, engaged in extreme Hindutva rhetoric. They used the platform to attack the Muslim participants and stigmatise the Islamic faith. Notably, Mahant Das pressured Maajid Haidari to say “Jai Shree Ram” and “Vande Mataram” to prove his secularism, suggesting that Haidari’s refusal would mean he did not respect all religions.

The complaint provided that the host, instead of intervening, allowed the communal diatribe to continue without challenging the inflammatory statements. He even prompted a controversial discussion about whether anyone who does not accept Islam is considered an infidel. The segment was further marred by anti-Muslim text being displayed repeatedly, accusing Jamiat Ulema-E-Hind of supporting terrorism, protesting against CAA-NRC, and promoting Islamic education.

CJP highlighted that the show sought to pit the two communities against each other, promoting an anti-Muslim narrative that stigmatised Muslims as engaging in sinister activities. This, they argued, was harmful to India’s social fabric and violated journalistic standards. (Details may be read here)

Observations made by the NBDSA:

1. Freedom of speech to be exercised responsibly: NBDSA recognised that although the broadcaster has the right to debate controversial subjects like the one under discussion, this should not violate ethical broadcasting standards. It was underscored by the NBDSA that the debate on such issues must be conducted responsibly, ensuring that it does not disrupt societal harmony or public peace.
2. Failure to adhere to guidelines: As per the order, the broadcaster violated the Specific Guidelines for Anchors conducting Programmes, which require anchors to maintain objectivity and prevent panellists from propagating extreme, divisive views. NBDSA observed that the anchor failed to curb the communal diatribe, allowing Mahant Raju Das to ask a panellist to prove their secularism by chanting “Jai Shri Ram”, further intensifying the communal undertone.
3. Threat to social harmony: NBDSA highlighted that the broadcast risked disturbing peace and social harmony by providing a platform for communal rhetoric, which could polarise communities.

Decision of the NBDSA:

1. Warning and advisory: NBDSA issued a stern warning to the broadcaster, advising them to be cautious when selecting panellists for debates to ensure that discussions do not threaten social peace and harmony. The broadcaster was reminded to strictly adhere to the guidelines for conducting debates and prevent panellists from promoting divisive views.
2. Video Removal: The broadcaster was directed to remove the broadcast from its website and YouTube, ensuring that all hyperlinks and access to the video were also removed. The broadcaster was required to confirm this action to NBDSA within seven days.

The complete order may be read below:

3. Order on complaint against ‘illegal madrassas’ show broadcasted by TNN

Brief about the complaint filed against the show:

On June 28, 2023, Citizens for Justice and Peace had filed a complaint against the debate show “Rashtravad: मदरसों पर नकेल, नहीं चलेगा विदेशी फंडिंग का खेल?” aired on May 22, 2024, on Times Now Navbharat. The show was based on a survey by the Uttar Pradesh Government, claiming that 8,841 madrassas in the state were illegal and that action would be taken against 4,000 of them.

The complaint highlights the polarised and communal nature of the debate, where speakers not directly related to the issue were invited to discuss it. The host, Pandey, focused on twisting the findings of the government report, making unsubstantiated claims such as madrassas are receiving foreign funding. Furthermore, the host’s questions, such as “Will madrassas with foreign funding be locked down?” and “Why are Maulanas worried about action against madrassas?” were framed in a provocative manner.

As per the complaint, the debate was also marked by the host frequently interrupting speakers supporting the Muslim community, while allowing ideologically aligned participants, like Vinod Bansal (VHP), to make unsubstantiated claims linking madrassas to jihad and terrorism without scrutiny. Clearly, the channel was trying to push this narrative of the madrassa or all madrassas being a/the centre of illegalities. The presentation of the debate, by repeatedly showing the students reading Namaaz at a madrassa. The complaint pointed to one point wherein the host shows data of some people from Muslim community linked with terror outfits, who once studied in these madrassas (presumably).

The show’s tickers, such as “If Yogi is acting on madrassas, why are Maulanas worried?” and “If terrorism is being taught, will madrassas be shut down?” reinforced the inflammatory narrative. The complaint emphasised that the host showed clear bias, failed to remain neutral, and allowed baseless claims to go unchecked, leading to a divisive, polarising debate.

In conclusion, the complaint had argued that the debate lacked focus, with irrelevant participants, and was designed to stir communal tensions rather than provide constructive discussion. (Details may be read here)

Observations by the NBDSA:

1. Right to legitimate raise concerns sans misinformation: The broadcaster was within its rights to raise concerns about madrassas based on the Uttar Pradesh Government’s survey of illegal madrassas, however the same should have been done without slanting the findings of the government survey.
2. Distortion of facts: The NBDSA found that the broadcaster distorted the survey’s findings, suggesting madrassas were linked to terrorism without credible evidence.
3. Problematic statements: Statements from the anchor and panellists insinuating madrassas were breeding grounds for terrorism violated principles of impartiality and neutrality.
4. Violation of standards and guidelines: The broadcaster breached broadcasting standards on impartiality, objectivity, and racial/religious harmony.

Decision by the NBDSA

1. Censure: The broadcaster was censured for distorting facts and making unsupported allegations.
2. Advisory: The broadcaster was advised to adhere to principles of impartiality and neutrality in future broadcasts.
3. Content removal: The broadcaster was ordered to remove the video from all platforms within 7 days and confirm this to NBDSA.

The complete order may be read below:

4. Order on complaint against ‘stay on ASI survey of Gyanvapi Mosque’ show broadcasted by TNN

Brief about the complaint filed against the show:

On August 16, 2023, Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) lodged a complaint against the Times Now Navbharat show “Rashtravad | Gyanvapi Survey के बाद ‘ज्ञानवापी आंदोलन”, which aired on July 24, 2023, the same day the Supreme Court of India granted interim protection against the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) survey at the Gyanvapi Mosque. The complaint raised concerns about the divisive and communal nature of the debate presented during the show.

The complaint emphasised that the host, Rakesh Pandey, presented a one-sided narrative that painted the Muslim community in a suspicious light. Before the debate even began, the host propagated his biased views, suggesting that Muslims were trying to delay the survey because they were “scared of the truth coming out.” The host framed the issue as a battle between the Muslim community and the truth, without any effort to present multiple perspectives. The questions posed by the host to the debate participants were instigating and communal, such as questioning why Muslim parties were afraid of uncovering the truth beneath the Gyanvapi mosque, and whether the ASI survey had found evidence of a temple. These questions were criticised for their provocative nature and for creating a polarised environment.

The complaint also pointed out that during the debate, the host allowed Advocate Vishnu Shankar Jain, a representative of the Hindu parties in the Gyanvapi case, to dominate the conversation. The show gave the impression of promoting a religious or sectarian agenda rather than presenting a balanced news discussion. CJP highlighted how the host repeatedly implied that the Muslim community was obstructing the truth and suggested that the issue was part of a religious confrontation. The host also compared the Gyanvapi case to the Ayodhya case, accusing Muslims of provoking the community by drawing parallels with the Babri Masjid.

Furthermore, the complaint criticised the lack of neutral questioning, pointing out that the host never questioned whether the Muslim parties had the right to approach the Supreme Court or expressed any doubt about the existence of a temple beneath the mosque. Instead, the host consistently implied that the truth would eventually be revealed in favour of the Hindu community.

CJP concluded that the show violated journalistic ethics by promoting a communal agenda and failing to uphold impartiality on a sub-judice matter, as required by the NBDSA. They demanded that the impugned content be removed from all social media platforms of the channel and that a public apology be issued for the communal nature of the reporting. (Details may be read here)

Observations by the NBDSA:

1. Editorial freedom and sensitivity: NBDSA acknowledged that while the broadcaster has editorial freedom to conduct debates on any topic, such discussions must be handled with care, especially when they relate to sensitive issues currently under judicial consideration.
2. Failure to adhere to reporting guidelines: The NBDSA observed that the anchor violated specific guidelines related to reporting on court proceedings. The anchor raised conjectural and speculative questions about the motives of Muslims regarding the Gyanvapi Mosque survey, which is sub judice. This violated Guideline 3, which prohibits conjecture and speculation in reports related to ongoing court proceedings.
3. Communal bias: Instead of maintaining an objective and neutral tone, the anchor repeatedly referred to the parties involved as “Hindu Paksh” and “Muslim Paksh,” which contributed to giving the debate a communal slant. This was seen as a misrepresentation of the facts and a violation of broadcasting standards related to racial and religious harmony.
4. Violation of broadcasting ethics: By framing the debate in a communal context, the broadcaster violated the Code of Ethics & Broadcasting Standards, especially the guidelines on impartiality and neutrality when reporting on sensitive matters such as court proceedings.

Decision by the NBDSA:

1. Admonition and censure: The NBDSA decided to admonish and censure the broadcaster for violating broadcasting standards. The broadcaster was advised by the NBDSA to avoid giving a communal slant to sensitive issues, especially when the matter is pending in court.
2. Content removal: The broadcaster was directed to remove the video of the broadcast from its website and YouTube, and delete all hyperlinks to the content. The broadcaster must confirm this action in writing to NBDSA within 7 days of the order.

The complete order may be read below:

In summary, through all these four orders, the NBDSA emphasised the importance of adhering to court reporting guidelines and maintaining neutrality and impartiality in broadcasts, especially on sensitive and ongoing legal matters. The broadcaster was censured for not doing so, along with being asked to remove the impugned video, and corrective actions were mandated.

By ordering the removal of the contentious shows and issuing warnings to the broadcaster, the NBDSA has set a firm precedent for maintaining integrity, impartiality, and responsibility in public discourse. This series of orders highlights a clear message: responsible journalism is essential for fostering an informed society, and breaches that compromise fairness, objectivity, and communal harmony will not go unchecked. The decisive steps taken here reinforce the role of media as a pillar of democracy, entrusted with delivering accurate and unbiased information. As the media landscape continues to evolve, these actions serve as a reminder that accountability and ethical standards are the foundation upon which trustworthy journalism is built.

It is essential to note that the NBDSA also clarified that any statements made by the parties involved in the NBDSA proceedings, whether in response to the complaint or while presenting their viewpoints, as well as any findings or observations made by the NBDSA in these proceedings or in this Order, are solely for the purpose of assessing potential violations of broadcasting standards and guidelines. Hence, these statements are not to be interpreted as admissions by the broadcaster, nor are the findings to be considered as determinations of any civil or criminal liability.

Related:

CJP files complaint against Times Now Navbharat for communal bias in their news segment on the arrest of singer Altaf Hussain in Assam

CJP files complaint against Times Now Navbharat for broadcasting misleading news on Madrassas

CJP Impact! Two contentious Times Now Navbharat shows directed to be removed by NBDSA

NBDSA: CJP escalates complaint to authorities against Times Now Navbharat debate show

CJP Victory! NBDSA orders removal of contested debate show aired by Times Now Navbharat

CJP complains against 3 shows of Times Now Navbharat

The post Media accountability in action: Four contentious shows taken down by NBDSA based on CJP’s complaints appeared first on SabrangIndia.

That was more than five years ago and PLFS has come to be widely relied on data on one of the most important socio-political aspects of a developing country like India—unemployment—especially in lieu of the decennial Census not being conducted. This article aims to give an overview of the some of the key findings of the recent PLFS survey and the implications for the country. Before that, a brief background into various concepts is necessary.

Brief background

Labour Force Participation Rate: Defined as number of persons/ person-days in the labour force per 1000 persons/person-days, it is indicative of people who are seeking to work/working in the total Working Age Population. Working Age Population usually means people from the ages of 15 to 65.

Worker Population Ratio: Percentage of employed persons in the overall population.

Unemployment Rate: Percentage of unemployed among the labour force.

Activity Status-Usual Status: Activity Status of a person-determined on the basis of the activities pursued by a person during the specified reference period in this case 365 Days; Determined on the basis of usual principal activity and usual subsidiary economic activity of a person—PS + SS.

Activity-Current Weekly Status: Activity Status determined on the basis of reference period of last seven days preceding the date of survey—CWS.

 Key Indicators of unemployment

Table 1 Key Indicators of Unemployment, PLFS 2023-24.
Source: PLFS Annual Reports-2021-22;2022-23;2023-24.

Significant gender disparities in LFPR and WPR

The data for 2023-24 reveals significant insights into India’s labour market, particularly highlighting the disparity between Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR) and Worker Population Ratio (WPR). LFPR, which measures the proportion of people actively engaged in or seeking work, is notably high in both rural and urban areas for males, with rural male LFPR at 84.3% and urban male LFPR at 81.9%. However, female LFPR lags far behind, especially in urban areas where it stands at only 31.2%. This suggests that despite economic growth and urbanisation, social and structural barriers continue to restrict women’s access to the labour market, especially in cities where opportunities are concentrated.

However, despite the relatively high LFPR, the Worker Population Ratio (WPR)—which measures the proportion of the population that is actually employed—paints a different picture. WPR for all ages is significantly lower across the board, especially for females, with rural female WPR at just 34.8% and urban female WPR at a strikingly low 20.7%. The gap between LFPR and WPR indicates that a substantial portion of those who are seeking work are not able to find it, leading to a mismatch in labour demand and supply. This could point to structural unemployment, underemployment, or job market barriers, especially for women. The overall WPR of 45.6% in rural areas and 38.9% in urban areas further underscores that the economy is not generating enough jobs relative to the number of people willing to work.

This discrepancy is particularly concerning in a developing country like India, where rapid population growth and urban migration are placing increasing pressure on labor markets. Despite the high LFPR, especially among men, the inability to translate participation into actual employment, as indicated by the lower WPR, highlights deep inefficiencies in the job market. Women, both rural and urban, face additional challenges, and this could explain their lower participation and employment rates.

Education and unemployment

In rural India, the data shows that the labour force participation rate(LFPR) for persons of age 15 years or above of different level of education is highest for diploma/certificate course—83%— i.e., those who have a diploma/certificate course are interacting with the labour market at a higher rate than those at Postgraduate and higher level being at 78.1%.

In urban India too, this trend appears, albeit at a total of lesser percentage of people interacting with labour market. Only LFPR of the Diploma/Certificate Course finishers is 78%, followed by the LFPR of people who are post graduate and above being 67.3%.

The overall LFPR for holders of Diploma/Certificate—Urban and Rural—is 80.6% while it is 71% for postgraduate and above.

The story of Women-both in terms of Diploma Course and PG Course is grim.

The LFPR of Males overall for Diploma/Certificate Course is 89.3% while it is 89.4 % for Postgraduate and Above. On the contrary, the LFPR for Females who have done Diploma Courses is only 55.8%; it is 51.1% for women in Postgraduate and above.
Essentially, despite being equipped with similar education-at higher level or even technical-women are interacting way less with the labour market than men do.

Trends over the past three Years can be found here.

Table 2.0: Data of Employment Indicators for the years 2021-22, 2022-23 and 2023-24.

Source: PLFS Annual Reports-2021-22;2022-23;2023-24.

The data over the past three years reveals a consistent increase in the Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR) and Worker Population Ratio (WPR) for both rural and urban women across all age groups between 2021-2024, particularly for rural women. The LFPR for rural women in the 15 years and above category rose significantly from 36.6% in 2021-22 to 47.6% in 2023-24, while urban women saw a more modest rise from 23.8% to 28% during the same period. This suggests greater integration of women into the labour force, with rural areas witnessing a more pronounced shift, likely due to a combination of economic necessity and possibly greater access to employment opportunities outside traditional agriculture.

On the other hand, despite these gains, the unemployment rate for urban women remains higher compared to their rural counterparts. For instance, in the 15-29 years age group, the unemployment rate for urban women stood at 20.1% in 2023-24, whereas rural women had a lower unemployment rate of 8.2%. This disparity hints at structural challenges in urban areas, where higher female participation does not necessarily translate into employment, possibly due to skill mismatches or fewer suitable job opportunities. The rural-urban divide in both labor participation and unemployment highlights the differing socio-economic conditions that affect women’s integration into the workforce across regions.

Conclusion

Despite progress in education and qualifications, female labour force participation, especially in urban areas, remains significantly lower than that of men. This points to enduring social, structural, and economic barriers that hinder women’s full participation in the workforce.

At the same time, the overall Worker Population Ratio (WPR) and Unemployment Rate (UR) figures reveal a mismatch between the number of people seeking work and those actually employed. While labour force participation, particularly among men, has remained relatively high, the economy struggles to generate sufficient employment opportunities, as evidenced by lower WPRs and higher unemployment rates, particularly for young people and women.

While the PLFS data shows incremental improvements in certain areas, it underscores the need for targeted policies to bridge the gender gap in employment, address underemployment, and create more equitable labor market opportunities. Achieving sustainable economic development in India will require a comprehensive approach that fosters job creation, ensures gender inclusivity, and aligns educational outcomes with employment opportunities.

Related:

Union government data shows increasing employment, decreasing unemployment rate since 2018

CMIE Unemployment Data: HP & Punjab better than national average; Haryana has one of three persons jobless

Declining trend in unemployment rates in urban and rural areas: Ministry of Labour

The post Young persons & women among the most acutely unemployed: PLFS Annual Report, 2024 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

zindaa hae,

Zindaa hone per sharminda hae!

Human beings are still alive;

They are ashamed to be alive!

[Renowned cultural-political-human rights activist of Pakistan, Shahid Nadeem’s Urdu couplet on the silence of the civil society on attacks on minorities in Pakistan. He received forty lashes for writing and singing these lines by the Zia regime in Pakistan. It would be no different in present day India ruled by RSS-BJP.]

For almost all of the past three decades, on every anniversary of the horrific 1984 massacre of Sikhs in India, this author has been reminding the nation of how the Indian State and judiciary did not bother to punish the perpetrators of this horrendous mass killing of innocents of the second largest religious minority of our country. On every anniversary the author had hoped that thereafter justice would be done and he would not have to write the painful story once again as a reminder. This has not happened this year 2024 either. The saga of the criminal betrayal by the Indian Republic has no end and the author along with victims continues to cry before a deaf and dumb Indian State. Shockingly, on the 40^th anniversary of the genocide of Sikhs, the Indian State has even stopped making the claim that it continues to strive to get justice for the victims, like in the past!

What is the status of justice delivery for 2,700 Sikhs[1] massacred in Delhi? Renowned advocate H S Phoolka, who battled along with victims, puts it succinctly:

“The number of commissions and committees set up to probe the murders… is more than the number of convictions…One such commission was the G T Nanavati Commission, set up in 2005 by the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led NDA government. According to its report, 587 FIRs were registered in Delhi in relation to the riots. While 241 of these have been filed as untraced, 253 ended in acquittal. Of the remaining, 40 FIRs are pending trial and one is pending investigation. Eleven FIRs have been quashed, and in 11 other FIRs, the accused have been discharged. Three cases have been withdrawn. To date, just 27 cases have ended in convictions. Of these, just 12 are convictions in murder cases.”

‘Anti-Sikh riots: Four decades on, just 12 murder cases have ended in conviction’, The Indian Express, Delhi, October 31, 2024.

https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/delhi/anti-sikh-riots-four-decades-on-just-12-murder-cases-have-ended-in-conviction-9646833/

Two kinds of justice

Whenever the country witnesses large-scale violence against the minorities and Dalits, the search for perpetrators continues endlessly and the criminals are rarely identified or punished. Major incidents of violence against minorities like Nellie massacre (1983), Sikh massacre (1984), Hashimpura custodial massacre of Muslim youth (1987), pre/post- Ayodhya mosque demolition violence against Muslims (1990-92), Gujarat carnage (2002) and Kandhmal cleansing of Christians (2008) and continuing blood-bath of Kuki Tribals (who are mostly Christians) in Manipur  are testimony to this reality.

When the victims are Dalits or minorities no such urgency is shown. In such cases the Indian State is fond of playing the commission-commission game. Enquiry Commissions after commissions would be constituted to see that the heinous crimes disappear from the public memory. The horrendous massacre of Sikhs in different parts of India in 1984 is a living testimony of this attitude of the Indian justice system with the motto in Sanskrit: ‘Yato Dharma Tato Jaya’ [Where there is righteousness and dharma, there is victory]. The higher Judiciary must explain what it means by Dharma. Does it include religions of minorities and right of Dalits also?

The scenario for anti-Dalit violence is no different. The major incidents of persecution and massacre of Dalits; 1968 Kilvenmani massacre, 1997 Melavalavu massacre, 2013 Marakkanam anti-Dalit violence, 2012 Dharmapuri anti- Dalit violence (all in Tamil Nadu), 1985 Karamchedu massacre, 1991 Tsundur massacre (all in AP), 1996 Bathani Tola Massacre, 1997 Laxmanpur Bathe massacre (all in Bihar), 1997 Ramabai killings, Mumbai, 2006 Khairlanji massacre, 2014 Javkheda Hatyakand, (all in Maharashtra), 2000 Caste persecution in (Karnataka), 5 Dalits beaten/burnt to death for skinning a dead cow 2006, 2011 killings of Dalits in Mirchpur (all in Haryana), 2015 anti-Dalit violence in Dangawas (Rajasthan) are some of the thousands of incidents of the Dalit persecution. In almost all these cases perpetrators are yet to be identified. Even if identified the prosecution rate has never exceeded 20%.

On the other hand, in the reverse, in cases where Dalit, working class and minority ‘perpetrators’ of violence are efficiently put on trial by constituting special investigation teams and punished by fast track courts. In order to meet the end of ‘justice’, ‘national security’ and ‘wish of the society’ they are hanged and jailed. The over-all reality is that whenever victims are minorities, working class and Dalits the State and judiciary go into coma.

Betrayal by governments until 2014

After giving free run to the killer gangs, the government appointed one man Marwah Commission to find out the perpetrators of the 1984 ‘riots’. As this exercise was proving inconvenient, it was asked to disband itself within short period of its existence and a sitting Supreme Court Judge Ranganath Mishra was asked to conduct inquiry into 1984 ‘riots’ who submitted his report in 1987. Shockingly, this fact finding (or fact-hiding) commission headed by Misra observed that

“riots which had a spontaneous origin later attained a channelized method at the hands of gangsters”.

The full-fledged massacre was reduced to ‘riots’ as if Sikhs equally participated in the violence. This was a brazen manipulation. The ‘apostle of justice’, Mishra, champion of the theory of spontaneity was not, naturally, able to find out from where these gangsters came! According to Jarnail Singh author of the book I Accuse: The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984 for this service to the State he was awarded a seat in the Rajya Sabha.

Over the next two decades, not less than nine commissions of inquiry were instituted. For the Indian State it became a routine to announce constitution of some new commission or some more compensation to the families of victims in order to deflect the mounting anger at the times of elections. Highlighting the anti-minority bias of such commissions, H. S. Phoolka, a renowned lawyer, commented that instead of getting convicted many of the political perpetrators get promoted to seats of power!

In the latest development Supreme Court of India on August 16, 2017 ordered the constitution of a panel comprising two of its former judges to examine the justification for closing 241 anti-Sikh riot cases probed by SIT in next 3 months; these three months are yet to be over!

Betrayal by the RSS-BJP regime

The RSS always claims to have always stood for Hindu-Sikh unity. It occasionally expresses its gratitude to Sikhism for “saving Hinduism from the Muslim aggression”. It may not be irrelevant to note here that RSS does not treat Sikhism as an independent religion, which discarded Casteism and Brahmanical hegemony, but part of Hinduism. The RSS/BJP leaders have blamed the Congress for anti-Sikh violence Modi while addressing a public rally during last parliamentary elections at Jhansi, UP (October 25, 2013) asked Congress leaders to explain who “killed thousands of Sikhs in 1984” and “has anyone been convicted for the Sikh genocide so far”. Modi during Punjab elections and 2014 general elections kept on referring to ‘qatl-e-aam’ or genocide of Sikhs.Modi after becoming PM in a message (October 31, 2014) said that anti-Sikh riots in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi’s assassination were like a,

“dagger that pierced through India’s chest…Our own people were murdered, the attack was not on a particular community but on the entire nation.”

Hindutva icon, RSS whole-timer and PM Modi lamented the fact that culprits were yet to be booked and tried for this massacre. However, Modi did not tell the nation what NDA governments which ruled this country from 1998 to 2004 did to persecute the culprits. Modi also forgot to share the fact that as per the autobiography of LK Advani (page 430); it was his Party which forced Indira Gandhi to go for army action infamously named as Operation Blue Star which killed large number of Sikh pilgrims.Renowned journalist Manoj Mitta, author of the book When a Tree Shook Delhi: The 1984 Carnage and Its Aftermath straight forwardly tells that

“Despite the BJP rule, there has hardly been any will to enforce accountability for the massacres that took place under the Congress. It’s as if there is a tacit deal between the sponsors of 1984 and 2002″.

It was no over-sight that during 2024 parliamentary elections 1984 massacre was totally forgotten. This is not what outsiders or critics of the RSS have been telling. The perusal of contemporary RSS documents show that major focus was on condemning the Sikh extremism, eulogizing Indira Gandhi and welcoming the crowning of Rajiv Gandhi as new prime minister.

RSS ideologue Nanaji Deshmukh’s questionable attitude on the Sikh massacre

The most important proof of such a dehumanized attitude towards the massacre of Sikhs is a document circulated by Nana Deshmukh, a prominent whole timer and ideologue of the RSS [now deceased]. This document titled as ‘Moments of Soul Searching’ was circulated by Deshmukh on November 8, 1984, may help in unmasking the whole lot of criminals involved in the massacre of innocent Sikhs who had nothing to do with the killing of Indira Gandhi. This document may also throw light on where the cadres came from, who meticulously organized the killing of Sikhs. Nana Deshmukh in this document is seen outlining the justification of the massacre of the Sikh community in 1984.

This document also reflects the degenerate and fascist attitude of the RSS towards all the minorities of India. The RSS has been arguing that they are against Muslims and Christians because they are the followers of foreign religions. Here we find them justifying the butchering of Sikhs who according to their own categorisation happened to be the followers of an indigenous religion. In this document we will hear from the horse’s mouth that the RSS like the then Congress leadership believed that the massacre of the innocent Sikhs was unavoidable.This document was published in the Hindi Weekly Pratipaksh edited by George Fernandes, who later became Defence Minister of India in the NDA regime, in its edition of November 25, 1984 titled ‘Indira Congress- RSS collusion’ with the following editorial comment:

“The author of the following document is known as an ideologue and policy formulator of the RSS. After the killing of Prime Minister (Indira Gandhi) he distributed this document among prominent politicians. It has a historical significance that is why we have decided to publish it, violating the policy of our Weekly. This document highlights the new affinities developing between the Indira Congress and the RSS. We produce here the Hindi translation of the document.”

The original pages of the Hindi Weekly Pratipaksh edited by George Fernandes, may be seen below.

Deshmukh in his document, “Moments of Soul Searching” on the massacre of the Sikh community in 1984. His defence of the carnage can be summed up as in the following:

1. The massacre of Sikhs was not the handiwork of any group or anti-social elements but the result of a genuine feeling of
2. Deshmukh did not distinguish the action of the two security personnel of Indira Gandhi, who happened to be Sikhs, from that of the whole Sikh community. According to his document the killers of Indira Gandhi were working under some kind of mandate of their
3. Sikhs themselves invited these attacks, thus advancing the Congress theory of justifying the massacre of the Sikhs.
4. He glorified Operation Blue Star and described any opposition to it as anti- national. When Sikhs were being killed in thousands he was warning the country of Sikh extremism, thus offering ideological defense of those killings.
5. Sikh community as a whole was responsible for violence in
6. Sikhs should have done nothing in self-defence but showed patience and tolerance against the killer
7. These were Sikh intellectuals and not killer mobs which were responsible for the massacre. They had turned Sikhs into a militant community, cutting them off from their Hindu roots, thus inviting attacks from the nationalist Indians. Moreover, he treated all Sikhs as part of the same gang and described attacks on them as a reaction of the nationalist
8. He described Indira Gandhi as the only leader who could keep the country united and assassination of such a great leader such killings could not be avoided.
9. Rajiv Gandhi who succeeded Mrs. Gandhi as the PM and justified the nation- wide killings of Sikhs by saying, “When a huge tree falls there are always tremors felt”, was lauded and blessed by Nana Deshmukh at the end of the
10. Shockingly, the massacre of Sikhs was being equated with the attacks on the RSS cadres after the killing of Gandhiji and we find Deshmukh advising Sikhs to suffer silently. Everybody knows that the killing of Gandhiji was inspired by the RSS and the Hindutva Ideology whereas the common innocent Sikhs had nothing to do with the murder of Indira
11. There was not a single sentence in the Deshmukh document demanding, from the then Congress Government at the Centre or the then home minister Narsimha Rao (a Congress leader dear to the RSS who later silently watched demolition of Babri masjid by Hindutva goons as prime minister of India in 1992) remedial measures for controlling the violence against the minority community. Mind it, that Deshmukh circulated this document on November 8, 1984, and from October 31 to this date Sikhs were left alone to face the killing gangs. In fact November 5-10 was the period when the maximum killings of Sikhs took place. Deshmukh was just not bothered about all
12. It is generally believed that the Congress cadres were behind this genocide. This may be true but there were other forces too which actively participated in this massacre and whose role has never been investigated. It could be one of the reasons that actual perpetrators remain unknown. Those who witnessed the genocide were stunned by the swiftness and military precision of the killer/marauding gangs (later on witnessed during the Babri mosque demolition, burning alive of Dr. Graham Steins with his two sons, 2002 pogrom of the Muslims in Gujarat and cleansing of Christians in parts of Orissa) which went on a burning spree of the innocent Sikhs. This, surely, was beyond the capacity of the thugs led by many Congress
13. It is shocking that Deshmukh presented 1984 massacre of Sikhs as an issue between Sikhs and Hindus. He wrote: “I feel proud of all those Hindu neighbours who protected lives and property of troubled Sikh brothers without caring for their lives. Such things one being heard from all over Delhi. These things have practically increased the faith in natural goodness of human behavior and particularly faith in Hindu nature.” He remained oblivious to the fact that these were not only Hindus but Muslims, Jains, Buddhists, Christians, Atheists, Communists who defended Sikhs’ lives and

RSS problematic attitude towards the Sikh massacre

The Deshmukh document did not happen in isolation. It represented the real RSS attitude towardsthe Sikh genocide of 1984. It may be relevant to know here that the RSS cadres did not come forward in defence of the Sikhs. The RSS is very fond of circulating publicity material, especially photographs of its khaki shorts-clad cadres doing social work. For the 1984 violence they have none. In fact, Deshmukh’s article also made no mention of the RSS cadres going to the rescue of Sikhs under siege. This shows the real intentions of the RSS during the genocide.

The RSS English organ, Organizer in its combined issue dated November 11 & 18, 1984 carried an editorial titled ‘Stunning Loss’ which praised Indira Gandhi in the following words:

“It will always be difficult to believe that the Indira Gandhi is no more. One had got so used to hearing her myriad voices for so long, that everything looks so blank without her. The violent manner of her death is the most shocking horror story, giving the nation the creeps…It is a case of treacherous fanatics stigmatizing the whole nation by butchering a remarkable specimen of Indian womanhood…She literally served India to the last drop of her blood according to her own lights.” The same editorial ended with the words supporting newly installed PM, Rajiv Gandhi who “deserves sympathy and consideration”. 

Organizer also carried statement of RSS Supremo; Bala Deoras titled ‘Balasaheb condemns assassination, Delhi carnage’ in a single column. He mourned and condemned the carnage but not even once referred to the fact that Sikhs were under attack. For him it was “infighting in the Hindu Samaj”. He also overlooked the fact that it was not only Delhi where Sikhs were butchered/burnt but in many other parts of India too. According to this statement “swayamsevaks have been instructed to form or help in forming Mohalla Suraksha Samitis” for restoring peace and rehabilitation of the sufferers. However, there are no documents available in the contemporary RSS archives to show how these Samitis functioned. It is a fact that RSS which is fond of displaying photographs of its cadres doing social work did not publish any visual of the activity of these Samitis.

In the same statement Deoras reacting to the assassination of Indira Gandhi stated,

“It is shocking beyond words to express  the  feelings  at the murder of PM Mrs.               Indira Gandhi by some fanatic elements. She had been carrying on almost the entire burden of the country since 1966. She was loved and respected not only in this country but all over the world. Her passing away at this critical juncture will create a void in India and also in the world.”

According to  the above mentioned Organizer, “RSS Sarkyavah, Rajender Singh issued instructions to all the branches in  the country to hold a special meeting in Shakha condemning the dastardly murder of the PM and paying  homage  to the departed             soul. He also issued instructions to cancel all public functions to be held by RSS during the period of mourning”.

Of course, the RSS archives do not contain any instructions from RSS top brass instructing the mourning of Sikh victims.

RSS against former PM Manoham Singh’s apology for the 1984 massacre

That the RSS continues to downplay 1984 Sikh massacre is alsoe clear by the perusal of charter of demands submitted to the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) in last July. The senior RSS  ideologue, Dina Nath Batra on behalf of RSS-affiliated Shiksha Sanskriti Utthan Nyas submitted five pages containing list of items to be removed from school text-books. Batra demanded that any reference to violence against minorities in the text-books should be removed which included references to a simple apology tendered by the former PM Manmohan Singh over 1984 violence.

It is to be noted that in an apology in Parliament on August 12, 2005, Manmohan Singh, the then PM of India stated:

“I have no hesitation in apologising to the Sikh community. I apologise not only to the Sikh community, but to the whole Indian nation because what took place in 1984 is the negation of the concept of nationhood enshrined in our Constitution.”

So the search for finding the perpetrators of Sikh massacre of 1984 continues endlessly. The present RSS/BJP rulers who claim to be co-religionists of Sikhs prove no different from Congress. The only hope is that those Indians who have stakes in continuation of democratic-secular Indian polity will come forward to force the Indian State to identify and punish the killers. Scholars who have been involved in the study of religious violence are unanimous in the conclusion that if 1984 massacre was not allowed to happen, there would not have been 1992-93 (violence against Muslims in pre/post Babri mosque demolition period), 2002 (massacre of Muslims in Gujarat), Kandhmal 2008 (cleansing of Christians) and many other massacre of the minorities of India. Allowing the 1984 massacre the Indian State, let it be known to all the majoritarian fascist organizations that in such criminal happening the former would remain silent! 

Nana Deshmukh awarded ‘Bharat Ratna’

As if it was not enough injustice to the martyrs and survivors of the 1984 massacre, on the eve of the last Republic Day (January 25, 2019) RSS/BJP rulers of India, bestowed the highest national award, the Bharat Ratna (gem of India) on Nanaji Deshmukh. PM Modi praising Deshmukh said, “He [Nana Deshmukh] personifies humility, compassion, and service to the downtrodden. He is a Bharat Ratna in the truest sense”.If anybody wants to understand the exact meaning of the proverb ‘to rub salt into the wound’ this Bharat Ratna to Deshmukh is the fittest example!

This photograph is of a street theatre performance titled ‘Sadharan Log (common people) by Nishant Natya Manch against massacre of Sikhs in 1984. It was performed at more than two thousand places. The author is also doing a role.

Link of a 2023 interview of the author on the same tragedy:

https://www.academia.edu/107044638/Victims_Will_Never_Forget_The_Violence_Shamsul_Islam_On_1984_Massacre_of_Sikh

Link for the full English text of the RSS ideologue Nana Deshmukh’s document: https://www.academia.edu/4890979/RSS_IDEOLOGUE_ NANA_DESHMUKH_J USTIFIED_MASSACRE_OF_SIKHS_IN_1984_From_RSS_archives_

[1] This is the official figure, according to the civil rights organisations around 3,000 were killed!

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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In contrast to this the streams basing their nationalism under the mask of religion not only kept aloof from anti colonial struggle but also sowed the seeds and nurtured the plants of Hate and divisiveness. Golwalkar, the second Sarsanghchalak of RSS, wrote, “German race pride has now become the topic of the day. To keep up the purity of the Race and its culture, Germany shocked the world by her purging the country of the Semitic Races—the Jews. Race pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany has also shown how well-nigh impossible it is for Races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by.” – We, or Our Nationhood Defined (Bharat Publications, Nagpur, 1939). This set the tone for RSS to propagate hate against Muslims and Christians in India.

This Hate was the marginal tendency for decades but has emerged as the dominating ‘social common sense’ leading to series of anti-Muslim violence, their intimidation, lynching and what not leading to the phenomenon of ghettoisation, and relegating them to secondary position in society. The process is still on and different RSS-BJP leaders have used all their ‘innovation’ to create more hatred, they have kept adding on to the catchy slogans to demonize the Muslims. ‘They can be identified by their clothes’, ‘Shamshan-Kabristhan’, series of Jihads ‘Vote jihad’ being probably the latest among them. There is a long list of these. To cap it all two of their top leaders have peaked this phenomenon in recent times.

One of them is Giriraj Singh who is amongst those leading the pack of Hate promoters. Recently he stated, “If a Muslim/Ghuspetiya (infiltrator) slaps you once, everyone should come together and slap him 100 times….Keep a sword, spear and trident in the house, worship it and if someone comes, protect yourself from him…”

Immediately, this reminds us of the father of the nation who went on to say that if someone slaps you on one Cheek put forward the other cheek. The two ideologies of Gandhi’s Indian nationalism, amity and love are being totally countered by the ideology of Hindu Nationalism by provoking violence, and hate. The downslide of amity and rise of Hate have run parallel with the divisive politics of sectarian nationalism, particularly after demolition of Babri mosque, followed by series of divisive campaigns. With BJP coming to power at center, the various wings of RSS and foot soldiers of divisive nationalism have felt that now they can enjoy impunity to the fullest extent.

Around this time another divisive leader Yogi Adityanath, the introducer of bulldozer (in)justice has also thrown up a phrase ‘Batenge to Katenge’, i.e. Hindus should remain united else they will be slaughtered. This slogan has various dimensions, and the peak organization of Hindu nationalism has approved it. “The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh on Saturday (October 26, 2024) backed Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s controversial remark — ‘*batenge to katenge*’, claiming that Hindus ‘will be slaughtered if divided’ — with RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale saying that the slogan, calling for unity among Hindus, is the lifetime pledge of the Sangh.”

This has multiple dimensions. One is that RSS strategists feel that the decline of BJP fortunes in last Lok Sabha elections was due to shift of dalit votes to the INDIA coalition which stood solidly with the concept of social justice and demanding the caste based census. The threat that if dalit-OBC go to INDIA coalition Hindus will be slaughtered! By whom? As per this slogan it will be by the Muslims. On the contrary they have been left in the lurch during the last 75 years. RSS combine may even prop up the non-applicable example of plight of Hindus in Bangladesh after the uprising (2024). Pakistan is always an evergreen (pun intended) example of the worsening plight of Hindus there.

We must unite as Indians were the central plank of the freedom movement. Indian was the core theme of our unity during anti colonial struggle and it gets reflected in our Constitution. Gandhi, the greatest Hindu of 20^th Century, never called for unity as Hindus. Neither the likes of Maulana Azad, Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan called for unity as Muslims.

For the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is not concerned about the welfare of ‘person standing last in line’, all its ideology, actions and utterances are contrary to what united India. It ridicules Rahul Gandhi’s (RG) call for ‘Mohabbat ki dukan’ (Shop of love) and questions as to why Rahul Gandhi does not meet RSS. Counter question is, why RSS wants to meet RG? RSS knows its politics is based on Hate (Muslims, Christians and those opposed to Hindu Nationalism), while RG is trying to put life back into the Indian National ethos of love and amity as underlined in our Constitution. Why should RG be interested in ideologues against whose ideology he is trying to raise his voice?

If the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) RSS wants to RG to meet RSS, it has to drastically change its ideology of division and adopt the values of Indian Constitution, the core of which is unity as Indians and fraternity between people irrespective of their religion. It is precisely for this reason that Nehru, Gandhi’s disciple, never gave importance to RSS, it is for this reason that Indira Gandhi refused to concede RSS Chief Balasaheb Deoras’s request to meet her. RSS as per its character wants to derive its legitimacy even from those who oppose its politics.

Related:

Restating the agenda of Hindu Rashtra: RSS chief sets the tone for BJP politics

Combating Islamophobia: A task overdue

Caste Imbroglio: Changing Narrative of Hindu Right

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