It is true that the degree of intensity of the policies of these two, Hindu Nationalism and Taliban, are very different but if one digs deep into the issue one can see the basic similarities in these types of politics. The Taliban policies towards women, the attitude of many Gulf countries and Iran are similar but not exactly the same. No two countries express their policies on ditto lines. Still one can discern the similarities at the level of principles. This phenomenon, fundamentalism in these countries has come up mainly from the decade of 1980s, with Ayatollah Khomeini coming to power in Iran; he changed the social landscape drastically. While at superficial level fundamentalism means going to the fundamentals, it is not just that. Fundamentalism is an imposition of selected parts of religious traditions on the society through state power. Many times this is done even not by the government which is ruling; but by dominant political tendencies.

These impositions are most conservative, backward looking and oppressive not only to women but also to the other weaker sections of society. Fundamentalism always strengthens itself by creating an internal or external enemy. In most of the Gulf countries it is women which are the main target. At places “Satan” (devil) America is so presented as the main. To this enemy all the ills of society are attributed to. In that way the Fascism which developed in Germany in particular shares this trait with fundamentalism, where Jews were labeled as cause of Germany’s ills and were targeted to the extent of Genocide, to strengthen the power of the leader, who was supreme in the state.

The traits of fundamentalism and fascism are also seeing some overlap. In Germany, women were dictated to be the beings whose role is in ‘Kitchen, Church and Children’. Depending on different countries these roles are patterned on similar lines, even in fundamentalism.

Hindu Nationalists’ most overt attack is on the Muslims (and lately Christians also). We have witnessed horrific communal violence increasing in quality and quantity over the last few decades. Beginning from the ghastly tragedy of demolishing a Mosque in Ayodhya and the consequent violence now questioning the existence of mosque is proliferating like a malignant cancer. In addition there is cow-beef lynching becoming the order of the day. Cow vigilantes are proliferating dime a dozen. The word Jihad to target the Muslim minorities has picked up and starting from love jihad, corona jihad to now land jihad has been added to the ever proliferating list!

No doubt compared to the targeting of Muslims the other implications of this fundamentalism get dwarfed in India, though they are very much similar. As far as women are concerned the Sati system has been prohibited, the last one being that of Roopkawar in the 1980s. In the Bhavari Devi case the upper caste rapist were released with the honorable Court opining that how can the upper caste accused be raping a low caste women! That’s the reflection of prevalence of caste system.

If we analyze the attitude of Hindu nationalist policies, the very notion of love jihad is very much anti women. This gives the handle to the male members of the family, to keep a watch on ‘their’ girls. The Same tendency which has been opposing the love jihad is opposed to the wearing of jeans by girls. The attitude regarding violence is best reflected in the Bilkis Bano case, where those found guilty of rape and murder were honored once they got relapsed. Mercifully they are back in jail to serve the sentence. A woman professor from Goa who wrote that Mangal Sutra is like a chain for women was hounded badly. To cap it all at theoretical level Manu Smiriti is eulogized as the ideal to be followed.

Calling all this as Hindu religiosity as she calls the present offensive of Hindu nationalists is very much off the mark. She herself cites the example of three Muslims being beaten with slippers to shout Jai Shree Ram. Here labeling all this in the category of religiosity hides the commonality of all this as having its similarity with fundamentalism. Calling Muslim fundamentalism as jihadi Islam falls too short and away from the commonalities, which is prevailing in many countries. It prevails in Egypt and many other countries as Muslim Brotherhood. Then there is the Ayatollah regime in Iran.

Hindu religiosity is practiced by millions of Hindus, who have been living with people of other religions for centuries, making India a really plural, diverse country. What began as an ideology articulated by Savarkar and Golwalkar is the base on which the present actions and policies of Hindu nationalism stand. These were totally opposed to Indian Nationalism which emerged as the part of anti colonial struggle. The greatest Hindu of the twentieth century, Mahatma Gandhi had to take three bullets on his chest for standing as a Hindu standing for plural India.

Singh is right in detesting this ‘religiosity’ but she needs to delve deep to understand this is the same pattern which ‘Jihadi Islam’ and Islamic Fundamentalists followed. Here politics derives its legitimacy from religion and mauls the society under the clothing of religion. And that is precisely what is going on in India today, be it the claim over most of the mosques, or use of bulldozers or to beat the Muslim Children in the class a la Tripta Tyagi of locking the child in the store for bringing non vegetarian food in the school, or beating the girls coming out from a pub in Mangalore!

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia

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The post Taliban, Women’s Equality and Hindutva Nationalism appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The charges stemmed from an incident in August 2021, when Ali, a resident of Uttar Pradesh’s Hardoi district, was selling bangles in the Govind Nagar area of Indore’s Banganga locality. He was allegedly assaulted by members of the Bajrang Dal, a Hindutva group, who accused him of sexually harassing a minor girl. A video of the assault went viral, sparking significant outrage, and the alleged assailants instructed the public to not let Ali enter the area again. This led to protests by the Muslim community in Indore, condemning the attack on Ali. Initially, the police were hesitant to file an FIR unless someone from the mob made a complaint. It was only after intervention by Congress leader Imran Pratapgarhi, who supported Ali, that an FIR was lodged against the attackers.

However, the following day, Ali himself was arrested, with the police filing a counter FIR accusing him of attempting to molest a 13-year-old girl. The charges against him were grave, including several serious offenses under the POCSO Act. Despite spending four months in jail before being granted bail by the Madhya Pradesh High Court in December 2021, Ali’s legal struggle continued for more than three years as he faced ongoing court battles. His acquittal on December 3, 2024 marked the end of this long and tumultuous journey.

Taslim Ali reflects on his legal struggles and future

Speaking after his acquittal, Ali shared his emotions with the reporter of Indian Express, describing the experience as both happy and sad— “bittersweet,” as he put it. Reflecting on the ordeal, the IE reported Ali as expressing gratitude towards those who had stood by him during the difficult time and even towards those who had falsely accused him. He noted that he had been implicated in a false case based on his religion and name, which he believes was part of a larger agenda to target him unfairly. Despite the trauma, he expressed no ill will towards the people of Indore, where he had been selling bangles to support his six children. He emphasised that he did not hold any grudge against the city or its residents, stating, “All residents of Indore are my brothers and sisters,” as per the report of the IE.

Describing his experience during the 107 days he spent in jail after he was arrested under POCSO, Ali spoke candidly about the struggles he faced. “Initially, there was a lot of struggle; I was scared,” he admitted, as provided in the IE report. He also mentioned that he had been placed in solitary confinement, but over time, he became more accustomed to the solitude. “The jailers and police were nice to me. I was not harassed,” he said, adding that he never lost faith in the Constitution or the judiciary. 

Since being granted bail in December 2021, Ali told the media that he has returned to his bangle-selling business, traveling from colony to colony and various locations from Uttar Pradesh to Punjab and Indore to support his family. Despite the anxiety of returning to the streets of Indore after such a traumatic experience, Ali said he was motivated by the need to provide for his children and continue the family tradition of selling bangles.

Ali’s lawyer, Sheikh Aleem, explained to the IE reporter that the case collapsed due to key witnesses, including the minor girl involved in the accusation, turning hostile. Furthermore, the claim that Ali had changed his identity, based on the recovery of an Aadhaar card bearing the name “Golu,” was disproven in court. It was revealed that “Golu” was actually Ali’s village name, and he had rectified this on his Aadhaar card later, but the older version had been in his possession on the day of the incident. This clarification, along with testimonies from two village pradhans, helped dismantle the accusations.

Regarding his assailants, Ali revealed that they had apologised to him for the attack. However, he made it clear that he did not wish to pursue any further legal action against them. Instead, Ali expressed a desire to move on from the entire episode and leave it behind. As per the IE report, Ali noted that, “I have nothing against anyone.” His focus now is on returning to his work, moving forward with his life, and providing for his family. Despite the challenges, Ali remains determined to continue his work as a bangle seller and said that he would keep returning to Indore to support his loved ones.

Legal struggles and bail grant for Taslim Ali

Grant of bail: In December 2021, bangle seller Taslim Ali, who had been accused of sexually harassing a Class 6 student, was granted bail by the Madhya Pradesh High Court. Justice Sujoy Paul, who reviewed the case, noted that the nature of the accusation did not warrant Ali’s continued detention until the case’s resolution. Ali had been arrested on August 23, 2021, on charges of molestation and forgery, two days after he was attacked by a mob in Indore’s Govind Nagar. The mob had accused him of using a forged document to sell bangles and of molesting a 14-year-old girl during the Rakhi festival. A video of the assault, which showed Ali being beaten by several men who alleged he had been harassing women under the pretext of selling bangles, went viral on social media.

The next day, a counter-accusation was made by the minor daughter of one of the attackers, accusing Ali of sexual harassment. Following this, Ali was charged under various sections of the Indian Penal Code, including Sections 354 (assault or criminal force to woman with intent to outrage her modesty), 354-A (sexual harassment), 467 (forgery of valuable security), 468 (forgery for purpose of cheating), 471 (using forged documents as genuine), 420 (cheating), and 506 (criminal intimidation), as well as Section 7/8 of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act. He was taken into custody on the same day and remained in jail from August 23, 2021, until the bail was granted.

Submissions made before the Court: In court, Ali’s counsel presented the argument that while selling bangles on the day of the alleged incident, Ali had been abused, threatened, and assaulted by a group of individuals. Ali himself had filed a report at the Banganga Police Station on the same day, at 13:45, describing the assault. The defence further argued that the counter-FIR filed against Ali at 6:00 pm that day, accusing him of sexual assault, was a retaliatory move fabricated by those who had threatened him. Ali’s counsel submitted photographs and a CD as evidence, claiming that these would help distinguish between the facts and falsehoods, highlighting who had truly committed the offense.

The prosecution contended that if Ali were granted bail, there was a risk he might flee from justice, making it difficult for them to pursue the case. However, the court dismissed this argument, noting that when the prosecution had visited Ali’s original residence in Uttar Pradesh, they found that he was living in a ‘Pradhanmantri Awas Yojana’ house under the name Asleem, son of Mohar Singh. Since the prosecution had already reached his permanent residence, the court concluded that the likelihood of Ali fleeing was minimal. Additionally, the court noted that there were no criminal antecedents to suggest Ali had been involved in any criminal activities previously, and there was no substantial evidence linking him to threats against the complainants. Considering these factors, the court deemed it appropriate to release Ali on bail.

Previous denial of bail: In September 2021, an Indore court rejected the bail application of a bangle seller who had been attacked by a group of men. The bail application, submitted by advocate Ehtesham Hashmi, had argued that the complaint was fabricated, with no factual basis, and aimed to suppress the true events. The applicant’s defence contended that the complainant had been part of the mob that had assaulted the bangle seller, and that the seller had filed his own complaint against the mob for the brutal attack. The defence further claimed that the present FIR was an attempt to falsely implicate the applicant.

The bail application argues that: a) the said story as mentioned in the FIR is an afterthought to the applicant filing a complaint against the complainant and other; and b) if the applicant ran leaving his belongings behind, as mentioned in the FIR, how is he seen with his belongings in the video where he is being thrashed; (c) the audio of the video makes no mention of the minor girl and the alleged incident of molestation, instead they were asking his name repeatedly; and (d) the narration of facts made in the FIR does not disclose an offense under Sections 7 and 8 of the POCSO Act.

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The post Indore Court clears Muslim bangle seller of molestation charges after lengthy legal battle, states that prosecution failed to prove charges appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Alongside these marriage restrictions, the panchayat has also taken a firm stance against drug-related activities, announcing that no villager will act as a witness or arrange bail for those accused of drug offenses. The report by Observer Post also provided the stance of Sukhchain Singh, the husband of village sarpanch Ranvir Kaur, who defended the decision claiming that there has been a rise in the number of migrants, particularly around a nearby market. He explained, “The girl is considered the daughter of the village,” and asserted that the resolution had significant local support, although he believed it had been misrepresented by some reports.

The village, with a population of around 3,500 voters, now houses about 300 migrants. The move is part of broader tensions in Punjab surrounding migrant issues, which include opposition to migrant candidates in local panchayat elections and other instances where villages have sought to restrict migrant presence. In similar moves earlier this year, other villages in Punjab, including Kaudi and Jandpur, imposed curfews on migrants after 9 pm, leading to legal interventions, such as the reprimand from the Punjab and Haryana High Court over anti-migrant hoardings. These actions reflect the growing sentiment in certain areas of Punjab, and in Haryana, where khap panchayats have pushed for changes to the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, to outlaw intra-gotra and intra-village marriages.

This move comes amid broader tensions surrounding migrant issues in Punjab, where local panchayat elections have witnessed opposition to migrant candidates, and other villages, such as Kaudi and Jandpur, have imposed curfews on migrants after 9 pm. The actions of the Jawaharke panchayat reflect a growing hostility towards migrants, which has been evident in other parts of Punjab and Haryana. This hostility mirrors the actions of khap panchayats, which have pushed for changes to the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, to prohibit intra-gotra and intra-village marriages. The khap panchayats’ long-standing influence in rural areas has centred on restricting personal freedoms in the name of preserving cultural and social order, often with a particular focus on controlling women’s marital choices.

Khap panchayats, traditional village councils, have long been involved in regulating social conduct, particularly in rural North India. Their decisions often focus on issues of marriage, caste, and social behaviour, with particular emphasis on preserving what they consider traditional norms. These councils, typically dominated by older men from influential families, have historically sought to control who can marry whom, often enforcing prohibitions on intra-gotra (clan) marriages and inter-caste unions. Such decisions reflect a broader, patriarchal desire to maintain control over women’s lives, particularly their marital choices, and to ensure the preservation of caste and social structures.

Undermining women’s autonomy: The gendered impact of the panchayat’s decision

The resolution passed by the Jawaharke panchayat, alongside similar actions by khap panchayats in North India, represents a dangerous erosion of women’s autonomy, particularly in rural settings. By prohibiting unions with outsiders or within the village, the panchayat directly interferes with women’s ability to make independent decisions about their marriages and futures. These decisions reflect a deeper, patriarchal desire to control women’s sexual and reproductive choices, reducing them to instruments of family and community honour rather than autonomous individuals with rights to self-determination.

The assertion that “the girl is considered the daughter of the village” underscores a paternalistic and objectifying view of women, treating them as property to be controlled and protected from external influences. This reflects the long-standing practices of khap panchayats, which have historically imposed strict rules on marriage to ensure women remain within the confines of what is deemed acceptable by communal standards. The fear that allowing women to marry outsiders or even within the village would lead to the “loss of control” over their roles in society reveals the deeply entrenched patriarchal structures that limit women’s freedom. Such actions reinforce a system where women’s choices are secondary to community and familial interests, treating them as subjects rather than agents in their own lives.

The resolution’s impact is not isolated; it reflects a broader pattern in which women’s rights to choose their life partners are subordinated to communal and patriarchal dictates. Similar to khap panchayats’ efforts to control marriage through caste and lineage restrictions, the Jawaharke panchayat’s decision shows how local governance can perpetuate a regressive social order. By framing these actions as a defence of “community values,” the panchayat disregards the basic human rights of women to make choices about their lives. In effect, these measures not only restrict women’s autonomy but also reinforce a system where women’s roles are dictated by outdated norms, stifling their personal freedom in the name of tradition and cultural preservation.

This approach is not only deeply oppressive but also indicative of a broader societal problem—one where women’s autonomy is consistently undermined under the guise of protecting social stability. Whether through khap panchayats or local village councils like Jawaharke’s, the control over women’s marital choices is a clear tactic to maintain patriarchal control, limiting their freedoms and opportunities for self-expression. The resulting societal harm is not just the suppression of individual rights, but the entrenchment of gender inequality, where women are treated as subordinate to the collective interests of the community and its outdated traditions.

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The post Khap Panchayat resolution to control marriages: Women’s autonomy at risk in Jawaharke, Punjab appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Through a critical analysis of media narratives, state interventions, and cultural rhetoric, the article examines how the term “Love Jihad” taps into historical anxieties about caste boundaries and sexual control over Hindu (upper-caste) women. Additionally, it highlights how this narrative operates within a broader framework of Hindutva politics that seeks to maintain socio-religious boundaries and reinforce patriarchal control, therefore, its impact on the everyday lives of women in society.

Locating the violence

Behind the meticulous task of monitoring and verifying hate crime cases compiled by Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP), integral to the organisation’s ‘Hate Hatao’ program across India, a trend can be discerned over the past four to six years. This regular monitoring is reflected in the Nafrat ka Naqsha (map) that meticulously depicts such classified incidents for ready reference. There have been multiple cases of crimes related to disrupting interfaith marriages, attacking Muslim men for “hanging out with Hindu women,” and vice versa by accusing couples involved in this association of “love jihad.”[1] For instance, on January 20, 2023, in Indore, Madhya Pradesh, a 24-year-old Hindu woman was celebrating her birthday with her friends when a mob, allegedly comprised of Bajrang Dal men, barged into the house and started assaulting the Muslim men on allegations of “Love Jihad.”[2] These Muslim men were later taken to the MIG Colony police station, where they were put in custody. The video of this incident went viral the next day.

In another case, on June 30, 2024, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal members[3] created a disturbance outside a Police station in protest against an interfaith marriage between a Hindu and Muslim couple after they applied to register the marriage in Uttar Pradesh’s Bijnor. A Hindu woman and a Muslim man had decided to get married and followed the appropriate legal procedure by applying for their marriage registration under the Special Marriage Act of 1954. As soon as the news of the couple’s application to register their marriage spread,[4] an appropriately readied mob hit the streets, staging aggressive demonstrations and making inflammatory statements to stop the marriage. The mob accused a couple of engaging in ‘love jihad,’ a conspiracy theory propagated by Hindu right-wing organisations to convey that Muslim men are luring Hindu women into both marriage and conversion. The mob threatened the police with aggravating communal tensions in the city if the marriage was not stopped! The couple had followed all legal procedures, submitting the necessary documents to the authorities in a move that should have been straightforward. However, their decision to marry was met with outrage from local right-wing Hindu groups. This incident also highlights the fragility of communal relations and the deep-seated biases that persist within Indian society.

In a fictional world, back in 2020, the jewellery brand Tanishq, part of the esteemed Tata Group, created an advertisement titled “Ekatvam,” a Sanskrit term that translates to “Unity.” The ad showcased the story of an interfaith couple, specifically, a Hindu woman who had married into a Muslim family. The narrative unfolded around a baby shower ceremony organised by the Muslim in-laws to honour their Hindu daughter-in-law, highlighting themes of acceptance, harmony, and the blending of different cultural practices. The advertisement was intended to convey a message of inclusivity, celebrating the unity of cultures through gestures of love and familial support. However, the ad faced a significant backlash on social media, particularly from organised right wing trolls associated with specific segments of Hindu nationalist groups and right-wing activists, who accused the brand of promoting an agenda referred to as “love jihad,” the alleged encouragement of Muslim men to marry Hindu women to convert them.[5]

This criticism so far escalated (or was made to escalate!) on social media — hashtags like #BoycottTanishq began to trend—leading to panic in the corporate entity that had put out the ad, attempting a message of social cohesion. With calls for a boycott of the brand gaining momentum online, Tanishq was forced to withdraw the advertisement in response to the mounting pressure. The entity issued an official apology, clarifying that they had aimed to spread a message of peace and togetherness, not “to provoke or offend.” In a post truth India, messages of harmony and cohesion are considered offensive! The same ultra-nationalists who had previously admired Tata’s philanthropic contributions during the COVID-19 pandemic, even dubbing the Tata group “true nationalists” saw no problem in this violent and stark reaction to the Tanishq ‘Ekatvam’ ad, an ad which aimed to promote social harmony through the portrayal of a Hindu-Muslim family. Despite Tata’s well-crafted reputation for supporting communities in need, some viewers criticised Tanishq’s message of cultural inclusivity, viewing it through the lens of ‘Love Jihad.’ A similar controversy emerged after the series ‘The Suitable Boy’ aired on Netflix, which has the lead character, a Hindu girl called Lata, passionately kissing a Muslim boy against the backdrop of a temple. Politician Gaurav Tiwari from the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) youth wing had claimed that this scene “hurt religious sentiments” of Hindus and demanded Netflix to remove the ‘objectionable’ scene and apologise for encouraging ‘love jihad.’ He also called for a boycott of the Netflix streaming platform.[6]

Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) has documented several cases illustrating the growing controversy and societal tension surrounding interfaith relationships in India as part of its Hate Watch initiative across India. Monitoring, acting on hate complaints and depicting trends is core to this programme. All these cases reveal a concerning trend in which couples from different faith backgrounds face increasing hostility, driven by strong currents of intolerance and division within society. This hostility is not isolated; instead, it reflects an organized and systematic effort to stigmatize and communalize interfaith unions. This article examines these patterns and explains the ideological connections to Brahmanical patriarchy behind such divisive societal practices.

‘Love Jihad’ and the organised nature of anti-Muslim hate narrative:

It is a well-established fact that interfaith and inter-caste marriages, regardless of the religion of the individuals involved, have been vehemently opposed in India. This opposition is not limited to Hindu-Muslim marriages. There are numerous instances where couples belonging to different faiths, including Hindu, Christian, Muslim, Sikhs, Jains, and also sub-castes of the same religion faced difficulties going ahead with their interfaith and inter-caste relationships. In 2009, the Kerala Catholic Bishops Council (KCBC),[7] a prominent body within Kerala’s Catholic Church, played a significant role in amplifying the narrative of ‘love jihad.’ The KCBC claimed that approximately 4,500 Christian women had been manipulated or ‘conned’ into relationships that resulted in their conversion to Islam.[8] These assertions by the Catholic Church in Kerala became a central point in discussions around the ‘love jihad’ controversy, contributing to its prominence in both state and national discourse. The BJP and various Hindutva organisations have escalated this issue by terming it a systematic agenda of the Muslims as a religious community to lure Hindu women and convert them to Islam as part of their larger goal of achieving demographic imbalance in South Asia through Ghazwa-e-Hind.[9]

Going back to its origin, the term “love jihad” first came into prominent public discussion in the states of Karnataka and Kerala. The “Hindu Janajagruti Samiti,” a Hindu nationalist organisation, first used the term “love jihad” in the year 2007 during their campaign of policing interfaith couples in public places.[10] However, it was not very popular in public discourse. After the cases emerged from Kerala in the year 2009, where two non-Muslim girls were converted after marriage to their respective Muslim partners, the term “love jihad” resurfaced. In those cases, girls who eloped with their Muslim partners initially expressed their desire to remain with their respective partners; later, they changed their statements and wished to return to their parents. This was the first time the term got an official mention of judicial proceedings while hearing the bail petitions of two Muslim youths involved. The judge ordered a police investigation to know in detail about the alleged “love jihad” movement.[11] However, the police inquiry did not find any substantial evidence proving the alleged “love jihad” movement among Muslims. These attempts to revive “love jihad” as a conspiracy theory did not gain much currency until 2014.

After the BJP came into power in 2014, they (and their offshoot organisations who work as the ‘brown shorts of the regime’) started utilising selective incidents of gender violence to divide the communities further and polarise them on communal lines for the political advantages, where victims belonged to the Hindu community and accused Muslims. In the recent past, in 2022, in Shraddha Walkar’s case- the gruesome murder of Shraddha Walkar by her live-in partner Aftab Poonawala in Chattarpur, Delhi, political leaders were seen peddling the conspiracy theory of “love jihad.” Poonawala admitted his crime in which he strangled Walker, chopping her body into 35 pieces, storing them in a refrigerator, and dumping them in the Mehrauli forest for 18 days.[12] Politicians like Giriraj Singh, BJP MP from Bihar, while referring to Walkar’s case, said, “Under a conspiracy, non-Muslims and Hindu girls are being targeted through love affairs, and if they refuse religious conversion, they face the fate that Shraddha faced. This is a heinous crime, and such incidents have forced the people of India to think.” Another BJP politician, Ram Kadam, an MLA from Maharashtra, wrote a letter to the Delhi Police Commissioner, seeking a proper inquiry into Shraddha’s case, investigating a possible ‘love jihad’ angle.

In another incident, Nitesh Rane, also a BJP MLA from Maharashtra, was also seen giving hate speeches after the tragic death of Yashashree Shinde, a Dalit girl from Uran, Maharashtra, who was a victim of gender violence committed by a Muslim youth, Dawood Shaikh.[13] Yashashree’s case also reveals how incidents involving Hindu-Muslim dynamics are manipulated for political purposes, but often in selective and inconsistent ways. In her case, the accused was a Muslim man, which initially sparked interest among Hindutva leaders and right-wing groups. In his inflammatory remarks, Rane has called for the “elimination” of Muslims who are involved in relationships with Hindu women, painting Muslims broadly as a threat to Hindu women’s safety, connecting and blaming the entire community for the crime committed by an individual.

By framing incidents of gender violence within a Hindu-Muslim narrative, political leaders like Giriraj Singh, Ram Kadam, and Nitesh Rane capitalise on communal fears (these are also regularly stoked and based on irrational misgivings), side-lining the actual issues of gendered violence and social justice. Human rights lawyer Asim Sarode has pointed out on his social media post that once the Yashashree case began receiving (and had a socially disruptive impact) attention for its Hindu-Muslim angle, Hindutva leaders exploited it to polarise communities and further fuel communal tensions. That is until the case remained a “hot topic of discussion” in a pliant and un-discerning media. Subsequently, no Hindutva leader cared for the individuals affected; the case was “dropped” with no consistent follow-up and financial help to the victim’s family. In fact, Sarode’s consistent follow-up ensured the government released help grants to the victim’s family.[14]

This pick-and-dispose attitude for propaganda purposes, followed by abandonment, reflects these leaders’ selective concern, often guided more by communal interest than genuine empathy or a commitment to justice for the victim. Yashashree’s case, especially in light of the selective outrage demonstrated by Hindutva leaders, rather than addressing the underlying issues of gender violence or caste-based discrimination, is exploited for political advantage, amplifying religious and communal divides. This approach highlights the instrumental use of gender violence cases within a polarising agenda that focuses less on justice and more on advancing communal agendas.

Hate speeches by influential right-wing leaders, politicians, and organisations have fuelled this rhetoric, painting Muslims as predators and stirring up fear among Hindu families about the safety and honour of their daughters. Such speeches often emphasise “protecting Hindu daughters,” drawing on the cultural symbolism of women as bearers of community honour. This narrative feeds into long-standing communal stereotypes and pre-existing biases, deepening societal divisions. These speeches deliberately aggravate tensions, fostering mistrust and hostility between communities. This rhetoric not only vilifies Muslim men but also contributes to a culture where Hindu women are seen as needing “protection” from supposed threats outside their community.

This trend of prevalent insecurities among parents over their daughter’s choice to marry Muslim men can also be observed in the case of Hadiya, formerly Akhila Asokan, a Hindu-born medical student from Kerala who converted to Islam and married a Muslim man named Shafin Jahan. Hadiya became a focal point of the “Love Jihad” controversy in 2017, the discourse around denying her both agency and autonomy.[15] After Akhila Asokan adopted Islam and her new name, Hadiya, her father, K M Asokan, contested her marriage in the Kerala High Court, alleging that she had been coerced into conversion. In response, the court “invalidated Hadiya’s marriage” and placed her in her parents’ custody, against her wish, a decision that reflected a broader societal suspicion toward interfaith marriages involving Muslim men and rejecting the agency for women to make decisions in her life.

Shafin Jahan took the matter to the Supreme Court of India, arguing that Hadiya had converted and married him to her wish. In a landmark ruling in March 2018, the Supreme Court overturned the Kerala High Court’s decision, asserting Hadiya’s right to freedom of religion and choice in marriage. However, the Supreme Court’s directive for an investigation by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) into the alleged “love jihad” aspect further highlighted the alarming trend of public pressure on judicial and investigating agencies rooted in the upper caste anxieties around interfaith relationships in India. Significantly, in October 2018, the NIA found no evidence of a coordinated conspiracy aimed at converting non-Muslim women to Islam through marriage. Therefore, ‘love jihad’ is very systematically created categories by right-wing ideologies across the religious and political spectrum, who presently enjoy proximity to those in power, in the union, and several states.

Love Jihad Laws: criminalising personal choices through state-endorsed Islamophobia.

In a widely shared video on social media, Pravin Togadia, president of the far-right extremist group Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), is seen administering an oath to hundreds of Hindus. The offender in the video uses Hate Speech when addressing a big audience and saying that they need to work on getting a Population control law, a “love jihad” law, and kicking out Bangladeshis (often a reference to Muslims) out of India. The incident was reported in the Palwal district of Haryana on 24^th January 2023.[16] Members of Hindu Janakrosh Morcha held three public rallies and processions in February 2023 in Maharashtra’s Vashi, Solapur, and Vasai towns, raising slogans in demand of “Hindu Rashtra” and making calls for laws against ‘love jihad’ and also raised slogans demanding capital punishment for interfaith marriages and alleged forceful conversions by calling “Hang Love Jihadis” repeatedly amidst a busy street.[17]

This narrative framed around the allegation that Muslim men are systematically converting non-Muslim women through marriage has become a powerful political tool, and its influence was evident in the judicial and legislative responses, which are not limited to one region or state; it has a more profound impact and consequences across the country. Such tales of organizing protest marches and mobilizing people around fake narratives of ‘love jihad’ to influence the state have paved the way for a slew of new State laws that penalise interfaith marriages under the guise of preventing forced conversions despite no credible evidence to support the prevalence of “love jihad.” The BJP-ruled states brought out laws that restricted individuals from converting to marry someone from other religions. The acts passed by the states of Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh were the first to introduce a clause regarding marriages. Uttarakhand’s Freedom of Religion Act, 2018 prohibits conversion by misrepresentation, force, fraud, undue influence, coercion, allurement, or marriage. Its punishment ranges from a jail term of one to five years and a fine, making it a non-bailable offense. Himachal Pradesh also passed a similar law in 2019. These laws are popularly called “love jihad” Laws.

Interestingly, legal history points to the fact of the existence of the Freedom of Religion Acts passed by different State governments in India at various points in time before BJP-ruled States passed these ‘love jihad’ laws. For example, the Orissa Freedom of Religion Act came into existence in 1967, the Madhya Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act in 1968, the Chhattisgarh Freedom of Religion Act in 1968, and the Arunachal Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act in 1978. These acts, brought in at the time of the United Front governments, including the Jan Sangh in the 1960s, were limited to the issue of proselytization and conversion. They did not enter the terrain of the private lives of individuals. Recently passed laws directly violate fundamental freedoms and interfere with people’s choice of marrying someone from a different faith and religion.

In this context, the right to choose (and autonomy) of every other adult woman who either cohabited or married by choice, either through conversion or not, to another faith is prone to be questioned to the point that these choices are even criminalized. They are deemed invalid by the state and judiciary, which not only negates their right to marry but also places women under their parents’ custody. In December 2020, a video clip that showed a group of men, with orange scarves draped around their necks, mocking a woman in Moradabad town in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh went viral. “It’s because of people like you that this law had to be enacted,” one of the men scolds her. The hecklers were from Bajrang Dal, a hardliner Hindu group that supports the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The law they were talking about was the ‘Prohibition of Unlawful Religious Conversion Ordinance,’ which the Uttar Pradesh state has recently brought in to target ‘love jihad.’ The incident in the video took place on 5^th December. The Bajrang Dal activists handed over the 22-year-old woman, her husband, and his brother to the police, who then sent her to a government shelter and arrested the men.[18]

These legal enactments, all brought in by states governed by the BJP, restrict the movement and have forced adult women to live against their own will. Such laws reflect an implicit bias. They also reflect the patriarchal mind-set of our system that believes women cannot convert nor marry off their own free will, violating their fundamental rights guaranteed by our constitution. Such policy interventions underscore the tendency for state bodies to act paternalistically in cases of interfaith relationships, mainly where the individuals involved belong to a Muslim minority group and a Hindu majority group. Such proceedings set a troubling precedent that individual autonomy can be overruled if society or family alleges coercion, especially when the decision involves crossing religious boundaries.

Hadiya’s legal struggle brings to light the deep-seated challenges surrounding individual autonomy and fear of losing the honour of the family and the community due to interfaith relationships in India, mainly when such relationships involve religious conversion. However, her case symbolised the broader debate on the right to personal choice versus societal and familial pressures. This conflict has only intensified with the rise of the “love jihad” narrative.

On December 15, 2020, a 32-year-old labourer named Nadeeb faced accusations of “trapping” a married Hindu woman in a “net of love” with the intent of converting her. The Allahabad High Court stepped in, temporarily halting the arrest of a Muslim man from Muzaffarnagar, Uttar Pradesh, under the state’s newly implemented anti-conversion law. In its ruling, the court asserted that both Nadeeb and the woman are adults who possess a “fundamental right to privacy” and are fully aware of the implications of their alleged relationship. The court further highlighted that “Article 25 of the Indian Constitution guarantees all individuals the freedom of conscience and the right to freely profess, practice, and propagate their religion, subject to public order, morality, and health, along with other provisions specified in Part III of the Constitution, which encompasses fundamental rights.”[19]

Such Court rulings, including the one in Hadiya’s favour, were a landmark for personal freedom, affirming the right to religious and marital choice. However, the Supreme Court’s decision to involve the National Investigation Agency (NIA) added a layer of surveillance and complexity. By directing India’s top counter-terrorism agency to investigate Hadiya’s marriage for any “love jihad” motives, the Court acknowledged, though indirectly, the influence of the “love jihad” discourse. This move illustrated how easily personal choices, such as conversion and marriage, can be transformed into matters of national security under a climate of Islamophobia, where Muslim motives are scrutinised under the assumption of potential threat. Despite the NIA’s eventual conclusion that there was no conspiracy, the investigation itself highlighted the extent to which individual relationships can become subject to governmental scrutiny when framed within communal narratives.

Legislative and judicial responses in such cases represent the struggle between individual rights and social or political agendas. When state and legal mechanisms are influenced by narratives like “love jihad,” personal freedoms, specifically for individuals from minority communities, are compromised under the guise of protecting societal interests. This politicisation of personal decisions reflects a government-endorsed Islamophobia that subtly sanctions anti-Muslim biases in the guise of public order, using such cases to fuel stereotypes and communal distrust. These “love jihad” cases stand as a reminder of the precarious position of individual autonomy within a framework where interfaith relationships become fodder for divisive narratives, affecting the personal lives of countless individuals. They also illustrate the potential for personal decisions, such as religious conversion and marriage, to become politicised under a climate of State-endorsed Islamophobia. These cases underscore the impact of “love jihad” narratives, which, despite lacking substantiation, have influenced state policies and judicial proceedings.

Love Jihad: upholding caste endogamy to preserve caste hierarchies by opposing conversion through marriage

The narratives surrounding interfaith marriages, often referred to as “love jihad,” and the associated anti-conversion campaigns aim to restrict social mobility by opposing conversions that arise from these marriages. Stemming from Hindutva ideology and its non-missionary religious practices, the antipathy of privileged sections to depressed castes who have historically converted (aspiring to a life of dignity) is evident. Historically, religious conversion among marginalised communities has been problematized and questioned. Though an act of active real and spiritual affirmation, ‘conversions’ have been reduced to acts of allurement.’ Caste being a brute reality of Hindu faith and practice, the historical notion of conversion is anathema as the act of conversion would snatch away the power of dominant caste hierarchies to maintain a cruel and exclusivist status quo. At the root of the resonant insecurities and accusations stems, therefore, from the non-missionary nature of the Hindu religion.

In the Hindu fold, there is no option of becoming part of the faith through conversion, and the only way to be Hindu is to be born in one of the thousands of castes that are segregated and placed in vertical hierarchies. Any individual leaving this religious order by quitting their caste membership and joining some other religious order directly affects the existence of Hinduism as a religion. Therefore, the religious conversions to other missionary religions, such as Islam and Christianity in the Indian context, are termed “violent acts” and are accused of “disturbing the social fabric and age-old traditions and culture in local communities.” Conversion has also been described as a conflict between “local and foreign religions.” These arguments try to portray Hinduism as a peaceful, non-missionary religion that never disrupts the socio-cultural fabric of other religious faiths, as it is alleged that other missionary religions do to Hinduism.

Arguably, however, defending the non-missionary nature of Hinduism is like effectively enforcing caste-based hierarchies, as there is no other way to transcend these caste boundaries within Hinduism. These narratives position Hinduism as a “non-missionary” religion and portray missionary religions as violent disruptors of local culture; they, however, conveniently overlook the violence and oppression inherent in enforcing caste and the social order it sustains. The claim of Hinduism as a non-missionary religion, rather than being peaceful, serves as a tool to confine individuals to their birth-determined caste and religion, ensuring no opportunity for social mobility or escape from marginalized positions. The politically coined ‘ghar wapasi’ (return to the fold) concept coined by a militant Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) is a product of the 1990s. It is also an effort to bring back converted Hindus to their “home” religion, but again to their respective caste. Inter-caste and interfaith marriages are ways people could transgress these rigid boundaries. Therefore, this rigidity of opposing inter-caste and interfaith marriages favours those born into privileged castes, as it reinforces their social advantage while keeping lower castes in a disadvantaged role.

In this context, Hindutva’s stance against “love jihad” and religious conversion extends beyond claims of cultural preservation; it represents a deliberate strategy that limits individual freedoms, mainly targeting those seeking dignity and equality outside the traditional caste framework. By framing interfaith relationships and conversions as threats, this stance works to preserve the status quo of caste hierarchies, blocking pathways for social mobility and preventing individuals from escaping their designated social roles. This restriction is incredibly oppressive for women, who are often cast as the bearers of the family’s honour. Within this ideology, a woman’s body, choices, and movements are policed to ensure she remains within the bounds set by her family and community, reinforcing control over her autonomy. Their decisions—especially in choosing life partners or religious identities—are scrutinized and, when seen as violations, are punished severely.

In India’s rigidly hierarchical caste structure, the “upper caste,” for instance, has often taken extreme measures to prevent alliances that would challenge caste boundaries. Numerous tragic cases reveal the extent to which upper caste families are willing to go to “protect” their caste’s perceived honour, with parents or other relatives sometimes resorting to the ultimate violence of honour killings of the low caste men. In March 2024, a couple belonging to the dominant Vellalar Gounder caste in Erode, Tamil Nadu, attempted to murder their Dalit son-in-law, J Subhash- an Adi Dravidar Man. The Vellalar Gounder couple Chandran and Chitra rammed their pick-up truck into a Dalit man’s bike while he was out to drop his younger sister Harini to school, intending to kill him for marrying their daughter, and ended up killing his sister.[20] In another case, on 14^th July 2024, a Dalit man, Amit Murlidhar Salunkhe, was attacked with sharp weapons by his father-in-law and brother-in-law belonging to the dominant OBC caste in the Sambhaji Nagar city of Maharashtra. He was immediately admitted to a local hospital, where he passed away on July 25.[21] His wife, Vidya Kirtishahi, told the police that her parents had cited the plot of the popular Marathi-language film Sairat while warning her against the marriage. Nagraj Manjule’s film, released in 2016, tells the story of a dominant-caste girl who falls in love with and eventually marries a lower-caste boy. They are hacked to death by members of the girl’s family in retaliation.

Though these instances frequently target low-caste men for marrying upper-caste women, there are also cases in which both partners have been killed for defying caste boundaries; in one of the cases where the whole Jat village of Ballah in Haryana is proud of the “honour killing” of a young couple. It was a dreadful killing of 21-year-old Sunitha, who was three weeks pregnant, and her 22-year-old husband, Jasbir Singh.[22] Their bodies, half-stripped, were laid out on the dirt outside Sunita’s father’s house for all to see, a sign that the family’s “honour” had been restored by their cold-blooded murder. An entire village stands united behind the act, proud and defiant, to teach the lesson to the couples thinking of entering into marital ties with upper-caste women of the same village.

In another case, in September 2024, a couple from the same upper castes married each other in Ahmedabad, Gujarat. The 19-year-old woman had to pay the price for it as her family members allegedly murdered her, as they disapproved of her relationship with a man who belonged to the same community and village as theirs. It is considered taboo for a man and woman of the same village to marry. Although the couple were unrelated, they were considered brothers and sisters in the community to which they belonged. The Kanbha police booked five people, including the woman’s father, uncles, and cousins, for not only killing her but also for trying to dispose of her body by secretly burning it in their Bakrol village in Daskroi tehsil.[23]

While honour killings are often associated with rigid practices among certain upper-caste families, similar cases have also been documented among so-called lower-caste and non-Hindu tribal communities. Recently, in September 2024, a tragic incident took place in the Koppal district of Karnataka, where the in-laws of a 21-year-old woman from the Madiga community, classified as Scheduled Caste (SC), was killed by poisoning her food.[24] This cruel act, which occurred after her marriage to a man from the Scheduled Tribe (ST) community, was unequivocally an act of honour killing that must be condemned. Such heart-breaking incidents are one of many reminders of the deep-seated violence women face, often rooted in the oppressive structures of a patriarchal society. While caste-based discrimination played a role in this case, the underlying issue speaks to a broader societal problem: the control exerted over women’s autonomy and choices in a male-dominated culture.

Like inter-caste marriages, interfaith marriages also challenge societal norms and religious boundaries, often provoking similar violent responses. The tragic case of Yagnik Dudharejiya, a Hindu man from the Devbhumi Dwarka district of Gujarat, exemplifies this. Yagnik was reportedly murdered by the relatives of his Muslim wife, who disapproved of their union.[25] Incidents like this highlight the difficulties young couples face in defying traditional expectations. Inter-caste and interfaith marriages, therefore, irrespective of one’s identity, have long been symbolic of the courage required to bridge societal divides and challenge entrenched norms. These unions are often seen as bold steps toward a more inclusive society, where individuals are free to marry based on love and personal choice rather than the constraints of caste, religion, or community expectations. However, these choices can come with profound challenges and risks of honour killing. Such deaths underscore the intense social pressures and familial opposition when they choose to defy traditional expectations, especially in conservative communities where boundaries between caste and religious identities remain deeply entrenched.

These incidents shed light on a broader societal issue: the resistance to relationships that cross religious or caste lines, driven by cultural traditions, fear of community backlash, and the perceived threat to family honour revolving around women. For such families, preserving cultural purity is women’s duty. It outweighs the importance of their personal happiness or individual choice. Couples who cross these lines have to endure social ostracism, harassment, and even violence, highlighting the intense polarization that persists around matters of marriage. Such violent reactions reflect a broader resistance to relationships that cross perceived social and cultural boundaries, demonstrating that the outrage often ascribed to “love jihad” is part of a larger pattern of controlling individual choices in the name of preserving the community’s “honour.” In reality, both interfaith and inter-caste couples challenge rigid social structures. They are met with hostility, suggesting that the fundamental resistance is to individual autonomy and choice, irrespective of religious affiliation. By selectively framing only interfaith relationships involving Muslim men as a “threat,” the “Love Jihad” narrative manipulates public sentiment and leverages communal tensions, ultimately side-lining the rights and autonomy of individuals. In this context, it becomes clear that “love jihad” is not a genuine social issue but rather a political farce designed to incite fear and demonize a particular community, obscuring the deeper societal problems that perpetuate discrimination and violence in the name of honour and tradition.

Conclusion:

Both interfaith and inter-caste couples present a challenge to entrenched social structures, facing hostility and violence for asserting their autonomy. This hostility symbolizes the fundamental resistance to individual freedom, irrespective of religious affiliation. The framing of “love jihad” as a threat allows for the selective targeting of Muslims while deliberately ignoring genuine issues of social and caste-based discrimination. In reality, the “love jihad” narrative serves as a political tool rather than a social issue, designed to fuel division, incite fear, and demonize Muslim communities while concealing the systemic caste-based hierarchies that restrict social mobility and perpetuate inequality. By branding conversion and interfaith marriage as threats, the Hindutva agenda seeks not to protect cultural values but to reinforce a caste-based system that ensures the continued subordination of marginalized communities, ultimately privileging the status quo under the guise of defending Hinduism.

Women from all social locations, irrespective of caste or class and religion, endure oppression and abuse due to the pervasive influence of patriarchy. A woman’s desire to make choices, especially in interfaith marriage, often faces fierce resistance from those who view her autonomy as threatening traditional power structures. In this case, the people’s choice of marriage out of faith was deemed unacceptable by right-wing political forces, highlighting how, for many women, the right to choose a life partner remains conditional on external approval. This serves as a sad reminder of the compounded barriers faced by women at the intersection of caste, gender, and religion, underscoring the urgent need for societal change to end these cycles of violence and discrimination.

[1] The term jihad, itself, within Islamic religious discourse signifying a positive struggle forward, was politically perverted after the Taliban amplified their ugly politics by the blowing up of the ancient Buddhas of Bamiyan in March 2001.

[2] https://sabrangindia.in/article/bajrang-dal-barges-birthday-celebration-thrashes-muslim-friends-hands-them-over-police

[3] VHP and Bajrang Dal, both are right wing organizations indulged in far-right politics, identify themselves with conservatism and ultra-nationalism.

[4] This itself draws attention to Para 47 of the 2021 single bench judgement in Safiya Sultana v/s State of Uttar Pradesh, where the High Court (Allahabad) had mandated that while giving notice under Section 5 of the Act of 1954 it shall be optional for the parties to the intended marriage to make a request in writing to the Marriage Officer to publish or not to publish a notice under Section 6 and follow the procedure of objections as prescribed under the Act of 1954.

[5] https://theprint.in/india/after-severe-backlash-tanishq-pulls-down-ad-accused-of-promoting-love-jihad/522593/

[6] https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/nov/27/netflix-india-version-vikram-seth-novel-stirs-love-jihad-suspicions-rows

[7] Kerala Catholic Bishops Council is an apex body of the Bishops of the various catholic rites in Kerala.

[8] https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kochi/now-catholic-priest-warns-against-ignoring-love-jihad/articleshow/73648625.cms

[9] https://t.me/hindutvawatchin/495

[10] https://www.outlookindia.com/national/the-roots-and-evolution-of-the-myth-of-love-jihad-in-kerala-news-277712

[11] https://bridge.georgetown.edu/research/factsheet-love-jihad-conspiracy-theory/

[12] https://www.newsclick.in/Shraddha-Murder-Case-Turns-Communal-Right-Wingers-Term-Love-Jihad

[13] https://swarajyamag.com/society/love-jihad-case-dawood-shaikh-arrested-for-brutally-killing-hindu-girl-in-navi-mumbai-was-accused-under-pocso-act

[14] https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=10161905258640185&set=a.10152241411140185

[15] Krishnan, S. (2023). Carceral domesticities and the geopolitics of Love Jihad. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 41(6), 995-1012. https://doi.org/10.1177/02637758231212767

[16] https://sabrangindia.in/article/hundreds-can-be-seen-repeating-communal-and-anti-muslim-oath-administered-pravin-togadia

[17] https://sabrangindia.in/article/maharashtra-vasai-navi-mumbai-solapur-3-rallies-held-hindu-jan-aakrosh-morcha-demanding

[18] https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-55314832

[19] https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2021/1/15/indias-love-jihad-laws-another-attempt-to-subjugate-muslims

[20] Couple arrested for attempting to murder their Dalit son-in-law, fatally running over his sister in Erode – The Hindu

[21] Maharashtra: Dalit man killed by in-laws, wife says parents cited plot of movie ‘Sairat’ as warning

[22] Upper Caste Village in Northern India Proud of “honour Killing” of Couple

[23] 19-year-old woman murdered in Gujarat honour killing; father among 4 arrested | Ahmedabad News – The Indian Express

[24] https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/woman-killed-by-in-laws-in-hate-crime-say-cops-101725391190659.html

[25] https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/man-killed-by-wife-s-kin-over-interfaith-marriage-101722882513212.html

The post 2024: Love Jihad – A Socio-Political Weapon: Caste, Endogamy, and Hindutva’s Grip on gender and social boundaries in India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The victim, who had been married for just two months, recounted the traumatic experience. She asked people gathered there to give a phone to call for help, but was rebuffed.

In #UttarPradesh‘s #Aligarh, a 22 year old girl named #Sultana was eve teased and molested by half a dozen men in #DelhiAligarhTrain, when her husband raised objection he was beaten by the miscreants, and instead of arresting the eve teasers police arrested her husband.. pic.twitter.com/ZevbEXHqEx

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) November 15, 2024

The attackers even assaulted her husband with belts at Aligarh Railway Station, right in front of her and her in-laws. To make matters worse, the assailants threatened the victim with a gun. She alleged that a group of other people also joined in beating him up further.

People remained mute spectator, Police chosen selective action

The woman said that, “The goons began staring at me as soon as the train left Delhi. When I objected, they tried to touch me. My husband stepped in to defend me, but he was attacked. Despite my pleas for help, other passengers just watched silently” as Times of India reported,

Relatives of the couple soon arrived at the station and staged a protest in response to the incident. Following the public outcry, the GRP released the husband and registered a case at Aligarh GRP Police Station against the attackers. Police confirmed that one of the accused, Jitu Singh, a resident of Usmanpur Khandauli in Agra, has been arrested. However, three others, including Mahesh from Singh Kuberpur, remain at large, while two more suspects have yet to be identified.

Notably, GRP SHO Shailendra Yadav confirmed that a case had been registered following the victim’s husband’s complaint. The charges include Section 74 (assault or use of criminal force against a woman with intent to outrage her modesty), Section 115-2 (voluntarily causing hurt), and Section 352 (insult that provokes a breach of peace) of BNS, 2023. The couple, married just two months ago, had travelled from Delhi to Aligarh to attend a family wedding. The husband, who runs a clothing business, has been living in Delhi since their marriage.

Alarming rise in anti-Muslim attacks in Train

There has been a concerning surge in attacks on Muslim passengers on trains in recent years. This disturbing trend is exemplified by several incidents, including, in August, 2024, an elderly Muslim man was brutally beaten by fellow passengers on a train near Nashik district, Maharashtra, in September, 2024,  a group of Madrasa students traveling in a general coach were assaulted by two allegedly intoxicated assailants in route to Mumbai.

In July 2023, a shocking incident occurred on the Jaipur-Mumbai Central Superfast Express, where a Railway Protection Force (RPF) constable, Chetan Singh, fatally shot four individuals, including an Assistant Sub Inspector (ASI) and three Muslim passengers, near Palghar Railway Station in Mumbai Suburbs.

Related:

Uttar Pradesh: Where women live in fear

Crimes against women highest in Uttar Pradesh: NCRB 2020 report

Violence and assault targeting Dalits rock Uttar Pradesh

The post Muslim bride molested on Delhi-Aligarh train, husband thrashed for defending her appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Since November 7, Manipur has witnessed a series of deeply disturbing violent events, heightening ethnic tensions and plunging the region into further unrest. The recent murder of Zosangkim Hmar, a 38-year-old Hmar tribal woman, has left a traumatic imprint on the community. Attacked in her own village in Jiribam district, Zosangkim reportedly endured horrific violence—including being shot, raped, and burned alive by alleged members of the extremist Arambai Tenggoll group. Her brutal death has fuelled intense protests across the state, especially among Kuki-Zo women, who gathered en masse to demand justice and condemn what they view as insufficient action by the authorities. Meanwhile, just days later, another woman was shot dead while working in the fields in Bishnupur district, adding to the growing concerns over safety in conflict-prone rural areas.

In response, security forces have heightened operations in affected areas, leading to an exchange of gunfire with alleged militants, leaving 11 dead and injuring CRPF personnel. While the police are justifying their action under the guise of killing militants, the Kuki community is alleging that they were just volunteers. The violence has not only brought attention to the dire need for more protective measures but has also intensified calls for autonomy from the Kuki-Zo community, who feel systemically neglected and vulnerable. Amid the escalating conflict, over 60,000 displaced residents, including thousands of children, struggle to find stability and security in relief camps, where mental health concerns and substance abuse among youth are rising. Manipur’s prolonged ethnic strife has now reached a critical juncture, with affected communities calling for sustained governmental intervention to curb violence, protect lives, and ensure justice for victims.

Violent rape and murder of Hmar tribal woman sparks outrage

The brutal rape and murder of 38-year-old Hmar tribal woman, Zosangkim, has sent shockwaves through Manipur’s Jiribam district, intensifying the already volatile ethnic tensions in the region. Zosangkim, a mother of three, was attacked on November 7, allegedly by members of the extremist Meitei group Arambai Tenggoll. Reports from the Indigenous Tribal Advocacy Committee (ITAC) suggest that the attackers, armed with sophisticated weaponry, began firing indiscriminately at the villagers of Zairawn. As the villagers fled to nearby forests for safety, Zosangkim, unable to escape due to being shot in the leg, was left behind and subjected to a horrific ordeal. According to ITAC, she was raped and then burned alive in her own home. The gruesome nature of the attack has sparked outrage and calls for justice across the state. It is also essential to note that the attackers had also set fire to 10 houses in the village, further displacing families and escalating the violence.

Her husband has filed a complaint with law enforcement authorities, prompting the registration of a case. Due to limited forensic facilities in Jiribam, Zosangkim’s remains were transferred to Silchar in Assam for a thorough examination. The attack has been condemned by ITAC as an act of ethnic cleansing, with the organisation urging immediate government intervention to protect vulnerable communities in the region. The killing has not only deepened the fear and resentment among the Kuki-Zo tribes but also added fuel to the fire of the ongoing ethnic conflict between the valley-based Meitei community and the hill-based Kuki-Zo groups. ITAC and other tribal leaders have described the attack as a direct assault on the community, warning that such acts of violence could lead to further escalation if left unaddressed. The rising unrest has prompted protests, with the Kuki-Zo community demanding justice for Zosangkim and better security for their people.

PRESS COMMUNIQUE – ITAC
8th Nov, 2024 pic.twitter.com/jZUCN3w1RY

— Indigenous Tribes Advocacy Committee (ITAC) (@itacofficial) November 8, 2024

“There was a gunfight, and the village was attacked last night. Around ten houses were burnt. The villagers informed us about the death of a Hmar community woman. They have taken the body. Our forensic teams are on the spot. There is no violence at the moment,” senior government officer from Jiribam as quoted by Hindustan Times.

Protests and outcry from Kuki-Zo women against targeted violence

In response to the horrific sexual assault of the tribal woman, hundreds of Kuki-Zo women organised demonstrations, with major protests taking place in Saikul Hill Town. Led by the Kuki Women Union Saikul and supported by the Committee on Tribal Unity (CoTU), the protesters expressed anger over the alleged inaction of the Jiribam District Administration and security forces, including the CRPF and Assam Rifles, accusing them of failing to protect the tribal community despite previous assurances. Protesters carried banners reading “We Condemn the Brutal Killing of Zosangkim Hmar” and “We Demand Union Territory with Legislature.” Prominent leaders, like Ngahpi Chongloi of the Kuki Women Union, expressed their disillusionment with the peace agreement signed in August, which they say gave the villagers a false sense of security. The protestors vowed to continue demonstrations until justice is served and perpetrators are held accountable.

Calls for greater security and autonomy

In the wake of the brutal rape and murder of Zosangkim Hmar, hundreds of Kuki-Zo women organised large-scale protests to demand justice, accountability, and greater security for their community. The protests, which quickly spread across the region, reached a peak in Saikul Hill Town, where a significant demonstration was led by the Kuki Women Union Saikul and supported by the Committee on Tribal Unity (CoTU). The anger of the protestors was palpable as they condemned not only the horrific crime but also the systemic neglect they believe their community has faced. The protesters gathered in the streets carrying banners emblazoned with slogans such as “We Condemn the Brutal Killing of Zosangkim Hmar” and “We Demand Union Territory with Legislature,” calling for urgent government action to address their long-standing grievances.

The demonstrators accused the Jiribam District Administration and security forces, including the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and Assam Rifles, of failing to protect the tribal communities in the region, despite previous assurances of safety. Leaders from Kuki-Zo organisations expressed frustration over the lack of meaningful intervention, especially after the peace agreement signed in August, which they claim failed to bring the promised stability. Prominent figures like Ngahpi Chongloi, from the Kuki Women Union, openly voiced their disillusionment with the agreement, arguing that it created a false sense of security for the vulnerable tribal villages. They believed that instead of fostering peace, the agreement merely masked deeper issues of systemic violence and ethnic tensions. The protesters pledged to keep the pressure on authorities, vowing to continue their demonstrations until justice is served, the perpetrators are brought to account, and concrete steps are taken to ensure the safety and dignity of the Kuki-Zo community in the region. 

Saikul,Manipur

The ongoing conflict for past one year has led to horrific acts against Kuki women, including rape, torture, and murder, with no justice so far.

Today’s sit-in protest in Saikul,organized by the Kuki Women Union,demands justice for the brutal rape and murder… pic.twitter.com/dGJLBayKbz

— Harmeet Kaur K (@iamharmeetK) November 11, 2024

Violence in response of violence

Just one day after the violence in Jiribam, which claimed the life of a woman, a fresh attack took place in Manipur’s Bishnupur district, leading to the death of 34-year-old Sapam Sophia Leima. The incident occurred on Saturday morning in Saiton village, a region that lies on the border between the Meitei-dominated Bishnupur district and the Kuki-Zo-dominated Churachandpur district.

According to police reports, a group of armed assailants, believed to be from Kuki-Zo communities, opened fire on a group of farmers working in a paddy field at Lailampat. In response, Border Security Force (BSF) personnel stationed in the area returned fire. However, the situation quickly escalated as local residents, outraged by the incident, staged a protest at the BSF post, holding the deceased woman’s body and accusing the central forces of negligence in handling the situation.

Alleged gunfight between security forces and militants leaves 11 dead in Jiribam

On November 11, violence in Jiribam district saw another escalation when media reported that an alleged gunfight broke out between security forces and suspected militants, which resulted in the death of 11 Hmar men. As per the official version provided, the confrontation began when suspected militants, reportedly armed and dressed in camouflage, launched a coordinated attack on a police station and a nearby CRPF camp. Security forces responded swiftly, resulting in a heavy exchange of fire that lasted over 40 minutes. The clashes led to the deaths of 11 individuals. However, the official narrative has sparked controversy, as many in the local Kuki-Zo community and human rights groups question the accuracy of this classification. Two CRPF personnel were also injured during the battle, with one in critical condition.

Uncovering the truth of today’s incident at Jiribam district of Manipur by CRPFs.

Licypriya affirms that the mission was a success. The Hmar village volunteers were being assaulted and killed under the order of Meitei Police OC Sanagakpam Ibomtombi Singh.#ManipurViolence… pic.twitter.com/bA5GsbPktp

— Lianbawi (@the_singtangpa) November 11, 2024

#ManipurConflict #jiribam

Today the CRPF magically turned up to shoot “purportedly militants” who are Village Volunteers but remained mute spectators when the #meiteimilitants torched houses ultimately killing Mrs. Zosangkim at Zairawn.

Furthermore, the nearest CRPF post is… pic.twitter.com/sovweGqHnS

— Official KSO Shillong (@kso_shillong) November 11, 2024

The officials also provided that the violence did not end with the gunfight itself; the suspected militants had also set fire to several shops and homes near Jakurador Karong market and Borobekra police station. 

This additional destruction has compounded the ongoing crisis in the area, displacing locals and escalating tensions. Security forces have launched further operations to “flush out” the militants, deploying reinforcements from the Assam Rifles, CRPF, and local police.

However, the deaths of the 11 individuals have sparked outrage and growing controversy. While the state has labelled them as militants, the Kuki-Zo community and several human rights advocates have questioned this identification. Many argue that these individuals may not have been militants at all and were instead civilians or non-combatants caught in the crossfire. This recurrent issue of labelling deceased individuals as militants, without independent investigations or clear evidence, has fuelled deep mistrust within the affected communities. The state’s narrative is seen by some as a convenient justification for the ongoing military operations and the suppression of ethnic groups in the region. The calls for impartial investigations into these deaths and the proper classification of the deceased are growing louder, with demands for transparency and justice.

In response to the deadly confrontation, the Kuki-Zo Council declared a shutdown in the hill areas from 5 am to 6 pm on November 12, to “express collective grief and solidarity” with those who lost their lives. 

Despite efforts from security forces to regain control of the area, including additional deployments and increased operations, clashes and intermittent gunfire continue to be reported, particularly in the Imphal Valley. Tensions remain high as armed groups from both the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities engage in violent confrontations, further exacerbating the already fragile security situation. The ongoing violence, coupled with the controversial handling of the deaths, has intensified calls for a comprehensive peace process that addresses the root causes of the conflict and ensures justice for all those affected.

Mounting ethnic tensions and humanitarian concerns amid Manipur’s escalating crisis

Manipur has been wracked by ethnic violence since last year, primarily between the valley-based Meitei community and the hill-based Kuki-Zo groups. The death of Zosangkim Hmar and other following incidents have intensified these divides, as Kuki-Zo leaders have publicly criticised what they see as the government’s inadequate response to the escalating violence. While central security forces have been deployed, many local residents feel that the conflict is being treated as a mere law-and-order issue, rather than a pressing humanitarian crisis that requires a more comprehensive approach.

The Kuki-Zo organisations and leaders have issued statements urging the government to take decisive action not only for immediate safety but also to establish long-term protections and ensure justice for the victims of the violence. In a statement, one Kuki-Zo spokesperson stressed the ongoing trauma faced by their communities, describing the emotional and physical toll of the violence and urging immediate intervention for peace and stability. As ethnic violence persists in regions like Jiribam and parts of Imphal Valley, residents express fear over worsening conditions and call for stronger, more proactive government involvement to prevent future bloodshed and support conflict-affected communities.

The recent string of violent incidents has also highlighted the precarious situation for farmers in Manipur’s conflict-prone areas, as attacks and gunfire from militants have disrupted the harvest season, with many farmers now fearful of working in the fields. The mounting crisis has displaced thousands, destroyed countless homes, and left hundreds of people dead, with local relief camps struggling to provide adequate shelter and resources. As the conflict between Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities continues, the region faces deepening humanitarian needs that many fears may take years to resolve, underscoring calls for a peace-building process that addresses both immediate security concerns and the underlying ethnic and political tensions fuelling the violence.

Deep homesickness among Manipur’s displaced despite government assistance

The violence that erupted in Manipur on May 3 last year has left a devastating mark, with over 60,000 people displaced, more than 230 killed, 1,500 injured, and 32 missing. Among the displaced are over 24,000 children under 18. Many internally displaced persons (IDPs) are currently living in government relief camps, feeling the pangs of homesickness as they enter another month away from their homes. According to a recent estimate, Manipur’s population has grown from 28.56 lakh in the 2011 Census to around 36.49 lakh in 2024, reflecting the vast scale of displacement in the state.

A report of the Hindustan Times provided an insight into the mental state of the people suffering through this displacement. Lucky, a displaced resident from Moreh, now at Porompat Relief Camp in Imphal East, told Hindustan Times that the government’s efforts to support IDPs have been largely appreciated. He noted that IDPs and displaced students (IDS) receive essential aid, including free education in nearby private and public schools. However, he emphasised that the peace process needs to accelerate to allow IDPs to finally return home.

The psychological toll on children, especially in the early months of displacement, has been severe. According to Lucky, many children experienced intense trauma, often crying and screaming in their sleep with haunting memories of the violence, expressing fears like, “Don’t hurt us” and “Don’t kill us.” The HT report also provides that there is a 12-year-old girl residing at another relief camp in Imphal West district shared her lingering fear of loud noises, saying, “They remind me of the night of May 3 in Churachandpur, when we were fleeing, and my father was assaulted trying to protect us.” Despite the resources at her new school, including uniforms, textbooks, and transportation, she expressed a longing to return home.

Her mother added that the government has organised free health camps and mental health awareness sessions, which have helped all ages to some extent. However, her daughter continues to miss her former friends and school in Churachandpur, longing for a return to normalcy.

The All Manipur School Students’ Transporter Association has shown solidarity with IDS, providing free van services for those who lost parents in the crisis, while offering discounted services to others. Additionally, on October 31, the National Tobacco Control Program and the District Health Society of Imphal East launched the “Tobacco-Free Youth Campaign 2.0” in response to the observed rise in tobacco use among youth in relief camps.

Lourembam Suresh, an IDP staying in Imphal, revealed how the crisis has driven many adults to tobacco use as a coping mechanism. “If I had a job, I might be able to cut down,” he admitted, emphasizing the need for greater employment opportunities within relief camps. Chief Medical Officer of Imphal East, Dr. Lourembam Indira, confirmed that mental health professionals have been visiting camps regularly to help address issues like increased school dropouts and substance use among displaced youth.

Mental health and economic challenges: Government efforts and unmet needs

Deputy Commissioner of Imphal East, Khumanthem Diana, addressed the media, acknowledging the lasting physical and mental effects of the crisis on IDPs. As per the HT report, she stressed the importance of continued health and mental health camps at the relief centers, while IDPs have also benefited from free counseling sessions provided by the government. In support of displaced families, Manipur Chief Minister N. Biren Singh recently announced a grant of ₹1,000 for each IDP to mark Diwali and Ningol Chakouba festivals, with an additional ₹1 lakh in financial support for each IDP family provided in installments.

However, not everyone finds comfort in financial aid. Bijita, an IDP at Sajiwa Relief Camp in Imphal East, voiced a poignant sentiment: “I don’t want any financial assistance for Ningol Chakouba. What I want is for IDP women to return to their homes as a gift for Ningol Chakouba.” Recalling how both her husband’s and maternal homes were destroyed, she expressed a yearning to celebrate in her ancestral home.

The violence has cast a shadow over Manipur’s cultural festivities, with traditional celebrations such as Diwali and Ningol Chakouba largely subdued. Nevertheless, Susila, an IDP from Churachandpur now relocated to the Alternate Housing Complex in Langol, Imphal West, observed some improvements in mental health for IDPs in her new surroundings, where 269 people have been settled. “Last year, we couldn’t celebrate Ningol Chakouba, but this year we’ve received invitations, and many of us are ready to participate,” she said, hinting at a cautious optimism.

Yet, even amidst such hope, economic challenges remain a pressing issue for IDPs without government jobs or stable incomes. The government has ensured that essential supplies are available, but as Susila pointed out, the long-term absence of employment opportunities continues to weigh on many, according to the HT report.

Related:

“Leaked Intelligence report” on alleged Kuki militants entering Manipur from Myanmar sparks panic, later retracted by authorities

Manipur plunges into deeper turmoil amid fresh violence and drone attacks since early September

Manipur on Edge: Violent Clashes Erupt on the day following Kuki-Zo Protests Demanding Separate Administration, action against state CM based on leaked tapes

The post Fresh violence grips Manipur: Clashes in Jiribam and widespread protests after rape and brutal killings appeared first on SabrangIndia.

That was more than five years ago and PLFS has come to be widely relied on data on one of the most important socio-political aspects of a developing country like India—unemployment—especially in lieu of the decennial Census not being conducted. This article aims to give an overview of the some of the key findings of the recent PLFS survey and the implications for the country. Before that, a brief background into various concepts is necessary.

Brief background

Labour Force Participation Rate: Defined as number of persons/ person-days in the labour force per 1000 persons/person-days, it is indicative of people who are seeking to work/working in the total Working Age Population. Working Age Population usually means people from the ages of 15 to 65.

Worker Population Ratio: Percentage of employed persons in the overall population.

Unemployment Rate: Percentage of unemployed among the labour force.

Activity Status-Usual Status: Activity Status of a person-determined on the basis of the activities pursued by a person during the specified reference period in this case 365 Days; Determined on the basis of usual principal activity and usual subsidiary economic activity of a person—PS + SS.

Activity-Current Weekly Status: Activity Status determined on the basis of reference period of last seven days preceding the date of survey—CWS.

 Key Indicators of unemployment

Table 1 Key Indicators of Unemployment, PLFS 2023-24.
Source: PLFS Annual Reports-2021-22;2022-23;2023-24.

Significant gender disparities in LFPR and WPR

The data for 2023-24 reveals significant insights into India’s labour market, particularly highlighting the disparity between Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR) and Worker Population Ratio (WPR). LFPR, which measures the proportion of people actively engaged in or seeking work, is notably high in both rural and urban areas for males, with rural male LFPR at 84.3% and urban male LFPR at 81.9%. However, female LFPR lags far behind, especially in urban areas where it stands at only 31.2%. This suggests that despite economic growth and urbanisation, social and structural barriers continue to restrict women’s access to the labour market, especially in cities where opportunities are concentrated.

However, despite the relatively high LFPR, the Worker Population Ratio (WPR)—which measures the proportion of the population that is actually employed—paints a different picture. WPR for all ages is significantly lower across the board, especially for females, with rural female WPR at just 34.8% and urban female WPR at a strikingly low 20.7%. The gap between LFPR and WPR indicates that a substantial portion of those who are seeking work are not able to find it, leading to a mismatch in labour demand and supply. This could point to structural unemployment, underemployment, or job market barriers, especially for women. The overall WPR of 45.6% in rural areas and 38.9% in urban areas further underscores that the economy is not generating enough jobs relative to the number of people willing to work.

This discrepancy is particularly concerning in a developing country like India, where rapid population growth and urban migration are placing increasing pressure on labor markets. Despite the high LFPR, especially among men, the inability to translate participation into actual employment, as indicated by the lower WPR, highlights deep inefficiencies in the job market. Women, both rural and urban, face additional challenges, and this could explain their lower participation and employment rates.

Education and unemployment

In rural India, the data shows that the labour force participation rate(LFPR) for persons of age 15 years or above of different level of education is highest for diploma/certificate course—83%— i.e., those who have a diploma/certificate course are interacting with the labour market at a higher rate than those at Postgraduate and higher level being at 78.1%.

In urban India too, this trend appears, albeit at a total of lesser percentage of people interacting with labour market. Only LFPR of the Diploma/Certificate Course finishers is 78%, followed by the LFPR of people who are post graduate and above being 67.3%.

The overall LFPR for holders of Diploma/Certificate—Urban and Rural—is 80.6% while it is 71% for postgraduate and above.

The story of Women-both in terms of Diploma Course and PG Course is grim.

The LFPR of Males overall for Diploma/Certificate Course is 89.3% while it is 89.4 % for Postgraduate and Above. On the contrary, the LFPR for Females who have done Diploma Courses is only 55.8%; it is 51.1% for women in Postgraduate and above.
Essentially, despite being equipped with similar education-at higher level or even technical-women are interacting way less with the labour market than men do.

Trends over the past three Years can be found here.

Table 2.0: Data of Employment Indicators for the years 2021-22, 2022-23 and 2023-24.

Source: PLFS Annual Reports-2021-22;2022-23;2023-24.

The data over the past three years reveals a consistent increase in the Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR) and Worker Population Ratio (WPR) for both rural and urban women across all age groups between 2021-2024, particularly for rural women. The LFPR for rural women in the 15 years and above category rose significantly from 36.6% in 2021-22 to 47.6% in 2023-24, while urban women saw a more modest rise from 23.8% to 28% during the same period. This suggests greater integration of women into the labour force, with rural areas witnessing a more pronounced shift, likely due to a combination of economic necessity and possibly greater access to employment opportunities outside traditional agriculture.

On the other hand, despite these gains, the unemployment rate for urban women remains higher compared to their rural counterparts. For instance, in the 15-29 years age group, the unemployment rate for urban women stood at 20.1% in 2023-24, whereas rural women had a lower unemployment rate of 8.2%. This disparity hints at structural challenges in urban areas, where higher female participation does not necessarily translate into employment, possibly due to skill mismatches or fewer suitable job opportunities. The rural-urban divide in both labor participation and unemployment highlights the differing socio-economic conditions that affect women’s integration into the workforce across regions.

Conclusion

Despite progress in education and qualifications, female labour force participation, especially in urban areas, remains significantly lower than that of men. This points to enduring social, structural, and economic barriers that hinder women’s full participation in the workforce.

At the same time, the overall Worker Population Ratio (WPR) and Unemployment Rate (UR) figures reveal a mismatch between the number of people seeking work and those actually employed. While labour force participation, particularly among men, has remained relatively high, the economy struggles to generate sufficient employment opportunities, as evidenced by lower WPRs and higher unemployment rates, particularly for young people and women.

While the PLFS data shows incremental improvements in certain areas, it underscores the need for targeted policies to bridge the gender gap in employment, address underemployment, and create more equitable labor market opportunities. Achieving sustainable economic development in India will require a comprehensive approach that fosters job creation, ensures gender inclusivity, and aligns educational outcomes with employment opportunities.

Related:

Union government data shows increasing employment, decreasing unemployment rate since 2018

CMIE Unemployment Data: HP & Punjab better than national average; Haryana has one of three persons jobless

Declining trend in unemployment rates in urban and rural areas: Ministry of Labour

The post Young persons & women among the most acutely unemployed: PLFS Annual Report, 2024 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Naik’s divisive comments come at a time when Pakistan is grappling with significant social, political, and economic challenges. His rhetoric—particularly against women and those raising concerns about child abuse—has been widely condemned as regressive, dangerous, and reflective of an ideology that marginalises vulnerable communities. His actions, whether it be walking out of an event for orphaned girls or making sexist comparisons between unmarried women and sex workers, and using sex workers as a slur, have sparked outrage across the country. Women’s rights activists, journalists, and everyday citizens have expressed disgust at how Naik’s words seek to reinforce patriarchal norms that strip women of their autonomy and dignity.

One of the most contentious remarks was made during a public lecture, where Naik claimed that unmarried women cannot be respected in society unless they marry men, even if the men are already married. His comparison of single women to “public property” or “bazaari aurat” has drawn sharp criticism, with many accusing him of dehumanising women and promoting misogynistic views that have no place in a modern society. Such comments, according to critics, not only reinforce harmful gender stereotypes but also encourage societal control over women’s bodies and choices, a hallmark of extremist ideology. These comments have broader implications, especially in a country like Pakistan, where women already face significant barriers in terms of rights and freedoms.

Further adding to his inflammatory rhetoric, Naik recently engaged in a troubling exchange with a Pashtun girl during a lecture at the Governor House in Karachi. The young woman bravely raised concerns about rising drug addiction, adultery, and paedophilia in her area. Rather than addressing these pressing issues, Naik dismissed her entirely, stating that paedophilia could not exist in an Islamic society and demanding that the girl apologise for even raising the question. His defensive and dismissive attitude angered many, with critics accusing him of gas lighting the young woman and ignoring the critical social problems she was trying to highlight. Paedophilia, child abuse, and drug addiction are serious concerns in parts of Pakistan, yet Naik’s refusal to engage with them reflects a dangerous disregard for the realities on the ground. By silencing those who speak up, he perpetuated a culture of denial and inaction.

What makes Naik’s rhetoric particularly dangerous is its capacity to act as religious dog-whistling—appealing to hard-line religious sentiments while subtly promoting misogyny, patriarchy, and an anti-progressive agenda. His comments are framed in religious language, making it harder for critics to challenge them without being accused of opposing Islamic values. This tactic, often used by religious extremists, plays on the sensitivities of devout communities, pushing them to accept regressive ideologies disguised as religious truth. In countries like Pakistan, where religious leaders hold significant sway, this kind of dog-whistling can have real-world consequences. It can fuel gender inequality, increase intolerance, and silence those who seek to address critical social issues.

Moreover, Naik’s controversial statements are not isolated incidents; they are part of a broader pattern of using religious rhetoric to reinforce conservative and patriarchal values. His dismissal of critical issues like paedophilia or drug addiction undermines efforts to tackle these problems within Pakistani society. Instead of addressing the legitimate concerns of the people, Naik’s responses seek to silence dissent, protect the status quo, and invalidate the experiences of those who suffer the consequences of social ills. This is not just harmful rhetoric; it actively discourages progress and reform, putting vulnerable populations at greater risk.

In a time when Pakistan is already struggling with deep socio-political divides, Naik’s presence and his hate-filled speeches are pouring fuel on an already volatile situation. His views provide justification for those who wish to maintain societal control over women, further marginalise already vulnerable communities, and dismiss important social issues as mere fabrications. The decision to invite him as a state guest has backfired, with growing frustration across the country and even among his supporters. Many feel that Naik’s brand of religious extremism has no place in a country striving for progress, equality, and justice.

Ultimately, Zakir Naik’s lecture tour in Pakistan has raised serious questions about the dangers of religious dog-whistling and its potential to inflame divisions, promote regressive ideologies, and silence the voices of those calling for reform. His words are not just offensive; they are dangerous, as they sow seeds of intolerance and misogyny, leaving lasting damage in their wake. By providing him with a platform, Pakistan risks legitimising an ideology that is at odds with the nation’s aspirations for a more just and equitable society.

Details of the derogatory speeches by Naik:

1. Refusal to present awards to young orphan girls (Islamabad)

One of the most shocking incidents occurred during an event for orphaned children in Islamabad. Naik was invited to present awards, but when it was time to give shields to the young girls, he abruptly left the stage, citing religious reasons. He stated that the girls were Na-Mahram, meaning they were unrelated to him by blood, and under his interpretation of Islamic law, it was inappropriate for him to interact with them. This act led to widespread outrage, with many accusing Naik of objectifying women and reducing young girls to mere symbols of sexual propriety, even in a context that should have been about honouring their achievements.

Sindh-based writer Zubair Soomro voiced the frustration of many critics, saying, “How could such clerics objectify women sexually? Why couldn’t he see these girls as daughters, with father-like love?” His actions were seen as not just an insult to the girls but also as a reflection of his regressive and patriarchal mind-set. This incident set the tone for the rest of Naik’s controversial tour and became a focal point for criticism on how he treats women and girls in his speeches and actions.

2. Misogynistic remarks about unmarried women (Lahore)

Naik further incited outrage during a large public gathering when he made demeaning comments about unmarried women, comparing them to “public property” if they do not marry. He argued that in society, an unmarried woman cannot be respected and that if there are no single men available, her only choice for respectability is to marry a man who already has a wife. Otherwise, he implied, she would become a “bazaari aurat” (public woman, implying a sex worker). His exact words, “There is no way an unmarried woman can be respected… any respectable woman would opt for marrying a married man over being public property,” drew condemnation from across Pakistan and beyond.

Either marry a married man or become a “bazaari aurat”. Zakir Naik is continuously coming up with problematic statements. Who invited him? Please don’t invite such illiterate people next time! pic.twitter.com/XmiXiKMgpS

— Saad Kaiser (@TheSaadKaiser) October 7, 2024

This comparison of unmarried women to sex workers, especially by talking about sex workers in a derogatory way, was seen as not only deeply offensive but also a dangerous endorsement of patriarchal control over women’s choices. Women’s rights activists, civil society groups, and many others denounced the statement for reducing women’s value to their marital status and suggesting that single women have no dignity unless they are attached to men. Naik’s statement reinforced a regressive and sexist narrative that places the blame on women for their status, reflecting a worldview that deeply disrespects and diminishes women’s autonomy.

3. Dismissal of concerns about paedophilia and drug addiction (Karachi)

In another disturbing incident during his lecture at the Governor House in Karachi, a young Pashtun girl raised concerns about growing issues like drug addiction, adultery, and paedophilia in her region. Naik’s response was dismissive and defensive. He claimed that her question was invalid because, according to him, in a truly Islamic society, paedophilia could not exist. When the girl attempted to elaborate on her concerns, particularly about the normalisation of paedophilia in her area, Naik interrupted her and demanded an apology for bringing up such a topic. He stated, “A Muslim can never commit sexual abuse against children,” and insisted that her concerns were unfounded, implying that either her claim of living in an Islamic society was false or the issue of paedophilia was fabricated.

Naik’s refusal to acknowledge the girl’s concerns, coupled with his demand for an apology, was met with sharp criticism online. Many accused him of gas lighting the girl and ignoring serious social issues, especially in regions like Khyber Pakhtunkhwa where concerns about child abuse and other crimes have been raised repeatedly. His tone was seen as condescending, and his refusal to engage in meaningful dialogue on such a critical issue highlighted his lack of empathy and understanding.

Zakir Naik, the most famous Muslim scholar in South Asia, gaslights a Pashtun girl when she questions the collapse of society caused by religious extremism.

pic.twitter.com/zxEoPeTeZE

— Habib Khan (@HabibKhanT) October 6, 2024

This incident worsened Naik’s already controversial standing in Pakistan, as many were angered by his disregard for the real and pressing issues faced by people, particularly women and children. His dismissive attitude towards a young woman brave enough to speak about such concerns added fuel to the fire of his growing unpopularity during the tour.

Zakir Naik’s inflammatory comments during his tour of Pakistan have sparked significant backlash, with each of the three instances representing different facets of his problematic worldview. From objectifying women to dismissing genuine societal concerns, Naik’s rhetoric continues to alienate not only his critics but also his followers, many of whom feel embarrassed by his actions. Despite being invited as a state guest, his reception in Pakistan has been marred by widespread discontent, particularly over the harmful and regressive views he espouses in his speeches. His tour, instead of fostering dialogue or religious understanding, has served to expose the deep-seated misogyny and disregard for critical social issues that underpin his ideology.

As news surfaced of Zakir Naik receiving a warm welcome in Pakistan, India condemned the gesture, while also noting that it was unsurprising. “We have seen reports of Zakir Naik being feted in Pakistan, where he was given a warm reception,” said External Affairs Ministry Spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal during his weekly press briefing. “It is not unexpected for us that an Indian fugitive has been received with high-level honours in Pakistan. While it is disappointing and condemnable, it doesn’t come as a surprise,” he had added. 

Outrage on social media

Pakistani actor and singer Ali Zafar, known for his roles in Bollywood films like Mere Brother Ki Dulhan, Dear Zindagi, and Chashme Baddoor, has strongly criticised Islamic preacher Zakir Naik for his controversial remarks about unmarried women. Naik’s recent comments, where he compared single women to “public property,” have sparked widespread outrage across Pakistan, with many condemning his statements.

Ali Zafar also voiced his disapproval, using social media to share his thoughts. In a post on X, he respectfully challenged Naik’s views, offering an alternative perspective. “With all due respect, Dr. Sahab, there is always a third option. A woman can lead a respectful and independent life, whether as a working professional, a mother, or both. She can choose her own path, just like millions of women around the world do, and they are equally respected by millions of men. The problem lies with those men who view them as ‘bazaari’,” Ali wrote.

The actor-singer further emphasised that the Quran teaches men to respect women, and that purity starts with one’s own actions. “Respect is always mutual, and that’s what the Quran teaches. On a personal note, I feel we (men, in general) have suppressed women for centuries, making them feel guilty for nothing. It’s time we correct ourselves first and let them flourish, allowing them to pursue their dreams as we do. I hope you won’t take offense to this healthy criticism. May peace be upon you,” Ali concluded.

With all due respect Dr. Sahab. There is always a third option.
A woman can live a respectful and independent life, being a working woman or a mother, or both together, or the life she chooses for herself, just like millions of women around the world do and are equally respected… https://t.co/cAISOeDxS6

— Ali Zafar (@AliZafarsays) October 9, 2024

There were more social media users who came out with their criticism against the comments made by Naik. One user remarked, “Stop inviting people like this to our country.” Another voiced their frustration, saying, “It’s baffling that the Pakistani state would invite Zakir Naik, given his track record of spreading intolerance and dogmatism. While India had the courage to ban him, we seem to roll out the red carpet. What does this say about our commitment to inclusivity and moderation?”

Another comment highlighted the irony: “If Zakir Naik hadn’t come to Pakistan, we might never have realized that India was right to ban both him and his Peace TV channel. We are always quick to label India as Islamophobic without considering their perspective on this issue.”

If Zakir Naik had not visited Pakistan, how would we have realized that India was right to ban both his entry & his Peace TV channel?

We are always quick to label India as Islamophobic without taking the time to understand/consider India’s perspective on their matters. pic.twitter.com/g2lNnGJXoF

— Hafsa Akram (@Hafsa_RG) October 7, 2024

One other user criticised Naik’s inflated ego: “Zakir Naik is a textbook case of power corrupting someone. He’s so full of himself that he can’t see beyond his own ego. It’s absurd that he’s given any honour when all he does is bask in undeserved praise, further feeding his misguided sense of greatness.”

One more user added: “Naik was clearly pandering to the extreme right-wing clerics in Pakistan, and in doing so, he made a fool of himself. His being invited as a state guest speaks volumes about the priorities of our government. It’s a sad state of affairs.”

Zakir Naik’s backward remarks like “Either marry a married man or become a ‘bazaari aurat’” are not only demeaning to women but reveal a mindset stuck in patriarchal thinking. Such individuals should not be given platforms. Let’s stop inviting figures who spread harmful ideas. pic.twitter.com/JfNOkqnNBH

— Daily_Dose_News (@DdnDose) October 8, 2024

The widespread backlash Naik has faced for his remarks is not surprising, as his statements not only reveal deep-seated misogyny but also promote an extremist interpretation of religion that should have no place in modern society. His comparison of unmarried women to “public property” is not just demeaning but dangerous, as it reinforces harmful stereotypes and justifies oppressive attitudes towards women. Such religious dog-whistling, where intolerance is disguised as piety, fosters extremism and divisiveness, undermining efforts to build an inclusive, respectful society. Naik’s rhetoric fans the flames of misogyny and intolerance, and allowing him a platform sends the wrong message—that such regressive views are acceptable.

It’s crucial to reject figures like Zakir Naik and to not offer them a space to spread their extremist ideas. Religious extremism, whether it comes in the form of hate speech or discriminatory ideologies, cannot be tolerated, as it poses a threat to both social cohesion and human rights. Naik’s views should be condemned unequivocally, and countries should be mindful of the message they send when they welcome figures known for spreading hate and division.

Related:

Suspended again: Deepak Sharma’s relentless cycle of hate across multiple social media accounts

Hate Speech by Zakir Naik: Painful punishment awaits those who abuse the Prophet

Zakir Naik Showcases the Rot within Islamic Theology

Why social media giants must identify and remove Zakir Naik’s hate speech

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In the last few weeks in Uttarakhand, several incidents of atrocities on women have taken place, including incidents in Rudrapur, Dehradun, Salt and Lalkuan. The most worrying thing is that leaders of the ruling BJP are accused of such atrocities in Salt and Lalkuan, but in these cases, at first the police did not even arrest the accused and then appear to be trying to minimise the crime by using weaker sections of the law.

However, in the same weeks, some organisations and individuals have attacked innocent people on the basis of religion in Kirtinagar, Chamoli, Rudraprayag, Dehradun and other places on the pretext of women’s safety.  In Kirtinagar and Chamoli, Muslim families have even been driven from their homes. The signatories have, in their statement and letter, recalled that in 2023, a similar criminal campaign took place centred around Purola town of Uttarkashi, and later it was found that the alleged molestation incident was completely fake. Till date, no action has been taken against any of the people or organisations responsible for all these criminal incidents.

Overall, the signatories have stated that the Uttarakhand government has failed to provide security to women and the public, while it seems that criminals associated with the ruling party and their organisations are getting protection. The signatories have further demanded that the Governor direct the government to take strict action in any incident of crimes against women and hate crimes, irrespective of the religion, caste or political affiliation of the criminal.

The full text of the open letter may be read here:

To

His Excellency the Governor

Government of Uttarakhand

Your Excellency,

“We would like to express our grave concern about events in the state of Uttarakhand. The state has always been known for peace, harmony and popular movements, but now, hate-driven violence is being spread to divert attention from crimes against women and the alleged role of politicians in these crimes. At a time when lakhs of people across the country are fighting on the streets for the safety and rights of women, other types of crimes are being promoted in Uttarakhand to conceal these crimes.

“Your Excellency, in recent weeks, there have been many incidents of atrocities against women, including incidents in Rudrapur, Dehradun, Salt and Lalkuan. The most worrying thing is that both the alleged rapist of a minor girl in Salt and the alleged rapist of a mother and her minor daughter in Lalkuan are leaders in the ruling BJP. First, the police did not even arrest them; now, they are said to be applying more lenient sections of the law in order to shield them.

“Even as public outrage was rising on these issues, a few organisations and individuals have started hate violence and propaganda in the name of women’s safety.

“On August 31, shops of innocent shopkeepers were vandalised in Chamoli, and their money was looted. According to press reports, at least ten families had to flee from there. Similar incidents have taken place in Kirtinagar, and communal boards have been installed in Rudraprayag.  In Dehradun after some people were beaten up there have been continuous efforts to vitiate the atmosphere, and in the Press Club a speech was made openly inciting violence and hatred, calling for Hindus to carry weapons and for Uttarakhand to be “Muslim free”. More such incidents are happening on a near daily basis in the state. All these crimes are being committed under the pretext that a person from the minority community has been accused of molestation.

“We would also like to remind the government that in 2023, a month-long criminal campaign was launched in Purola town of Uttarkashi on similar allegations, due to which dozens of families had to flee. But as the district court revealed in May, that entire supposed molestation incident was a hoax. The people responsible for those hate crimes, some of whom are engaged in such activities at present, have never faced any consequences.  Indeed, the opposite is happening – the Sunday Post newspaper has revealed that some police officials themselves were spreading hate propaganda on their WhatsApp groups.

“Overall, the Uttarakhand government has failed to protect women and the public, while criminals associated with the ruling party and their organisations seem to be getting protectiom. Instead of conducting a fair investigation, the Chief Minister is trying to blame “outsiders” and minorities for crimes against women. This is against our Constitution and a betrayal of the women of Uttarakhand and the country.

“We therefore request you to immediately direct the government to establish rule of law, and take strict action against perpetrators of crimes against women and hate crimes, irrespective of the religion, caste or political affiliation of the culprit.”

Signatories:

Organisations:

1. All India Feminist Alliance
2. Meera Sanghamitra, NAPM
3. National Council of Women Leaders
4. Afqaar India Foundation
5. Revolutionary Youth Association (RYA)
6. Feminists in Resistance
7. Bebak Collective
8. Swavalamban Samaj Vikas Sanstha
9. Sambhaavnaa Institute
10. Vann Gujjar Tribal Yuva Sangathan
11. Indian Community Activists Network (ICAN)
12. Janashakthi
13. Ram Kumar, Dynamic Action Group
14. Forum Against Oppression of Women
15. Van panchayat Sangarsh Morcha
16. Chandan Saroj, AISF
17. Rajesh Kanoje, Adivasi Mukti Sangathan
18. MNREGA Mazdoor Union
19. Dalit Adhikar Abhiyan, Chhattisgarh
20. Ambika Yadav, Jharkhand Kisan Parishad
21. Vertika Mani, Secretary PUCL
22. People’s Campaign for Sociology-Economic Equity
23. Swaraj India
24. LaMakaan
25. Chetna Andolan
26. Paigam Network
27. ALIFA, Aurangabad
28. Ramjeewan, SYM
29. ALIFA Aurangabad
30. Kailash Ram, Khet Majdur Kisan Sangram Samiti
31. People’s Alliance
32. Nanga Baiga Jan Shakti Sangathan
33. Jai Adivasi Yuva Sangathan (JAYS)
34. Utkal Sarvodaya Mandal
35. Shramik Mukti Dal
36. Pratinidhi Sanstha
37. Samita Snehi, Loktantrik Rastriya
38. Sanjha Sanskritik Manch
39. Mahendra, Mirzapur Forum
40. Kosar Jahan, Sagathin Kisan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur

41.Bhundhelkhand Dalit Adhikar Manch

42. Awadh Youth Collective
43. UP Land Forum
44. Delhi Forum, New Delhi
45. Uttarakhand Mahila manch
46. Himal Prakriti
47. Samadrusti MEDIA
48. All India Yuva Bharat
49. Bihar Ambedkar Vidyarthi Manch (BASF)
50. National Youth Equity Forum (NYEF)
51. Vijay Kumar, Loktantrik Manch (MP)
52. Himdhara Collective

Individuals:

1. Advocate Taniya Laskar, Assam
2. Rupa Mehta, Gujarat
3. Maimoona AM, New Delhi
4. Paromita Dutta, West Bengal
5. Shahista Khan, Rajasthan
6. Elina Horo, Jharkhand
7. Ranjana Padhi, Orissa
8. Amrita Howlader, West Bengal
9. Nazma Iqbal, Uttrakhand
10. Arvind Murti, UP
11. Shadab, UP
12. Shabana Diler, Maharashtra
13. Poushali Basak, West Bengal
14. Nisha Biswas, West Bengal
15. Hameedullah Shaik, Andhra Pradesh
16. Kausar Ansari, Maharashtra
17. Saddik Hussain Barlaskar, Assam
18. Hasina, Maharashtra
19. Maivish, Maharashtra
20. Shaista, Maharashtra
21. Gulshad, Maharashtra
22. Biraj, Maharashtra
23. Pooja, Maharashtra
24. Heman, Gujarat
25. Maanasee Hatkar, Haryana
26. Shivam Kumar, UP
27. Atul, Uttrakhand
28. Arshad Ali, UP
29. Sitara, Rajasthan
30. Rajesh Ramakrishnan, Tamil Nadu
31. Arundhati Dhuru, UP
32. Neetisha Xalxo, Jharkhand
33. Mohit Chatterjee, West Bengal
34. Prakash Louis, Bihar
35. Rupali Jadhav, Maharashtra
36. Roop Rekha Verma, UP
37. Hamza, Maharashtra
38. Sujatha Guthoskar, Maharashtra
39. Anand Mazgaonkar, Gujarat
40. Susan John, Kerala
41. Ranjana Kanhere, Maharashtra
42. Retd. Professor, JNU
43. Father Tony, Jharkhand
44. Malti Deshmukh, Maharashtra
45. Lokesh Malti Prakash, Madhya Pradesh
46. Ashish Ranjan, Bihar
47. Qamar, New Delhi
48. Shanda, Uttrakhand
49. Vinay, Uttrakhand
50. Mahender Mishra, UP
51. Satyalaxmi Rao, Bengaluru
52. Navsharan Singh, New Delhi
53. Tajammul, UP
54. Richa Singh, UP
55. Vidyun S, New Delhi
56. Kanupriya, Chandigarh
57. Kamaxi Bhate, Maharashtra
58. Prerna, Maharashtra
59. Shweta, New Delhi
60. Lal Prakash Raahi, UP
61. Dashrath Jadhav, Maharashtra
62. Abu Taher Sheikh, Assam
63. Sarfaraz, Bihar
64. Individual, New Delhi
65. Sujit Ghosh, New Delhi
66. Archana Lakra, Jharkhand
67. Sarojini Devi, Punjab
68. DK Bodake, Maharashtra
69. Abhishek Anand, Bihar
70. Dr. Qudsia Anjum, UP
71. Lukman Ali, UP
72. Lal Singh Gamit, Gujarat
73. Sunita, Rajasthan
74. Prithvi R Sharma
75. Individual, Rajasthan
76. Dr. Lata Pujari, Maharashtra
77. Upendra Shankar, Rajasthan
78. Ashutosh, Himachal Pradesh
79. Chanda Nimbkar, Maharashtra
80. Dattatray D Kenjale, Maharashtra
81. Individual, Maharashtra
82. Pramod Majumdar, Maharashtra
83. Rajan Kumbhar Artist, Maharashtra
84. Vandana Palsane, Maharashtra
85. Salokha, Maharashtra
86. Individual, MP
87. Tarique Shafique, UP
88. Anwesh Bhattacharya, West Bengal
89. Gurmeet, UP
90. Gufran, UP
91. Sister Maya, Rajasthan
92. Maruti Bansode, Maharashtra
93. Tanu Rastogi, Uttarakhand
94. Samiksha Ratnapal Lote, Maharashtra
95. Individual, West Bengal
96. Sudarshana Chakraborty, West Bengal
97. JK, Maharashtra
98. Raja bhaiya, UP
99. Harsh bhakuni, Uttrakhand
100. Sho/Sohini, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan

The post Stop using politics of hate to hide failure to protect women and their rights: Open Letter to Uttarakhand Govt appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The symposium suggested safety and social audits of cities and institutions, gender sensitisation at all levels, and collaboration with professional institutions and organisations. NHRC Secretary General Shri Bharat Lal highlighted the challenges faced by women, especially those between 18-30 years, in the workforce and public spaces. Director General Shri Ajay Bhatnagar emphasized the need to address unequal power dynamics and involve men and boys in making society safe for women. Joint Secretary Smt. Anita Sinha stressed the need for collective prevention efforts to address the trauma faced by women.

Representatives from various ministries, national commissions, and police reflected upon several initiatives that have been taken by the government to ensure women’s safety in the workplace and public spaces. Some of the initiatives discussed include the Nirbhaya Fund, Mission Shakti, the Safe City Project, SHE-Box 2.0, and increased surveillance by police through CCTV cameras, lighting of dark spots in the city, gender sensitization programmes at the school and college level, and other similar programmes.

Some of the suggestions among others that emanated during the discussions were as follows;

1. Safety and social audits of cities and institutions need to be carried out to get a better idea about the lags and issues that currently exist in terms of ensuring women’s safety when they enter the workplace and public spaces, preferably in collaboration with professional institutions and organizations;
2. Better implementation of laws is needed to make sure that policies translate into tangible outcomes to improve the safety of women both at home, and outside;
3. Have gender sensitization at all levels including schools, colleges, workplaces, top management of all major organizations, as well as in law enforcing systems, to adopt a preventive approach towards women’s safety with the help of civil society;
4. Media in all its manifestations also needs to have guidelines for reporting crimes against women;
5. Concentrated efforts need to be made to encourage bystander intervention in reporting crimes;
6. As a society, the issue of women’s safety must be seen as a collective responsibility of all. It is imperative to collaborate productively rather than reacting once a major incident has occurred;
7. Ensure all workplaces with working and proactive Internal Complaints Committees (ICC) to make women feel safe and comfortable.

The Commission will further deliberate upon more such inputs to finalise its recommendations. The symposium was attended by Ms. Meenakshi Negi, Member Secretary, NCW, Ms. Rupali Banerjee Singh, Member Secretary, NCPCR, Shri Pritam Yashwant Joint Secretary, MoWCD, Ms. Chhaya Sharma, Spl. Commissioner(Training), Delhi Police, Ms. Meeran Chadha Borwankar, former IPS, Ms. Kanta Singh, Deputy Representative, UN Women India, Shri Virat Bhatia, Managing Director, Apple India, Smt. Jai Shri Sharma, GM-HR, Delhi Metro Rail Corporation, Shilpa Lavania, VP-Human Resources, Invest India, Kiran Bishnoi, Sr AVP – Legal, Invest India, Prof. Ritu Gupta, Professor of Law at National Law University Delhi, Ms. Suneeta Dhar, Co-founder SAWF IN, Ms. Barsha Chakravorty, Head of Media, Breakthrough Trust, Ms. Amrita Thakur, Project Manager, Jagori, Ms. Poulomi Pal, Programme Specialist – EVAW, UN Women India.

Related:

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Uttar Pradesh has highest number of cases “closed by the NHRC without reason”: NHRC data

Nothing ‘Right’ about India’s Human Rights Commission

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