On July 28, 2025, Kavin Selva Ganesh, a 27-year-old Dalit software engineer from Arumugamangalam near Eral in Thoothukudi district, was hacked to death in broad daylight in KTC Nagar, Tirunelveli. The accused, S. Surjith (21), allegedly attacked Kavin with a sickle over his relationship with Surjith’s sister, Subashini, a Siddha practitioner. Kavin and Subashini had been in a long-term inter-caste relationship, which Surjith and his family, belonging to the dominant Maravar community (MBC), vehemently opposed.

Surjith is not just an ordinary civilian — he is the son of two serving Sub-Inspectors in the Tamil Nadu Armed Police, Saravanan and Krishnakumari, both of whom were also named as co-accused in the FIR. Despite this, the couple was only suspended and has not been arrested, triggering public outrage. The FIR has been filed under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 2015, and relevant sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS).

According to Kavin’s mother, S. Tamizhselvi, who filed the police complaint, her son had received repeated threats from the accused’s family. On the day of the incident, Surjith reportedly lured Kavin under the pretext of their parents wanting to meet him and then brutally attacked him with a sickle, chasing him down and killing him less than 200 metres from the hospital where Subashini worked. Eyewitnesses, CCTV footage, and multiple media reports corroborate these details.

Petition filed with the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC)

On July 30, 2025, a citizen petition was submitted at the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) headquarters in New Delhi by Shailendar Karthikeyan, law student seeking urgent intervention in the caste-based killing of Kavin Selva Ganesh. He met the Personal Secretary to the Chairperson and submitted detailed documentation, including press clippings. During the interaction, the petitioner was informed that the Commission had already taken suo moto cognizance of the case.

While a formal number was not assigned to the newly submitted petition, the representation was accepted and acknowledged by the Commission. The petitioner urged the Commission to treat the matter with utmost urgency and to include the following demands in its proceedings:

1. Immediate arrest of the accused’s parents — Sub-Inspectors Saravanan and Krishnakumari — who are named in the FIR.
2. Constitution of a fact-finding committee to investigate the role of caste bias and police complicity.
3. NCSC’s ongoing monitoring of investigation and prosecution, including regular status reports from the State Government.
4. Provision of witness protection to the victim’s family, who continue to fear retaliation.

The petition can be accessed here 

Arrest, CB-CID transfer, and body acceptance

In a significant turn of events, Saravanan, a serving Sub-Inspector and father of the main accused Surjith, was arrested by Tamil Nadu police in connection with the caste-based killing of Kavin Selva Ganesh. The arrest came soon after a petition was filed with the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC), though it is unclear if the two are directly connected. The case has since been transferred to the CB-CID, reflecting its seriousness and the growing demand for an impartial investigation. Following Saravanan’s arrest, Kavin’s family ended their five-day protest and accepted his body from the Tirunelveli Government Medical College Hospital, where Minister K.N. Nehru and Collector R. Sukumar paid their respects. Notably, the family had earlier rejected the state’s ₹6 lakh compensation, insisting that they sought justice and not money by demanding the immediate arrest of both police officers named in the FIR.

Deafening Silence from Political Leaders

The response from Tamil Nadu’s mainstream political parties has been largely muted, drawing criticism from activists. Only leaders of VCK (Thol Thirumavalavan), NTK (Seeman), and Puthiya Tamilagam (K. Krishnasamy) have issued strong public statements demanding separate legislation to curb honour killings. The silence of ruling and opposition parties has left Dalit voices further isolated.

A Broader Pattern

This is not an isolated incident. Tamil Nadu has seen a disturbing pattern of caste-based honour killings from the 2016 murder of Sankar in Udumalpet to the more recent cases in Cuddalore and Krishnagiri. In most cases, justice has been delayed, and police bias is often evident.

The murder of Kavin Selva Ganesh is a stark reminder that caste continues to determine who gets to love, who gets to live, and who gets away with murder in this country.

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The post Petition filed with NCSC seeks justice in Tirunelveli honour killing of Dalit techie appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Somnath Suryawanshi was arrested in December 2024 for allegedly participating in protests and riots that erupted in Parbhani district on December 11, following the desecration of a replica of the Indian Constitution. A resident of Pune and a student at a law college in Parbhani, Somnath was taken into custody and, after a brief remand, shifted to judicial custody. He died on December 15, allegedly as a result of injuries sustained from police torture during his time in lock-up.

Mother’s plea ignored for months

His mother, 60-year-old Vijayabai Venkat Suryawanshi, has been waging a determined legal battle since December 18, 2024, when she filed a formal complaint demanding registration of an FIR against the officers responsible for her son’s death. In her statement, Vijayabai recalled receiving a phone call informing her that Somnath had died of a “heart attack.” But what followed only deepened her suspicion.

While she was en-route to Parbhani, officials told her the body had already been shifted to the Aurangabad Government Medical College and Hospital (GMCH). On the way, she was intercepted by the Parbhani police and taken to the SP’s office, where she alleges a senior officer told her: “We didn’t kill your son. He died of a heart attack. We can help you. If you take the body, we’ll offer police training to one of your sons.” 

She refused the offer and proceeded to Aurangabad, where a post-mortem was conducted. Social activists at the hospital informed her that the autopsy indicated multiple injuries consistent with custodial torture — contradicting the state’s version of a natural death due to illness.

Bombay HC recognises prima facie brutality

On July 4, 2025, the Aurangabad Bench of the Bombay High Court, acknowledging “prima facie material indicating custodial brutality and violation of constitutional rights”, directed the police to register an FIR within a week. However, the Mahayuti-led Maharashtra government under Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis failed to comply. Instead, the state challenged the order before the Supreme Court. The apex court, however, upheld the High Court’s directive on July 30, observing that the FIR was not optional but necessary for enabling an impartial criminal investigation.

As per the report of The Statesman, the Supreme Court Bench, comprising Justice M.M. Sundresh and Justice N. Kotiswar Singh, clarified that registration of an FIR should not be interpreted as assigning guilt but as initiating a fair investigation under the law.

Presented facts and successfully argued in the Hon’ble Supreme Court of India for Vijaybai Vyankat Suryawanshi.

The Supreme Court maintained the order of the Aurangabad Bench of the Bombay High Court to file FIR and launch investigation as per the application made by Vijaybai on… pic.twitter.com/m8CdCtfqh2

— Prakash Ambedkar (@Prksh_Ambedkar) July 30, 2025

On July 4, The Aurangabad Bench of the Hon’ble Court of Bombay had ordered to register an FIR against the police responsible for the custodial death of Somnath Suryavanshi and the brutality in Parbhani.

But the State of Maharashtra appealed against the order of High Court in the… pic.twitter.com/DhG6PHRvmU

— Prakash Ambedkar (@Prksh_Ambedkar) July 30, 2025

Detailed report may be read here and here.

Allegations of torture and postmortem findings

In her FIR, Vijayabai has alleged that Somnath was subjected to three days of continuous custodial torture at the New Mondha police station. Activists have also corroborated her account, noting that the post-mortem report documented fractured bones and internal injuries, directly contradicting earlier government statements that claimed he had pre-existing respiratory issues and died of chest pain.

This claim was echoed by Chief Minister Fadnavis in the legislative assembly shortly after the new Mahayuti government was sworn in. He maintained that Somnath had a “serious respiratory illness” and had died of “natural causes.” However, these claims were debunked when the post-mortem revealed evidence of blunt force trauma, broken shoulder bones, and signs of sustained physical assault.

Detailed report may be read here and here.

Prakash Ambedkar’s legal intervention and political fallout

The case received a significant boost when Prakash Ambedkar, chief of the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) and grandson of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, took up the cause and personally argued the matter before the courts. “Somnath shed his blood for the Constitution of this country. He was murdered for standing up for its values,” Ambedkar said in a press briefing after the SC order.

He added that the FIR will pave the way for a broader investigation into custodial violence in Maharashtra. “This case may become a benchmark for custodial death investigations. We are now demanding that the JJ Hospital doctors who issued secondary medical opinions without court orders also be made accused. The role of doctors must not be overlooked in shielding police impunity,” he said.

Ambedkar also questioned the legality of the “combing operation” carried out in Parbhani after the desecration incident, during which multiple Dalit homes were raided, and arrests made without due process. “All officers who were part of that illegal operation must be investigated,” he added.

मुंबई उच्च न्यायालयाच्या औरंगाबाद खंडपीठाने सोमनाथ सूर्यवंशी हत्येप्रकरणी एका आठवड्याच्या आत पोलिसांवर एफआयआर दाखल करण्याचा स्पष्ट आदेश दिला होता. मात्र, आजपर्यंत तो एफआयआर दाखल झालेला नाही. त्यामुळे आता पोलीस आणि प्रशासनवर कोर्टाच्या अवमानाच्या (Contempt of Court) अंतर्गत… pic.twitter.com/uizaD3wmSC

— Prakash Ambedkar (@Prksh_Ambedkar) July 30, 2025

What lies ahead?

With the FIR now registered under Section 103(1) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, which replaced IPC Section 302 (murder), attention is shifting toward the constitution of a Special Investigation Team (SIT) or a Judicial Commission. Activists and lawyers have demanded that the probe be conducted independently of the Maharashtra police to avoid conflict of interest, given that police officials are the primary accused.

The delay in FIR registration — despite the HC’s clear order and the absence of any stay by the Supreme Court — has also raised questions about contempt of court and executive resistance to judicial directives, showing that the Parbhani police’s inaction between July 4 and August 1 could expose them to proceedings for wilful non-compliance.

Related:

Bombay High Court orders FIR in Somnath Suryawanshi custodial death case, slams police for delay and bias

Biased and Preconceived: Bombay HC criticises police inquiry into Parbhani custodial death of Somnath Suryawanshi

Magistrate probe indicts Parbhani police in Somnath Suryawanshi custodial death: MSHRC

State-sanctioned brutality? Dalit communities targeted in Parbhani “combing operations”, women, children abused

Judicial Setback: Supreme Court dilutes Bombay HC’s bold stand on police accountability in custodial killing in Badlapur case

The post Custodial Death of Dalit Law Student Somnath Suryawanshi: FIR registered after Supreme Court upholds Bombay HC directive appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The conspiracy unveiled

Initial investigation began after the school’s headmaster, Suleman Gorinaik, filed a complaint with the Saundatti police station when several students complained of nausea and a foul smell in the drinking water. Prompt medical attention helped avert a major tragedy, and all affected students recovered quickly, according to Superintendent of Police Bheemashankar S. Guled, as per the TNM report.

As the investigation progressed, police discovered that the school’s water tank had been intentionally poisoned with pesticides. Surveillance, forensic evidence, and witness accounts led to the arrest of three individuals on August 2:

• Sagar Patil, taluk president of the Hindutva outfit Sri Ram Sene in Saundatti,
• Krishna Madar, a local resident coerced into participation, and
• Magangouda Patil, an accomplice who assisted in procuring the poison.

According to SP Guled, the entire plot was masterminded by Sagar Patil, who allegedly sought to have Headmaster Gorinaik transferred or suspended from his post, motivated purely by communal animosity. Gorinaik, a respected educator who had served the school for 13 years, was well-liked by the local community, a fact that did not sit well with certain hard-line elements, according to the report of TOI.

A child manipulated

According to the Indian Express, police investigations revealed that Krishna Madar, acting under Patil’s direction, had purchased three types of pesticides, mixed them, and transferred the toxic concoction into a soft drink bottle. He then handed this bottle to a minor student, luring the child with Rs 500, chocolates, and condiments, and instructed him to empty the contents into the school’s drinking water tank. The minor, unaware of the gravity of the act, complied.

The police have confirmed that the soft drink bottle was recovered from the crime scene, and forensic analysis detected traces of insecticide inside. The minor child will now serve as a prosecution witness under legal protection, given his vulnerable status, as per TNM.

Blackmail and coercion

One of the most disturbing elements of the investigation is the role of blackmail in furthering the conspiracy. Police have stated that Sagar Patil coerced Krishna Madar into participating by threatening to reveal his inter-faith romantic relationship. According to the Belagavi SP, Patil weaponised communal shame and social stigma around inter-faith relationships to push Madar into executing a dangerous plot that endangered the lives of children, as per The Hindu.

Arrests and legal action

All three conspirators, Sagar Patil, Krishna Madar, and Magangouda Patil, have been arrested and remanded to judicial custody. Belagavi police have invoked stringent provisions under criminal law to charge the accused with criminal conspiracy, attempt to cause grievous hurt, poisoning, and endangering life, among others.

The minor student, whose role was manipulated, will not face charges and is being treated as a victim in the broader scheme, as per media reports.

Chief Minister’s strong condemnation

Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah took to social media to strongly condemn the incident, describing it as a “heinous” and “unforgivable” act rooted in religious bigotry. “The headmaster of the government school in Hulikatti village, Savadatti taluk, Belagavi district, belongs to the Muslim community. With the malicious intent of having him transferred elsewhere, Sagar Patil, the taluk president of Shriram Sena, along with two others, has been arrested for poisoning the drinking water of school children. In this incident that occurred 15 days ago, several children fell ill, but fortunately, no lives were lost,” he stated in a post on X dated August 3.

“Religious fundamentalism and communal hatred can lead to heinous acts, and this incident, which could have resulted in the massacre of innocent children, is a testament to that. In the land of the Sharanas, who proclaimed, “Compassion is the root of religion,” how could such cruelty and hatred arise? Even at this moment, I cannot believe it,” the CM wrote, expressing disbelief that such hatred could manifest in Karnataka, “the land of the Sharanas” — a reference to the state’s egalitarian cultural heritage.

Taking aim at the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Siddaramaiah further questioned whether senior BJP figures — including Sri Ram Sene chief Pramod Mutalik, BJP State President B.Y. Vijayendra, and Leader of Opposition R. Ashoka — would take moral responsibility for the acts perpetrated by those aligned with Hindutva ideologies. “Leaders who always support such socially destructive acts should now come forward and atone for their sins,” he declared.

A call to action against hate

The CM also highlighted the formation of a special task force to counter hate speech and prevent communal riots. “To curb hate speeches and communal riots, we have formed a special task force, and we are taking all possible legal measures against such elements. For all our efforts to bear fruit, the public must also raise their voices against such forces, resist them, and file complaints,” Siddaramaiah stated, urging citizens to report such conspiracies, resist communal forces, and stand up against sectarianism.

He concluded by praising the local police, especially the Belagavi team, for swiftly uncovering the conspiracy. “Congratulations to the police personnel who foiled the evil plot to massacre children. I have full confidence that the judicial system will deliver appropriate punishment to the culprits who committed such a heinous act”.

The complete post may be read here: 

ಬೆಳಗಾವಿ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ ಸವದತ್ತಿ ತಾಲೂಕಿನ ಹೂಲಿಕಟ್ಟಿ ಗ್ರಾಮದ ಸರ್ಕಾರಿ ಶಾಲೆಯ ಮುಖ್ಯೋಪಾಧ್ಯಾಯರು ಮುಸ್ಲಿಂ ಸಮುದಾಯಕ್ಕೆ ಸೇರಿದವರು, ಅವರನ್ನು ತಮ್ಮ ಊರಿನಿಂದ ಬೇರೆಡೆಗೆ ವರ್ಗಾವಣೆ ಮಾಡಿಸಬೇಕೆಂಬ ದುರುದ್ದೇಶದಿಂದ ಶಾಲಾಮಕ್ಕಳ ಕುಡಿಯುವ ನೀರಿಗೆ ವಿಷ ಹಾಕಿದ ಶ್ರೀರಾಮ ಸೇನೆಯ ತಾಲೂಕು ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷ ಸಾಗರ ಪಾಟೀಲ ಸೇರಿದಂತೆ ಒಟ್ಟು ಮೂವರನ್ನು…

— Siddaramaiah (@siddaramaiah) August 3, 2025

SP Guled had noted that the police solved the case using a combination of scientific evidence, interrogation of students, and surveillance records.

Conclusion

The poisoning plot in Belagavi is a stark reminder of how hate-driven ideology can metastasize into lethal violence, even targeting children. The police’s timely intervention prevented what could have been a mass poisoning. But the incident raises larger questions about the rise of communal vigilantism, the weaponisation of school spaces, and the moral decay that accompanies unchecked religious extremism.

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‘High-Handed, violation of the SC orders’: Bombay HC pulls up Nagpur Civic Body for demolishing homes of accused in communal violence

The post Communal Conspiracy in Karnataka School: Sri Ram Sene leader orchestrates poisoning to target Muslim headmaster appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Though no injuries were reported, violence quickly escalated—resulting in stone pelting, arson, and damage to both private and public property. Police fired tear gas shells to disperse the mob, as reported by The Hindu. Among the damaged property were two cars, a motorcycle that was set on fire, a bakery, and a place of worship, according to Special Inspector General (Kolhapur Range) Sunil Phulari, as reported by The Hindu.

Communal violence

The man whose social media post allegedly triggered the violence was detained by the police, but authorities clarified that he was not originally from Yavat, as per The Indian Express. Preliminary investigations are underway to ascertain whether the individual has links to any organized groups, officials confirmed.

Superintendent of Police (Pune Rural) Sandip Singh Gill told the media that the first alert came in around 12:30 pm on August 1, after which the individual was promptly detained. However, as the post went viral, villagers began assembling outside the Yavat Police Station. While officers engaged with community members in a bid to defuse tensions, violence erupted across multiple localities including Sahakar Nagar, Station Road, and Indira Nagar, where property was vandalised and the accused’s home was torched, according to  Indian Express).

Phulari emphasised that the outbreak was sudden, and that the police will take action not only against local participants but also against outsiders who incited or took part in the violence, as per Indian Express.

Prior tensions and Shivaji Statue vandalism

This incident comes in the wake of earlier unrest. On July 26, a statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj in the village was reportedly vandalised, setting off simmering tensions between communities. The following day, citizens across communities jointly condemned the vandalism, staging peaceful protests, as reported by Hindustan Times. Subsequently, Hindutva groups and BJP leaders organized a rally under the banner of Hindu Jan Akrosh Morcha on August 1 to protest the desecration, according to Indian Express. However, authorities have asserted that the August 2 violence was unrelated to this event. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has claimed that, “The meeting held on Thursday [August 1] by the Hindu Jan Akrosh Morcha had no connection with the violence that occurred on Friday. The violence started because an outsider posted a wrong status implying that a priest had committed rape or something of that sort, which caused tension and people came onto the streets”. It is unclear how the said conclusion was reached as the investigation is still underway. According to Hindustan Times, he further remarked, “Some persons keep such objectionable posts just to create tension,” and assured that strict action would be taken against those responsible for such content and the ensuing violence.

Political and police response

Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar, also the guardian minister of Pune district, visited Yavat and confirmed that the situation was under control, with multiple State Reserve Police Force (SRPF) platoons deployed in the area.

Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis addressed the press, stating, “The violence erupted because an outsider posted a wrong status,” and blamed such posts for attempting to deliberately foment unrest. He confirmed that the police had to resort to lathi-charge to quell the disturbances, as per Hindustan Times.

Authorities imposed Section 144 CrPC in Yavat to prevent unlawful gatherings and deployed over 200 personnel and 15 senior officers to maintain peace. Peace appeals were issued by both police and local community leaders, with officer Gill urging residents to report any provocative content to authorities instead of taking matters into their own hands.

FIRs, arrests and ongoing investigation

By Saturday evening, police had registered five First Information Reports (FIRs), including four against more than 500 individuals involved in vandalism and arson. Of these, the identities of over 100 people have been confirmed, and 17 have been taken into custody so far, as per Deccan Herald.

Police have formed three special teams to identify and arrest the remaining suspects. Investigators are relying on CCTV footage, viral videos, and other digital evidence to trace those involved. Over 50 individuals were questioned on Sunday and released after preliminary inquiry, as per Indian Express.

SP Gill reiterated that the preliminary probe has not yet revealed any pre-planned conspiracy, but maintained that “no conclusions can be drawn until the inquiry is completed.”

As of now, commercial establishments have reopened, and the situation in Yavat is under control, but tensions remain palpable in a community that had, until recently, lived in relative harmony.

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The post Communal violence erupts in Yavat, Pune over social media post; 17 arrested, multiple FIRs registered appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Additional City Civil And Session Judge Santhosh Gajanan Bhat had on April 3, framed charges against Revanna under Sections 376(2)(k) (rape by a person in a position of dominance), 376(2)(n) (repeated rape), 354(A) (sexual harassment), 354(B) (assault or use of force with intent to disrobe), 354(C) (voyeurism), 506 (criminal intimidation), and 201 (causing disappearance of evidence) and Section 66(e) of the Information Technology Act. 

The Supreme Court of India, had, in November 2024 dismissed the bail plea of ex-MP Prajwal Revanna booked for rape, sexual assault. In August, a Special Investigation Team of Karnataka which is probing four cases of sexual assault and harassment against Revanna submitted a 2,144-page charge sheet. A bench of Justices Bela M Trivedi and Satish Chandra Sharma rejected the plea and observed that Revanna is a very influential person. Appearing for Revanna, senior advocate Mukul Rohatgi said that a charge sheet has been filed in the case and section 376 of the IPC was not there in the initial complaint.

The special court had, on April 3 had framed charges against Prajwal Revanna for sexually assaulting the farm labourer who worked for his family. The 1,625-page-long charge sheet, filed on September 14, 2024, said that the woman was sexually assaulted thrice, two times at the family’s farmhouse and once at their residence in Basavanagudi, Bengaluru.

As per prosecution, the victim worked as a maid at a farmhouse owned by the Revanna family. It is claimed that from 2021, during the COVID-19 lockdown, Revanna repeatedly raped her and filmed the assaults in different locations. Further, it is alleged that Revanna used the videos to intimidate and silence her, preventing her from complaining.

The SIT formed in this case is also investigating three cases registered against Prajwal and he is presently in judicial custody. The SIT had arrested Prajwal at the Bengaluru Airport on his arrival from Germany on May 30 last year. He was arrested in Crime No.107/2024, registered with the Holenarasipura Town Police Station.

Senior advocates Ashok Nayak and BN Jagadeesha were special public prosecutors in the case. 

The complainant, the 47-year-old farm labourer, Mridula*, was working at the family farmhouse in Gannikada and also accompanied the family during their trips to Bengaluru. She had accused Prajwal of raping her when he had called her inside the room on the pretext of bringing him water at the farmhouse. He was accused of raping her a second time when she had accompanied the family to their house in Basavangudi, Bengaluru.

According to the chargesheet, the assault took place in 2021 at the Gannikada farmhouse. “Mridula was cleaning a room on the first floor when Prajwal came and asked if the room was cleaned. He then asked her to fetch some water. Mridula came back with a jug (chombu) of water when Prajwal suddenly pulled her inside his room. He then locked the door. Mridula asked him to open the door, “Baagilu tegi anna, bhaya aagutte (Open the door anna, I’m scared),” the chargesheet said. Prajwal responded with “Enu agalla” (Nothing will happen) to her cries and then raped her. The chargesheet said that he recorded the assault on his phone.

A case of kidnapping has also been filed against Prajwal’s parents, HD Revanna and Bhavani, and Prajwal’s relative, Satish Babanna, as Mridula had complained that she was taken to the farm on April 29, 2024, and kept for a few days. This coincided with the time that the videos had started circulating. On May 2, Mridula’s son filed a complaint of kidnapping against Prajwal after he came to know of the videos. At the time, Mridula was forced to record a video saying she was alright and had not been kidnapped. A couple of days later, she managed to escape from the farm where she was being held.

Prajwal has been in jail since June 2024, after complaints of sexual assault and having recorded the encounters on video emerged. 

The complaints started after thousands of video clips of these alleged encounters started circulating during the general elections held last year, when Prajwal, the incumbent MP, was contesting from the Hassan Lok Sabha constituency. A Special Investigation Team was formed to look into all the allegations, and four women came forward with complaints against him. 

Other cases against Revanna

There are three more cases filed against Prajwal Revanna. Of these, the first complaint was filed by Girija* and her daughter, Sunitha*. Prajwal is accused of raping Girija and forcing Sunitha to strip on a video call.  In another case, Prajwal is accused of raping Priya*, a former member of the local body and JD(S) party worker. This assault is said to have taken place at Prajwal’s then official residence in Hassan, says The News Minute. A case of molestation has also been filed against Prajwal by another woman who said that he had molested her when she had approached him to seek help on a personal matter.

* Names of the victims have been changed to protect their identity.

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The post Prajwal Revanna convicted of rape in first case, sentencing of August 2 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

It is a strange fact that while the RSS and its leaders have never made any secret as to what their agenda is, there are many apologists – many of them quite sincere – who repeatedly state that ‘they are not really like that’, ‘Oh but they have changed’, ‘You don’t think they really believe that do you?’ etc.

One of the issues on which the RSS made its thoughts very clear was their rejection of the Constitution of India when it was passed in 1949 and their determination to replace it with the Manusmriti. This is also something that its apologists, both honest and dishonest, have attempted to cover up repeatedly. It is a fact, however, that at the time when the Constitution was passed not only did the RSS publicly burn effigies of Dr. Ambedkar and J. Nehru in the Ramlila Maidan in Delhi but Sankar Subbar Aiyer wrote in the Organiser in an article entitled ‘Manu rules Our Hearts’ and Savarkar saw Manusmriti ‘as the scripture that is most worshippable after the Vedas’ and is the ‘basis of the spiritual and divine march of the nation.’ Golwalkar glorified Manu as ‘the first, greatest and the wisest law lawgiver of mankind.’

It is very strange and particularly ominous for Kerala that Sashi Tharoor recently commented that the RSS had ‘moved on’ from its earlier commitment to the Manusmriti (maybe he is the one moving on).

It is important to remember, therefore, that on the 5th of August, 2019 at the time of the bhoomi pooja of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, not only were the Prime Minister and the Chief Minister of UP present making a mockery of the secular nature of our Constitution but the RSS Sarsangchalak, Mohan Bhagwat, was also present. He made a short speech on the occasion, reciting only a single shloka from the Manusmriti in Sanskrit:

एतद् देशप्रसूतस्य सकाशादग्रजन्मनः ।
स्वं स्वं चरित्रं शिक्षेरन् पृथिव्यां सर्वमानवाः ॥ २० ॥

From a first-born (i.e, a Brahmana), born in that country
Let all men on earth learn their respective duties.

It is, therefore, clear that the RSS is pursuing its agenda of bringing the entire country within the confines of its Manuvadi Hindutva project which it hopes to bring to fruition in 2025, the centenary year of its foundation.

It was often thought that Kerala has a special ‘exceptionalism’ that makes it immune to penetration by the Hindutva forces. Unfortunately, this is an illusion. Kerala has a very special place in the RSS agenda and its earlier lack of success in the electoral arena made it design a series of methods in order to create what it calls the correct ‘Hindu atmosphere’ in Kerala. It has been relentless in its implementation of these methods in the State. Success in Kerala is of especial importance to the RSS which Golwalkar described as a fortress of all three internal enemies of Hindutva – Muslims, Christians and communists. He said ‘hostile elements within the country pose a far greater menace to national security than aggressors from outside.’ (A Bunch of Thoughts, 1966). His commitment to the capture of this fortress is evident from the fact that he visited Kerala every year until his death.

There should be no doubts about the fact that the Manuvadi Hindutva project aims to destroy everything that makes Kerala unique – its strong syncretic cultural and religious forms and observances that weld various communities together in a common Malayali identity, its vibrant culture of progressive, avant garde literature, cinema, dance forms and theatre, its strong social reform Renaissance movement that pushed back caste oppression, patriarchal dominance, feudal ways of thinking and brought about social transformation in the State, its promotion of rational and scientific thinking and its history of struggle and sacrifice against both colonial and class exploitation.

Manuvadi Hindutva promotes inequality in every sphere. It denies women all rights, it glorifies birth-based inequality and vocations, it justifies upper caste domination of society and religion, it extols economic exploitation and it discriminates against non-Hindus whom it seeks to deprive of their rights to equal citizenship.

It would seem that understanding the real objectives of the Manuvadi-Hindutva project would make it impossible to achieve. Truth, however, is more complicated. A large number of people do not believe the bitter truth about their co-religionists and caste brethren just as many are prepared to support their country, right or wrong. In addition, those in charge of successfully bringing this project to fruition employ guile, media management, use of money and power, lies and arousal of hatred against minorities, oppressed castes and women to successfully add dimensions to their project that are acceptable and even welcomed by large sections of people. The RSS has honed its skills with years of experience of making the victims of its project its supporters and implementers.

The belief in Kerala’s ‘exceptionalism’ which would make it immune to RSS machinations has also contributed to the rather complacent attitude displayed to many of its activities. The RSS itself has had no illusions about the difficulties it will face in what it calls the creation of a Hindu atmosphere in the State and has, therefore, adopted a multi-pronged approach to furthering its objectives in the State. Some elements of this have been utilized successfully in other parts of the country, some are unique to its tactics in Kerala. To successfully counter the RSS march forward, a deep study of its activities in the State is necessary. Along with this, mobilizing masses of people against its machinations is also essential.

As early as 1942, Golwalkar deputed 2 pracharaks, Thengadi and Oak, to set up shakhas in Malabar and Travancore. This was at a time when the young communist party was growing in popularity as it took up the issues of the exploited tenants, agricultural workers, and workers in the beedi, coir, cashew etc. industries. Casteist feudal elements were greatly opposed to both the Congress and Communist movements and the Raja of Nilambur and the Zamorin of Calicut helped establish the first shakhas in Kozhikode and Kannur districts. Dominant caste landlords – many of who belonged to the Congress – were also supportive. In 1943, the first training camp was organized in Kozhikode. Golwalkar attended this and was told by Thengadi that the communist movement was the biggest obstacle in the growth of the organization. He instructed Thengadi to do what was needed to break the movement. After the assassination of Gandhi, RSS camps were raided for weapons by Communists who also disrupted their activities. The RSS also used violence against its opponents. This was described by the poet, ONV Kurup who recalled being beaten up along with other progressive writers at Golwalkar’s instigation. Golwalkar justified the use of violence by using the analogy of the necessity to use the surgeon’s knife to save a life, in this case it was to save the Hindu society.

The role played by the RSS in the ‘Liberation Struggle’ against the first EMS Government is often forgotten. Not only did its cadres play an important role in organizing the struggle and ensuring the participation of a large number of caste Hindus, both men and women, and the ‘liberal’ Vajpayee addressed a large public meeting in Kottayam, exhorting his listeners to bring down the Government. When it was removed, the RSS celebrated with ‘Vijayaya divasams’ in many parts of the country.

Violent attacks by the RSS were also witnessed against the beedi workers who organized the Dinesh Beedi Co-operative when they were driven out of employment at Ganesh Beedi factories with the connivance of the RSS with the owner who was a staunch RSS supporter. Several Dinesh Beedi factories were bombed, killing and maiming many workers. Militant leaders of the beedi workers were also attacked and killed in well-planned attacks. The Communists also retaliated. While they lost more cadres they were also able to act in self-defence.

Since 1948, the RSS has used ‘temple movements’ aimed at uniting large masses of Hindus and targeting a minority group simultaneously. This is necessary in order to create a strong sense of ‘Hindu’ unity without erasing the inequalities of caste. While the placing of idols in the Babri mosque in Ayodhya in late 1948 was the beginning of its most significant mobilization that bore fruit five decades later, the earliest such movement in South India was launched to construct a Vivekananda Memorial at the southernmost tip of the country. It was met with opposition from the Christian fishing community in the area and this was utilized by the RSS and its various Parivar units including the BJP to garner support in the region. It was an RSS cadre from Kerala, PB Lakshmanan, who actually broke the cross that the fishermen had placed there. Most political parties and heads of governments contributed to the construction of the Memorial, a notable exception being Com. EMS Namboodripad who was Chief Minister of Kerala at the time. Even M. Karunanidhi contributed to the cause illustrating how difficult it is for even secular leaders to remain firm in their defence of their Constitutional responsibilities at a time when popular sentiment seems to be in favour of their doing the opposite. Of course, how much of this popular sentiment is genuine and how much the creation of media and vested interests is a moot question that needs serious study and attention.

To make a dent in Kerala, the RSS decided fairly early that it should not concentrate on fighting elections and trying to steadily augment electoral gains. It realized that the composition of the Kerala polity with large numbers of people belonging to the minority communities, large sections of the majority community opposed to its politics because of its involvement in class struggles and social movements and a strong, vibrant Communist movement would not allow it to make electoral gains that would propel it to power. It therefore developed and honed its strategy of infiltrating different sections of Kerala society by various means until a situation was created that it could use for achieving impressive electoral success. It therefore concentrated its efforts on taking over temples and using them as a base for various activities that would create the Hindu atmosphere it had been feeling the lack of since its inception, it would create new and utilize traditional observances that would not only strengthen a sense of Hindu identity and but would also erode strongly held syncretic beliefs between members of different religious communities. In addition, it would also use methods like social service in the fields of health, education and ‘feeding’ to gain the support of the poorer and socially oppressed sections. Women of all classes and castes who are generally extremely religious-minded were specially targeted with programmes of religious instructions, bhajan singing, temple visits and regular performance of old and new rituals while patriarchal norms and ideals of pativrata were regularly inculcated and strengthened among them.

The 2023 publication, ‘Elections Can Wait: The Politics of constructing a ‘Hindu atmosphere’ in Kerala, South India’ by Dayal Paleri and R.Santosh (IIT Chennai) is a detailed analysis of the way in which organisations affiliated to the RSS have worked at various levels in Kodangallur in Thrissur district. Its work started here in 1966 with the establishment of a single shakha and since then it has worked tirelessly ‘in the world of the everyday and the ordinary, from the workplaces, schools and communities, where the realities of Hindu nationalism are created and maintained.’

After its entry into the area, the RSS established branches of 3 organisations – Desiya Seva Bharathi (for social welfare activities), Kerala Kshetra Samarakshana Samiti (for Temple ‘protection’) and Vivekananda Vedic Vision Kendra. ‘The attempt to create a ‘Hindu atmosphere’ by these organisations ultimately aims at building a hegemonic and exclusivist Hindutva sociality, public sphere and subjectivities devoid of the impurities of other religions and irreligiosities of the secular ethos of Kerala society. The Hindutva organisations assume that their paramount mission is to bring about a foundational cultural transformation of society centred on a ‘Hindu atmosphere’ which they believe will naturally lead to the political and electoral preferences of people becoming solely confined to Hindutva politics’.

The Sree Kurumba Bhagavathy temple situated in the heart of Kodangallur dominates the area. It was closed to the ‘lower caste people’ until the strong social reform movements led by the SNDP and other organisations of oppressed social groups. The area also saw intense peasant mobilisations against rural distress and exploitation that led to the growing influence of the Communist movement. This influence has remained strong until very recently. As a result, not only the temple but its surroundings became open, public spaces and the 3 days temple festival not only attracted large numbers of Muslims but many of them were actively involved in its organization.

The 70s and 80s saw movements for land acquisition by the landless led by the Communists and much conflict with the landlords. The RSS actively supported the landlords and were responsible for several violent attacks on Communist leaders and cadres. The RSS started recruiting rich businessmen belonging to the lower castes and this drew members of these communities into its base. Since the 80s, when most of the struggles for occupation of land had been successfully concluded and many of the previously landless became landed and new business groups were emerging due to migrations to the Gulf (and of course much of the credit for these social processes goes to the Communists), the RSS benefited from the support of sections of these newly affluent groups and was able to shift from violent class attacks on the struggling poor and their leaders to social welfare activities. It has been noted that while these did gain some sympathy for the RSS workers the welfare activities of the State, specially under the LDF, are extremely effective as are its focus on public health and education. I should add here that I live in a BJP-ruled State and visit another MP, very often. While government education and health services are abysmal I have not seen any kind of welfare activities being carried out by RSS cadres. It seems that they carry these out in some places in Kerala only to compete with the Left-ruled Govt.

It was the focus on activities around the temple that have, however, paid the greatest dividends to the RSS in Kodangallur. Today there is a wall built around the temple to protect it from the polluting presence of Christians and Muslims, the participation of these communities in the Temple festivals and gatherings is now minimal and RSS supporters and members now oversee not only the temple management but the organization of events in and around the temple and the use of its spaces for conducting ceremonies and rituals for Hindu men, women and children creating the ‘Hindu atmosphere’ that is their objective. Today, the BJP is the single largest party in the Kodangallur municipality.

What was achieved in Kodangallur has been sought to be replicated across the State through various Temple activities and pilgrimages. It is the Sabarimala temple and the pilgrimage in which tens of thousands participate that has been the focus of the Sangh Parivar and its supporters over several decades since 1950 when the original temple caught fire.

The Sabarimala temple had been a religious site visited by members of all communities in earlier years. A Muslim friend of the deity Ayappa, Varava, has his own place in the various beliefs and rituals associated with the place. In fact, he even has his own place within the temple. A church, at a short distance from the temple, is visited by the pilgrims at the end of the pilgrimage. Many changes have, however, occurred. While Varava still occupies a place in the temple there are attempts being made to convert him into a Hindu and there is now almost no participation in the pilgrimage by non-Hindus.

The Supreme Court judgment in 2018 stated that women of all ages were free to visit the temple and that any ban on their entry was a form of untouchability that was anti-Constitutional. While the LDF government in power announced that it would implement the judgment, other parties acted in chameleon-like ways. To begin with, RSS and BJP leaders welcomed the judgment as did leaders of the Congress including Sashi Tharoor. Within days, however, the RSS and BJP smelt an opportunity to make a great leap forward in recalcitrant Kerala and soon came out strongly against the SC judgment. The then President of the State BJP, Sreedharan Pillai said at a meeting, ‘Sabarimala is a puzzle…But we have to put forward an agenda, and others are gradually falling for it. It is a golden chance.’ The Sangh Parivar wanted to start an Ayodhya-like agitation over the issue and Yogi Aditynath opined ‘there were many attempts to insult believers at both holy places and asked them to start an Ayodhya type agitation at Kerala’s hill temple to keep their faith.’

Sreedharan Pillai’s statement that ‘others are gradually falling for it’ proved to be only too correct. Not only did the Congress leadership, including Sashi Tharoor who had a change of heart on arrival in Kerala from Delhi, joined protests against the SC judgment vociferously. Leaders of the Muslim and Christian community joined them enthusiastically.

The political motives behind the movement were revealed by Amit Shah who said in Kannur that ‘The BJP will take over the protest of the Ayyappa devotees. We will not mind throwing out the government if the Kerala govt. tries to steamroll the traditions of the Sabarimala temple.’ Extraordinary that the Home Minister of the Govt. of India threatened to remove a State Govt. for abiding by the decision of the Supreme Court! Sreedharan Pillai went even further and said ‘The protest is not against the issue of entry of women into the temple but against the communist government in the state. Communists are trying to destroy the temple; our protest is against the communists.’

It must be said that the Communists, the left, the progressive forces and those on the side of social justice fought back with all their might. A massive Women’s Wall was organized from one end of the State to the other with nearly 5 million women participants. The Kerala Renaissance and its lessons were recalled again and again. The Chief Minister, Pinarayi Vijayan, said repeatedly that the Constitution was above all rituals and traditions and that the SC verdict would be upheld by his Government. For this he had to face not only opposition from many quarters but also casteist abuse.

The Sabarimala conflict revealed the harsh patriarchy that still dominated much of Kerala society. Caste divisions were also uncovered. Large numbers of upper caste women who never participated in movements and agitations took to the streets for a cause that ultimately weakened their own status and rights.

The movement was and should be a great learning experience for the people of Kerala. It brought into focus the forces arrayed on both sides of a battle for minds and hearts that will have very far reaching consequences. It has brought into focus the challenge that the unfinished Renaissance of Kerala faces. It has brought into focus the desperation of the vested interests that are determined to win back all that they have lost in battle after battle led by the Left, by the exploited and the socially oppressed. It is significant that Sabarimala did not become an Ayodhya because of the ‘exceptionalism’ of Kerala. At the same time, the strong mobilization that the reactionary forces could inspire, far beyond the strength of just the Sangh Parivar and its supporters, also needs to be understood.

The resistance demonstrated against this mobilization needs to be strengthened. This is certainly the responsibility of the Left forces but it is a responsibility that must be shared by all those who are determined to combat the Manuvadi Hindutva that threatens to destroy Kerala.

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The post Manuvadi Hindutva – Rewriting Culture, History and Right to Equality appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The leaders also denounced the Hindu right-wing Bajrang Dal’s “coercive role” in the arrest of Sister Vandana Francis and Sister Preeta Mary of the order of the Assisi Sisters of Mary Immaculate. Both nuns, Preeti Mary and Vandana Francis, and Sukaman Mandavi from Narayanpur were arrested on Friday, July 25 after a local Bajrang Dal member, Ravi Nigam, filed a complaint with the police, saying that Mr. Mandavi had brought three women to the Durg railway station, from where they had to go to Agra with the two nuns.

Meanwhile, the Hindu reported that the Union Minister of State for Minority Affairs George Kurian said that the matter was sub judice and he was therefore not hazarding an opinion until the court processed the nuns’ arrest. He stated that BJP’s Kerala president Rajeev Chandrasekhar was “working closely with the Central and Chhattisgarh governments, as well as the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India, to secure the early release of the nuns.”

Even as Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan wrote a strong letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi demanding justice for the “unfairly incarcerated” nuns, a delegation of left leaders led by leaders like Brinda Karat and Annie Raja has left for Chhattisgarh on the matter. Leader of the Opposition V.D. Satheesan also stated the attacks against Christians in BJP ruled States had multiplied after Prime Minister Narendra Modi came to power at the Centre. Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee president Sunny Joseph, MLA, said Christians in the BJP-ruled States lived in fear of persecution.

A delegation of Left MPs led by senior Left leaders like
@BrindaKarat and @AnnieRaja are leaving for Chhattisgarh. Our struggle for democracy and secularism shall continue, inside and out of the Parliament. pic.twitter.com/dLVZxk0T3l

— A A Rahim (@AARahimdyfi) July 29, 2025

Nuns are “innocent”, say family members of tribal women

Even as the arrest of the Keralite nuns in Chhattisgarh made national headlines, siblings of the purported victims reject allegations of trafficking and forcible conversion; they say the tribal women were accompanying the nuns to Agra for a job with the consent of family members. However BJP’s Chhattisgarh Chief Minister has defended the arrest.

Only days after the Chhattisgarh Police arrested three persons, including two Keralite nuns, on charges of trafficking and forcibly converting a few tribal women, the latter’s family members have denied the police claim. Family members clearly stated that the women accompanied the nuns and a man from Narayanpur of their own volition, and that they are innocent.

However, Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai, on Monday (July 28, 2025), backed the arrests, saying that “through inducement, an attempt was being made [by the arrested persons] to engage in human trafficking and conversion”.

‘They are being framed’

The younger sister of another woman who was in Narayanpur also demanded the release of the nuns and said her sister left home on July 24, and that the family had converted to Christianity five years ago. Besides, post the arrests, all three families gave a written submission to the Narayanpur Police on July 26 saying that they were aware that the women were being taken for jobs, said Narayanpur Superintendent of Police Robinson Guria.

Related:

Targeted by Mob, Arrested without Cause: Two Catholic nuns jailed in Chhattisgarh despite consent documents and no evidence of conversion

The post As protests intensify in Kerala over arrests of nuns, family members of Adivasi women say nuns are innocent, left national leadership to visit Chhattisgarh appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The arrest, which followed a public mob intimidation led by Bajrang Dal activists, is being widely condemned as a blatant case of targeted harassment of religious minorities under the guise of anti-conversion and trafficking laws.

Mob tip-off, not law, triggered arrest

The incident was triggered not by any formal complaint or police investigation, but by a train ticket examiner (TTE) at the station who questioned the group and then contacted local Bajrang Dal members rather than railway authorities. According to Father Sebastian Poomattam, Vicar General of the Raipur Archdiocese, who spoke with The News Minute, the women told the TTE they were travelling to Agra under the care of the nuns, and the nuns had their tickets. But soon, a Bajrang Dal mob gathered and began harassing the group.

The nuns were accompanying the women to secure employment as kitchen helpers in convents in Agra, with salaries between ₹8,000 and ₹10,000, as confirmed by Fr. Poomattam. “They were all over 18 and had consent letters from their parents,” he said, as reported in the The News Minute report.

Despite this, the railway police detained the group. Bajrang Dal activists gathered outside the police station and allegedly pressured authorities into registering an FIR. The women were later sent to a state-run shelter, while the nuns and the young man were remanded to judicial custody until August 8.

Police inaction against Bajrang Dal despite harassment

Sister Asha Paul, from the Congregation of the Holy Family in Delhi, alleged that no Church representative was permitted to meet the arrested nuns. “We believe the young women were coerced into changing their statements. The nuns had all required documents—IDs, consent letters—yet they were treated as criminals,” she said, as reported by The News Minute.

Multiple eyewitness accounts and Christian organisations confirmed that the nuns were publicly humiliated by Bajrang Dal members, led by Jyoti Sharma, even before their arrest, with police officers reportedly standing by. Videos shared by Anti-Christian Tracker Watch on social media show the group being harassed on the platform.

Before their arrest, the Catholic nuns were illegally detained, harassed, and humiliated by Bajrang Dal’s Jyoti Sharma and her team, all in full view of the police, who stood by in silence.

No FIR against Jyoti Sharma yet.

Is this democracy or mobocracy? https://t.co/JdUCnb19NY pic.twitter.com/UnGevvou2q

— Anti Christian Tracker Watch – ACT India (@ACTWatchIndia) July 27, 2025

Despite this, no FIR has been filed against Sharma or other members of the vigilante group.

Systematic targeting of Christians, say Church and civil society

The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India (CBCI) condemned the arrests, stating that the women were legal adults, their travel was voluntary, and there was no evidence of conversion. “This is a violation of their constitutional rights. The Church will raise the issue on all appropriate platforms,” CBCI said in a press statement, as reported by The New Indian Express.

The Kerala Catholic Bishops’ Council’s (KCBC) Social Harmony and Vigilance Commission said the police action was based on “false and baseless allegations” from Bajrang Dal members. According to The New Indian Express, the KCBC warned that the incident fits a broader pattern of intimidation and misuse of anti-conversion laws to target religious workers. “This distressing incident is part of a broader and deeply troubling pattern of increasing hostility towards Christians and missionary personnel across various Indian states. The weaponisation of anti-conversion laws by extremist groups is not only unjust but also poses a serious threat to the constitutional rights of religious minorities in the country. We affirm that Catholic missionaries do not engage in forced conversions,” their official statement noted.

Notably, the United Christian Forum (UCF) had reported that incidents targeting Christians have surged from 127 in 2014 to 834 in 2024—a near sevenfold increase—highlighting what it called “a coordinated campaign of intimidation against minorities.”

Call for action

Congress leaders from Kerala sharply condemned the arrests. AICC General Secretary K.C. Venugopal wrote to Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai, highlighting that the present incident is a blatant case of mob intimidation and wrongful imprisonment. When written consent and documentation are ignored, and police act under pressure from fringe elements, it is a breakdown of law.

Attacks on minorities have seen a rampant increase under BJP-ruled States, be it Chhattisgarh, Odisha or MP.

The latest attacks by Bajrang Dal goons on 2 Catholic nuns in Durg, Chhattisgarh point to a tacit support for such hate crimes from the ruling establishment.

I have… pic.twitter.com/zcwSMVUHLJ

— K C Venugopal (@kcvenugopalmp) July 27, 2025

John Brittas, Member of Parliament from CPI-M, also addressed a letter to the Chhattisgarh CM stating that the arrest of Kerala nuns Sr. Vandana Francis & Sr. Preethi at Durg on baseless trafficking & conversion charges is a disgrace, and a blatant misuse of the law to target minorities.

The arrest of Kerala nuns Sr. Vandana Francis & Sr. Preethi at Durg on baseless trafficking & conversion charges is a disgrace. This is blatant misuse of the law to target minorities. Free the nuns & stop the hate campaign against those serving society! pic.twitter.com/JF0k839AjX

— John Brittas (@JohnBrittas) July 28, 2025

The KCBC has demanded intervention from Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union ministers, stating: “The Centre must not stay silent. Mob rule cannot override constitutional rights. This is a moment of reckoning for India’s commitment to democracy and religious freedom.”

Related:

United Christian Forum submits memorandum to UP Governor Anandiben Patel; demands repeal of UP anti-conversion law and its recent amendment

United Christian Forum submits detailed memorandum to Minority Affairs minister Kiren Rijiju highlighting targeted violence against Christian Community; demands repeal of anti-conversion laws

Allahabad HC’s recent judgement dubbed “saffron-tinged”, “fuelling fear among Christians,” says United Christian Forum

United Christian Forum: Average two Christians attacked in India every day, 287 incidents reported from UP itself

The post Targeted by Mob, Arrested without Cause: Two Catholic nuns jailed in Chhattisgarh despite consent documents and no evidence of conversion appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The aggression extends to vandalism over trivial matters like food preferences, as seen in Muzaffarnagar, where Dhabas were vandalised and owners assaulted over the presence of onion and garlic. Furthermore, brutal physical assaults have occurred, including a widely condemned incident in Mirzapur where a CRPF jawan was attacked, and civilians and their property were not spared in Meerut and Haridwar.

Supreme Court declines to examine legality of UP Govt’s display of QR code mandate

Moreover, amidst alarming reports of assaults on eatery owners based on their identity, on July 22, 2025, the Supreme Court refused to go into the legality of directives issued by the Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand authorities requiring eateries along the Kanwar Yatra route to display QR codes for pilgrims to know owner details, considering the pilgrimage was ending. A bench of Justice MM Sundresh and Justice NK Singh disposed of the applications challenging this mandate, clarifying that sellers must display their licenses and registration certificates as required by law. The bench stated, “We are told that today is the last day of the Yatra. In any case it is likely to come to an end in the near future. Therefore, at this stage, we would only pass an order that all the respective Hotel owners shall comply with the mandate of displaying the licence and the registration certificate as per the statutory requirements. We make it clear that we are not going into the other issues argued. The application is closed” as Live Law reported

The applications, filed by Professor Apoorvanand and activist Aakar Patel, along with TMC MP Mahua Moitra and NGO Association for the Protection of Civil Rights, sought a stay on these directives, arguing they circumvented a previous Supreme Court order from last year prohibiting forced disclosure of seller identities and promoted religious discrimination. 

Senior Advocate Dr Abhishek Manu Singhvi contended that these directives were intended for religious profiling, not quality service, and were a “direct assault” on secularism. Senior Advocate Mukul Rohatgi, for Uttar Pradesh, argued the directions complied with FSSAI regulations, stating some dhabas misrepresented vegetarian food. Justice Sundresh noted that consumers should have the choice to know if a place exclusively serves vegetarian food, especially during a pilgrimage, as reported

Ultimately, the bench declined to delve into contentious issues, deeming the matter infructuous due to the Yatra’s conclusion, advising petitioners to approach the High Court if they wished to challenge it further.

A surge in lawlessness: incidents of hooliganism and violence

As per reports, in the various cities of the UP and Uttarakhand, the Kanwar Yatra has been plagued by a worrying surge in incidents of misconduct. Data from the Mela Police Force Control Room reveals that over 170 Kanwariyas were booked within the first five days alone for serious charges including hooliganism, rioting, blocking highways, obstructing police officials, breach of peace, and wrongful restraint, as Hindustan Times reported.

Targeted harassment of eatery owners and staff

A particularly disturbing trend observed during this year’s yatra is the targeted harassment and vandalism directed at hotel and dhaba owners, often fuelled by communal allegations. In a shocking incident in Muzaffarnagar, members of a saffron outfit, led by Swami Yashveer Maharaj, allegedly attempted to strip eatery staff at ‘Panditji Ka Dhaba’ to verify their religion after scanning a barcode revealed the owner was Muslim, as Deccan Herald reported.

The outfit had deployed hundreds of members to check eateries with Hindu names but Muslim ownership, following a state government directive for eateries to mention owners’ names. This incident, captured in a viral video, led to police booking six individuals, though Swami Yashveer Maharaj vowed statewide agitation if action was taken against his activists, unequivocally stating, “We will, under no circumstances, allow the Muslims to operate eateries along the Yatra route.”

This communal targeting was not isolated. In Haridwar, Kanwar pilgrims verbally abused and harassed a Sikh manager at a Muslim-owned eatery, accusing him of deception for serving tea from a “Muslim stall.” When the manager advocated for religious equality, he was told to “stop using logic.” 

Similarly, in Meerapur, a dhaba was vandalised by Kanwariyas who claimed the Muslim owners had not displayed their identities, further demonstrating a pattern of communal intimidation. 

In Loni, Ghaziabad, on July 10, BJP MLA Nandkishor Gurjar took matters into his own hands, shutting down a meat vendor, citing the Hindu month of Sawan and the Kanwar Yatra, threatening to “take matters into their own hands and break the law” if police didn’t act.

However, the Supreme Court, in July 2024, intervened to prohibit the enforcement of a public notice issued by Muzaffarnagar police, which had directed hotels, dhabas, and shops on the Kanwar Yatra route to display the names of their owners and employees, recognising its discriminatory nature. Vandalism over food preferences and other assaults

Beyond communal angles, Kanwariyas have engaged in vandalism and assault over trivial matters. In Muzaffarnagar on July 7, Kanwar yatris vandalised ‘Tau Hukkewalah Haryanvi Tourist Dhaba’ after alleging that the dal served contained onion and garlic, despite the owner, Pramod Kumar, explaining it was a worker’s mistake. The pilgrims, who had vowed to avoid these ingredients, assaulted staff, damaged furniture, and chased the cook. 

Another similar incident occurred at ‘Balaknath Dhaba,’ where owner Sadhana Pawar tearfully recounted, “I folded my hands but they broke my entire dhaba… They broke my servant’s leg, looted all the money,” simply because a dish accidentally contained onion.

कांवड़ियों का कहर
“मैंने हाथ जोड़े पर उन्होंने मेरा पूरा ढाबा तोड़ दिया”
“मेरे नौकर का पैर तोड़ दिया, पूरा पैसा लूट लिया”
ये बता रही हैं बालकनाथ ढाबे की मालकिन साधना पवार
इनके ढाबे में गलती से कांवड़ियों के खाने में प्याज़ आ गया,पूरा ढाबा ख़त्म
Ground report on our YT channel pic.twitter.com/PYhAHyhoqx

— Saurabh shukla (@Saurabh_Unmute) July 9, 2025

The aggression extended to physical assaults on individuals. In a widely condemned incident in Uttar Pradesh’s Mirzapur, seven Kanwariyas were arrested after brutally punching and kicking a CRPF jawan at the railway station over a dispute regarding train tickets. CCTV footage showed the saffron-clad pilgrims pinning the jawan to the ground in a public display of violence. 

Even innocent civilians and their property have not been spared. In Meerut, three Kanwariyas were injured when a bus grazed them, prompting their fellow pilgrims to vandalise the vehicle, break its window panes, and assault the driver, who subsequently fled. 

A bus driver was attacked by Kanwariyas in Muradnagar Ghaziabad because the bus touched the kanwad in the high traffic area.

Either the UP government should issue lock down orders for general public or stop public transport on the Kanwar route.

Why to put lives in danger? pic.twitter.com/VLJMdatRyi

— Kapil (@kapsology) July 13, 2025

On July 5, 2025, in Manglaur, Haridwar, Kanwar Yatra pilgrims attacked a car carrying a Muslim family, alleging it had hit a Kanwar, and proceeded to assault the driver and passengers while vandalising the vehicle.

Now, authorities, recognising the escalating issues, have attempted to rein in unruly behaviour. The Uttar Pradesh police banned Kanwariyas from carrying sticks, tridents (trishuls), hockey sticks, and similar items across major yatra routes in districts like Meerut, Muzaffarnagar, Shamli, Saharanpur, Bulandshahr, Hapur, and Baghpat. 

Additionally, the use of motorbikes without silencers was prohibited to curb noise pollution and public nuisance. ADG (Meerut Zone) Bhanu Bhaskar affirmed strict enforcement, stating, “The govt has issued clear directives prohibiting it. We are enforcing these strictly, and FIRs are being registered against violators.”

The chief minister’s stance and its implications

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s statements regarding the Kanwar Yatra have been a subject of scrutiny, with critics suggesting they may have inadvertently emboldened some elements. On Sunday, July 20, 2025, the CM alleged that “miscreants” were infiltrating Kanwar groups to defame them on social media, urging “kanwar sanghs” to expose such individuals and keep them away. He stated, “We have to keep in mind that where there is enthusiasm and excitement, where there is faith and devotion, some elements are constantly trying to disturb that enthusiasm and to defame this devotion and faith.” He promised strict action against those captured on CCTV after the yatra concludes, as reported the Indian Express.

Just two days prior, on July 18, 2025, in Varanasi, CM Adityanath had doubled down, alleging the Kanwar Yatra was “deliberately defamed” and its participants labelled as “goons” by elements seeking to “humiliate the heritage of India.” He linked these critics to those who tried to separate tribal communities from India, emphasising, “Today, the Yatra is progressing peacefully and with devotion, yet some label it as unruly. These are the same forces that try to mislead and provoke tribal communities. We must remain alert to such divisive elements” The Hindu reported. 

He even recalled an incident where an arsonist wearing a saffron scarf was shouting “Ya Allah,” attributing such deceptive acts to anti-social elements.

While the Chief Minister condemned the actions of “miscreants” and called for law enforcement to take action, his narrative of external “defamers” and “anti-national elements” potentially provided a shield for unruly behaviour, shifting the blame away from the immediate actions of the Kanwariyas themselves. His public showering of flowers on Kanwariyas in Meerut, alongside other political figures, further projected an image of state endorsement and leniency, which critics argue might have been perceived by some as tacit approval, thus pushing the “courage of anti-elements” to act with impunity, knowing they might be defended as victims of defamation rather than perpetrators of crime.

Tainting the pious purpose 

The increasing reports of violence, aggression, and communal targeting profoundly taint the otherwise pious purpose of the Kanwar Yatra. Mahant Ravindra Puri’s assertion that the yatra is about “compassion” and “penance” stands in stark contrast to the acts of vandalism and assault witnessed. The Supreme Court’s refusal on July 22, 2025, to examine the legality of controversial QR code directives, particularly amidst ongoing reports of targeted assaults on eatery owners based on their identity, further highlights the disconnect between the pilgrimage’s spiritual intent and the real-world incidents. While the Court opted not to delve into the controversial directives, especially given the reported communal targeting, leaves questions about accountability for such violence. 

When a pilgrimage meant to symbolise devotion and sacrifice, following in the footsteps of revered figures like Lord Parshuram and Shravan Kumar, becomes synonymous with road blockades, harassment, and physical violence, its spiritual sanctity is eroded. The incidents not only disrupt public peace and order but also sow seeds of fear and division, fundamentally betraying the yatra’s core values of unity, devotion, and selfless service.

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Kanwar Yatra episode: Pasmanda Muslims, ‘wooed’ by BJP, perhaps biggest losers

Two petitions filed in SC challenging UP and Uttarakhand governments’ directive to display name of shop owner and staff for being unconstitutional

The post How deviant acts mar the sacred Kanwar Yatra appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The acquittal came nearly eight years after a special MCOCA court had sentenced five of the accused to death and the others to life imprisonment in 2015. The special, Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Court had sentenced five of the accused to death sentence and the remainder seven to life imprisonment under various provisions of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA), and Explosives Acts.In all, the accused were in jail for 19 years in jail without a break, with one of the 12 accused — Kamal Ahmed Mohammed Vakil Ansari –dying in 2021 to COVID-19 infection while he was lodged in Nagpur prison.

This judgment is not merely a reversal of a trial court verdict—it is a stinging indictment of investigative lapses, prosecutorial failure, and judicial oversight. The High Court held that the prosecution’s case suffered from “serious infirmities,” rendering the conviction unsafe and unjust.

Through the 19 years of incarceration, these men have been denied bail. Even in acute situations like the Covid-19 pandemic or when they lost near relatives, the men were denied any relief from prison. Today, July 21, 2025, the high court has released them on a simple “Personal Recognizance (PR) Bond” which essentially means that they can walk out of jal without having to make any financial payment for their release.

Background of the case 

On July 11, 2006, a series of seven coordinated bomb explosions struck first-class compartments of Mumbai’s suburban trains during peak hours. The scale, precision, and horror of the attacks led to an immediate manhunt. Within months, the Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) –appointed by the Congress government that was in power at the time– claimed to have cracked the case and arrested 13 men, all of whom were Muslim and belonged to marginalised socio-economic backgrounds. Several cases handled by the ATS around that period under the Congress leadership, including the Malegaon 2006 blast case, have raised serious questions of the communal biases in the police and wrong implication of Muslim youth in terror cases. For instance, in the Malegaon 2006 blast case, the Muslim men were eventually exonerated after the National Investigating Agency (NIA) took over and the new line of investigations showed that the terror blast was the handiwork of accused persons belonging to Hindu community.

The prosecution in the 7/11 train blasts case alleged a cross-border conspiracy involving Pakistan’s ISI, Lashkar-e-Taiba, and operatives of the banned SIMI (Students’ Islamic Movement of India), with support from Indian collaborators. The case proceeded –as mentioned above –under the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA), along with charges under the Indian Penal Code (IPC), the Explosives Act, and Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA.

Trial, conviction, and sentencing

The trial began in 2007 before a special MCOCA court. Relying heavily on confessions, circumstantial evidence, call data records, and alleged recoveries, the prosecution secured convictions in 2015 for 12 of the accused.

• Five were sentenced to death
• Seven were awarded life imprisonment

One accused, Wahid Shaikh, was acquitted in 2015 after nine years of incarceration.

However, right from the outset, defense lawyers and human rights groups flagged serious concerns:

• Most of the accused had retracted their confessions, alleging torture
• Witness testimonies were inconsistent and contradictory
• Key forensic links to explosives were weak or inconclusive
• Call data location mapping had been misrepresented or was scientifically insufficient
• Parallel investigations pointed to an entirely different group of perpetrators

The High Court’s Findings: A collapse of prosecution integrity

The High Court’s 671-paged judgment systematically dismantled the prosecution’s theory. The following were key findings:

1. Unreliable confessions: The Court held that confessions made under MCOCA, even if admissible, must be scrutinized with heightened caution. It noted that:

• The retractions by the accused were immediate and consistent
• There was credible evidence of custodial torture
• Medical records and affidavits indicated coercion
• Multiple confessions were similar in wording, suggesting scripting

2. Weak circumstantial evidence: The prosecution failed to convincingly link any of the accused to the procurement, assembly, or placement of the bombs. Among the failures:

• No eyewitnesses placed any of the accused at train stations
• Forensic tests on alleged bomb-making sites were inconclusive
• Travel routes and maps allegedly recovered from the accused were publicly available

3. Call data records and location mapping flawed: The ATS relied heavily on mobile phone data to show the accused were in contact and present near blast sites. But the Court found:

• Cell tower locations had been selectively interpreted
• Mapping did not conclusively place the accused at blast locations
• Some mobile numbers were never conclusively linked to the accused

4. Fabricated recoveries and witness inconsistencies

• Several “recovered” items were found to be planted or inadmissibly recovered without independent witnesses.
• Key prosecution witnesses, including police officers and panch witnesses, gave contradictory testimonies.
• One key witness had previously testified in an unrelated Ghatkopar blast case, casting doubt on impartiality

5. Discarded lead of pressure cookers

• Investigators originally flagged statements from shopkeepers about “Kashmiri-looking youths” buying pressure cookers, but dropped these leads during trial, without credible reason. Yet the prosecution later reintroduced the theory—revealing an arbitrary and inconsistent investigative approach

6. Illegal MCOCA sanction

• Per Section 23(1) of MCOCA, a senior official’s (Addl. CP S.K. Jaiswal) sanction was mandatory but not substantively proven—the sanction letter was never produced from the witness box. The High Court struck it down

The Acquitted: A decade lost in the shadow of guilt

The following table details the 12 acquitted men and their sentences:

Role of defence lawyers and long fight for justice

The acquittal owes much to a determined legal team and families that never gave up. At the start of the investigation itself, on September 29, 2006, over two months after the blast, the then police commissioner of Mumbai police, A.N. Roy had claimed that two Kashmiri men had gone to a local market and purchased pressure cookers from two shops. These pressure cookers, Roy had claimed, were used in assembling the highly explosive bombs. The blast came to be known as ‘pressure cooker blast case’. 

As what has increasingly become the norm for reportage of “terror cases”, media reporting since the blasts was almost entirely based on what the police would share in the press conferences. So for months after the ghastly blasts, all the men were accused of a whole range of things, from visiting Pakistan for arms training to storing Research Department Explosives (RDX), ammonium nitrate, nitrite and petroleum hydrocarbon oil in their houses. The pressure cooker theory soon vanished and it found no mention in the chargesheet. Eight years later, at the time of the final submission before the MCOCA court, the special public prosecutor in the case, Raja Thakare, reintroduced the theory. Advocate Ramakrishnan and her associate Rai, who appeared for the accused in the High Court, –in their final submissions– systematically punctured these gaps in the investigation. The police had claimed that two months after the serial bomb blasts, two men had come forward to claim that in May 2006, two ‘Kashmiri-looking youths’ had bought pressure cookers in large quantities. The statements of these two men were recorded. These two men should have been treated as crucial witnesses but the investigating agency decided to simply drop their statements at the time of the trial, terming them as “not credible”. What this meant was that a foundational brick in the prosecution’s ostensible theory was shaky.

“It is impossible to believe the version of witnesses that accused had mentioned pressure cookers in their interrogation in September, because the story of pressure cookers only occurred to ATS after 28.09.2006 after recording statements of shopkeepers that Kashmiri youths had bought pressure cookers en masse. Throughout this period, ATS said that the accused were giving them no lead. In fact, not a single remand application was taken on the ground that they had to identify pressure cookers or the accused had talked about pressure cookers,” the counsel for the accused had argued. The lawyers also raised questions about the application of the draconian MCOCA law in the case. Section 23(1) MCOCA, the lawyers pointed out, requires prior approval of a police officer not below the rank of the Additional Commissioner of Police (ACP) before any information about a commission of an offence under MCOCA is recorded. The officer, S.K. Jaiswal, the then deputy Inspector General of Police/Addl. Commissioner of Police, Anti Terrorism Squad, Mumbai, who allegedly had given the required approval, was never examined.

The HC, accepting the argument, noted in its judgement: “Shri. Jaiswal, who granted the prior approval, did not enter into the witness box to prove the contents of the letter of prior approval. Mere identification of signature of Shri. Jaiswal by PW-174 does not prove the contents of prior approval.”

Former Orissa High Court Chief Justice and senior advocate Dr. S. Muralidhar represented two of the accused — Muzammil Ataur Rahman Shaikh and Zameer Ahmed Latifur Rehman Shaikh. A string of lawyers, including arguing counsels Nitya Ramakrishnan, Yug Mohit Chaudhry, S. Nagamuthu and S. Muralidhar, along with Wahab Shaikh, Sharif Shaikh, Payoshi Roy and Stuti Rai, among many others, were also part of the legal team in the High Court on behalf of the accused. They had contended that the prosecution case was flawed and that the trial court erred in convicting the accused. Raja Thackeray was the special public prosecutor appointed in the case. 

In his submissions at the penultimate stage, as reported by LiveLaw, Muralidhar described the investigation as biased and media-driven, stating:

“Innocent people are sent to jail and then years later when they are released from jail there is no possibility for reconstruction of their lives. From last 17 years these accused are in jail. They haven’t stepped out even for a day. The majority of their prime life is gone. In such cases where there is a public outcry, the approach by police is always to first assume guilt and then go from there. Police officers take press conferences in such cases, and the way the media covers the case, it kind of decides the guilt of a person. In many such terror cases, investigating agencies have failed us miserably”.

He urged the court to consider the irreversible damage done — years lost, families stigmatised, and no closure for the victims or accused. Wahid Shaikh, who was acquitted in 2015, led the public campaign ‘Innocence Network’ and became a vocal critic of India’s terror trial processes. He published books, pursued a PhD, and coordinated legal aid for the remaining 12 accuse. 

A legal reckoning and its implications

This case serves as a searing indictment of:

• Investigative tunnel vision: The ATS prematurely closed the investigation around a preferred narrative and failed to pursue alternative leads.
• Judicial deference to state narratives: The trial court accepted questionable confessions and unreliable evidence without applying proper legal standards.
• Delays in appellate review: The eight-year delay in hearing the appeals effectively meant the accused had served most of their sentence even before acquittal.

The Bombay High Court’s verdict does more than acquit—it restores a sliver of institutional faith, while also raising deep concerns about how India investigates and prosecutes terror. For the acquitted, however, it may be too late. Years lost in prison, families destroyed, and reputations ruined—without compensation, without apology.

Systemic Implications: No closure for victims, no accountability for investigators

While the acquitted walk free, the victims of the 7/11 blasts are left without justice or answers. The ATS, which led the investigation, has now seen two major terror cases of that era — this and the Malegaon 2006 blasts — unravel due to procedural misconduct and communal bias.

In Malegaon, too, Muslim men were first arrested, only to be later absolved when the National Investigation Agency uncovered the role of Hindutva extremist groups. The parallels reinforce growing concerns that India’s terror probes are often driven more by political pressure and profiling than by forensic rigour.

Abdul Wahid Shaikh & the Innocence Network

Wahid, who was a school teacher at the time of his arrest, transformed into a fierce activist on his release in 2015. He started ‘Innocence Network’, a campaign for the release of the 12 others. He wrote books on his life in jail, researched on the Indian criminal justice system and obtained a PhD degree recently on the same. He, along with the  Jamiat Ulema-i-Hindu, also worked meticulously on the case. 

Conclusion: A broken system exposed

The 2006 Mumbai train blasts case will now be remembered not just for its brutality, but for the colossal miscarriage of justice it occasioned. The High Court’s judgment reaffirms the fundamental tenet of criminal law: that the burden of proof lies on the State, and every accused is presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond reasonable doubt. The case calls for immediate reforms in anti-terror investigations, greater prosecutorial accountability, and the establishment of a robust compensation framework for the wrongfully accused.

What also remains a question is the crucial issue of reparation and or compensation for the accused and their families given the loss of lives, livelihood and utter ostracisation by society. The penalty that ought to be paid by police officers (in this case from the ATS Mumbai) responsible for the investigative lapses is also a loophole in the system that provides no succour to those wrongfully accused.

Related:

One More Innocent Terror Accused, One More Book But Will Our System Respond?

No innocent should ever be jailed, my life is dedicated to get other innocents released: Abdul Wahid Shaikh

Bombay HC grants bail to Sanatan Sanstha and Hindu Janjagruti Samiti Members

2008 Jaipur blasts: Rajasthan HC acquits all four who were given death penalty

Malegaon blast case: Court rejects Pragya’s plea seeking exemption from appearing for trail

After 23 years in Prison on false charges, five Men walk out free in Samleti Blast case

The post A Spectacle of Injustice Undone: After 19 years, Bombay HC’s acquittal in the 7/11 Mumbai train blasts case recognises the (mis) use of ‘torture for confession’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.