Compiled by New Age Islam News Bureau

URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/taliban-tried-employing-afghan-women/d/135873

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The Taliban Tried To Stop Lida Mangal From Employing Afghan Women

By Isabella Ross

15-06-2025

Lida Mangal says her Afghan garment business in Western Sydney is a form of “resistance and representation”. (ABC News: Jack Ailwood)

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LidaMangal vividly remembers the “golden years” of her childhood in Afghanistan.

Decades on, Ms Mangal has found freedom in Australia — though her country of origin and the “very strong” women who remain there never leave her thoughts.

“I thought how could I provide a means of income to these women? They had experience in tailoring and textiles. Some were widowed or without a male companion … Afghan women deserve freedom.”

Photo shows A woman wearing a blue burqa covering shields her eyes from the sun and camera while she walks in the streetA woman wearing a blue burqa covering shields her eyes from the sun and camera while she walks in the street

Virtue laws introduced by the Taliban ban women from speaking or showing their faces in public as a senior UN official called it an extension of the “already intolerable restrictions” on Afghan women.

That same year, Ms Mangal founded her business, Ghan Fashion, where she brings traditionally designed dresses from Afghanistan to Australia.

Initially, she was able to openly hire women who were still working in Afghan textile factories, but in recent years, the “barbaric regime’s agenda” has made that effort extra difficult.

“I’ve got 20 women who are working now from home, because of the restrictions of the current regime. They have their own materials and equipment they use. I explain my designs … and they prepare and make it,” she said.

A former refugee and now Australian citizen, Ms Mangal works full-time in a separate occupation, as well as running her fashion business from her Western Sydney home.

The garment transportation process is a challenge — the Taliban use sharp tools to check packages for anything being smuggled out of Afghanistan, meaning some of Ms Mangal’s dresses arrive ripped and damaged.

“This new chapter has allowed me to reclaim my voice and write a story that I choose — one filled with hope, ambition and determination.”

Kabul Social is run predominantly by female refugees from Afghanistan, notes Shaun David-Christie (far right). (Supplied: Kabul Social/Kitti Gould)

Kabul Social, founded by Plate It Forward director Shaun Christie-David, is run by a team of predominantly female refugees from Afghanistan, bringing their country’s flavours to Sydney’s CBD.

It was predated by Colombo Social, which has the same intention of celebrating culture and cuisine while employing migrants and refugees.

“What truly humbles me is seeing our refugee workforce and their families thrive, building a legacy of generational change,”  Mr Christie-David said.

Mr Christie-David said his aim was to “give people a chance that wouldn’t get one otherwise”, given the challenges of having international qualifications recognised in Australia.

Marjorie Tenchavez is the founder and director of Welcome Merchant, a social enterprise that elevates refugee and people seeking asylum entrepreneurs.

“Often they [refugees] have family members relying on them in their home countries as well. Refugee merchants also don’t have mainstream access to much support, such as borrowing from the banks, given many are on bridging visas.”

“It’s now more important than ever to give them a platform because there has definitely been a waning interest in the refugee space.”

Adama Kamara, deputy chief executive officer of Refugee Council of Australia, said the event was a way to champion the resilient nature of many refugees.

“Refugees are among Australia’s most entrepreneurial newcomers … this incredible drive, often born out of necessity and a desire to contribute, adds significant economic and social value,” she said.

Later this year, the 1 millionth permanent refugee visa will be issued since Australia’s post-war resettlement program began in 1947, according to the Refugee Council.

Source: www.abc.net.au

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2025-06-15/former-refugee-helps-women-in-afghanistan-via-sydney-business/105365380

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‘I Wish I Weren’t A Girl’: 700,000 Women Struggle For Menstrual Hygiene In War-Torn Gaza

By Supratik Das

15 Jun 2025

Representational Image | Credit: Reuters

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At the centre of an relentless humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip, an often overlooked crisis is unfolding with quiet urgency, that is women’s and girls’ menstrual well-being. During Israel’s months-long siege and heavy shelling, close to 700,000 menstruating women and girls are finding it difficult to cope with their periods with dignity and safety. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) has cautioned that lack of access to essential hygiene products, clean water, and safe facilities has converted a normal biological process into a deep humanitarian and public health emergency.

According to UN global data, 1.8 billion people menstruate worldwide, but in conflict areas like Gaza, menstruation becomes far more than a monthly inconvenience, it becomes a human rights concern. In overcrowded displacement shelters and temporary tent camps, girls getting their first period are doing so in unimaginable conditions. They have no sanitary pads, no soap, and no private toilets. “I only had one pad, so I wrapped it in toilet paper to make it last. I couldn’t wash, and the pain was horrible. I sat in silence crying until the end of the day,” a displaced teenage girl told UNFPA. These stories are no longer isolated. Since March, the blockade of humanitarian relief has severely limited the introduction of hygiene material. While a partial suspension of the ban allowed for some relief, distribution of aid which is now organised by channels outside the UN system is still woefully insufficient. Current levels of delivery are far below the colossal demand, with only a small portion of more than 10 million sanitary pads needed monthly reaching Gaza’s displaced persons. “This crisis is not just about hygiene; it is about dignity, health, and the protection of basic human rights. “Food keeps us alive, but pads, soap, and privacy let us live with dignity,” a displaced woman from Khan Younis, said in a UNFPA statement.

With over 90 per cent of the region’s water and sanitation infrastructure destroyed and water pumping fuel out of reach, the hygiene crisis is assuming a deadly dimension. Women are resorting to makeshift substitutes such as worn-out clothing, used cloths, or sponges which are often unclean and unsuitable for prolonged use heightening the threat of urinary tract infections, reproductive disorders, and long-term health impairment. A father of four girl child from Jabalia recounted his sorrow, “I ripped my single shirt apart so my daughters could wear it as an alternative to pads,” he explained to UNFPA. Another girl admitted, “Every time my period comes, I wish I weren’t a girl,” she said to the UN agency. A local physician recounted how normal phenomena like menstruation, pregnancy, and giving birth are becoming traumatic because of the absence of essential materials. “These should be routine experiences. But now, I witness pain, humiliation, and desperation in women’s eyes on a daily basis,” she said to UNFP

While the health of menstruation has gone disastrous, the overall situation for women in Gaza is equally bleak. As per UNFPA, food insecurity is catastrophic, with one person out of every five starved. For approximately 55,000 pregnant women, every skipped meal increases the likelihood of miscarriage, stillbirth, and giving birth to underweight infants.

According to UN nearly 17,000 pregnant and breastfeeding women are projected to require urgent treatment for acute malnutrition in the coming months. Gaza’s already fragile health infrastructure is on the brink of collapse after prolonged bombardment of hospitals and healthcare facilities. Healthcare workers do not have the medicines and equipment they need.

Source: www.Thedailyjagran.Com

https://www.thedailyjagran.com/world/i-wish-i-was-not-a-girl-women-struggle-for-menstrual-hygiene-in-war-torn-gaza-heres-what-report-says-10245149

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TikTok Murder Sends Chill Through Pakistani Influencers: ‘Every Woman Knows This Fear’

15 Jun 2025

Since seeing thousands of comments justifying the recent murder of a teenage TikTok star in Pakistan, Sunaina Bukhari is considering abandoning her 88,000 followers.

“In my family, it wasn’t an accepted profession at all, but I’d managed to convince them, and even ended up setting up my own business,” she said.

Then last week, Sana Yousaf was shot dead outside her house in the capital Islamabad by a man whose advances she had repeatedly rejected, police said.

News of the murder led to an outpouring of comments under her final post – her 17th birthday celebration where she blew out the candles on a cake.

In between condolence messages, some blamed her for her own death: “You reap what you sow” or “it’s deserved, she was tarnishing Islam”.

Yousaf had racked up more than a million followers on social media, where she shared her favourite cafes, skincare products and traditional shalwarkameez outfits.

Source: Www.Scmp.com

https://www.scmp.com/news/asia/south-asia/article/3314505/tiktok-murder-sends-chill-through-pakistani-influencers-every-woman-knows-fear

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UN Human Rights Council to spotlight rights of Afghan women at 59th Session

by Milad Sayar

June 15, 2025

The United Nations Human Rights Council is set to open its 59th session on Monday, June 16, in Geneva, where delegates will consider an agenda that includes the worsening rights crisis in Afghanistan, particularly the treatment of women and girls under Taliban rule.

According to the Council’s official schedule, the session will run through July 9 and will feature reports and interactive dialogues addressing human rights violations in more than a dozen countries, including Sudan, Myanmar, Iran and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Among the most closely watched items will be a presentation by Richard Bennett, the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan.

Bennett’s report, titled “Access to Justice and Support for Women and Girls and the Impact of Multiple and Intersecting Forms of Discrimination,” concludes that the restrictions imposed by the Taliban on women and girls amount to a system of gender apartheid. It calls on the international community to recognize such policies as crimes under international law.

“The Council must take urgent and decisive action,” said Sima Nouri, a human rights activist who is among those calling for an independent fact-finding mission. “We need a mechanism to document the full scope of Taliban abuses — from gender-based discrimination and ethnic killings to the violent suppression of peaceful protests. Afghanistan’s case should be referred to the International Criminal Court.”

Since retaking power in 2021, the Taliban have barred most Afghan women and girls from work, education, and even freedom of movement without a male escort. MasoudaKohistani, another rights advocate, called the situation “a human rights emergency that demands global attention.”

Though Afghanistan will be discussed on the opening day, it is one part of a broader session that includes topics ranging from the human rights impacts of climate change to racial discrimination, digital rights, and the situations in Palestine, Venezuela and Belarus. No general debates are scheduled this session, but several high-level interactive dialogues will take place throughout the four weeks.

The Human Rights Council, which meets three times a year, is the UN’s primary intergovernmental body dedicated to the promotion and protection of human rights around the world. Its 59th session will include reports from special rapporteurs, commissions of inquiry and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

Rights advocates say they hope the international community will not lose focus on Afghanistan amid competing global crises. “This is a pivotal moment,” Nouri said. “The world must not abandon Afghan women.”

Source: amu.tv

https://amu.tv/180591/

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Pakistan names women’s squad for AFC qualifiers amid bid to elevate football’s profile

Arab News Pakistan

June 15, 2025

ISLAMABAD: The Pakistan Football Federation (PFF) on Saturday unveiled its squad for the AFC Women’s Asian Cup 2026 Qualifiers, as the country seeks to uplift its women’s football program and strengthen its profile in a sport where its men’s team has also struggled to gain traction.

Pakistan’s men’s national team, briefly competitive in regional tournaments in the decades following independence, has long languished near the bottom of Asian rankings amid administrative issues and lack of sustained investment.

In contrast, women’s football in Pakistan began to take shape in the early 2000s, with the formation of the country’s first women’s football clubs in 2002 and the launch of the National Women’s Football Championship in 2005.

“The Pakistan Football Federation has named a squad for the upcoming AFC Women’s Asian Cup 2026 Qualifiers, set to take place in Jakarta, Indonesia from June 29 to July 5,” said the PFF in a statement.

Placed in Group E, the team will open its campaign on June 29 against Chinese Taipei, confront host Indonesia on July 2 and conclude the group stage against Kyrgyzstan on July 5.

Athletes have recently expanded into Olympic swimming and achieved international success in javelin, demonstrating a broader ambition to elevate sports beyond one stronghold.

Pakistan will be seeking its first-ever Women’s Asian Cup appearance, while the men’s side continues to fight for relevance amid FIFA rankings that reached a historic low before recent suspensions were lifted.

Pakistan’s national women’s football team was officially formed in 2010 and has yet to qualify for a Women’s Asian Cup or World Cup, but played in multiple SAFF Championships and remained a bright spot in domestic football.

Source: Www.Arabnews.com

https://www.arabnews.com/node/2604523/pakistan

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‘Pakistan-born’ woman booked in UP’s Bareilly for procuring fake Aadhaar, ration card

by Manish Sahu

June 15, 2025

The Uttar Pradesh Police on Friday booked a 68-year-old woman of Pakistani origin in Bareilly for allegedly obtaining an Aadhaar card and ration card through fraudulent means. The woman has been residing in India for nearly six decades on a long-term visa.

The police said that during a campaign to spot Bangladeshi and Pakistani nationals staying illegally in the district, they received a tip-off about a Pakistan-born woman allegedly availing of benefits of government schemes using forged documents.

The case has been filed against the woman, identified as Farhad Sultana, under relevant sections of the Citizenship Act and for cheating at the Baradari police station, said a police officer.

The police learned that Sultana, born in Karachi, arrived in India in 1965 at the age of eight with her mother and sister, on a long-term visa.

Source: Indianexpress.Com

https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/lucknow/pakistan-born-woman-booked-in-ups-bareilly-for-procuring-fake-aadhaar-ration-card-10067350/

Courtesy: New Age Islam

The post The Taliban Tried To Stop Lida Mangal From Employing Afghan Women appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The post Police, Bajrang Dal and the Making of Anti-‘Love Jihad’ Squad in Madhya Pradesh appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This action comes in the wake of two recent murders that sparked communal tensions in the coastal region. The externment measures are intended to restrict these individuals from entering designated areas for a specified period, thereby aiming to maintain public order and prevent further unrest.

The individuals in question are linked to multiple police station jurisdictions, including Bantwal, Vittal, Puttur Town and Rural, Kadaba, Sullia, Uppinangady, Punjalkatte, and Belthangady. The proceedings are being carried out under Section 55 of the Karnataka Police Act, which empowers the police to initiate preventive action against those deemed a threat to public peace and safety.

In the wake of recent communal killings in Dakshina Kannada, the police have barred 36 individuals, who belong to both communities and have troubled pasts, from entering the district under Section 55 of the Karnataka Police Act. This action is aimed at curbing unrest and… pic.twitter.com/Cxf7tKz2UU

— Ashish (@KP_Aashish) June 3, 2025

The list includes people from various parts of the district. They have been charged with assault, intimidation, extortion, and gang-related activities. The list comprises individuals aged between 22 and 54 from different parts of the district, all of whom have been booked for offences such as assault, intimidation, extortion, and involvement in gang-related activities.

Taking strict action to ensure peace in the region: Police

Arun K, Superintendent of Police, Dakshina Kannada, said, “We are taking strict action to ensure peace in the region. Externment is a preventive measure aimed at breaking the nexus of habitual offenders who pose a recurring threat to society” reported the Indian Express reported.

The police are in the process of serving notices, and hearings will be held in accordance with legal procedure before the orders are finalised, he said.

BJP Minister alleged Hindu leaders are being unfairly targeted under political pressure

Despite the list including individuals from both Hindu and Muslim communities, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has expressed concerns over what it alleges to be selective targeting. Union Minister of State for Labour and Employment, and Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises, Shobha Karandlaje, has written to the Chairman of the Police Complaints Authority, Justice N.K. Sudhindra Rao, claiming that Hindu leaders are being unfairly singled out under political pressure.

The minister its letter asserted that the action appears biased and urged the authority to review the externment proceedings to ensure they are free from political influence and carried out in a fair and transparent manner.

Shocking reports from Dakshina Kannada reveal targeted harassment of pro-Hindu citizens by police allegedly acting under political pressure from the Congress-led govt. Midnight raids, illegal surveillance & blatant abuse of power are being used as tools of political vendetta.… pic.twitter.com/eKJm3wk85V

— Shobha Karandlaje (@ShobhaBJP) June 3, 2025

She alleged that, “acting under political pressure from the Congress-led State Government, have been systematically targeting and harassing individuals associated with pro-Hindu organisations, social workers, traders, and even ordinary law-abiding civilians.”

Calling the situation “particularly alarming,” Karandlaje alleged that police officers have been visiting individuals’ homes late at night, photographing their residences, and recording GPS coordinates “without any legal warrants or just cause.”

She further added that these actions violate fundamental constitutional rights, including the right to privacy, the right to life under Article 21, and the right to equality under Article 14.

“This pattern of intimidation began shortly after the recent change in police leadership in Mangaluru,” she said, referencing the Karnataka government’s decision to transfer the Police Commissioner of Mangaluru city, along with the Superintendents of Police (SPs) of Dakshina Kannada and Udupi districts, in the wake of recent communal incidents.

Police initiated legal proceedings to extern BJP leader Arun Kumar Puthila

Additionally, in Dakshina Kannada district, police have initiated legal steps to extern BJP leader and Puthila Parivara head Arun Kumar Puthila, citing concerns about his impact on law and order in the region. Earlier, a formal notice had been served, requiring him to appear for a hearing on June 6. If he fails to do so, officials may proceed with an ex parte order, as per a report in the Hindustan Times.

The action is also being taken under Section 55 of the Karnataka Police Act. An official familiar with the matter said there are plans to relocate Puthila to the jurisdiction of Shahabad police station in Kalaburagi district. The notice, issued by the Puttur assistant commissioner, mentions that Puthila can be represented either in person or through a legal representative. The move reportedly stems from his past record of delivering inflammatory speeches, as reported

FIR registered against senior RSS leader Prabhakar Bhat for delivering provocative speech

As part of ongoing preventive measures, Dakshina Kannada police registered an FIR on June 2 against senior RSS leader Kalladka Prabhakar Bhat, accusing him of delivering a provocative speech during a condolence meeting held on May 12 for Suhas Shetty—a Hindutva activist and rowdy-sheeter who was recently killed on May 1 on a busy street in Mangaluru. Shetty was a prominent pro-right-wing youth leader associated with Bajrang Dal in Karnataka’s coastal belt.

According to The News Minute, the FIR details several of Prabhakar Bhat’s remarks. He reportedly said, “We don’t accept the killing of cows. So many of our youngsters have risen against that. They’re not rowdies; they’re patriots. They protect dharma (religion).”

The Hindu reports that the event took place at Madwa Palace Convention Hall in Kavalapadur village, under the jurisdiction of the Bantwal Rural Police Station. Authorities claim Bhat’s remarks were inflammatory and could spark communal unrest. The case has been filed under relevant section 353(2) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS).

Interim relief for RSS leader after Hate Speech FIR

Just hours after the FIR for alleged hate speech was registered, RSS leader Prabhakar Bhat approached the Karnataka High Court, seeking to quash the case and halt further proceedings. In response, Justice S.R. Krishna Kumar granted interim relief, directing the police not to take any coercive action against him. The court also instructed Bhat to cooperate with the investigation and required the police to obtain judicial permission before filing a chargesheet.

Siddaramaiah government is anti-Hindu: BJP State President

Karnataka BJP President B.Y. Vijayendra launched a sharp attack on the Congress-led state government, accusing it of misusing the police force to target Hindu leaders for political gain. He alleged the administration was appeasing the Muslim community for electoral benefits while ignoring “anti-social elements.”

“In the coastal region, Hindu leaders and BJP workers are being deliberately harassed to intimidate Hindu activists,” Vijayendra said, claiming the state was silencing pro-Hindu voices and shielding others. He also criticised the swift transfer of senior police officers in Mangaluru following the murder of a Muslim truck driver, calling it a politically driven move.

“There’s a clear conspiracy to slap false cases on Hindu leaders and put them behind bars,” he added, denouncing FIRs and externment orders as “shameful attempts to stifle free speech.” He demanded the immediate withdrawal of all charges. “The FIR against more than 15 leaders of Hindu organisations, including Kalladka Prabhakar Bhat, must be cancelled, and the deportation order revoked. If not, the government alone will be responsible for the consequences,” he warned.

Commenting on the murder of right-wing leader Suhas Shetty, Vijayendra reiterated his stance, calling the Congress government “anti-Hindu” and alleging repeated attacks on Hindu activists. He said BJP leaders had appealed to Governor Thaawar Chand Gehlot for a central probe, and the Ministry of Home Affairs had since handed the case to the National Investigation Agency (NIA).

“BJP workers met the Governor and we demanded an investigation by the NIA, which the state government did not accept, but the Centre fortunately agreed to…” he stated in a report in the ANI.

BJP warns of agitation over alleged ‘targeting Hindu leaders’ in Dakshina Kannada

The BJP has warned of a protest against the Congress-led Karnataka government, accusing it of targeting Hindu leaders in Dakshina Kannada. This comes after an FIR was filed against RSS leader Kalladka Prabhakar Bhat for alleged hate speech and an externment notice was issued to BJP leader Arun Kumar Puttila, as per the Hindu reports.

Dakshina Kannada MP Capt. Brijesh Chowta criticised the Siddaramaiah government for misusing state machinery to harass and divide Hindu voices, claiming it was a cover-up for its administrative failures. He said he had spoken to the state police chief and would meet top police officials in Mangaluru on Tuesday along with other party leaders.

Former Minister and Karkala MLA V. Sunil Kumar accused the government of trying to enforce a “police raj” in Dakshina Kannada and Udupi, as reported

However, on June 3, BJP Dakshina Kannada district president Satish Kumpala also accused the Congress-led Karnataka government of misusing the police force to “mentally harass and demoralise Sangh Parivar activists by filing baseless cases against them” as per the report in the Hindu.

Speaking to the media after meeting City Police Commissioner Sudheer Kumar Reddy and Dakshina Kannada SP K. Arun—along with BJP MLAs and party leaders—Kumpala said the delegation had conveyed its strong displeasure over what they described as the police treating individuals associated with Hindu organisations as criminals.

Whether Hindu or Muslim, action will be taken only if someone breaks the law: Karnataka Home Minister

Responding to allegations of selective action, Karnataka Home Minister G. Parameshwara stated, “Whether Hindu or Muslim, action will be taken only if someone breaks the law. No one will be spared if they do something wrong.”

In a post on X, Parameshwara emphasised the government’s commitment to restoring peace and social harmony in the state, particularly in light of recent communal disturbances in Dakshina Kannada, Udupi, Uttara Kannada, and Shivamogga districts.

“We had promised to make Karnataka a garden of peace, and the people placed their trust in us,” he wrote. “Now, more than ever, there is a need to foster an environment of peace and unity.”

ಕರ್ನಾಟಕವನ್ನು ಸರ್ವಜನಾಂಗದ ಶಾಂತಿಯ ತೋಟವಾಗಿಸುವ ವಾಗ್ದಾನವನ್ನು ನಾಡಿನ ಜನತೆಗೆ ನಾವು ಚುನಾವಣಾ ಪೂರ್ವದಲ್ಲೇ ನೀಡಿದ್ದೆವು, ಅದರಂತೆ ಜನತೆ ನಮ್ಮ ಮೇಲೆ ವಿಶ್ವಾಸವಿಟ್ಟು ಬಹುಮತದ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ರಚನೆಗೆ ಅವಕಾಶ ನೀಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ.

ರಾಜ್ಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಶಾಂತಿ, ಸೌಹಾರ್ದತೆ ಮತ್ತು‌ ಸಾಮರಸ್ಯದ ವಾತಾವರಣವನ್ನು ನಿರ್ಮಾಣ ಮಾಡುವ ಅಗತ್ಯ ಎಂದಿಗಿಂತಲೂ ಈಗ… pic.twitter.com/JYtHiSZr8F

— DIPR Karnataka (@KarnatakaVarthe) May 30, 2025

He added that the government has taken serious note of incidents involving communal miscreants and has formed a special task force to address them. The force—carved out of the existing Naxal Suppression Unit—includes 248 personnel, led by a DGP and supported by officers across various ranks.

“Strict action will be taken against anyone who incites communal hatred, regardless of their religion or affiliation. The law will take its course,” he said.

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Waqf vs Holi Show: CJP asks Zee News to take down its divisive debate show over Waqf protest

The post Karnataka Police’s massive crackdown on habitual hate offenders in Dakshina Kannada region appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This order was passed by a division bench of justices G R Swaminathan and V Lakshminarayanan on a habeas corpus petition (HCP) filed by the woman’s partner, hailing from Tirupattur district, praying for an order to liberate the woman from being illegally detained by her parents at Gudiyatham in Vellore district.

The bench also pulled up the police for failing to respond to the urgent messages sent by the petitioner and forcing the woman to go with her parents. Further, the bench slammed police attached to Gudiyatham in Vellore district, Reddiyarpalayam in Puducherry and Jeevan Beema Nagar in Karnataka for failing to respond to the SOS messages sent by the petitioner and forcing the woman to go with her parents. Going further and expressing disappointment that no action was taken by the Inspector of Police in Gudiyatham, the DSP and Vellore SP despite a complaint being lodged, the bench said only after the HCP was filed, the police woke up.

We hold that the government officials, in particular the jurisdictional police, have a duty to respond whenever complaints of this nature are received, the bench noted.

The Order also observed that the Supreme Court’s order in the Supriyo @ Supriya Chakraborty v/s Union of India case may not have legalised marriage between same sex couples but they can very well form a family.

Mother of lesbian detenue is no Leila Seth, says Madras HC

“We have come to the conclusion that the detenue is entitled to go with the petitioner (female partner) and that she cannot be detained against her will by her family members,” the bench said.

It restrained the woman’s natal family members from “interfering with her personal liberty”. It also issued a “writ of continuing mandamus” to the jurisdictional police to provide adequate protection to the woman and her partner as and when required.

“Marriage is not the sole mode to found a family. The concept of a ‘chosen family’ is now well-settled and acknowledged in LGBTQIA+ jurisprudence,” the bench stated. It explained, citing the NALSA and Navtej Johar cases, that the SC has declared that sexual orientation falls within the realm of personal liberty guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution of India.

Dealing with the statement of the lesbian woman’s mother that the petitioner had led her daughter “astray” and turned her into a “drug-addict,” the bench said it could see that the detenue is a perfectly normal-looking young woman.

The bench pointed out that the petitioner has not mentioned anywhere about the true nature of their relationship but called herself as a close friend. “We can understand the hesitation on her part. Our society is still conservative, notwithstanding (the judgment in) NALSA and Navtej Singh Johar,” it said,

The bench recalled the heart-rending letter written by Leila Seth when the Delhi HC decision to decriminalise the same-sex relationship in the Naz Foundation case was reversed by the Supreme Court. Unfortunately, she was not alive to see homosexuality be decriminalised via the historic judgment in Navtej Singh Johar Vs Union of India case, it said.

“The mother of the detenue is no Leila Seth. We could understand her feelings and temperament,” the bench said in the order. Stating that it had endeavoured in vain to impress upon her that her daughter is entitled to choose a life of her own since she is an adult, the bench noted that the law is clear and the precedents are clearer on the issue.

Related:

Same sex marriage is not an elitist concern: Akkai Padmashali

Delhi HC issues notice to Union in a plea to recognise same sex marriage

In the face of conservative opposition, India’s Supreme Court will decide on petitions on Same-Sex Marriage

The post Same sex marriage not legalised, but couples can form a family: Madras HC appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A cursory look at the book Caste of Merit: Engineering Education in India, by Ajantha Subramanian, may help us understand how conditions that reproduce merit are shaped by caste. But being critical of oppression is not expected from someone who is trying to portray Brahmins as oppressed. Recently, Tiwari flaunted images of Brahmin-Gene-stickers as signs of wisdom, strength and pride—seeking Brahminical solidarity.

After hoarding a huge share of social advantages, the Brahminical-Gene is still so insecure. Even after sharing a miniscule percentage of high-stake jobs, the Brahminical-Gene needs to reassert its identity to secure jobs. Even after maintaining a complete monopoly over knowledge in the pre-colonial era, the Brahminical-Gene calls for a ‘fight-back’. And even after living out of other people’s alms and services for centuries—the privileged Brahminical-Gene is suspecting some disadvantage, because of what the caste census may reveal: the disproportionate nature power and privilege.

Why is the Brahminical-Gene so obsessed with ‘quota-people’? Why do they think that these underserving ‘quota-people’ have been snatching all their jobs and seats since the past seven decades? Can we even compare 70 years of affirmation against hundreds of years of hoarding resources and privileges?

A simple fact-check should be sufficient to shut the flawed upper caste phobia regarding ‘undeserving’ candidates getting everything on a platter while the general candidates ‘work harder’, yet fail to make the cut because of ‘quota’. Such an upper caste mentality seems to have forgotten the dismal number of government jobs and reserved seats that come under the ambit of reservation, if compared with the magnitude of private jobs along with the ocean of unorganised sector that constitutes over 95% of employment opportunities and remains outside the range of reservation. But the Brahminical-Gene loves to remain indifferent to such basic facts.

There is no other social institution that is so vehemently against the modern egalitarian agenda as much as the Brahminical caste system. It legitimised social inequality through ascriptive roles, endogamy, and everyday mutual repulsion. As an utterly oppressive system, it is heavily prejudiced in favour of those who belong to the upper and middle layers of the hierarchy, and invariably those who traditionally own land and other resources.

The upper castes are also the ones who have also successfully converted their caste-capital into clean livelihoods and modern skills, as sociologist Satish Deshpande has argued in his essay ‘Biography of General Quota’. But when others are still in the process of claiming their fair share of power, resources and opportunities, the Brahminical-gene is anguished. We need ‘Brahmin-Gene’-stickers to show who we are. Is that not how the Brahminical-Gene behaved for ages—with display of all kinds of marks on the bodies to demarcate themselves from the others?

Delegitimising the Other and Denial of Resources

The playing fields were never equal; and even now, they are far from being equal. Merit, like any other acquired commodity, is not meant for free distribution. Merit is designed to discredit the ‘others’. For example, Bharti’s character in Gilli Pucchi, a Hindi short film, directed by Neeraj Ghaywan, is a touching portrayal of how a Dalit blue-collar worker is considered absolutely incapable of making a transition to the white-collar segment—even though she possesses all the necessary qualifications. In comparison, an upper caste woman, with no proven qualification, is considered more suited. A Dalit’s claim on clean work faces social delegitimisation. Dismissing the ‘other’ is integral to the Brahminical-Gene.

The Brahminical-Gene is not confined to Brahmins alone. It is a genetic disorder of feeling superior, which is structurally embedded in the caste system. Myths and economic resources are often deployed to claim that “we are superior to our equals and equal to our superiors,” as sociologist Dipankar Gupta has argued.

The structure of caste system does not permit sharing of resources. If we turn to contemporary Tamil popular cinema, violent assertion of the marginalised is repeatedly premised on contestation over resources, which have been traditionally denied to them. Conflicts arise when such resources, such as land or educational rights, are demanded.

For instance, Tamil film, Asuran (2019), directed by Vetrimaaran, begins with a fight over water. Dominant castes, who have installed an electronic pump for irrigation, are oblivious to the fact that ground water is a shared resource and installation of the pump will reduce the water level. Contestation over water is temporarily resolved by compelling the ‘lowly lives’ (as they are addressed by the upper castes) to enter into an unfair compromise. The ‘lowly’ has to take his slipper off and beg and plead in front of all the upper caste households. Towards the end, there is a profound statement from the suffering protagonist, who advices his son to take up education. “Land can be seized; money can be snatched but education cannot be taken away,” he says. Therefore, it is in the Brahminical-Gene to make education less accessible.

Another Tamil film, Pariyerum Perumal (2018), written and directed by Mari Selvaraj, opens with an elaborate punishment scene, where a dog belonging to the Dalits is tied to the railway track to be squashed. The idea is to show ‘them their place’ for entering into the fields that originally belong them, but have been misappropriated by the upper castes. Here, too, education is seen as emancipatory. It is the only path to emerge out of the vicious cycle of subordination and denial.

But the educational system favours the privileged castes, making it difficult for a first-generation Dalit to complete a degree. If education is a legitimate means to be upwardly mobile, no wonder that it such a contested terrain. To maintain status-quo and restrict mobility—rights to admission must be reserved only for the inheritors of ‘merit’. Discrimination must be reasserted at every stage to make things difficult for others. The suffering protagonist utters with regret at the end that “as long as you are the way you are and expect me to be the dog, noting will change.” Expecting others to be subservient is an important component of the Brahminical-Gene.

In Maamannan (2023), another Tamil film by Mari Selvaraj, Dalit children are punished to death by inflicting stones on their heads because they were taking bath in a well that is reserved for upper castes. Later in the narrative, one of the survivors gets into a feud, when his father is denied the right to sit by the side of a leader from the dominant caste.

The symbolic contestations take a different dimension in Tamil fil, Karnan (2021), again directed by Selvaraj, where the male protagonist explains the actual reason for atrocities against them. He says that the upper castes are not irked because they demanded a bus stop in their village. Their dignity was ‘robbed’ because Dalits have decided to walk with their head held high and fight. It is that resistance, that irritates the upper caste egos more than the act of appropriating upper caste names. Conscious of hierarchy, the fragile Brahminical-Gene is prone to getting offended when others do not bow down.

‘A Different Kind of Justice’

The most nuanced and subtle expression of the distance between castes—paradoxically arrives after consensual sexual intimacy between a male Dalit police officer and a daughter of a higher ranked officer in the Hindi film, Bheed (2023) by Anubhav Sinha. The officer says: “My hands tremble while touching you. Justice is always in the hands of the strong; if it’s transferred to the hands of the weak, it’ll be a different kind of a justice”.

The distance, the denial, the difference, the demarcation, the deprivation, the dominance, and the dehumanisation has been so internalised over generations that the touch ‘trembles’, even after attaining some power and status guaranteed by the Constitution. It is the touch of the lower caste, after all. Justice is still not served by these hands even though it is allowed to touch.

At this point, it is relevant to cite a question that the Hindi film Article 15 (2019) throws at us: Do ‘they’ even exist in the definition of the nation? It is the nation that hides its deficiency of not providing safety equipment to Dalit drainage plumbers, and then accusing a social activist for writing content that instigates manual scavengers to commit suicide (Marathi film, Court, 2014)! To be dismissive of petty demises, defines the Brahminical-Gene.

The privileged Brahminical-Gene despises anything that would quantify their accumulated privilege at the cost of others. Disparities and disproportionate arrangements would be validated by numbers. There will be legitimate demands to extend and expand the scope of reservation. Hence, the Brahminical-Gene is averse to caste census.

Serving social justice is not in the DNA of the Brahmin-Gene. It wants to own ‘merit’ and disown the ethical baggage of social justice. Therefore, the constitution of the Brahminical-Gene is essentially un-constitutional.

Courtesy: The AIDEM

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– George Elliot (English Novelist and Poet, 1819-1880)

Firdaus Alam alias Asjad Babu – age 24 years – is dead.

Details of this cold blooded killing have appeared in a section of the media and make chilling reading. (1)

Asjad – a native of a village in Kishenganj district of Bihar, married hardly 7 months back, worked as a tailor in Panipat, Haryana.That tragic evening, he was sitting with his friends including his brother Asad Raza in a playground when the accused approached him and started mocking him for wearing a skullcap.

None of the friends had any personal enmity with the accused Narendra alias “Susu Lala”.When confronted, he felt further agitated and attacked Asjad with a knife, inflicting serious fatal injuries.

Death of Asjad is no ordinary death.

It appears to be a hate crime.

Hate crime is a special crime where a person is targeted just because of hostility or prejudice towards that person’s colour, look, dress, which reveals the person’s community, religion or belief etc. One does not know whether the police or the law-and-order machinery would be ready to acknowledge this brutal murder as a hate crime (2) because that would entail stricter charges, which may be followed by stricter punishment.

What is even more disturbing, is to note that killings, like that of Asjad have become commonplace.

Merely a week back four people carrying buffalo meat in Aligarh were brutally attacked by a group of vigilantes, all Hindu youths, calling themselves Gorakshaks; but,they could be better termed as (protected?) criminals. (3) Few of the attackers have been arrested and police is searching for the rest. There are reports that these youths run an extortion racket from people engaged in this trade; and when these four people, who were engaged in this business with proper license, refused to pay the ransom, they were brutally attacked and left for dead.

One does not know if these self-proclaimed vigilantes, operating under the cover of Gau-Raksha politics, will transform into professional criminals, or revert to a normal law-abiding life.

Or how Gulfam, a biryani seller in Agra was killed point blank by one Manoj Chaudhary – who later claimed in a video that “Pahalgam has been avenged’. (4)

A cursory glance at the last decade of India’s democracy makes it clear how such attacks/ killings are increasingly getting normalized.

Perhaps the first such killing was that of a computer techie (2014) Mohsin Sheikh, who was killed by a mob allegedly belonging to Hindu Rashtra Sena , when he was returning home from his namaz. (5) Till date, there have been many ups and downs in the case. His father Sadiq Sheikh died waiting for justice in his son’s case.

Despite the controversial record of the Hindu Rashtra Sena in the police files, and even though the Maharashtra government had once contemplated banning the group, the high court judge – Mridula Bhatkar – granted bail to the three men accused of killing Mohsin Sheikh. (6) The order given by the judge is ‘remarkable’for its astounding logic and deserves to be read,

The applicants/accused otherwise had no other motive such as any personal enmity against the innocent deceased Mohsin. The fault of the deceased was only that he belonged to another religion. I consider this factor in favour of the applicants/accused. Moreover, the applicants/accused do not have criminal record, and it appears that in the name of the religion, they were provoked and have committed the murder. Under such circumstances, I allow the bail Applications.

In other words, if one kills someone out of personal enmity than that is worse than if someone is killed ‘merely’ on religious grounds. Those who kill in the name of religion should be – by Justice Bhatkar’s logic – given favourable treatment vis-à-vis other kinds of murder.

The Supreme Court observed that the high court ruling was ‘coloured with bias for or against a community’. It set aside the order of the Bombay High Court. But, thanks to the absence of any witness protection scheme, few of the key witnesses in the case turned hostile.And, after nine long years of legal battles,the result, however, went against the victim. All the accused in the case were allowed to go scot free after nine years of the legal battle, could be said to be an eyeopener in this case. (7)

Last one heard about the case that family members of IT Engineer Mohsin Sheikh plan to approach High Court after acquittal of all the 22 accused in the case. (8)

What happened in case of Junaid was not qualitatively different.

On 23 June 2017, Junaid (age 15) was in a festive mood, waiting to celebrate Eid with a lot of gaiety with his family. He was on a train from Delhi to Mathura. Some men on the train began to mock him and his friends for their religion. They tugged at their beards and accused them of being beef eaters. The train compartment was crowded. Then the men attacked Junaid and his friends viciously. None of the co-passengers came to their rescue. Junaid was stabbed. Then the men pushed Junaid and his friends onto the platform at Asaoti railway station. Junaid bled to death in his brother’s lap.

The men were arrested, but then released on bail. The wheels of justice are stuck. Junaid’s mother waits for something to happen. But what is going to happen startles her. (9)

It is worthwhile to revisit the case to know how, in an ambiance of majoritarian triumphalism, certain deaths become ‘non-events’as a scholar-activist Aarthi Sethi had then commented in her article (10).

..Kaunain Sheriff M returned to the railway station in Faridabad to find out ‘who saw what’ when Junaid was killed. He found that nobody saw anything as a young boy lay bleeding to death on Platform number 4. The blood stains, the journalist writes, are ‘still visible’ on the platform and yet no-one saw anything, neither the Station Master Om Prakash nor the post-master Bhagwat Dyal whose office is right across from the platform. ‘I did not see anything’, said Om Prakash. ‘I did not see anything’, said Bhagwat Dyal. Even the CCTV did not see anything. One official said, ‘There is a CCTV camera opposite the spot. The wire has been tampered with and it is non-functional’. ..

Sethi recounts what Sheriff M had written, and writes,

“Then they collectively, and without prior agreement, continued to not see what they had seen after the event. This is the uniquely terrifying aspect of this incident on which this report reflects: the totalising force of an unspoken, but collectively binding, agreement between Hindus to not see the dead body of a Muslim child. Hindus on this railway platform in a small station in north India instantly produced a stranger sociality, a common social bond between people who do not otherwise know each other. By mutual recognition between strangers, Hindus at this platform agreed to abide by a code of silence by which the death of a Muslim child cannot be seen by 200 people in full public view on a railway platform in today’s India.”(11)

India has of late metamorphosed into a land of such hate crimes.

Anyone can recall how a key leader of the ruling dispensation had in a public meeting underlined how ‘they’ can be recognised by the ‘clothes they wear’ (kapdon se pehchanejane wale) or how  his senior colleagues have been caught umpteen times stigmatising these ‘others’ as termites etc.

It is true that under the exclusivist ideology and praxis, presently, such attacks are mainly targeted against the religious minorities. But violent attacks cannot remain limited to minorities, as the reactionary forces advance. Soon, it would engulf others as well.

As analysts have noted, lynching appeared in India not as individual acts – i.e., one person killing another person – but as group violence, i.e.,mobs targeting religious minorities, Dalits, transgender persons and people belonging to deprived sections. Anyone considered ‘other’ was a fair game. Professor Sanjay Subramanyam, who teaches at the University of California, Los Angeles, told Indian Express that the members of the lynch mobs know that nothing will happen to them, that their acts have the approval of higher authorities.

Earlier, organised acts of mass violence were repetitive in character and there was a pattern, e.g. processions were attacked, or the violence was timed with public festivals. This was so even in the time of the Mughals. Then, post-Independence, there have been largely urban, organised forms of violence, where various political parties have provided protection to the perpetrators.

The difference between the earlier phase of mass violence and the current phase requires differentiation, writes Professor Subramanyam.

But what we are seeing now is not at a single place, there are fewer numbers attacked, and it is decentralised, done by little groups all over the place. These groups are either being told or imagine that they have been told to act in this way. Further, after the event, no one in authority is clearly telling them the contrary. There is also an aspirational quality to the violence. …curious thing is that the perpetrators want it to be known. After all, some of the people doing this are even videotaping it. They make sure the information is circulating, intended as a warning, as a signal and controlling device for the social behaviour expected of minorities. It is a form of violence which can pop up here one day and there on another. It is never mass killings but based on the existence of grassroots kind of organisations which believe in doing this, and also to an extent on copycat behaviour. So even if it is decentralised, there is a larger context.

If anyone doubts this understanding, then it is worthwhile to look at the excerpts of a sting operation done by NDTV regarding the killing of a meat trader – Qasim Querishi – in Hapur (Uttar Pradesh) and beating of Samiuddin. The police arrested Yudhisthir Singh Sisodia, who was the main accused. Let off on bail, Sisodia spoke to NDTV’s A. Vaidyanathan, who had a hidden camera. Sisodia told the court that he had no role in the killing, but when Vaidyanathan asked him about it, he said,

I told the jailer that [the victims] were slaughtering cows, so I slaughtered them. My army is ready. If anyone slaughters a cow, we will kill them and go to jail a thousand times.

The lynching of Junaid was not seen by 200 people who were on the platform at that time. They did not see the violence. They did not see Junaid.

Likewise Mohsin Sheikh was murdered in a marketplace with lot of people around but none from the crowd gathered courage to give testimony about his perpetrators.

This is Today’s India.

Could it be correct to say that today, India is a country with a new normal of hatred and bigotry.

This ‘new normal of hatred and bigotry’ is the consequence of an unholy alliance between corporate interests and Hindutva zealots. It is defined by upturning the rule of law, sabotage of institutions, and the creation of an atmosphere of fear for those, who differ. India has become a republic of violence instead of republic of hope.

Does anyone bother to even remember the n number of religious congregations, called Dharam Sansads, held in different parts of the country, including in the national capital itself, openly giving a call for ‘final solutions’ to solve the ‘problem’, instigating the crowds gathered to go for ‘cleansing of the country’ of the ‘unwanted elements’? And despite such open calls for genocide, no substantive action against the organisers or the instigators is to be seen.

There is no official statistics of such crimes available at the national level.

The studies show that this government has a scant regard for gathering data.In fact, it is accused of ‘suppressing crucial data’; and it is engaged in undermining ‘even the institutions responsible for data collection’’(12) Looking at stray reports, appearing here and there, it can be safely and correctly guessed that such murders, such attacks, have seen a quantum jump since the ascent of Hindutva Supremacist forces in this part of South Asia.

Firdaus Alam alias Asjad Babu – age 24 years – is dead.

We are told that a case has been filed by the police and the accused has been arrested.

Demands have been raised by concerned citizens that this killing be considered a hate crime, the accused be arrested under UAPA and the case should be dealt under a special court to expedite the whole process, to send a clear-cut message to all such fanatics.

Today, looking at the changed ambiance, it looks difficult that police would be keen to send such a message.

And one needs to ready for a long battle for justice; perhaps it would be crucial to understand why justice eluded in earlier cases and what corrective action(s) are needed.

Death of Asjad Babu in relatively peaceful times raises many questions before us.

The key question is why is it that violence against the religious minorities and ‘others’ never subsides completely, and it continues to simmer even in relatively peaceful times.

Whether it is an outcome of a wider and deeper penetration of Golwalkarian worldview among votaries of Hindutva politics, who in his book ‘Bunch of Thoughts’ lumps together Muslims, Christians and Communists as ‘internal enemies’ and considers them equally or rather more dangerous than ‘external enemies’.

Or it relates to what Prof Aijaz Ahmad calls the existence of ‘Cultures of Cruelty’ in our society.[https://www.jstor.org/stable/3517939]. According to him it is

“[a] much wider web of social sanctions in which one kind of violence can be tolerated all the more because many other kinds of violence are tolerated anyway. Dowry deaths do facilitate the burning of women out of communal motivations, and, together, these two kinds of violences do contribute to the making of a more generalised culture of cruelty as well as a more generalised ethical numbness toward cruelty as such.”

No doubt, these questions need detailed probing, and more about it sometime .

Subhash Gatade is a left  activist associated with New Socialist Initiative

Courtesy: CounterCurrents

The post Will Asjad Babu Get Justice in Today’s India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Earlier, too, the apex court had sought the view of the Odisha government on Dara’s Singh’s early release but the state government had sought 45 days’ time. The deadline is almost over.

The Spine-Chilling Incident

Staines, along with his two minor sons, was burnt alive to death inside a station wagon vehicle on the night of January 22-23, 1999. The horrendous crime had stunned the entire world.

Reporting on the unspeakable act from Manoharpur village in Keonjhar district had somehow remained shrouded by various interpretations as the then media, except two platforms, could not reach the spot on January 22, which is roughly 150 km from the capital, Bhubaneswar.

However, this reporter, then representing a leading national electronics media channel, along with another national channel drove to Manoharpur at the dead of the night negotiating arduous tracks through thick forests.

It was almost past midnight when we reached the village, which was palpably bathed in a perplexing silence. The silence was too disturbing.

As we passed through the row of houses flanking the pathway, we could see men and women sitting on their verandahs, each a picture of shock and mental torment.

On our right hand, we saw what we had heard. The sight was flabbergasting and rendered each of us speechless. The station vehicle was still on fire from below and its deflated tyres were still in smoldering. Fumes were still emanating from inside the vehicle.

Australian missionary Graham Staines with his family. His two minor boys were burnt alive along with him in 1999 in Odisha, by Bajrang Dal activists led by Dara Singh. (File photo.)

A little away from the vehicle, we could catch a glimpse of the charred remains of three bodies, simply indistinguishable and nerve wracking. Two small corpses and one that of an adult.

The police had already reached the site of the crime and were preparing to send the mortal remains in a police van to Bhubaneswar.

Before that, the perpetrators of the heinous crime, led by Dara Singh, the main accused and his accomplices, had fled chanting ‘Jai Bajrang Bali’ as if self-cheering the horrendous act.

We gathered from the benumbed villagers that when the vehicle, stuffed with hay stacks, was on fire, the gang led by Singh, armed with weapons, did not allow any villager to come near the burning vehicle.

The villagers saw two little hands faintly visible, desperately banging the windscreens for help. But the screams were lost in the din of ‘Jai Bajrang Bali’ chants by the killers.

It was late evening on January 22, 1999, and Staines was reportedly holding some kind of formalities or feast after some conversions to Christianity. As we could gather from the villagers, mostly from the tribal community, Staines had been active in Manoharpur and in a few adjoining pockets for seeking conversions.

That night was different. Little did Staines realise that a plan was being hatched by a gang of about 20 people led by Dara Singh to attack him. The missionary, perhaps, had no inkling of it and had brought along his two sons, Philip (10) and Timothy (6).

The seething vengeance of Dara Singh and his accomplices nearly exploded into a massacre. They stuffed haystacks underneath the vehicle in which the three were sleeping and set it on fire. A few men and women of the village told this reporter how a rage of revenge became cataclysmic when three live human beings (including two minors) were burnt to death alive before the entire village. Humanity was literally shamed.

The perpetrators stood on guard till the indescribable end. “We had no courage to dare the armed gang and douse the inferno where three souls were being charred to death”, I recall a senior villager called Suresh Hembram confiding to this reporter.

“We felt guilty that we were made mute onlookers despite the heart wrenching sight when, from a distance, we could faintly make out the movements of the three caught in the blaze inside the burning vehicle, banging the windscreens for help” whispered Sebati Majhi, an old woman of the village in who was in tears and panic-struck by the horrific scene.

Dara Singh alias Ravindra Pal was known to be a Bajrang Dal activist who worked in that area against cow transportation to other states because cow slaughter was banned in Odisha. Singh, as per the government counsel, often resorted to brutal ways to punish cattle-laden truck drivers.

After committing the crime in Manoharpur, Singh went underground for a month before being arrested.

Singh, the main accused in the triple murder, was convicted and sentenced to death by a CBI court in 2003. The Orissa High Court commuted his death sentence to life imprisonment in 2005. The decision of the High Court was upheld by the Supreme Court in 2011.

Many human right activists expressed their annoyance after the High Court commuted his death sentence to life imprisonment for such an unforgivable crime considered as “rarest of rare”.

He (Dara) promised to “give back to the society” through “service-oriented actions”. He submitted that he had undergone more than the qualified period of sentence of 14 years under the April 19, 2022 remission policy in Odisha.

According to Wikipedia, Dara Singh was a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).  He was also an activist of the Bajrang Dal and the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP).

The police reported that Dara Singh was an active member of the ‘Go Suraksha Samiti’, an initiative financed and implemented by VHP and the Bajrang Dal.

We drove to Balasore 150 km from Bhubaneswar a week after the tragedy to meet Gladys Staines, wife of Graham Staines, who politely received us and was looking completely crest fallen. At times, she appeared numb and would walk inside and come back after washing her face.

The substance of her reaction was “what can I say, and from my side I simply forgive him (the killer)”. The bereaved mother and wife sounded spiritual.

Now that the apex court has sought the view of the Odisha government,  which is “presently under the BJP rule, it seems a bit likely that the person behind of world’s one of most brutal acts in the history of crime, may get a nod for premature release”, Rabi Das, who as a journalist has been working on human rights also, told this reporter.

“Let’s wait. It would be premature at this time to predict the Odisha government’s response to the apex court’s query on the premature release of Dara”, said Aravinda Satpathy, a senior advocate of the High Court of Orissa.

The writer is a freelance journalist based in Odisha with over 40 years of experience in the profession.

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post Odisha: Graham Staines’ Brutal Murder; Mystery Hangs Over Dara Singh’s Release appeared first on SabrangIndia.

These indigenous Adivasi communities have been known for long for their more self-reliant life patterns integrated closely with forests and their protection. However they suffered heavily during colonial rule in terms of introduction of new exploitative practices, assault on their life and livelihood patterns and the resource base which sustained it. Subsequently there were several revolts against colonial rule and its collaborators. Apart from some of the better-known struggles such as those led by the valiant BirsaMunda, there were several less known but also no less important struggles such as those led by Govind Guru among the Bhils and related tribal communities in Central India. The extent of repression by colonial forces and their close collaborators here was also very extreme, perhaps even more than some of the widely known events of extreme repression such as the Jalianwala Bagh massacre.

In the post-independence period it was a well-recognised aspect of government policy that Adivasi communities constitute a particularly vulnerable group and special efforts for ensuring a fair deal to them should be made. This led to several development initiatives aimed particularly at benefiting these communities, while of course there are other schemes and programs open to all sections which benefit these communities as well.

There are reservations for scheduled tribes in jobs as well as in other aspects. Above all, there is recognition of their more autonomous path of development in keeping with their traditions and life-patterns, and a special law PESA (Panchayati Raj Extension to Scheduled Areas) has been enacted in recognition of this, also protecting the rights of tribal communities over resource bases in several ways.

However at the implementation level, the admirable aims of protecting Adivasi communities and their rights and interests could not be achieved to any desirable extent. In several areas these indigenous communities have been displaced on a very large scale or their life has been significantly disrupted by ecologically destructive projects. It is clear by now that several such distortions and mistakes need to be corrected.

This is all the more important in view of several fast emerging new factors that are re-emphasising the importance of strengthening these tribal communities and preserving and promoting sustainable livelihoods of such communities by integrating this task more closely with protection of environment. In this emergent thinking based on relatively new understanding, the progress of tribal communities is seen not in terms of individual beneficiaries, but in terms of a more holistic strengthening of tribal communities and their sustainable livelihoods in ways that are at the same time very helpful in reducing very serious environmental problems.

In recent years there has been increasing evidence-based recognition that a number of environmental problems led by but not confined to climate change are becoming serious enough to emerge as a survival crisis. In fact in the context of several vulnerable communities this survival crisis can already be seen. Along with climate change, related local problems of deforestation, changing land-use and resource use patterns including emergence of highly destructive ones, increasing water scarcity and threatened water sources are seen as parts of this survival crisis.

As a part of the sincere efforts for mobilising an adequate, credible, hope-giving and sustainable response to this emerging crisis, among more enlightened sections there is a refreshing trend to question the dominant development paradigm which has resulted in this deeply worrying crisis. This enlightened viewpoint argues that there is increasing need to give more importance to the alternative patterns of thinking and living (on that basis) which can give much greater hope for protection of environment. In this context the commitment and capability of several tribal communities to have a life-pattern integrated closely with forests and protection of forests has attracted much attention. On a deeper inquiry, several of these communities are found to be making much more careful and sustainable use of resources to meet their needs in ways which minimise waste and are more self-reliant in terms of satisfying needs on the basis of well-informed utilisation of local resources, including sustainable , protection-based, careful use of forests and other bio-diversity.

Hence it is increasingly realised that these communities, their life-pattern, world-view and thinking can contribute a lot to protection of environment. Despite there being increasing evidence of this, the bigger conservation projects even in the areas inhabited by such communities are often based on the displacement of these communities or on disrupting their life-pattern based on close integration with forests.This comes on top of other kinds of displacements and disruptions caused by various ‘development’, mining and other projects supported by powerful interests.

There is thus a clear need to bring suitable changes in the existing policy framework togive the highest importance to strengthening tribal communities and their sustainable livelihoods and integrating this task with a wider vision of protecting environment. This would be a great way forward for taking forward the welfare of tribal communities and at the same time achieving significant success in environment protection on a firm base with community involvement, the kind of success that would be welcomed and admired all over the world.

(The author is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, Planet in Peril and A Day in 2071)  

The post Strengthening indigenous communities means protection of the environment  appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This post was captioned “LOL Salam, Comrade” – a take on communists’ use of ‘lal selam’ or ‘red salute’. It was posted as a response to a press statement by the CPI(ML) condemning ‘Operation Kagar’ – a joint operation by the paramilitary, state police, and various security forces in the dense and hilly forests of Telangana and Chhattisgarh, in which officials said 27 ‘Maoists’ were killed.

The CPI (ML) had condemned the “cold-blooded extra-judicial killing of Maoist activists and Adivasis in Narayanpur-Bijapur.”

The party statement also said that Shah’s celebratory post reflected that the “state is spearheading Operation Kagar as an extra-judicial extermination campaign and taking credit for killing citizens and suppressing Adivasi protests against corporate plunder and militarisation in the name of combating Maoism.”

The connotations of a cauliflower 

While the Union government’s response has indeed been celebratory, it was, in fact, the presence of a cauliflower in BJP Karnataka’s X post that stunned online commentators.

The use of the cauliflower has become a de-facto stand-in for a call to Muslim genocide.

Capable of circumventing hate speech laws online, it was most recently widely shared by pro-BJP political commentators following the communal clashes in Nagpur.

The imagery is understood to refer to the 1989 Bhagalpur anti-Muslim riots in which over 900 people were killed. In the village of Logain, 110 Muslims were killed and buried in a farm. It is well known that cauliflower saplings were planted over their dead bodies.

In recent years, this reference has been revived by alt-right groups, particularly the trads. Some of its less disguised versions in the past have portrayed hijabi women as cauliflowers.

In their social media bios, many Hindutva ‘trads’ refer to themselves as “cauliflower farmers.”

Trads constitute the extreme end of the Hindutva universe, and comprise youth who want to serve as self-styled civilisational warriors online. Trads view other right-wingers as too liberal and call them ‘raitas’. They also consider PM Narendra Modi too weak to further the real Hindutva agenda due to his alleged appeasement of Dalits and inability to deal with the Muslims with an iron hand.

In 2022, The Wire had reported on these trads following the ‘Sulli Deals’ case in which a hundred Muslim women were ‘auctioned’ on an app.

The Wire had reported how trad iconography is usually designed to ‘trigger’ minority communities with shockingly violent ‘humour’. They include memes depicting the beheading of Muslims, caricatures of Muslims being mowed under their cars, Dalits depicted as “cockroaches” being gassed, or rape victims (who are either Muslims or Dalits) being urinated upon by a saffronised ‘Pepe the Frog.’

The report had said how this dependence on iconography draws directly from Western neo-Nazi creators and in some cases imitates the content of alt-right 4chan activists. References like the cauliflower meme or the invocation of the Ranveer Sena, a banned anti-Dalit militia accused of massacres in Bihar, are local additions.

While the BJP had so far steered away from this extreme discourse and gory trad imagery, the recent caricature is testament to its growing tolerance.

In the past year, trad iconography has become more acceptable in mainstream Hindutva lexicon, especially while addressing Muslims. In the many caricatures the BJP have posted since January 2024, especially during their 2024 Lok Sabha campaign, they adopted some of this imagery and symbols – like Pepe the Frog, a depiction of PM Modi dressed in saffron and taking on the Muslims in green, and an animation of Muslims taking away property and the belongings of the Dalits.

In 2022, in a post on X captioned Satyamev Jayate (truth alone prevails) a caricature was shared by the official handle of the Gujarat BJP featuring a dozen skull-capped and bearded men in white kurtas being hanged. Social media users and commentators drew comparison with Nazi caricatures and the tweet was taken down by Twitter. But the party said that they were not targeting any particular religion and that the cartoon was based on real incidents – a Gujarat court convicting terrorists for the 2006 Ahmedabad blasts.

Courtesy: The Wire

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