According to reports from PTI and IANS, the confrontation resulted in multiple injuries to civilians and police personnel alike, with several police vehicles set ablaze by protesters. The situation quickly escalated, prompting the deployment of a large police force and the declaration of a high alert in the region. Traffic along the Basanti Highway was brought to a halt for several hours due to road blockades and the sit-in protest by demonstrators.

Later that evening, West Bengal Police issued a statement assuring that the situation in Bhangar had been brought under control. They confirmed that criminal cases had been registered against individuals involved in arson and violence. The Kolkata Police also took to social media to caution citizens against believing or spreading unverified information, warning that legal action would be taken against anyone found circulating rumours or misinformation.

VIDEO | West Bengal: Tension in South 24 Parganas’ Bhangar as Indian Secular Front (ISF) workers clashed with city police. They also set a van ablaze. More details awaited.

(Full video available on PTI Videos – https://t.co/bnF8OnGu37) pic.twitter.com/fk17Jufpl3

— Press Trust of India (@PTI_News) April 14, 2025

The Flashpoint: Why did the clashes occur?

The tension began when ISF supporters attempted to travel from Bhangar and neighbouring areas like Minakhan and Sandeshkhali to attend a rally in central Kolkata’s Ramlila Maidan. The rally, which was to be led by ISF leader and Bhangar MLA Naushad Siddique, aimed to protest against the Waqf (Amendment) Act. However, the rally lacked formal police permission.

Police intervened near Bhojerhat on the Basanti Highway to prevent the large crowd from proceeding, citing law and order concerns. Protesters, however, accused the police of unjustified repression and argued that their right to peaceful assembly was being violated. When the crowd attempted to breach police barricades, clashes broke out. The situation quickly deteriorated as some demonstrators resorted to stone-pelting and reportedly set fire to police vehicles. A number of officers sustained injuries in the melee.

Despite the chaos, Siddique eventually addressed the rally at Ramlila Maidan, delivering a fiery speech criticising both the BJP-led central government and the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) in the state. “This law is not just an attack on Muslims, it is an assault on the very spirit of the Constitution. It must be withdrawn,” he said. He accused the BJP of attempting to engineer communal polarisation and slammed the TMC for suppressing legitimate dissent. “If the Chief Minister claims this Act will not be implemented in Bengal, why are her police blocking our peaceful protest?” Siddique asked, as per PTI.

He also suggested that the unrest was being used to divert public attention from the Supreme Court’s recent cancellation of over 25,000 teaching jobs in the state, a scandal that has caused considerable political embarrassment for the TMC government.

The ISF, a relatively new political force in West Bengal led by the Siddique family of Furfura Sharif, has positioned itself as a defender of minority rights and has sought to channel growing discontent among Muslims in the state. The party’s increasing assertiveness has brought it into direct confrontation with both the ruling TMC and the BJP, which dominate Bengal’s political landscape.

Parallel violence to Murshidabad

The violence in Bhangar came on the heels of communal unrest in parts of Murshidabad district, including Suti, Dhulian, and Jangipur. Protests against the Waqf (Amendment) Act turned violent on April 11, after a bout of previous incident of violence that took place on April 8, leading to the deaths of three people. Several others were injured, and property was damaged in what police sources described as targeted communal violence, with reports emerging of attacks against Hindu communities.

Over 200 arrests have been made in connection with the Murshidabad violence, a senior police official confirmed. Additional Director General (Law & Order) Javed Shamim stated that peace had been largely restored in affected pockets of Murshidabad and Malda districts. Shops and businesses have begun reopening, and senior officials remain deployed to monitor the situation. “Route marches are being carried out regularly, and the police presence will continue to ensure order,” he said, as per The Times of India.

In light of the unrest, internet services have been suspended in certain areas to prevent the spread of inflammatory rumours and misinformation. Authorities have also started the process of facilitating the safe return of people displaced by the violence to their homes. Certain claims have been doing rounds that 400 Hindu families have fled from West Bengal.

Detailed reports on the violence in Murshidabad may be read here and here.

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Mob violence, police torture justifiable practices feel a significant section of India’s police: Study

22 arrested, internet suspended as Murshidabad recovers from Waqf Act protest violence

The post Fresh Unrest in Bengal: Violent clashes erupt over Waqf (Amendment) Act in South 24 Parganas appeared first on SabrangIndia.

1. IISER Pune: Academic freedom throttled; Ambedkar lecture series cancelled

At the Indian Institute of Science Education and Research (IISER) Pune, a carefully curated student-led event titled Muktiparv, organised to honour Ambedkar and host conversations around caste, resistance, and equality, was abruptly cancelled by the administration. The lectures were to feature prominent anti-caste voices including Deepali Salve, Nazima Parveen, and Smita M. Patil — all respected scholars and public intellectuals. Students had spent months preparing the event, which was to be a space for reflection on Ambedkar’s radical legacy.

However, within hours of a complaint by the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), a right-wing student group that labelled the speakers as “extreme left,” the administration called off the event. A police complaint lodged by ABVP further pressured the institution. The IISER administration cited vague “concerns” as the reason for cancellation but failed to specify what the concerns were, or who raised them. In response, the Student Council and several campus groups condemned the move as “sudden and unjustified”, accusing the institute of buckling under political pressure.

Students connected this silencing to a broader institutional pattern — pointing to persistent underrepresentation of SC/ST faculty and systemic barriers faced by marginalised students in elite educational spaces. “This is not about one event,” a student said while speaking to The Observer Post. “It is about the gatekeeping of ideas. Who gets to speak, and who gets silenced?” The cancellation of Muktiparv is emblematic of how even academic spaces are shrinking for Ambedkarite thought and Dalit assertion.

2. Mhow, Madhya Pradesh: Dalit groom barred from temple, allowed entry only under police watch

In Sanghvi village near Mhow — the very town where Ambedkar was born — caste discrimination reared its head again. On his wedding day, a Dalit groom from the Balai community was denied entry into a Lord Ram temple by dominant caste villagers. His wedding procession had arrived with the intention of offering prayers, a common practice. However, they were stopped outside the temple, and only after two hours of argument and police intervention was the groom permitted to enter — that too under close police watch and in the presence of a few family members.

Eyewitness accounts and video footage shared on social media show the groom and his guests arguing with dominant caste locals, who resisted their presence in the temple. The police attempted to downplay the incident, claiming the dispute was merely over access to the sanctum sanctorum, which “as per tradition” is restricted to priests. But Dalit groups and community leaders were unconvinced.

Manoj Parmar, president of the All India Balai Mahasangh, denounced the incident, stating that it reflected the continued “frustrated mentality” of those clinging to caste-based exclusion. “Even today, our community is treated like outsiders in our own country,” he said, speaking to The New Indian Express. This incident — on Ambedkar Jayanti no less — laid bare how caste continues to dictate access to public and religious spaces, even in the birthplace of India’s greatest anti-caste thinker.

3. Udaipur, Rajasthan: Police stop Dalit groups from hoisting Ambedkar flag at iconic circle

In Udaipur, another symbolic assertion of Dalit pride was curtailed — this time by the police. At Ambedkar Circle in the heart of the city, activists from the Bhim Army and other Dalit organisations gathered to hoist a blue flag bearing Ambedkar’s image and the Ashoka Chakra. This flag, a potent symbol of resistance and Ambedkarite identity, was to be installed near the life-sized statue of Dr. Ambedkar — a tradition on his birth anniversary.

However, police led by Bhupalpura SHO Adarsh Parihar intervened, stopped the crane that was arranged to hoist the flag, and allegedly misbehaved with the crane driver. As per The Observer Post, despite the activists’ assurance that the flag would be respectfully removed after the day’s celebrations, the SHO insisted on written permission from the Additional District Magistrate and Superintendent of Police — permissions that were reportedly denied.

Shankar Chandel, leader of the Congress SC Cell, condemned the police action as discriminatory and politically motivated. “Why are other communities allowed to put up flags freely — for Hanuman Jayanti, Parshuram Jayanti, or Vivekananda Jayanti — but Dalit groups are blocked?” he asked, as reported by The Observer Post. The flag bore no religious symbols and was not permanent. Activists claimed this was not about procedure, but about prejudice. They announced plans to submit a memorandum to the Udaipur SP and Collector to protest what they called casteist and biased treatment. 

Remembering Ambedkar is still a struggle for the marginalised

These three incidents, all unfolding on Ambedkar Jayanti, reflect a dangerous contradiction. While state institutions and political leaders publicly celebrate Ambedkar with flowers and speeches, the substance of his message — of annihilating caste, asserting dignity, and challenging social hierarchies — continues to be resisted on the ground. Educational institutions silence Ambedkarite discourse, social spaces still police Dalit bodies, and state machinery selectively applies the law to block public assertion by marginalised communities.

Ambedkar once said, “Caste is a notion; it is a state of the mind.” These events show that the caste mindset is alive and well — not just in remote villages, but in our most prestigious institutions and modern cities. To truly honour Ambedkar, India must move beyond symbolic gestures and confront the structures and prejudices that still seek to silence the very people he fought for.

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The post Caste Shadow on Ambedkar Jayanti: From campus censorship to temple exclusion appeared first on SabrangIndia.

If we observe the glorification of Dr. BR Ambedkar by the RSS-BJP rulers on his birth anniversary, it appears that they, the sangh parivar are the most loyal followers of him, none other. According to Prime Minister Modi, Ambedkar was ‘architect of the Constitution of India’ and ‘Messiha of the Schedule Castes’.

The UP government has announced a grand celebration of ‘Ambedkar Jayanti’ beginning with a series of programmes from the morning of April 13 (2025), leading up to the main celebrations on April 14 at Lucknow which will be attended by the Hindutva icon, chief minister, Adityanath. These programmes “aim to acquaint the younger generation with Dr Ambedkar’s remarkable life, visionary leadership, and his unwavering commitment to justice, equality, and social reform”.

Dr. Ambedkar is receiving fullsome praise after his death. In life, the RSS and its bandwagon which included the VD Savarkar-led Hindu Mahasabha, never missed an opportunity to denigrate him, often resorted to the burning of his effigy! If Dr. Ambedkar were to appear now, in the India ruled by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) cadres, make no mistake, he would be either lynched or put in jail under terror laws for his trenchant opposition to Caste and the attendant denigration of Sudras, Women. Especially his sharp critique of Privileged Castes hegemony and Hindutva.

1. Ambedkar supported the burning of Manusmriti

The RSS wants Indian constitution to be replaced by the Manusmriti or Manu Code or laws of Manu which is known for its derogatory and inhuman references to Sudras, Untouchables and women. This is the very Book that Babasaheb burned.  The Constituent Assembly of India finalised the Constitution of India on November 26, 1949, RSS was not happy. Its organ, Organiser in an editorial on November 30, 1949, complained:

“But in our Constitution, there is no mention of the unique constitutional development in ancient Bharat. Manu’s Laws were written long before Lycurgus of Sparta or Solon of Persia. To this day his laws as enunciated in the Manusmriti excite the admiration of the world and elicit spontaneous obedience and conformity. But to our constitutional pundits that means nothing.”

By demanding promulgation of laws of Manu in an Independent India, the RSS was simply following its mentor, philosopher and guide VD Savarkar who declared that,

“Manusmriti is that scripture which is most worship-able after Vedas for our Hindu Nation and which from ancient times has become the basis of our culture-customs, thought and practice. This book for centuries has codified the spiritual and divine march of our nation. Even today the rules which are followed by the crores of Hindus in their lives and practice are based on Manusmriti. Today Manusmriti is Hindu Law.”

It is to be noted here that a copy of Manusmriti was burnt as a protest in the presence of Dr. BR Ambedkar during historic Mahad agitation on December 25, 1927. He also called for burning Manusmriti on December 25 each year.

2. Ambedkar held ‘High’ (Privileged) Caste Hindus which control Hindutva politics responsible for the miserable life of Hindus and hatred for Muslims

He was crystal clear in his view, that,

“[The] high caste Hindus are bad as leaders. They have a trait of character which often leads the Hindus to disaster. This trait is formed by their acquisitive instinct and aversion to share with others the good things of life. They have a monopoly of education and wealth, and with wealth and education they have captured the State. To keep this monopoly to themselves has been the ambition and goal of their life. Charged with this selfish idea of class domination, they take every move to exclude the lower classes of Hindus from wealth, education and power, the surest and the most effective being the preparation of scriptures, inculcating upon the minds of the lower classes of Hindus the teaching that their duty in life is only to serve the higher classes. In keeping this monopoly in their own hands and excluding the lower classes from any share in it, the high caste Hindus have succeeded for a long time and beyond measure…

“This attitude of keeping education, wealth and power as a close preserve for themselves and refusing to share it, which the high caste Hindus have developed in their relation with the lower classes of Hindus, is sought to be extended by them to the Muslims. They want to exclude the Muslims from place and power, as they have done to the lower-class Hindus. This trait of the high caste Hindus is the key to the understanding of their politics.”

[B.R. Ambedkar, Pakistan or the Partition of India (Bombay: Government of Maharashtra, 1990), p. 123, first Published December 1940, Thackers Publishers, Bombay.]

3. Ambedkar renounced Hinduism

Ambedkar, in his historic speech in Nagpur on October 15, 1956, a day after he had embraced Buddhism, said,

“The movement to leave the Hindu religion was taken in hand by us in 1935, when a resolution was made in Yeola. Even though I was born in the Hindu religion, I will not die in the Hindu religion. This oath I made earlier; yesterday, I proved it true. I am happy; I am ecstatic! I have left hell — this is how I feel. I do not want any blind followers. Those who come into the Buddhist religion should come with an understanding; they should consciously accept that religion.”

If he tries to convert now we can imagine what terrible fate he will meet!

4. Ambedkar fought for equal rights for women

For the RSS Hindu women are inferior in every respect. The outfit, demands promulgation of Manusmriti as constitution of India which shockingly denigrates women as we will see in the following [few out of dozens]:

1. Day and night woman must be kept in dependence by the males (of) their (families), and, if they attach themselves to sensual enjoyments, they must be kept under one’s control.
2. Her father protects (her) in childhood, her husband protects (her) in youth, and her sons protect (her) in old age; a woman is never fit for independence.
3. Women do not care for beauty, nor is their attention fixed on age; (thinking), ‘(It is enough that) he is a man,’ they give themselves to the handsome and to the ugly.
4. Through their passion for men, through their mutable temper, through their natural heartlessness, they become disloyal towards their husbands, however carefully they may be guarded in this (world).
5. (When creating them) Manu allotted to women (a love of their) bed, (of their) seat and (of) ornament, impure desires, wrath, dishonesty, malice, and bad conduct.
6. For women no (sacramental) rite (is performed) with sacred texts, thus the law is settled; women (who are) destitute of strength and destitute of (the knowledge of) Vedic texts, (are as impure as) falsehood (itself), that is a fixed rule.

Sharply to the contrary, Dr. Ambedkar believed in equality for women. He was clear that, “We shall see better days soon and our progress will be greatly accelerated if male education is persuaded side by side with female education…” He went on to stress that “I measure the progress of community by the degree of progress which women had achieved”. He advised Dalit women, “Never regard yourself as Untouchables, live a clean life. Dress yourselves as touchable ladies. Never mind, if your dress is full of patches, but see that it is clean. None can restrict your freedom in the choice of your garments. Attend more to the cultivation of the mind and spirit of self-Help.”

Liquor was a bane in Dalit families and in order remedy it he asked women “do not feed in any case your spouse and sons if they are drunkards. Send your children to schools. Education is as necessary for females as it is for males. If you know how to read and write, there would be much progress. As you are, so your children will be.”

5. Ambedkar did not subscribe to the idea of Hindu nation and decried Hindutva

Dr. Ambedkar, a keen researcher of the communal politics in pre-independence India, while underlying the affinity and camaraderie between Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League on the issue of Two-Nation Theory wrote:

“Strange it may appear, Mr. Savarkar and Mr. Jinnah instead of being opposed to each other on the one nation versus two nations issue are in complete agreement about it. Both agree, not only agree but insist that there are two nations in India—one the Muslim nation and the other Hindu nation.”

According to him, the idea of “Hindustan for Hindus…is not merely arrogant but is arrant nonsense”. He was emphatic in warning that,

“If Hindu Raj does become a fact, it will, no doubt, be the greatest calamity for this country… [It] is a menace to liberty, equality and fraternity. On that account it is incompatible with democracy. Hindu Raj must be prevented at any cost.”

6. Ambedkar believed in Socialism

Jawaharlal Nehru introduced the Objective Resolution [OR] on December 13, 1946. Dr. Ambedkar’s turn to respond to OR came on 17 December 1946. He stated:

“If this resolution has a reality behind it and a sincerity, of which I have not the least doubt, coming as it does from the mover of the resolution [Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru], I should have expected some provision whereby it would have been possible for the state to make economic, social and political justice a reality and i should have from that point of view expected the resolution to state in most explicit terms that in order that there may be social and economic justice in the country, that there would be nationalisation of industry and nationalisation of land, I do not understand how it could be possible for any future government which believes in doing justice socially, economically and politically, unless its economy is a socialistic economy.”

7. Ambedkar’s antipathy towards ‘Hindutva ‘nationalists’ & ‘Patriots’

Dr Ambedkar, as early as 1931, said that whenever he demanded equality for lower Castes, marginalised sections and Depressed classes he would be called a communalist and anti-national. He was forthright in telling the ‘nationalists’ & ‘patriots’:

“India is a peculiar country, and her nationalists and patriots are a peculiar people. A patriot and a nationalist in India is one who sees with open eyes his fellowmen treated as being less than men. But his humanity does not rise in protest. He knows that men and women for no cause are denied their human rights. But it does not prick his civic sense to helpful action. He finds the whole class of people shut out from public employment. But it does not rouse his sense of justice and fair play. Hundreds of evil practices that injure man and society are perceived by him. But they do not sicken him with disgust. The patriot’s one cry is power and more power for him and for his class. I am glad I do not belong to that class of patriots. I belong to that class which takes its stand on democracy, and which seeks to destroy monopoly in a very shape and form. Our aim is to realise in practice our ideal of one man one value in all walks of life, political, economic and social.”

[Dr BR Ambedkar in the Plenary Session of Round Table Conference, London, 8^th Sitting, January 19, 1931.]

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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The post On his 135th birth anniversary, we ask, would Ambedkar be allowed free speech in India today? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On the morning of April 11, a large posse of 10-13 officials from the ACB-EOW of the State Police in Raipur raided three premises connected with the veteran Adivasi leader and ex-MLA from Konta, Manish Kunjam, including his houses in the district headquarters of Sukma and in his native village of Ramaram. After rummaging through all these locations, and turning them inside out, the team did not find any incriminating material, it is reported. However, according to a statement issued by PUCL, Chhattisgarh states that the law enforcement authorities still confiscated two mobile phones and a daily diary of the former MLA. This was apparently part of an inquiry into the tendu patta scam and the premises of 7 managers of different primary minor forest produce (MFP) cooperative societies in Sukma were also raided.

Manish Kunjam, who was elected as member to the legislative assembly (MLA) from the Konta constituency from 1990 to 1998, is also seen to be s been a fearless and outspoken critic of the present and previous regimes, and has also led the movement against the government-sponsored militia Salwa Judum, which was eventually banned by the Supreme Court. Kunjam also led the movement against the proposed Tata Steel Plant in Lohandiguda, which forced the company to withdraw its plans; and has led many other popular movements for the right of Adivasis to their land and resources. After spending decades being associated with the CPI and leading the Akhil Bharatiya Adivasi Mahasabha, he left it last year and has founded a new party, the Bastariya Raj Morcha, which won two crucial district panchayat seats in the recent Panchayat elections in Chhattisgarh. The support of the Bastariya Raj Morcha to the Congress Party candidate for the post of the President of the Zila Panchayat ensured that Sukma became the only district in Chhattisgarh, where the BJP was unable to appoint its candidate as the District Panchayat President.

On January 8, 2025, Manish Kunjam had sought an investigation into the distribution of tendu patta bonus in Sukma district, alleging that at Rs. 3.6 crores of tendu patta bonus had been embezzled by officials of the forest department.

As is well known, tendu patta collection is a crucial source of income for the Adivasis of Bastar, and thousands of families are engaged in it during the summer months. It is often referred to as “green gold” in tribal areas. The individual collectors sell the tendu patta to the government primary forest produce cooperative societies, which are supervised by the local Forest Department. In 2021, 15 such societies and in 2022, 10 such societies in Sukma bought tendu patta from roughly 90,000 individual tendu patta collectors. Consequently, Rs 6.54 crores was to be distributed in April – May 2024 as bonus to these collectors for the two years 2021 and 2022. Since not all the individual collectors had bank accounts, special permission was taken for distribution of Rs. 3.62 crores of this bonus in cash.

In his letter to the Collector of Sukma on 08.01.2025, Manish Kunjam had alleged that the amount that was to be distributed cash, Rs. 3.62 crores, has in fact been embezzled by the forest department officials and none of the individual collectors have received this bonus payment. The Divisional Forest Officer of Sukma, Ashok Patel, has already been suspended as a result of this enquiry and it is learned that many of the managers of the co-operative societies have confessed to paying off the DFO with this money. Thus, it is all the more incomprehensible why the Chhattisgarh Police will now raid the complainant, who is seeking investigation into this scam. It certainly appears that the raid this morning has less to do with investigating the tendu patta bonus scam, and more to do with harassment and persecution of Mr. Kunjam, who is well-known as a fearless and outspoken leader.

The confiscation of the mobile phones of Manish Kunjam, states the PUCL statement, is also a matter of grave concern, and is part of this growing trend of the police and related agencies seizing electronic devices at the smallest pretext, illegally violating the privacy of individuals and prying into all their messages and communications, and sometimes even implicating them falsely by adding incriminating material on these devices. There is no cogent explanation why the phones of Mr. Kunjam are of interest in this investigation, and in fact, their seizure appears to be the sole motive for this raid in the first place. These seizures are completely illegal, as no hash values were provided to Manish Kunjam, and thus, it cannot be ensured that the phones will not be tampered with by the police authorities. These seizures also violate the CBI guidelines of seizure of electronic devices which are required to be followed by all investigating agencies, following the interim order of the Supreme Court dated 14.12.2023 in Ram Ramaswamy vs. Union of India (WPC 138/2021).

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The post Raid on Adivasi leader Manish Kunjam for ‘seeking investigation into the tendu patta bonu scam’, condemned by rights groups appeared first on SabrangIndia.

First Published on: 11 Apr 2016

On his 189^th Birth Anniversary, April 11, we bring to you excerpts from Jyotiba Phule’s path breaking work, severely criticising Brahminism and the Caste System

Jyotiba Phule was born on April 11, 1827

If a Bhat happened to pass by a river where a Shudra as washing his clothes, the Shudra had to collect all his clothes and proceed to a far distant spot, lest some drops of the (contaminated) water should be sprayed on the Bhat. Even then, if a drop of water were to touch the body of the Bhat from there, or even if the Bhat so imagined it, the Bhat did not hesitate to fling his utensil angrily at the head of the Shudra who would collapse to the ground, his head bleeding profusely.

On recovering from the swoon the Shudra would collect his blood- stained clothes and wend his way home silently. He could not complain to the Government Officials, as the administration was dominated by the Bhats. More often than not he would be punished stringently for complaining against the Bhats. This was the height of injustice!

It was difficult for the Shudras to move about freely in the streets for their daily routine, most of all in the mornings when persons and things cast long shadows about them. If a `Bhat Saheb’ were to come along from the opposite direction, the Shudra had to stop by the road until such time as the `Bhat Saheb’ passed by – for fear of casting his polluting shadow on him. He was free to proceed further only after the `Bhat Saheb’ had passed by him.

Should a Shudra be unlucky enough to cast his polluting shadow on a Bhat inadvertently, the Bhat used to belabour him mercilessly and would go to bathe at the river to wash off the pollution. The Shudras were forbidden even to spit in the streets. Should he happen to pass through a Brahmin (Bhat) locality he had to carry an earthen-pot slung about his neck to collect his spittle. (Should a Bhat Officer find a spittle from a Shudra’s mouth on the road, woe betide the Shudra!)…….

[[The Shudra suffered many such indignities and disabilities and were looking forward to their release from their persecutors as prisoners fondly do. The all-merciful Providence took pity on the Shudras and brought about the British raj to India by its divine dispensation which emancipated the Shudras from the physical (bodily) thraldom (slavery). We are much beholden to the British rulers. We shall never forget their kindness to us. It was the British rulers who freed us from the centuries-old oppression of the Bhat and assured a hopeful future for our children. Had the British not come on the scene (in India) (as our rulers) the Bhat would surely have crushed us in no time (long ago.)]]

Some may well wonder as to how the Bhats managed to crush the depressed and down-trodden people here even though they (the Shudras) outnumbered them tenfold. It was well-known that one clever person can master ten ignorant persons
(e.g. a shepherd and his flock). Should the ten ignorant men be united (be of one mind), they would surely prevail over that clever one. But if the ten are disunited they would easily be duped by that clever one. The Bhats have invented a very cunning method to sow seeds of dissension among the Shudras. The Bhats were naturally apprehensive of the growing numbers of the depressed and down- trodden people. They knew that keeping them disunited alone ensured their (the Bhats’) continued mastery ever them. It was the only way of keeping them as abject slaves indefinitely, and only thus would they be able to indulge in a life of gross indulgence and luxury ensured by the `sweat of the Shudras’ brows. To that end in view, the Bhats invented the pernicious fiction of the caste-system, compiled (learned) treatises to serve their own self-interest and indoctrinated the pliable minds of the ignorant Shudras (masses) accordingly.

Some of the Shudras put up a gallant fight against this blatant injustice. They were segregated into a separate category (class). In order to wreak vengeance on them (for their temerity) the Bhats persuaded those whom we today term as Malis (gardeners), Kunbis (tillers, peasants) etc. not to stigmatise them as untouchables.

Being deprived of their means of livelihood, they were driven to the extremity of eating the flesh of dead animals. Some of the members of the Shudras community today proudly call themselves as Malis (gardeners), Kunbis (peasants), gold-smiths, tailors, iron smiths, carpenters etc, on the basis of the avocation (trade) they pursued (practised), Little do they know that our ancestors and those of the so¬called untouchables (Mahars, Mangs etc.) were blood-brothers (traced their lineage to the same family stock).

Their ancestors fought bravely in defence of their motherland against the invading usurpers (the Bhats) and hence, the wily Bhats reduced them to penury and misery. It is a thousand pities that being unmindful of this state of affairs, the Shudras began to hate their own kith and kin.

The Bhats invented an elaborate system of caste-distinction based on the way the other Shudras behaved towards them, condemning some to the lowest rung and some to a slightly higher rung. Thus they permanently made them into their proteges and by means of the powerful weapon of the `iniquitous caste system,’ drove a permanent wedge among the Shudras.

It was a classic case of the cats who went to law! The Bhats created dissensions among the depressed and the down- trodden masses and are battening on the differences (are leading luxurious lives thereby).

The depressed and down­trodden masses in India were freed from the physical bodily) slavery of the Bhats as a result of the advent of the British raj here. But we are sorry to state that the benevolent British Government have not addressed themselves to the important task of providing education to the said masses. That is why the Shudras continue to be ignorant, and hence, their ‘mental slavery’ regarding the spurious religious tracts of the Bhats continues unabated. They cannot even appeal to the Government for the redressal of their wrongs. The Government is not yet aware of the way the Bhats exploit the masses in their day to day problems as also in the administrative machinery. We pray to the Almighty to enable the Government to kindly pay attention to this urgent task and to free the masses from their mental slavery to the machinations of the Bhats.

I am deeply beholden to Shri Vinayak Babji Bhandarkar and Rao Saheb Shri Rajanna Lingu for their continued encouragement to me in the writing of this treatise.

(From the Introduction to ‘Slavery’ by Mahatma Jyotiba Phule)
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As word of the incident spread, a large crowd gathered, demanding immediate action and the swift arrest of the perpetrators. This led to a massive protest, with demonstrators blocking Tonk Road for about three hours. Tensions quickly escalated when protestors set tires on fire near the temple and attempted to set a nearby petrol pump ablaze. Timely police intervention prevented the situation from spiralling further.

Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) East, Tejasvini Gautam said that “We received information that some anti-social elements tried to vandalise Tejaji’s statue at Tejaji temple on Tonk Road. Police reached the spot and have registered an FIR. Investigation is underway,”

VIDEO | Rajasthan: “We received the information that some anti-social elements tried to vandalise Tejaji’s statue at Tejaji temple at tonk road. Police reached the spot and FIR has been registered. Investigation is underway,” says Deputy Commissioner of Police, Jaipur East,… pic.twitter.com/pOwo4oUR4F

— Press Trust of India (@PTI_News) March 29, 2025

Gautam commented on the development and commended the police’s quick response, stating, “A catastrophe was averted due to the swift action of the police.” At least 20 people were detained during the operation to control the protest, and while attempts to disperse the crowd peacefully were made, “mild force” was eventually used to clear the blockade.

Misinformation and allegations amplify communal hate

The vandalism initially sparked a wave of misinformation, with certain groups accusing the Muslim community of being behind the desecration. Social media videos emerged showing protestors raising anti-Muslim slogans, which further stoked tensions of law & order. However, a swift and thorough investigation by the Jaipur Police helped put a stop to these rumours. Authorities quickly arrested a suspect, effectively containing the misinformation.

In response to the seriousness of the situation, over 10 police teams were mobilised to investigate the incident. Investigators reviewed CCTV footage and identified a suspicious vehicle near the temple at approximately 2:30 AM. By tracking the car’s movements across more than 100 cameras, police traced the vehicle to the InterContinental Hotel on Tonk Road.

The arrest of Siddharth Singh: Motive behind the vandalism

The investigation led the police to Siddharth Singh, a 34-year-old man from Bikaner who was residing in Rajapark, Jaipur. Singh’s vehicle was linked to the crime, and he had been visiting a friend at the hotel that night. After extensive questioning, Siddharth was arrested in connection with the vandalism.

In a press conference held later that evening, DCP Tejasvini Gautam provided details of the investigation. Singh was reportedly returning home late on Friday night after consuming alcohol with his friend at the hotel. According to Rajasthan Patrika, Singh had recently been dealing with financial distress, having been forced to shut down his restaurant, ‘Tamas Cafe,’ due to monetary struggles. This financial strain had caused significant emotional and mental stress.

Singh admitted to the vandalism during police questioning. According to Rajasthan Patrika, Singh explained that after leaving the hotel, he had stopped his vehicle near the Veer Tejaji Mandir, where he first recorded a video on his phone saying, “You didn’t do right by me”, before smashing three idols. Singh reportedly linked his actions to frustration and anger over his financial situation, blaming God for his hardships. Police were able to confirm Singh’s identity and his involvement in the crime through CCTV footage.

Singh’s confession and realisation of the impact

Upon his arrest, Siddharth Singh confessed to the crime. Investigators found a photograph of the temple on his phone, timestamped at 3:18 AM, further corroborating his involvement. Singh later expressed remorse, stating that he was under intense stress and had informed his fiancée that he had made a mistake. According to the Indian Express, Singh did not initially grasp the full extent of his actions until the next morning when his fiancée informed him about the protests and the public outrage over the incident.

However, Rajasthan Patrika provided a slightly different account of Singh’s realisation. According to Singh’s statement, he sent his fiancée photos of the broken idols that night, but then forgot about the incident until he was told about the controversy the next day. He only understood the gravity of his actions after his fiancée informed him of the ensuing protests.

Former CM Ashok Gehlot, MP Hanuman Beniwal condemn vandalism

Former Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot condemned the act, calling it “highly deplorable” and an “unacceptable attack on public sentiments and faith.” In a post on X, he said, “The incident of breaking Veer Tejaji Maharaj’s statue in Jaipur’s Pratap Nagar is extremely condemnable. Tampering with public sentiments and faith in this manner is unacceptable.”

जयपुर के प्रताप नगर में वीर तेजाजी महाराज की मूर्ति को तोड़े जाने की घटना अत्यंत निंदनीय है। जन-भावनाओं और आस्था के साथ इस तरह का खिलवाड़ अस्वीकार्य है।

सरकार से मांग है कि इस मामले के दोषियों की शीघ्र पहचान कर उन पर कड़ी से कड़ी कार्रवाई की जाए। साथ ही, धार्मिक स्थलों की…

— Ashok Gehlot (@ashokgehlot51) March 29, 2025

Gehlot also demanded stringent action against the culprits, stating, “I urge the government to swiftly identify the accused and take the strictest possible action. Additionally, effective and robust measures should be put in place to ensure the security of religious sites, preventing such incidents in the future.”

Rashtriya Loktantrik Party (RLP) chief and Nagaur MP Hanuman Beniwal also reacted to the incident. Sharing his statement on X, he said, “It has come to my notice that anti-social elements have broken the statue of folk deity Veer Tejaji Maharaj in Pratap Nagar’s Sector 3, Jaipur. I have spoken to the Jaipur Police Commissioner and urged him to identify the culprits as soon as possible and initiate strict legal action against them.”

जयपुर में प्रताप नगर के सेक्टर 3 में लोक देवता वीर तेजाजी महाराज की मूर्ति असामाजिक तत्वों द्वारा तोड़ने की जानकारी संज्ञान में आई,मैने जयपुर पुलिस कमिश्नर से मूर्ति को तोड़ने वाले बदमाशों का शीघ्रता से पता लगाकर उनके खिलाफ कड़ी कानूनी कार्यवाही करने के संदर्भ में बात की…

— HANUMAN BENIWAL (@hanumanbeniwal) March 29, 2025

Multiple cases filed in connection with the incident

DCP Tejasvini Gautam confirmed that three separate cases had been filed in connection with the vandalism and the protests. The first case was filed by the temple priest, Manoj, regarding the desecration of the idols. The second case, filed by the police, concerns damage to public property and arson during the protests. The third case was registered by Ramesh, the manager of the petrol station, concerning the attempted arson and vandalism at the fuel station.

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In an undated video shared by The Observer Post that has surfaced on social media platforms on Sunday, April 6, a group of Muslims encounter the Hindu Jagran Manch members who demand, in an audibly threatening voice, that they show their Adhaar cards or any other ID proof. When the Muslims try to state that they have the required ID proofs, the Hindutva members appear impatient to hear them out. When interrogated about their hometown, the Muslims replied they hail from Safipur town, in Uttar Pradesh’s Unano district.

“I request you all to please do not ‘pollute’ this area. I do not want any of you to be seen hereafter. Please leave the state as soon as possible. Otherwise, things can turn out ugly,” one of the Hindu Jagran members can be heard saying, subtly referring to a possible communal riot.

This appears to follow a pattern. About six-eight days ago, another video from Himachal Pradesh emerged where Muslim shop owners residing in Paonta Sahib area were threatened to shut their business and leave the area by far-right Hindutva elements.

A video dated March 24 emerged on social media platforms where Rakesh Tomar, the founder of the far-right Hindutva group Rudrasena, is seen threatening a few Muslim shop owners, asking them to vacate their shops within seven days.

Himachal Pradesh is governed by the Congress party with Sukhwinder Singh Sukku as its chief minister.

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The post In Congress-ruled Himachal, Hindutva goons ask minorities to leave state, saying ‘Don’t pollute Himachal’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The FRA 2006, enacted under the UPA-I government, was a watershed moment in recognising the rights of forest-dwelling communities by breaking away from the colonial-era policies that placed forests solely under government control. For the first time since Independence, the Act aimed to correct historical injustices by empowering Gram Sabhas (village councils) to determine land rights and putting an end to the arbitrary control exercised by the Forest Department. However, despite its promise, the on-ground reality remains bleak. The AIUFWP’s letter highlights multiple reasons for the failure of implementation, including:

• Lack of political will among state governments to enforce the FRA.
• Deliberate neglect by administrative officials, who refuse to acknowledge claims under the Act.
• Continued harassment of forest-dependent communities by the Forest Department, which, instead of recognising their rights, evicts them and falsely prosecutes them under various laws.
• Deliberate rejection of individual and community claims by authorities without proper consideration.
• Failure to inform forest-dwelling communities about their legal rights, leaving them vulnerable to dispossession.

By submitting the letter to Gandhi on April 2, the AIUFWP had specifically pointed out that despite repeated submissions, no decision has been made on the community claims filed by the union. A list of these pending claims has been attached to the letter, underscoring the extent of bureaucratic delay.

Given these persistent challenges, the AIUFWP is demanding urgent intervention and has requested a meeting between Rahul Gandhi and representatives from multiple states to discuss the issue in detail. The letter, signed by Sokalo Gond, Chairperson of AIUFWP, makes it clear that without political action, the FRA risks becoming yet another unfulfilled promise for India’s most marginalised communities.

Sokalo Gond was accompanied by Munnar Gond. The meeting took place in Sansad Bhavan.

The complete letter may be read here.

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The post AIUFWP submits letter LoP Rahul Gandhi, calls for action as forest rights remain in limbo appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This, despite the fact that the organisers had submitted a letter in advance, informing the police about the protest. “They still went ahead and began detaining students and protestors. A police complaint has now been registered against five to six of us, including myself,” said Shailendra Kamble, one of the protest organisers as per Free Press Journal. Though those detained were released later in the evening, the action has raised alarm over the criminalisation of peaceful student-led dissent. A day before the protest, the TISS administration had issued an advisory warning students not to participate—an action that one may see as pre-emptive intimidation.

The protest was sparked by the recent Bombay High Court decision that upheld TISS’s controversial decision to suspend Ramdas for two years. The administration had accused him of “repetitive misconduct” and allegedly participating in “anti-national” activities, including public criticism of the central government and involvement in protests against the New Education Policy (NEP). The court, refusing to intervene, stated that the petition lacked merit. But to many in the academic community, the suspension reflects a deeply troubling trend of institutional overreach and the silencing of critical voices, especially those from marginalised communities.

Progressive groups and student organisations have denounced both the suspension and the high-handed response to the protest as emblematic of a growing intolerance for academic freedom and dissenting opinion in higher education. They also demanded that Ramdas’s fellowship be reinstated, and that TISS reassert its commitment to democratic principles rather than stifle them.

The entire incident—marked by the administrative advisory, police clampdown, and criminal complaints—underscores a growing climate of fear within campuses that were once known for nurturing critical thought and political engagement. The treatment of Ramdas P.S., a Dalit scholar, and the suppression of those who came out in solidarity with him, raise serious questions about caste-based discrimination and the erosion of democratic rights in public universities. As TISS joins the growing list of institutions where dissent is punished and student activism is under surveillance or is criminalised, this case serves as a sobering reminder that the fight for academic freedom is far from over.

Bombay High Court upholds TISS student’s suspension over politically motivated protest: A closer look at the judgment

In a significant order with troubling implications for dissent in academic spaces, the Bombay High Court had upheld the suspension of Ramdas. Ramdas was debarred for two years by the institute for his participation in a demonstration against the BJP government and the National Education Policy (NEP), held under the banner of the Progressive Students’ Forum (PSF–TISS). The division bench comprising Justice A.S. Chandurkar and Justice M.M. Sathaye found merit in the disciplinary action taken by TISS, stating that the protest was “politically motivated” and that the student’s actions had brought disrepute to the institute.

The court’s ruling leaned heavily on the institute’s claim that by participating in the protest under a banner mentioning “PSF–TISS”, the petitioner created the public impression that the political views expressed during the protest were endorsed by the institute itself. The bench observed, “It is therefore clear as sunshine that the said march was politically motivated, which the Petitioner participated in under the banner PSF–TISS in a student group. Therefore, the finding of the Committee that the Petitioner created an impression in general public that the politically motivated protest and views were the views of the Respondent/institution TISS, is founded on material available on record and no fault can be found to that extent. This has brought disrepute to the Institute in its view. Petitioner can have any political view of his choice, but so does the Institute.”

Ramdas, who had earlier completed a Master’s degree in Media and Cultural Studies from TISS and was pursuing his PhD on a scholarship from the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, had been served a show-cause notice for participating in the “Parliament March” in Delhi on 12 January 2024. According to the institute, a poster released by PSF in connection with the march included the acronym “TISS”, creating the impression that it was an official representation. In his reply, Ramdas acknowledged his participation and admitted that “TISS” had been mentioned alongside PSF in a poster. Following an inquiry, the institute suspended him for two years and withheld his fellowship.

The court also examined a pamphlet circulated as part of the protest campaign which included slogans such as “Save India, Reject BJP” and accused the government of attempting to dismantle the public education system. The judges took particular issue with the fact that Ramdas expressed these political views while associating himself with the name of the institute. As the court stated, “The Petitioner has full freedom of expressing his political view; but to do so under the banner of Respondent Institute is what is objected to by the Institute.”

Referring to the Honour Code that students are required to abide by, the court noted that students explicitly undertake not to “malign the name of the Institution by presenting views on any platform, tarnishing/damaging the name of the institution in the public domain.” The bench held that Ramdas had violated this code by expressing his political stance under the TISS banner.

Another dimension of the court’s ruling pertained to the institute’s consideration of Ramdas’s past conduct. The student had reportedly taken part in an overnight protest outside the TISS Director’s bungalow, where students engaged in sloganeering that, according to the court, interfered with the Director’s personal life and rights. Though TISS had not taken disciplinary action for that incident at the time, the court held that it was within the institute’s rights to take such past conduct into account when determining punishment. The bench remarked, “It is settled position of law that in any inquiry, once the delinquent is given sufficient notice about past conduct or antecedents and opportunity is given to the reply to the same, the past conduct can be taken as material consideration while arriving at the quantum of punishment.”

The judges further reasoned that the two-year suspension was not disproportionate, nor did it amount to a violation of Ramdas’s fundamental right to freedom of expression. Since his conduct was found to be in breach of institutional rules, the court stated that disciplinary action was justified. The judgment concluded with a pointed remark about his use of public funds: “The Petitioner while enjoying the financial aid approved by the Respondent/Institute, participated in a clearly politically motivated protest in a student group under a banner having name PSF–TISS. Therefore, the necessary effect of such conduct on the decision of the Respondent Institute about grant is bound to follow.”

In view of these observations, the High Court dismissed the petition and upheld the disciplinary decision of TISS.

The complete order may be read here.

Ramdas vows to approach Supreme Court, calls suspension a threat to campus democracy

Following the Bombay High Court’s dismissal of his plea against suspension, Ramdas announced that he will challenge the verdict in the Supreme Court. Speaking to the Free Press Journal, Ramdas expressed his dismay at the outcome, stating, “It is shocking that the Hon. Bombay High Court dismissed the case after more than 10 months of legal procedure. Once I evaluate the full judgment, I will take this matter to the Supreme Court of India.”

He stressed that the issue goes beyond his individual case, arguing that it has wider implications for student rights and democratic expression within universities. “I deeply understand that this case is not just about me, but about the fundamental rights of all students and campus democracy in India’s higher education system. I believe this case may set a wrong precedent for universities across India to target students who have independent opinions. This is a brutal violation of Freedom of Expression guaranteed by the Constitution of India,” he said.

The controversy surrounding Ramdas’s suspension had also sparked broader concern within academic circles. On October 4, 2024, an assistant professor at the TISS Hyderabad campus, Arjun Sengupta, joined a student-led protest in solidarity with Ramdas. The demonstration was organised by the Progressive Students Organisation (PSO) and the Ambedkar Students’ Association at the institute’s off-campus centre. Shortly after his participation and a speech expressing support for Ramdas—parts of which circulated widely on social media—Sengupta was issued a show cause notice by the administration.

This sequence of events underscores growing unease over shrinking space for dissent in academic institutions and the increasing scrutiny faced by both students and faculty who voice critical or oppositional views.

Background of the Case: Political targeting alleged behind TISS student’s suspension

The suspension of Dalit PhD scholar Ramdas from TISS had raised questions about the repression of political expression in academic spaces. Following his suspension on April 18, 2024, the Progressive Students’ Forum (PSF) alleged that the institute had acted in retaliation for Ramdas’s activism, particularly his participation in a protest march.

According to the PSF, the TISS administration served Ramdas a show-cause notice on March 7, 2024, citing his involvement in the Parliament March and his social media post urging students to watch Ram Ke Naam, a 1992 National Award-winning documentary by Anand Patwardhan that critiques the Hindutva campaign behind the construction of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. The institute reportedly labelled this encouragement as an “anti-national act,” which added fuel to accusations that his suspension was politically motivated.

In response, TISS justified the suspension by claiming it was a consequence of “repetitive misconduct over a period of time.” In a statement dated April 20, 2024, the administration alleged that Ramdas had increasingly prioritised political activities over academic responsibilities. “Throughout his tenure, Ramdas KS exhibited a shift in focus towards activities unrelated to his academic pursuits, engaging in events, protests, and other activities influenced by personal political agendas,” it stated. The administration added that despite “repeated verbal and written advisories” to focus on his academic work, Ramdas had failed to comply.

In May 2024, Ramdas filed a petition before the Bombay High Court challenging his suspension. He argued that the disciplinary action violated his fundamental rights, particularly his right to freedom of speech and association, as guaranteed by the Constitution. His petition contended that the institute had constructed a false narrative to punish him for his political beliefs and activism. In addition to seeking a revocation of the suspension order, Ramdas requested permission to return to campus, resume his academic activities, and receive his scholarship stipend, which had also been withheld.

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Ten of these places are located in Haridwar district, four in Dehradun, two in Nainital and one in Udham Singh Nagar. Aurangzebpur in Haridwar has been renamed Shivaji Nagar, Ghaziwali as Arya Nagar, Khanpur as Shri Krishnapur and Khanpur Kursali as Ambedkar Nagar.

Likewise, Miyanwala in Dehradun will now be called Ramjiwala, Chandpur Khurd as Prithviraj Nagar, Nawabi Road in Nainital has a new name Atal Road and Panchukki Marg has been renamed Guru Golwalkar Marg after the second Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief.

“The changes have been made in accordance with the will of the people and per Indian culture and heritage of the country by honouring the great personalities,” claimed Dhami.

The Uttarakhand Chief Minister, who has launched a relentless anti-Muslim rhetoric even since he took over the reins in 2021, began with ‘Land Jehad’, ‘Love Jehad’, ‘Mazar Jehad’, ‘Thook Jehad’, implementation of the Uniform Civil Code ((UCC) and action against Madrassas.

Dhami is a young Hindutva icon of BJP-RSS who is credited with implementing the ‘Hindutva Gujarat Model’ in the hill state of Uttarakhand, reaping rich political dividends for this Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

The BJP officially lauded the state government for changing the names as part of the campaign to eradicate the “last vestiges of slavery.”

“Uttarakhand has announced the renaming of several locations across Haridwar, Dehradun, Nainital and Udham Singh Nagar districts. The new names reflect public sentiment and uphold India’s cultural and historical heritage. This initiative seeks to honour great personalities who have played a significant role in preserving Indian culture, inspiring future generations,” BJP leader and its IT cell chief Amit Malviya posted on X.

Rajput Community Miffed?

Interestingly, in its zeal to erase any Muslim-sounding or lslamic names, Dhami has also changed the name of ‘Miyanwala’ village near Dehradun which has nothing to do with Muslims. It was a Rajput village. The renaming of their village is brewing resentment among the Rajput community, which has demanded that the state government should refrain from renaming their village. The ‘Miyans’ are a famous Rajput clan in Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh hills, known for their military valour.

Jai Singh Rawat, a senior journalist in Uttarakhand, said the state government should look into history and not act blinded by their opposition of anything that sounds Muslim. “The ‘Miyans’ are famous Rajput clan and Miyanwala is their village. The BJP-RSS think-tanks should educate themselves before acting impulsively in their anti-Muslim campaign,” he told this reporter.

The writer is a freelancer based in Dehradun, Uttarakhand.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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